The Friendship Network of Matilda of Tuscany Reconstructing Matilda's Motivation and Ideology Through the Lens of Her Individu

THE FRIENDSHIP NETWORK OF MATILDA OF TUSCANY RECONSTRUCTING MATILDA’S MOTIVATION AND IDEOLOGY THROUGH THE LENS OF HER INDIVIDUAL RELATIONSHIPS

By

Francesca Guerri

A Dissertation

Presented to the Department,

of History

University of Houston

In Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

To my husband Marco, and to my children Giulio, Claudia, Cecilia and Livia, without their

exceptional and loving presence in my life none of this would have been possible and to my

beloved aunt Sonia.

ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

On the very outset of this report, I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to the members of my committee.

First and foremost, I want to thank my advisor, Professor Sally N. Vaughn, for the success and completion of my dissertation is deeply accredited to her. She has given me the opportunity to research such an extraordinary topic and provided me with invaluable guidance throughout this process. Her vision, passion, and enthusiasm have profoundly inspired me. Dr. Vaughn not only spent countless hours correcting my English but also taught me a rigorous method of research, controlled by evidence. Leading by example, she has shown me how curiosity is the very spark of every research and great discovery. She enabled me to deepen my work in every aspect, encouraging me to look at the subject from every possible perspective. I would not have been able to do this without her unwavering guidance and support.

I would also like to express my deepest appreciation for Professor Paolo Golinelli.

From the very onset he was willing to give relentless support, even with the obstacle of the distance he reviewed my work and gave important feedback. His extensive knowledge of this topic allowed me to learn and grow with every conversation. He reviewed every source, note, and argument meticulously, while always remaining kind and available to help. Most of all, Dr. Golinelli taught me that history is not an accumulation of information from the past, but rather a study of personal experience. He taught me to look at my research from a human point of view, which was then crucial in my understanding of the subject and allowed me to deepen the exploration of my sources.

iii I am also extremely grateful for Professor Catherine F. Patterson; I had the pleasure of taking two classes with her and working with her for my Comprehensive exams.

Throughout this path, she made sure that all the important issues were understood and discussed. She challenged me with questions and comments over the course of my Ph.D. studies and pushed me to look at every subject from different points of view. Thanks to her I acquired a method of enquiring that I will be able to apply for all my years to come in this field. Lastly, I am very grateful that she has taught me how to structure my works and write in a more powerful, and more efficient way.

I would also like to extend my sincere thanks to Professor Judith B. Steinhoff, for her guidance and friendship. She is an inspiration for me, her new approach to interpreting the artistic evidence taught me how to look at artwork, not as a nice illustration, but as evidence that can help define and support an argument. Something that I was able to utilize in my thesis and was a crucial breakthrough for my argument. Last but not least, her constant support and interest in my work was a great stimulus and encouragement throughout my whole path.

I’d also wish to thank Professor Sara Fishman, who, even though I have not had the pleasure of having her as a professor, she so willingly accepted to be part of my committee and has always shown kindness and availability to review my work.

I must thank Professor Richard M. Mizelle, Director of Graduate Studies. He was especially kind and accommodating to my complicated situation and ultimately allowed for my Dissertation Defense to take place.

In addition to my committee members, I wish to thank Professor Francesca

D’Alessandro Behr, without her I would not be where I am today. When I began pondering

iv the possibility of beginning my Ph.D., she showed immense support in every way and lovingly accompanied me ever since. She even went so far as to spend hours correcting my

Latin translations for my thesis.

I want to thank Professor C. Stephen Jaeger. While researching I had observed a striking similarity between the prayers of Peter Damian, Anselm of Lucca, and Anselm of

Canterbury but was skeptical of the accuracy and validity of this intuition. However, when I discussed this with him, he encouraged me to dig deeper and continue on this path and told me that it was a brilliant idea. Without him I would never have taken the risk and developed this investigation and consequently would not have discovered what I did. For this, I will forever have immense gratitude towards Jaeger.

I also wanted to give a special thanks to Professor Tiziana Lazzari who, during my research, was so kind as to meet me and gave extremely helpful advices as well as invaluable insights on my topic. She is also the reason why I published my article in 2018 and I cannot thank her enough.

I cannot begin to express my thanks to Dr. Dominic F. Aquila. His discrete but powerful mentorship, starting from the recommendation letter he wrote to support my Ph.D. application at the University of Houston, has been a constant instrument in my success. He has continued to support and inspire me throughout this journey of many years and for this,

I am deeply indebted to him.

I also wanted to thank the History Department at the University of Houston and our

Graduate advising assistant Mrs. Daphyne Pitre for their support and kind assistance all these years. They created a space where I could always feel at home. The professors and administrators were willing to give constant help and accommodate my situation.

v Specifically, for my difficult circumstance, working from Dubai, I was faced with many obstacles to overcome, but all of the Department was ready to help and arrange accommodations for me. Thanks to this group of people, I never stopped working even in the face of numerous challenges.

In addition, I would like to thank my “Friendship Network”, Paolo Nanni, Carlo

Torniai, Cecilia Bellucci, Eveline Barbieri, Carlos Monroy, Kristina Leyden, Carlos Rivera,

Elisabetta Ciaccia, Paolo Zaffaroni, Diane Aquila, Julie Sarpy, Giulia Guerri, Silvia Guerri,

Amanda Pekowski, Silvia Fasana, and Roberto Avallone, who has sustained my journey with their special companionship.

Finally, I am extremely grateful to my husband Marco and my children Giulio,

Claudia, Cecilia and Livia who supported and encouraged me to embark on this adventure.

Throughout these years, they continued to believe in me, even during difficult times. Our conversations at the dinner table, their acute inquiries, and their curiosity in my work inspired me with new questions and new ways to research. A special thanks to my husband, without his love and support I would have given up my studies a long time ago but instead, he encouraged me and acted as a support system I could always fall back on. My sincere thanks to my daughter Claudia, who generously gave her time during the last two weeks of insane revising, helping with proofreading and suggestions. Finally, my gratitude goes to my mother who first gave me the opportunity to pursue my education, even though she expressed concern for this new endeavor, she sustained and helped me by any and all means.

vi

ABSTRACT

Matilda of Tuscany (1046-1115) was one of the most significant female figures in the

European Middle Ages. Matilda was the countess and duchess of a vast domain, stretching from Lombardy to the region of Latium, which she ruled in her own right. While a vassal of the German emperors and related to them by blood bonds, she assisted seven popes, thus determining the fate of the Investiture Controversy and, eventually, of the entire

Christendom. Matilda successfully defended the reform party and defeated the powerful army of Emperor Henry IV. Although the countess’s exceptional story empowered her alone, as ruler in her own domains, she never acted in isolation. Human relationships were at the center of Matilda’s existence; friendship was an essential way to gain political alliances, to advance the ideals of reform, and to access the Divine.

I have shown how Matilda’s concept of friendship was based upon models provided by exemplary women who, before the countess, were vigorously involved with the defense of church reform and absorbed in intense correspondence with passionate reformers. My work demonstrated that these models introduced a new perception of lay female rulership and spirituality and were crucial examples for Matilda.

However, Matilda’s extraordinary life, position of power, remarkable devotion, and the particular political setting of the Investiture Controversy would encourage the countess and her most important spiritual and political advisors to seek a redefinition of the meaning of political and spiritual friendship. Indeed, I have shown that Matilda’s intense and reciprocal relationships with the members of her entourage and, most of all, with Pope Gregory VII,

Anselm II bishop of Lucca, and Anselm of Bec and Canterbury served as significant triggers for the new language of friendship and new spiritual developments, which transformed the image of women, renovated the language of prayers, and set in motion a change of religious sentiments.

ix TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ...... 1

Chapter 1: Matilda’s Model of Friendship: A New Perspective ...... 59

Chapter 2: “Si diligor ut diligo, nullum mortalium mihi preponi a vobis cognosco”: Pope Gregory VII and Matilda of Tuscany: Caritas, Love, Political Partnership, and Friendship…………………………………………………………………………..96

Chapter 3: Matilda of Tuscany and Anselm of Lucca: Reciprocal Friendship and Communion of Ideals ...... 154

Chapter 4: Anselm of Canterbury and Matilda of Tuscany: The Journey of Friendship .....190

Chapter 5: The Friendship Between Anselm of Canterbury and Matilda of Tuscany: A Spiritual Model ...... 224

Chapter 6: Reconstructing Matilda’s Relationship with Countess Ida of Boulogne, Lotharingia, and the World of Northern Europe ...... 261

Chapter 7: A New Perspective on Human Bonds and the Language of Prayers: Matilda of Tuscany, Peter Damian, John of Fécamp, Anselm of Lucca, and Anselm of Canterbury ...... 303

Conclusion ...... 332

Bibliography ...... 346

x LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Matilda of Tuscany’s Genealogy ...... 20 Table 2: Family Connections Between Matilda of Tuscany, Beatrice of Lotharingia and Tuscany, Agnes of Poitou, and Adelaide of Turin and Susa...... 63

Table 3: Family Connections Between the House of Canossa, the House of Turin and Susa, and Anselm of Canterbury ...... 192

Table 4: Genealogy of the House of Ardennes-Bouillons and connections with the House of Canossa ...... 267

LIST OF MAPS

Map 1: Matilda of Tuscany’s Domains in Central and Northern Italy ...... 36 Courtesy of Eugenio Riversi, in E. RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa: tensioni e contraddizioni nella vita di una nobildonna medievale (Bologna, 2014), p. 133.

Map 2: Lotharingia and the Western Empire ...... 264 Courtesy of Routledge Press

Map 3: Matilda's Network in Northern Europe ...... 280

Map 4: Area of Matilda's Domains in Lotharingia ...... 282 Courtesy of Eugenio Riversi, in E. Riversi, Matilde di Canossa: tensioni e contraddizioni nella vita di una nobildonna medievale (Bologna, 2014), p. 97.

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Matilda of Tuscany ...... 18 Vita Mathildis, Dedication Page, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 7v. From the Facsimile Edition of the Codex, Jaca Book (Milan 1984).

Figure 2: Adalberto Atto with his Wife Hildegard and their three Sons: Rudolf, Godfrey, and Tedald ...... 22 Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 20v. From the Facsimile Edition of the Codex, Jaca Book (Milan 1984).

Figure 3: The Acquisition of the Relics of St. Apollonio, by Adalberto Atto (First Tier) and the Acquisition of the Monopoly over the Relics of St. Victor and St. Corona (Second Tier) ...... 25 xi Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 19r. From the Facsimile Edition of the Codex, Jaca Book (Milan 1984).

Figure 4: Matilda’s Grandparents, Tedald and Willa, with their Children Tedald, Bishop of Arezzo, Boniface, Future Duke of Tuscany and Father of Matilda, and Conrad ...... 27 Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 21v. From the Facsimile Edition of the Codex, Jaca Book (Milan 1984).

Figure 5: Boniface of Tuscany ...... 31 Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 28v. From the Facsimile Edition of the Codex, Jaca Book (Milan 1984).

Figure 6: Beatrice of Lotharingia ...... 31 Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 30v. From the Facsimile Edition of the Codex, Jaca Book (Milan 1984).

Figure 7: Emperor Henry IV on his Knees before Hugh of Cluny and Matilda ...... 38 Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 49r. From the Facsimile Edition of the Codex, Jaca Book (Milan 1984).

Figure 8: Matilda Hands Over the Prayers and Meditations to Anselm of Canterbury ...... 242 Austria, Admont MS, 289 Stiftsbibliothek, f. 1v.

Figure 9: The Abbot of Monte Cassino Offering Codices and Possessions to St. Benedict ...... 244 Rome, Biblioteca Vaticana, codex. Lat. Casin. 1202, f. 17v.

Figure 10: Abbot John Offering the Original Manuscript of the Commentary Upon the Rule of St Benedict to St Benedict ...... 247 Codex 175, Monte Cassino, Archivio dell'Abbazia, cod. 175, f. 2.

Figure 11: Majestas Domini ...... 249 Codex 175, Monte Cassino, Archivio dell'Abbazia, cod. 175, f. 2.

Figure 12: Christ Enthroned between Anselm of Canterbury and Matilda...... 250 Austria, Admont, MS. 289, Stiftsbibliothek f. 2v.

Figure 13: The Virgin ...... 253 Austria, Admont, MS. 289, Stiftsbibliothek, f. 21v.

xii Figure 14: St. Peter Delivered from Prison ...... 255 Austria, Admont, MS. 289, Stiftsbibliothek, f. 40r.

Figure 15: Legend of St. Benedict ...... 256 Austria, Admont, MS. 289, Stiftsbibliothek, f. 80v.

Figure 16: St. John Leaving his Wife ...... 258 Austria, Admont, MS. 289, Admont, MS. 289, Stiftsbibliothek, f. 56r.

Figure 17: Emma Receiving the Encomium ...... 337 The Encomium of Queen Emma, codex 22241, British Library.

Figure 18: Matilda of Tuscany ...... 337 Vita Mathildis, Dedication Page, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 7v.

xiii Introduction

“Everything I can sing regarding such a great woman is much less than she deserves”:1

Friendship, Power, and Spirituality in Matilda’s Life

Until recent times, Matilda of Tuscany (1046-1115),2 one of the most significant female figures of the European Middle Ages, was mostly neglected by English scholarship.

Even in feminist and gender studies, Matilda has been overlooked. Matilda ruled in her own right, the countess and duchess of a vast domain which stretched from Lombardy to the region of Latium. Both a vassal of the German emperors and related to them by blood bonds, her profuse service to seven popes determined the fate of the Investiture Controversy and, eventually, of all Christendom.3 She successfully defended the reform party and destroyed the powerful army of Emperor Henry IV; during her lifetime and long after the countess was praised as a mighty ruler and military leader. While the countess’s exceptional story empowered her, alone, as ruler in her own domains, she never acted in isolation. Human relationships were at the center of Matilda’s existence. Friendship was an essential way to gain political alliances, to advance the ideals of reform, and to access the Divine.

Although European scholarship on Matilda of Tuscany is substantial, her life and motivations have not been explored through the unique lens of friendship. In this study, I will

1“Quicquid ego possum de tanta dicere prorsus… minus est, plus ipsa meretur” DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 2, vv. 14-15. 2 Through this dissertation, the Matilda to whom I refer to is always Matilda of Tuscany unless otherwise specified. 3 For More information on the conflict between Church and State (Regnum and Sacerdotium) see: U. R. BLUMENTHAL, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia, 1988).

1 take into consideration a diverse and heterogeneous array of sources, such as charters, biographies, letters, pamphlets, biblical commentaries, the lives of saints, chronicles, prayer collections, theological treatises, and manuscript illuminations. New analysis of this evidence allows a close examination of the bonds Matilda shared, throughout her childhood and youth, with some of the most prominent women of her kin, including Empress Agnes of Poitou,

Beatrice of Tuscany, Adelaide of Turin and Susa, and Ida of Boulogne. This study shows that

Matilda’s concept of friendship was based upon models provided by these exemplary women who, before the countess, were vigorously involved with the defense of church reform and absorbed in intense correspondence with passionate reformers, who clearly valued women’s rulership, and believed that female power was crucial for the advancement of reform. My analysis will show that these models introduced a new perception of lay female rulership and spirituality and were a crucial example for Matilda.

Moreover, analysis of the significant friendships the countess established with her three most important spiritual advisors – the revolutionary Pope Gregory VII (1073-85);

Anselm II Bishop of Lucca (1075-1085), an intellectual and passionate reformer; and the prominent philosopher and theologian Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury (1093-1109) – illustrates the decisive role these personal, political, and spiritual bonds played in the establishment and maintenance of Matilda's power as well as her devotion and religious motivations. It was certainly her spiritual and political relationships which allowed Matilda to preserve and enhance her authority. At the same time, the countess did not submit to the authority of these advisors. On the contrary, her actions demonstrate a strong female identity and a determination to pursue her own political advantage and spiritual principles.

This study argues that Matilda, described by these churchmen as an extraordinary

2 female figure and an example of both exceptional rulership and devotion, not only contributed to and inspired the flourishing of friendship in the eleventh and twelfth centuries but actively promoted a change in spirituality. This change transformed the image of women and fostered a new way to practice devotion to Christ and his suffering, directing a new attention to his compassionate and grieving mother and illuminating her fundamental role.4

Thus, this study challenges the recent paradigm which marks Anselm of Canterbury and the

Anglo-Norman world as the sole agents and originators of this revolutionary development in

European thought and feeling.

Moreover, my exploration, while measuring the extent of Matilda’s political and spiritual agency and her autonomous authority, will advance a different narrative in relation to the current historiography, a historiography which has claimed women’s power to inherit and act independently decreased between the eleventh and twelfth century. In the same vein, the general argument typically describes reformers as misogynists; this work provides an alternative view. My investigation will demonstrate that, on the contrary, reformers not only encouraged women’s rulership but also highly valued and promoted female spirituality.

The Scholarship

English scholarship, until recently, has mostly neglected Matilda of Tuscany. There are two

English-language biographies of Matilda, written at the beginning of the twentieth century by

4 “In the second half of the eleventh century we see the resolution of woman as vessel of evil into woman the vessel of virtue”, C. S. JAEGER, Ennobling Love: In Search of a Lost Sensibility (Philadelphia, 1999), p. 105. 3

Nora Duff and Mary Huddy,5 as well as a study of Matilda’s Gospel, published in 1973 by

Robert Rough, which investigates Matilda’s life and interactions with her entourage.6

Additionally, the essential works of I. S. Robinson and H. E. J. Cowdrey on the Investiture

Controversy and their biographies of Gregory VII and Henry IV include important information regarding the life of the countess.7 A greater interest in the powerful countess began to take root in Anglo-Saxon countries in the twenty-first century. Both David Hay and

Valerie Eads investigated Matilda as a war leader; their accounts make use of an extensive number of sources and are valuable instruments for the study of the countess.8 However, both scholars investigate through a narrow military perspective which limits interpretation of

Matilda’s life and overall ideology. Michele Spike’s novel is a passionate and colorful biography of the life of Matilda in which the author speculates on a passionate love story between pope Gregory VII and the countess. This interesting work is also a vibrant journey through castles, cathedrals, and places at the center of Matilda’s life. Spike also published a valuable guide to the many churches the countess built throughout Italy.9 Penelope Nash

5 N. DUFF, Matilda of Tuscany: La Gran Donna d'Italia (London, 1909); M. E. HUDDY, Matilda, Countess of Tuscany (London, 1906). 6 R. H. ROUGH, The Reformist Illumination in the Gospel of Matilda, Countess of Tuscany (The Hague, 1973). 7 I. S. ROBINSON, The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century: Lives of Pope Leo IX and Pope Gregory VII (Manchester, 2004); Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest: The Polemical Literature of the Late Eleventh Century (Manchester, 1978); The Papacy: Continuity and Innovation (Cambridge, 1990); Henry IV of Germany 1056-1106 (Cambridge, 2003); “Political Allegory in the Biblical Exegesis of Bruno of Segni”, Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale (1983), l, pp. 69–98; “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII”, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 63, 207 (1978), pp. 1-22. H. E. J. COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085 (Oxford, 1998); The Epistolae Vagantes of Pope Gregory VII (Oxford,1972); The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085: An English Translation (Oxford, 2002); Lanfranc: Scholar, Monk, and Archbishop (Oxford, 2003); Popes, Monks, and Crusaders (London,1984); The age of abbot Desiderius: Montecassino, the Papacy and the Normans in the eleventh and early twelfth centuries (Oxford, 1996). 8 D. J. HAY, The military leadership of Matilda of Canossa, 1046-1115 (Manchester, 2008; V. EADS, Mighty in War: The Role of Matilda of Tuscany in the War between Pope Gregory VII and Emperor Henry IV, Ph.D. Dissertation (New York, 2000). On this theme see also: FRASER, A., The Warrior Queens (New York, 2004). 9 M. K. SPIKE, Tuscan Countess: The Life and Extraordinary Times of Matilda of Canossa (New York, 2004); Matilda of Canossa & the Origins of the Renaissance; An Illustrated Guide to the 'One Hundred Churches' of Matilda of Canossa, Countess of Tuscany (Florence, 2015). 4 provides another significant account of Matilda’s life in her book dedicated to the comparison of Empress Adelaide and Countess Matilda.10 None of these English studies are as comprehensive as this study will attempt to be.

In feminist and gender studies, Matilda is equally overlooked. Important women of power of the tenth and eleventh centuries, such as the English queens Emma of Normandy and Edith of England, William the Conqueror’s daughter Adela Countess of Blois, Eleanor of

Aquitaine, Empress Matilda, and others, are the subjects of extensive biographies;11 while

Matilda of Tuscany is recognized by Joan Ferrante as an exceptional figure for her status, authority, and deeds, her biography remains unwritten.12 Rosalinde Reynolds and Patrick

Healy have investigated a great amount of data on Matilda in order to understand how the countess’s authority was perceived by her contemporaries, who labeled her as a “Virago”, carrying male energy.13 Jo Ann McNamara, a renowned scholar in feminist and gender studies, sees the countess and the famous events at Canossa from the perspective of gender history in which clergy tried to exclude women from church affairs.14

In 2015, to commemorate the ninth centennial of the death of Matilda, four sessions

10 P. NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda: Medieval Female Rulership and the Foundations of European Society (New York, 2017). 11 P. STAFFORD, Queen Emma and Queen Edith: Queenship and Women's Power in Eleventh- Century England (Oxford, 2001); M. CHIBNALL, The Empress Matilda: Queen Consort, Queen Mother and Lady of the English (Oxford, 2011); K. A. LOPRETE, Adela of Blois: Countess and Lord (c. 1067-1137) (Dublin, 2007); A. WEIR, J. TANNER, Eleanor of Aquitaine (Leicester, 2007). 12 J. M. FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex: Women’s Roles in the Composition of Medieval Texts (New York, 2009); "Women's Role in Latin Letters from the Fourth to the Early Twelfth Centuries", in ed. J. H. MCCASH, The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women (Athens, 1996), pp. 73-104. 13 For the term virago in reference to Matilda see: P. HEALY, Merito nominetur virago: Matilda of Tuscany in the Polemics of the Investiture Contest, in C. MEEK, C. LAWLESS, Victims or Viragos? (Dublin, 2005); R. JAEGER REYNOLDS, Nobilissima Dux: Matilda of Tuscany and the Construction of Female Authority (Berkeley, 2006); “Reading Matilda: The Self-Fashioning of a Duchess”, in Essays in Medieval Studies. 19 (2002), pp. 1-13. For the term virago see also: S. FARMER, “Persuasive Voices: Clerical Images of Medieval Wives”, Speculum, 61(3) (1986), pp. 517-543. 14 J. A. MCNAMARA, “Canossa and the Ungendering of the Public Man”, in Medieval Religion: New Approaches (2005), pp. 102-122. 5 were organized at the International Congress for Medieval Studies at Kalamazoo and the

International Medieval Congress at Leeds. The papers were published in 2017-2018 in the journal Storicamente, “Matilda 900: Remembering Matilda of Canossa Wide World”. This significant collection served the important functions of addressing Matilda from different perspectives and presenting the countess to a larger scholarly community.15

The European scholarship on Matilda of Tuscany, mostly written in Italian, German, and French, is substantial and was a starting point for my investigation as well as a constant reference. Paolo Golinelli’s studies on the historical role, personality, and relationships of

Matilda of Tuscany are essential instruments for any study of the countess and include his biography Matilde e I Canossa, published in 2007; his recent book L’Ancella di San Pietro, published in 2015; and his edition of Donizo’s Vita Mathildis,16 together with his collected papers in Studi Matildici and I Poteri dei Canossa.17 At the same time, the works of A.

Overmann, E. Goez, A. Wilmart, V. Fumagalli, P. A. Maccarini, G. Ropa, L. Simeoni, L.

Ghirardini, T. Lazzari, and E. Riversi have all emphasized different aspects of the life, family, ideology, and motivation of Matilda and provide a point of departure and a foundation for my study.18

15 V. EADS, T. LAZZARI, “Matilda 900: Remembering Matilda of Canossa Wide World”, Storicamente. 13, https://storicamente.org/rubrica-dossier.all (2017). 16 P. GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa (Milan, 2007); L'Ancella di San Pietro: Matilde di Canossa e la Chiesa (Milan, 2015); DONIZONE, Vita di Matilde di Canossa, ed. and tr. GOLINELLI (Milano, 2008 17 Studi matildici: Atti e memorie del III Convegno di studi matildici, I-IV (Modena, 1964-1997); P. GOLINELLI ed. I poteri dei Canossa, da Reggio Emilia all’Europa: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Reggio Emilia-Carpineti, 29-31 ottobre 1992), (Bologna, 1994). 18 A. OVERMANN, Gräfin Mathilde von Tuscien. Ihre Besitzungen. Geschichte ihres Gutes von 1115-1230 und ihre Regesten (Innsbruck, 1895); Italian translation: La contessa Matilde di Canossa, sue proprietà territoriali: storia delle terre matildiche dal 1115 al 1230 : i regesti Matildici (Rome, 1980); MATILDA OF TUSCANY, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, E. Goez, W. Goez, in MGH, Laienfürsten-und Dynastenurkunden der Kaiserzeit, 2, Hannover 1998; ANSELM OF LUCCA, Five Prayers, ed. in: A. WILMART, “Cinq Textes De Prière Composés Par Anselm De Lucques Pour La Comtesse Mathilde”, Revue d'ascétique et de mystique, ed. (1938), 19, pp. 23-72; V. FUMAGALLI, Matilde di Canossa: Potenza e solitudine di una donna del Medioevo (Bologna, 1996); G. ROPA, Intorno a un tema apologetico della letteratura “Matildica”: Matilde di Canossa Dei Sponsa, ed. G. BADINI, Convegno di studi 6

Matilda’s choices and motivations have been the subject of extensive debates among these historians. Discussions on the nature of and reasons for the countess’s decision to ally herself with Pope Gregory VII feature prominently in the modern Italian scholarship. A major interpretation stresses Matilda’s religious and spiritual motivation, arguing the countess’s decision was entirely due to her piety and friendship with Pope Gregory VII and her network of passionate reformers. This interpretation, established by Ropa, Simeoni, and

Maccarini, rests on the writings of the Gregorian polemicists and stresses a lack of political consideration and, ultimately, agency on Matilda’s part. Other historians, such as G.

Tabacco, O. Capitani, and, recently, C. Ciccopiedi, challenge this argument, explaining that

Matilda was driven by her political interests, which were dictated by the countess’s need to manage her heterogeneous and precarious domains.19 This political approach, while very efficient in its description of the transformation of the structure of power, results in an overall simplistic and misleading explanation of Matilda’s motivation. Paolo Golinelli, while recognizing the valuable arguments of both sides, suggests that Matilda’s choices were driven by both spiritual and temporal considerations. His argument is supported by a vast array of sources, and his studies are the foundation of my research.20 Assessing the nature of

matildici, Reggiolo medievale: Atti e memorie del Convegno di studi matildici: Reggiolo, 9 aprile 1978 (Reggio Emilia, 1979), pp. 25-51; L. SIMEONI, Il contributo della contessa Matilde al papato nella lotta per le investiture, ed. G. B. BORINO, Studi Gregoriani per la storia di Gregorio VII e della riforma gregoriana (Rome, 1947), pp. 353-372; P. A. MACCARINI, Aspetti della religiosità di Matilde di Canossa, ed. G BADINI, Convegno di studi matildici, Reggiolo medievale: Atti e memorie del Convegno di studi matildici: Reggiolo, 9 aprile 1978 (Reggio Emilia, 1979), pp. 53-66; L. GHIRARDINI, Storia critica di Matilde di Canossa. Problemi e misteri della più grande donna della storia d’Italia (Reggio Emilia, 1989); T. LAZZARI “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives about Her Family Ties.” Storicamente 13 (2017); “I Poteri delle Donne al Tempo di Matilde.” In Matilde Di Canossa e Il Suo Tempo (2016) pp. 35–56; E. RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa: tensioni e contraddizioni nella vita di una nobildonna medievale (Bologna, 2014). 19 G. TABACCO, “Discorso di chiusura”, ed. Studi Matildici. Atti del II Convegno di Studi Matildici (Modena, 1971), pp. 429-436; O. CAPITANI, “Canossa: una lezione da meditare”, ed. Studi Matildici. Atti e memorie del III Convegno di Studi Matildici (Reggio Emilia, 7-9 ottobre 1977) (Modena, 1978), pp. 3-23; C. CICCOPIEDI, “Matilde e i Vescovi”, ed. Matilde Di Canossa e Il Suo Tempo, (2016) pp. 371-390. 20 GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa; L'Ancella di San Pietro; DONIZONE, Vita di Matilde di Canossa; See also the collected papers in Studi Matildici and in I Poteri dei Canossa.

7 and reasons for the countess’s choices is a difficult task; this difficulty is mostly likely why any interpretation has remained unchallenged. My investigation tackles this important question and attempts to answer it by looking at Matilda’s friendship network in both the private and the public spheres.

While European historians have greatly contributed to the knowledge of Matilda and her role during the Investiture Controversy, they have mostly neglected discussions on the role and contributions of the countess to the flourishing of friendship and spirituality in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In this tradition of renewal of friendship and female spirituality, Matilda of Tuscany and her circle of passionate reformers have not been entirely left out by English scholarship. Penelope Nash’s book emphasized the importance of human interactions among the members of Matilda’s family and entourage and identified its significance in the formation of the countess’s future ideology.21 The essential works of

Robinson and K. R. Rennie take a political approach to the description of Gregory VII’s friendship network.22 Robinson’s account includes Matilda of Tuscany, portraying her as a central figure in the friendship circles of churchmen from Tuscany to Lotharingia. The author argues that Matilda’s entourage appears to have been crucial to the advancement of

Gregorian ideas both in Italy and in Lotharingia. Robinson points out that the countess’s interactions among the members of her circle, especially with the pope, were not only strictly political but also affective and personal. The author acknowledges how the language of

Gregory’s letters, especially his letters to Matilda, is “reminiscent of the cult of friendship which characterized the letter collections of the Twelfth-century Renaissance”. However,

21 P. NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda. 22 ROBINSON, “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII”, pp. 1-22; K. R. RENNIE, “Extending Gregory VII's ‘Friendship Network’: Social Contacts in Late Eleventh‐Century France”, History, 93 (2008), pp. 475-496. 8 within this strictly political approach, his account of Matilda and her circle is a minor reference, investigated only as part of Gregory’s network. 23

My work draws from the above-mentioned studies and upon a definition of friendship provided, mainly, by Brian Patrick McGuire, Sally N. Vaughn, and Holle Canatella.24 In his groundbreaking book Friendship and Community McGuire argues that a completely new way of expressing friendship emerged in northern Europe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries; he cites St. Anselm of Canterbury as the main agent of this revolution. His approach considers friendship as both a political and spiritual personal phenomenon. While

McGuire focuses mainly on communal male bonds, recent scholarship has investigated male- female bonds of love and friendship. Sally Vaughn’s pioneering studies as well as Holle

Canatella’s investigation focus on female-male friendship and argued that, while personal and spiritual friendship between men and women was already strong in early Christianity, in the High Medieval period it reached its peak. Remarkably, some of the women engaging in

23 ROBINSON, “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII”, p. 8. 24 Studies of the role of friendship and friendship networks in the social, political, and intellectual spheres, crucial for my research: B. P. MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community: The Monastic Experience, 350- 1250 (Kalamazoo, 1998); S. N. VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God A Study of Anselm’s Correspondence with Women (Turnhout, 2002); H. CANATELLA, Scripsit Amica Manus: Male-female Spiritual Friendship in England and France ca. 1050-1200, Ph.D. Dissertation (University of Houston, 2010); CANATELLA, "Loving Friendship in Baudri of Bourgueil's Poetic Correspondence with the Women of Le Ronceray", Medieval Feminist Forum: A Journal of Gender and Sexuality, 48, no. 2 (2013), pp. 5-42. Other studies on the roles of friendship and friendship networks in the social, political, and intellectual spheres, crucial for my research: B. P. MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec: A New Language of Prayer”, ed. Prayer and Thought in Monastic Tradition: Essays in Honour of Benedicta Ward (London, 2015); M. MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority in an Age and Reform: 1000-1122 (Cambridge, 2010); J. P. HASELDINE, Friendship in Medieval Europe (Sutton, 1999); “Understanding the Language of Amicitia. The Friendship Circle of Peter of Celle (c. 1115–1183)”, Journal of Medieval History 20, no. 3, September 1 (1994), pp. 237–60; “Friendship Networks in Medieval Europe: New Models of a Political Relationship”, in AMITY: The Journal of Friendship Studies, 1 (2013), pp. 69-88; A. CLASSEN, M. SANDIDGE, Friendship in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age : Explorations of a Fundamental Ethical Discourse (Berlin, 2011); W. YSEBAERT,“Medieval Letter-Collections as a Mirror of Circles of Friendship? The Example of Stephen of Tournai, 1128-1203”, in Revue Belge de Philologie Et D’Histoire 83, no. 2 (2005), pp. 285–300; N. D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa e nella società secondo Pier Damiani. Ceti dominanti e riforma ecclesiastica nel secolo XI (Rome, 1999); S. N. VAUGHN, J. RUBENSTEIN, ed. “Teaching and Learning in Northern Europe: 1000-1200” ed. (Turnhout, 2006). 9 friendship with eminent churchmen were both politically influential and devoted to God; hence, they were able to act, at times, as teachers for their male friends.25 Both Brian

McGuire’s research on monastic friendship and Sally Vaughn’s and Holle Canatella’s important investigations on Anselm of Canterbury’s correspondence with women and male- female relationships were essential for my research; they allowed me to identify and interpret the language of love and friendship in the letters and vitae addressed to and written for the countess. However, these historians did not look specifically at Matilda of Tuscany and her spiritual and political relationships. Instead, their studies mainly focus on the cultural milieu of the Anglo-Norman world.

My investigation also seeks to understand how and to what extent Matilda and her friendship network were instrumental in the change of spirituality which first took place over the course of the eleventh century and fostered a new way of practicing devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary. This new spiritual trend promoted the rise of the cult of Virgin which progressively increased in significance during the High Middle Ages. Discussions on origins, causes, precursors, and triggers feature prominently in the English scholarship and the scholarship contends that these new ideas were promoted and enhanced in the cultural milieu of the Anglo-Norman world.26

According to Richard Southern’s interpretation, the precursor of these revolutions, which renovated the language of prayers and set in motion a transformation of the spiritual

25 See: The Life of Christina of Markyate, tr. S. FANOUS, H. LEYSER, (Oxford, 2008); GOSCELIN OF ST. BERTIN, The Book of Encouragement and Consolation, tr. M. OTTER, (Cambridge, 2012). 26 For the change in religious sentiments and emotional attitudes see: FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex; JAEGER, Ennobling Love; R. FULTON, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800-1200 (New York, 2002); S. MCNAMER, Affective Meditation and the Invention of Medieval Compassion (Philadelphia, 2010); MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority; MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community; “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”; R. W. SOUTHERN, Saint Anselm and His Biographer: A Study of Monastic Life and Thought 1059-c.1130 (Cambridge, 2009); St. Anselm: Portrait in a Landscape (Cambridge, 1992). 10 literature, was Anselm of Canterbury. In her groundbreaking book From Judgment to

Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800-1200, Rachel Fulton takes a theological and sociological approach. She argues these developments were triggered by distress at the failure of Jesus’s second coming after the year 1033 and the intellectual consequences of the Eucharistic Controversy, and reached their apex with the spirituality of

John of Fécamp and Anselm of Canterbury.27 Although Fulton did not consider that women may have been the possible triggers of these new spiritual transformations, her contribution was crucial to my research. Nonetheless, her study did not look into the reasons as to why the first and most significant prayers of affective piety were directed to women. While she mentions Matilda as recipient of important prayer collections, she does not consider the extent of her personal and affective involvement and her role as patron of these texts.

This crucial question was asked by Sarah McNamer in her essential contribution

Affective Meditation and the Invention of Medieval Compassion. She takes a literary approach, arguing that women were actually instrumental in this shift of spirituality; she suggests this affective sensibility could have been fostered by religious women who embraced the ideal of Sponsa Christi, rejecting earthly marriage and welcoming true relationship and marriage with Christ. Her argument rests on the evidence of the earliest known literary texts which show this change of emotion, and McNamer explains that these works were all written for devoted women, such as Agnes of Poitou, Adelaide the recluse daughter of William the Conqueror, and Eve of Wilton, who expressed the desire to withdraw from the world.28 In her account, the author includes Matilda of Tuscany, who,

27 The Eucharistic Controversy originated in the monasteries of northern France, pitting Berengar of Tours, who questioned the real presence of the body of Christ in the Eucharist, against Lanfranc, prior of Bec, who vehemently affirmed the real presence. For this dispute see Chapter Three. 28 MCNAMER, Affective Meditation, pp. 59-62. 11

McNamer explains, was the addressee and active patron of the entire collection of Anselm of

Canterbury. At the same time, McNamer clarifies that Matilda aspired to be Sponsa Christi and, despite her two marriages, a member of her entourage, John of Mantua, addressed her as such. This comparison, according to McNamer, was ingeniously promoted by the countess herself as a device to maintain her authority and power. The author claims that no one had ever advanced this possibility before.29

McNamer does not, however, take all the sources and the Italian scholarship into consideration and fails to explain the historical reasons for her assumption. In several of the sources I examined, Matilda is described as Bride of Christ, and her life is compared to that of Mary’s.30 The Italian scholarship, especially Ropa and Golinelli, have analyzed this crucial comparison in great depth.31 Overall, the literary and socio-theological approaches adopted by Fulton and McNamer, while very effective in defining the intellectual phenomena of the change in spirituality as it occurs in the devotional writings, can appear narrow in their description of the origins and the political and historical reasons for this significant phenomenon. In order to address these phenomena and determine the nature of the new set of ideas, I have attempted to reconcile the theological and literary with the political and social approach.

Finally, English scholars appear to move in a different world than their Italian,

French, and German counterparts, and the two rarely interact. My work aims to reconcile these parallel lines, taking into consideration both English and European scholarship while, at

29 Ibd., pp. 80-85. 30 See Chapter Three. 31 ROPA, Intorno a un tema apologetico, pp. 25-5; P. GOLINELLI, Dall’agiografia alla storia: le “Vitae” di Sant’Anselmo di Lucca, in ed. P. GOLINELLI, Sant'Anselmo, Mantova e la lotta per le investiture: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi (Mantova, 23-24-25 maggio 1986) (Bologna, 1987), pp. 27-61.

12 the same time, focusing chiefly on primary sources; I have tried, as much as possible, to translate part of these sources from Latin to English.

My Study

Was Northwestern Europe really the only stage for these important transformations?

What was happening in Italy in the same period? In Chapter One, my study opens with an investigation into the models of friendship available to Matilda by looking at the political and spiritual experiences of the powerful women of the countess’s extended family: Agnes of

Poitou, Adelaide of Turin and Susa, and Beatrice of Tuscany, mother of Matilda. All were active supporters of church reform and involved in intense friendships with Peter Damian,

John of Fécamp, and Gregory VII himself, who asked these specific women – and these women only – to help realize the reforming objectives, empowering them as rulers. My investigation reveals that each of these female figures represented important archetypes for the countess’s future choices, piety, and rulership style. In addition, I will argue that this group of women had a significant influence on both the developments and realization of church reform as well as on the change in spirituality and perception of lay female devotion; these transformations are reflected in Matilda’s self-representation.

In Chapter Two, I will investigate the relationship between Matilda and Pope Gregory

VII. This new examination of Gregory’s letters to Matilda, along with a wide variety of sources, shows that the countess was not only Gregory’s major political ally and advisor but an intimate friend. I will argue that the affectionate language of the pope’s letters to Matilda suggests a novel way to conceive friendship and reveals the first seeds of a new affective

13 spirituality and a new notion of caritas. However, friendship and church reform were indissoluble. Matilda intervened in the ongoing struggle between regnum and sacerdotium, first as a mediator and, finally, as an open supporter of the papacy. This new investigation of the sources shows that, as historians have always argued, the countess assisted the pope with his objectives. More importantly, my investigation will show that she also influenced and guided Gregory’s actions in the reorganization of the traditional structure of the Church, helping him to free the ecclesiastical organization from secular and episcopal power. Her alliance and active involvement with the papal policy permitted Matilda to strengthen her own grip on the territories under her authority, and to restrain recalcitrant cities whose subjects were constantly on the verge of revolt.

In Chapter Three, I will examine Matilda’s spiritual and political partnership with her most important friend and adviser, Bishop Anselm II of Lucca. The sources indicate a friendship, fostered by a lived experience and constructed through frequent encounters and reciprocal assistance. During the Investiture Controversy, Matilda, by donating numerous territories and offering him military and moral assistance, supported the bishop in his attempt to reorganize his bishopric. Anselm of Lucca was exiled and took refuge with Matilda’s entourage in 1081, where he remained until his death in 1086. The bishop’s five Prayers, written for the countess, show the origin and goal of his fatherly direction for

Matilda while expressing a new devotion to Christ and to the Virgin Mary. Anselm of

Lucca’s novel devotion seems to have been triggered by the life and mission of Countess

Matilda, generated by their common obedience to Gregory VII, and influenced by the

Eucharistic Controversy with which Anselm of Lucca was associated.

In Chapter Four and Chapter Five, I will investigate Matilda’s friendship with

14

Archbishop Anselm of Canterbury. First, I will present and analyze new evidence of

Matilda's role during Anselm of Canterbury’s first and second exiles and explore the political, social, and ideological implications of Anselm of Canterbury and Matilda’s relationship in depth, suggesting that the countess might have impacted Anselm of

Canterbury’s notion of Libertas Ecclesia. Second, I will consider the spiritual friendship between the archbishop of Canterbury and Matilda, re-examining the extant sources and evaluating a new, wide variety of data – mainly their letters, Anselm of Canterbury’s devotional writing, and the Admont illuminated manuscript of Anselm of Canterbury’s

Prayers and Meditations. These sources allow us to uncover new aspects of the intense familiarity between the saint and the countess and, disclosing new personal elements of their spirituality and devotional piety, clarify the nature and scope of the relationship.

Chapter Six is a new exploration of Matilda’s connections with her stepsister,

Countess Ida of Boulogne, and the world of northern Europe; her profound links with her domains in Lotharingia; and the countess’s association with the house of Ardennes-Bouillon.

This investigation sheds new light not only on Matilda’s political, spiritual, and ideological program, including her decision not to participate in the First Crusade, but also on the impact of the political upheaval of Lotharingia on the Investiture Controversy.

Finally, Chapter Seven compares and connects the spiritual advisors of Agnes of

Poitou, Peter Damian and John of Fécamp, with the two most prominent spiritual advisors of

Matilda of Tuscany, Anselm of Canterbury and Anselm of Lucca. A comparison of the themes and the language of their prayers, together with an investigation of the links between the careers and lives of these eminent scholars and churchmen, provides new evidence to demonstrate that the countess was at the center of a significant friendship network, stretching

15 from Italy to northern Europe. This broad cultural milieu, clustered around Matilda and her spectrum of influence, was an instrumental trigger of the spiritual developments which transformed the image of women, renovated the language of prayers, and set a change of religious sentiment in motion.

Overview of Matilda and her Canossa Ancestors

As my work is not a biography of Matilda of Tuscany, it is important to sketch a brief overview of her life and the lives of her ancestors. I will avail the work of Donizo, the countess’s biographer, as much as possible; his perspective focuses precisely on the pivotal role Matilda’s ties of friendship and family play. The countess is immortalized by the monk of Canossa, Donizo, in his poem Vita Mathildis (Codex Vaticano Latino 4922, Vatican

Library). In this illuminated manuscript, commissioned by Matilda and composed between

1112 and 1115, Donizo provides a moralized description of her life, complete with numerous, extraordinary details.32

The poem and it's accompanying seven miniatures, which often express extra meaning in relation to the text, were intended to justify Matilda's power through her saintly life and noble lineage; neither the poem nor the miniatures were created to report an objective truth.33 The author’s intention is to illuminate Matilda and the righteousness of her

32 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, ed. L. Bethmann, MGH, SS, 12, Hannover (1856); DONIZONE, Vita di Matilde di Canossa. For a critical analysis of the poem: E. RIVERSI, La Memoria di Canossa: Saggi di Contestualizzazione della Vita Mathildis di Donizone (Pisa, 2013); L. CASTALDI, “La Vita Mathildis di Donizone di Canossa fra Tradizione Manoscritta e Opportunità Politica”, in Matilde Di Canossa e Il Suo Tempo (2016) pp. 323-354; P. GOLINELLI, “Le origine del mito di Matilde e la fortuna di Donizone”, in ed. P. Golinelli, Matilde di Canossa nelle culture europee del secondo millennio. Dalla storia al mito (Bologna, 1999) pp. 40-51. 33 For the miniatures in the poem see: P. GOLINELLI, L’abbazia di Matilde. Arte e storia in un grande monastero dell’Europa benedettina [San Benedetto Po 1007-2007], ed. P. GOLINELLI (Bologna: 2008), 17, p. 16 cause, the defense of the popes and church reform.34 At the same time, the poem recounts deeds of the ancestors of the Canossa lineage, stressing the ideas of dynastic continuity by merging the past and present and underlining the prestige and legitimacy of the family.35

Matilda is both the patron and the subject of Donizo’s account, therefore the author’s choices were meant to satisfy, and likely mirror, the views and expectations of the countess.

Donizo describes the grand countess as an exceptional model for anyone to follow, skilled with all the qualities of royalty: religious piety, fame, awe, and authority, combined with mildness, intellectual talent, and the ability to dominate.36 Matilda is presented as a saintly woman, utterly devoted to the love of God – His spiritual spouse. Inconvenient to this perspective, Donizo purposefully leaves Matilda’s awkward marriages out of the poem.

Indeed, the author selects events and characters who enforce his and the countess’s point of view at will. The miniature at the beginning of the book appears to reproduce the same ideas of the text (Figure 1).37

111; C. FRUGONI, Per la gloria di Matilde: il contributo delle immagini. Le miniature medievali, in I mille volti di Matilde. Immagini di un mito nei secoli, ed. P. GOLINELLI (Milan, 2003), pp. 41-61; C. B. VERZAR, "Picturing Matilda of Canossa: Medieval Strategies of Representation" Representing History, 900 – 1300, ed. R. A. MAXWELL (2010), pp. 73-90; E. CECCHI GATTOLIN, “Miniature e disegni nei codici donizoniani”, in ed. P. Golinelli, Studi Matildici. Atti e memorie del II Convegno di Studi Matildici, Modena-Reggio Emilia, 1-2- 3 maggio 1970 (Modena, 1971) pp. 43-57; T. LAZZARI, “Miniature e versi: mimesi della regalità in Donizone”, in ed. G. ISABELLA, Forme Di Potere Nel Pieno Medioevo (secc. Viii - Xii), (2006), pp. 57-92. 34 M. NOBILI, “L’ideologia politica in Donizone”, in Studi Matildici. Atti e memorie del III Convegno di Studi Matildici (Reggio E., 7-8-9 ottobre 1977), (Modena, 1978), p. 264; DONIZONE, Vita di Matilde di Canossa, pp. XXII, p. 26. 35 FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex, pp. 85-90; "Women's Role in Latin Letters”, pp. 92-95; A.D. HEDEMAN, “Restructuring the Narrative: The Function of Ceremonial in Charles V’s Grandes Chroniques de France”, in Studies in the History of Art, 16: Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Washington, 1985), pp. 171-181. 36 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 14-57. 37 LAZZARI, “Miniature e versi”, pp. 58-61. 17

Figure 1 Matilda of Tuscany From Vita Mathildis, Dedication Page, Vaticana: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 7v.

In the dedication page (f. 7v), Matilda dominates the scene; this representation emphasizes the countess’s royal status, highlighting its every aspect.38 She is seated on a throne, equipped with a comfortable cushion, supported by colonnettes which are shaped like candelabra. The throne is framed by an acanthus branch, painted in quick strokes of two tones of blue. Additionally, the majestic red of the background underlines her superior status.

With her right hand, Matilda holds a palm branch, which represents a scepter.

Matilda’s clothes further emphasize her regality. She is depicted in a sumptuous, blue long-sleeved dress with gold embroidery and a red mantle, also embroidered in gold, adorned

38 LAZZARI, “Miniature e versi”, pp. 58-61. 18 by precious gemstones. To Matilda’s right, on a smaller scale, stands the monk Donizo, who presents the open manuscript, Vita Mathildis, to his patroness. The words in the caption of the miniature read: Mathildis lucens precor hoc cape cara volume / O splendid Matilda, please accept this volume.39 To Matilda’s left stands an armed nobleman, probably Arduino da Palude, one of her most loyal vassals. Matilda does not wear a crown; instead, she wears a golden pileus, the conical roman cape, which was a symbol of liberty in ancient Rome. The image commands authority, the icon of a divinely appointed monarch in her own right.40 The same iconography and symbols are found in depictions of Ancient Roman, Carolingian, and

Ottonian emperors.41 Donizo underlines this royal notion in the text, comparing Matilda’s power to that of Emperor Augustus.

Furthermore, Donizo associates Matilda’s role as church protector with several biblical heroines in the poem.42 He compares Matilda to the queen of Sheba, who ponders in her heart the holy words and precepts of King Solomon – compared to Pope Gregory VII.43

Donizo also portrays Matilda, when she welcomes and hosts the pope in her castle, as Martha and Mary.44 She is Deborah and Jahel, crushing Sisara for her service to Henry IV’s wife, who abandoned her cruel husband to seek Matilda’s protection.45 When she defeats Henry IV

– Holofernes – at Nogara, the countess is a new and more powerful Judith;46 Donizo associates her with Queen Esther, who was able to hinder the wicked plot to destroy the

39 Unless otherwise noted all translations are my own. DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, Dedication Page, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 7v. 40 VERZAR, "Picturing Matilda of Canossa”; E. H. KANTOROWICZ, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, 1957), pp. 42-78. 41 P. STEWART, The Social History of Roman Art (Cambridge, 2008), pp. 119-123; H. MAYR-HARTING,. Ottonian Book Illumination: An Historical Study (London, 1999), pp. 57-71. 42 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, Dedicatory Epistola. 43 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 188-189. 44 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 170-172. 45 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 743-750. 46 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 799-798. 19

Jews, planned by Haman, the personification of the Holy Roman Emperor.47

Table 1 Matilda of Tuscany’s Genealogy

The Ancestors of the House of Canossa

The first book of Vita Mathildis extensively describes the ancient nobility of

Matilda’s lineage, and is portrayed in four genealogical miniatures.48 This biography is the only source with an account of Matilda’s ancestors. Siegfried (d. 958) was the first ancestor of the noble lineage; he came from Lucca to establish himself in the region of Emilia and

47 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 851-852. 48 DONIZO OF CANOSSA, Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922., f. 20v; f. 21v; f. 28v; f. 30v. 20 built the legendary Canossa Castle.49 Donizo considers his son Adalberto Atto (915-988) to be the primus princeps,50 the one chosen as the true founder of the family. He explains that

Atto became count and established his authority through several heroic and military ventures.

Atto’s fortune began at the end of the tenth century with his alliance with Emperor Otto I of

Germany. The emperor rewarded Atto in January 962, making him count of three territories:

Reggio Emilia, Modena, and Mantua. He extended his control to numerous strongholds in the

Tosco-Emilian Apennines, along the strategic path of the river Po. 51 Remarkably, Donizo emphasizes the crucial role of Atto’s wife, Hildegard, in the establishment of his power. She likely belonged to the comital family of the Supponidi. She brought prestige, nobility, and the possibility of expanding power to the newly established Canossa family. Donizo states that she was “learned, honest, prudent… she knew how to lead and how to advise: she often persuaded her husband to embark on great deeds, and with him she founded a monastic community in Brescello”.52 In the miniature (f. 20v) Adalberto Atto and his wife, Hildegard, are depicted with their three sons: Rudolf, Godfrey, Bishop of Brescia, and Tedald (Figure

2).

49 DONIZO Vita Mathildis, 1, vv. 96-120. On Siegfried see RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 43-43; V. FUMAGALLI, Le origini di una grande dinastia feudale Adalberto-Atto di Canossa (Tübingen, 1971), pp. 32-36. 50 DONIZO Vita Mathildis, 1, v. 96. 51 For Atto and the origins of the Canossa family see: ROBINSON, The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century, pp. 48-49; DONIZONE, Vita di Matilde di Canossa, pp. IX-XVI, 241-251; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 19-64; G. SERGI, I poteri dei Canossa: poteri delegati, poteri feudali, poteri signorili, in ed. P. GOLINELLI, I Poteri dei Canossa, pp. 29-40; FUMAGALLI, Le origini, pp. 74-77; RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 47-54. 52 DONIZO Vita Mathildis, 1, vv. 430-433; For Hildegard see RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 51- 53; T. LAZZARI, Matilde e le sue antenate (Quattro Castella, 2008). 21

Figure 2 Adalberto Atto with his wife Hildegard and their three sons: Rudolf, Godfrey, and Tedald From Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 20v.

Atto sits on a throne enriched with aquiline heads; he holds a flowering rod, a symbol of power. Hildegard’s prominent position is also emphasized in the miniatures. She is depicted on the same level and scale as her husband. However, she sits on a simple foot stool, rather than a throne, and holds a small peacock feather as a sign of her fertility.53 In the miniature, the two spouses are framed by an architectural structure with round-headed arches. Their feet rest on the same type of footstool. Atto extends his long legs onto the arch below, a position which intentionally emphasizes his authority over his offspring and, in

53 GOLINELLI, Matilde e I Canossa, pp. 32-36; A. BARBERO, C. FRUGONI, Medioevo: Storia di Voci, Racconto di Immagini, (Rome, 2017), pp. 122,123. 22 particular, over his son Bishop Godfrey of Brescia.

Atto’s son Godfrey was instrumental in strengthening the family’s relationship with the church of Rome, which was crucial for their political advancement. By placing Godfrey at the center of the miniature, the illustration underlines the importance of the ecclesiastical relationship as well as the family’s authority in this institution. Godfrey sits in a stall enriched by canine heads; he holds a pastoral staff and wears sacred vestments. He is flanked by his brother Rudolf, on the left, who is indicating the bishop at the center. Rudolf does not hold a rod or scepter; his premature death prevented him from being appointed to any position of power. In contrast, Godfrey’s brother Tedald holds a lily in his right hand, signifying the continuity of the dynasty. He is dressed in a green mantle and a more elegant tunic than that of his brother. Both brothers turn and gesture toward Godfrey, the bishop. In the miniature, the family presents itself with dignity but, at the same time, with modesty, perhaps because the lineage was not yet well-established. The figures depicted in this image are humble; their clothing is modest and executed in a limited palette of blue, red, green, and black.54

Certainly, the long, complex process of the Canossa family’s expansion is closely related to monastic patronage and their relationship with the church.55 Donizo extensively emphasizes the important role of the women of the family in this process, a perspective confirmed by the miniatures as well as in other sources. For example, Hildegard is portrayed in the account of the life of the ancient Bishop of Brescello, Saint Genesius, the Gesta sancti

54 LAZZARI, “Miniature e versi”, pp. 63-64; CECCHI GATTOLIN, “Miniature e disegni nei codici donizoniani”, p. 53; FRUGONI, Per la gloria di Matilde, pp. 52-54. 55 P. GOLINELLI, “Culto dei santi e monasteri nella politica dei Canossa nella Pianura Padana”, in ed. P. GOLINELLI, Indiscreta Sanctitas: Studi sui rapporti tra culti, poteri e società nel pieno Medioevo (Rome, 1988), pp. 9-29. 23

Genesi.56 This source reports that she initiated the search for the relics of the saint, and, together with her husband, built the church and the monastery in the saint’s honor, along with the castle. Not only did Atto found the monastery of Brescello, through which he was able to control access to the river Po and the important route towards Tuscany in the direction of

Milan, but also built the monastery of St. Apollonio. His son, Godfrey Bishop of Brescia, claimed the relics of saint Apollonio, Bishop of Brescia, on behalf of his father in the fourth century. Thanks to this act, Godfrey was able to establish the homonymous monastery. At the same time, the count obtained a monopoly over the relics of St. Victor and St. Corona (f.

19r), which became part of the patrimony of the monastery (Figure 3).57

It is not by chance that the first miniature of Donizo’s manuscript, immediately after the dedication page, opens with a scene of the family’s founder acquiring relics. Indeed, through the mediation of the saint, the Canossa family began its role as a patron of the church. The receipt of the relics by Adalberto Atto is depicted in the upper scene of the miniature, in which the inscription reads: Corpora sanctorum Rex Athoni dedit horum / A king gave Atto the relics of these saints.58 The illustration shows Atto on his knees, at the center, in the act of receiving the relics of St. Corona from an unidentified king. The wondrous event is attended by two sword bearers, standing in the left corner. To the far right, two of Atto’s men hold Victor’s relics while staring in astonishment at the event. Donizo explains that St. Victor was a soldier who died as a martyr to serve the glory of God; he also explains that the same fate was reserved for Corona, who died with him and became a

56 Cited in RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, p. 52. 57 DONIZO Vita Mathildis 1, vv. 397-429. 58 DONIZO OF CANOSSA, Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 19r. 24 sanctified martyr as well. 59

Figure 3 (First tier:) The acquisition of the relics of St. Apollonio, by Adalberto Atto and (second tier:) the acquisition of the monopoly over the relics of St. Victor and St. Corona From Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 19r.

In the lower tier of the image, the inscription reads: Membra secat Sancti Gotefrdus dans ea parti / Godfrey cuts the limbs of the saint and gives them to his father.60 Here, the scene depicts Bishop Godfrey, in his sacred vestments, in the act of cutting the arm of St.

Apollonio, while Atto holds the head of the saint. Father and son have just exhumed the body

59 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, I, vv. 402-405. 60 DONIZO OF CANOSSA, Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 19r. 25 of the saint from his original shrine, depicted in blue on the right of the scene. Donizo explains that, when the bishop started to cut the limbs of the saint, the blood began to gush from his body as a sign of his living presence. To express this portent the miniaturist does not depict blood flowing from the body of the saint, on the contrary, he represents the saint's body as if he were sleeping, still perfectly preserved and wearing his shining garments. The two scenes are full of intensity and high spirituality, conveyed through gestures and glances, exchanged between the people attending the solemn event.

Atto’s son Tedaldo (976-1015) became count of Brescia and, by supporting the rise of

Emperor Henry II of Germany, he acquired Ferrara and founded the monastery of Polirone in

Mantua (Figure 4).61 Like his father, he used marriage as a strategy for social advancement and integration into the upper classes; his wife Willa was the daughter of a Tuscan marquise.

This union increased the influence of the Canossa family in Tuscany.62 In the miniature (f.

21v) Matilda’s grandparents, Tedald and Willa, pictured with their children – Tedald, Bishop of Arezzo; Boniface, the future duke of Tuscany and father of Matilda; and Conrad – are more self-assured compared to the previous illustration. Their increased size indicates their growing importance in the hierarchical structure of society. The abundant use of gold in the ornamentation of their thrones and garments is clear evidence of the advancement of the members of the lineage. Indeed, while Atto and Hildegard were identified only by their names, written next to their portrait in the previous miniature, the new couple can claim aristocratic titles: Tedaldus marchio and Willa comitissa.

In the image, the two spouses are seated on impressive architectonic thrones; they

61DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 1, vv. 439-443, 361; For Tedald of Canossa see: RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 55-60; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 50-56; FUMAGALLI, Le origini, pp. 7-9. 62 DONIZONE, Vita di Matilde di Canossa, p. 46; RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 55-60; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 50-56. 26 both rest their feet on the same golden footstool. Tedald is seated with one leg crossed over the other. As Judith Goldens has shown, this particular posture of seated, cross-legged figures connotes the assertion of power and authority.63 At the same time, Tedald’s elongated foot points at Boniface, his successor. Tedald holds the palm branch, a symbol of the endurance of the lineage, and Willa a small flower, a sign of her fecundity.

Figure 4 Matilda’s grandparents, Tedald and Willa, with their children: Tedald, Bishop of Arezzo, Boniface, future Duke of Tuscany and father of Matilda, and Conrad From Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 21v.

63J. K. GOLDEN, “The Iconography of Authority in the Depiction of Seated, Cross-Legged Figures”, in ed. H. COLUM, J. PLUMMER, Between the Picture and the Word: Manuscript Studies from the Index of Christian Art (Princeton, 2005).

27

The other members of the family are depicted in the lower tier of the miniature.

Boniface is at the center of the composition and is the focus of the scene. He is holding a flowering rod, a sign of his authority and of the strength of the kin, and he is covered by a beautiful white mantle adorned with a large border, which is embroidered with threads of precious material. Boniface’s brother Tedald, Bishop of Arezzo, sits on a foot stool enriched by canine heads; he holds a crosier and wears the sacred vestments of his office while, with his right hand, he blesses Boniface. In turn, Boniface points to the bishop. This exchange of gestures again underlines the close and familiar relationship between the church and the

Canossa family, which was a crucial element of the Canossa’s advancement. Finally, on the left side of Boniface (the viewer’s right), Conrad, the third brother of Boniface, is also holding the rod branch in his right hand, as do all the male members of his family.

Immediately after this miniature, Donizo describes the deeds of Tedald and his family unit. Tedald governed the county of the Canossa family for more than twenty years, consolidating and extending the power he had inherited. Donizo portrays Willa, his wife, with the virtues of a magnanimous ruler. The author explains that she was “called duchess, whose piety pleased poor and powerful people”.64 Indeed, in the miniature Tedald and Willa are portrayed as co-rulers. Willa’s dignity is emphasized by her sumptuous clothes. She wears a golden conical pileus decorated with precious gems; her tunic and mantle are colored in two different shades of red.

Tedald’s son Boniface (985-1052), Matilda’s father, continued the tradition of the family and received the title of Duke of Tuscany from Emperor Conrad II. This important appointment allowed the Canossa family to control routes from Tuscany to Rome. With

64 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 1, vv. 452-455. 28

Boniface, the center of the Canossa’s territory became Mantua and the monastery of

Polirone. He founded the monastery of St. Mary of Felonica along the Po river, northwest of

Ferrara, to control the way from Bologna to Padua and Venice, and to serve as an outpost for expansion towards Ferrara. With Boniface, the Canossa family's domains stretched from

Lake Garda to Rome, through the important channel of the central Apennine passes (which were utilized by both popes as they settled in Rome and emperors when they were crowned), and controlling these routes was a significant source of power for the family, and certainly played a pivotal role for Matilda and the future of the Investiture Controversy.65 Boniface’s first wife Richildis, the daughter of the count of Bergamo, died without offspring. However, this marriage allowed Boniface to acquire important territories such as Nogara in the area of

Verona. His second marriage was to Beatrice of Lotharingia, daughter of Frederic, Duke of

High Lotharingia, of royal descent.66

The third and the fourth miniatures of the genealogic group in Vita Mathildis represent Boniface (Figure 5) and his noble wife Beatrice (Figure 6), the parents of Matilda.

(f. 28v and f. 30v). They have the honor of being depicted in individual miniatures, implying the new status they had achieved. The emperor gave Boniface the title of Duke of Tuscany in

1027. By this time he was the head of a powerful lineage, controlling numerous domains.67

Donizo compares Boniface, for his cleverness and intellect, to the prophet Daniel; for his virtue, Donizo compares Boniface to powerful kings – Saul, David, and Solomon – who distinguished themselves for their exceptional courage, virtue, ingenuity, and strength.

65 RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 60-75; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 84-94. 66 For Richildis, DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 1, vv. 518-520; RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, p. 61. For Beatrice see Chapter One and DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 1, vv. 781-794, 367; vv. 1140-1206. 67 The inscription on top of his miniature says: Te redimat Sother Bonefaci marchio duxque / That the Savior will redeem you, o Boniface, Duke and Marquise. Donizo describes the episode concerning the Marquise in Elegiac couplet; it is the only time in which he does not use the Leonine hexameter, he also enriched the passage using a sophisticated style. DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 1, vv. 749-794. 29

Donizo praises the noble Beatrice by saying: “She was born of royal lineage, the beautiful

Beatrice, was born from one of the most important families of the world”.68 She is compared to the biblical heroines Leah, Rachel, and Sarah, the matriarchs and co-founders of Israel, implying not only that Beatrice was co-founder of the House of Canossa but also that this house was prestigious as the House of Israel.69

In the miniature, Boniface and Beatrice are represented like two monarchs, or aspirants, seated on luxurious thrones supported by elaborate twisted columns. The spouses are attired in magnificent tunics. Boniface wears a golden cape, which resembles either a crown or a papal tiara and is decorated with precious gems. He holds a long, flourishing branch as a scepter. Beatrice wears the same golden cape. In addition, the background, left white in previous miniatures representing the family, is now a brilliant deep blue of the heavens, underlining the spouses’ superior status. The heavy outlines of the two figures and the thick folds of their drapery give the images a flat, iconic appearance. Yet they seem immediately present, confronting viewers and compelling them to recognize their authority now and in the future of their lineage.70

68 In the image the caption reads: Det Deus in Claris cameris tibi stare Beatrici / That God will grant you to dwell in the celestial chambers, o Beatrice (f. 30v). Stirpe fuit genita regali pulchra Beatrix; Maiorum mundi stirpe fuit genita Vita Mathildis 1, vv. 783-785. 69 Sarah, Leah, and Rachel’s stories are described in Genesis 29:31. They are recognized as co- founders with their respective husbands, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, the co-founders of the Jewish Nation. 70 LAZZARI, “Miniature e versi”, p. 63; CECCHI GATTOLIN, “Miniature e disegni nei codici donizoniani”, p. 54; BARBERO, FRUGONI, Medioevo, p. 121. 30

Figure 5 Boniface of Tuscany From Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 28v.

Figure 6 Beatrice of Lotharingia From Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 30v.

Matilda’s Life

Vita Mathildis is a crucial instrument to understand Matilda’s concerns and ideology.

Both the miniatures and the text served to justify Matilda’s power as a woman, granted by her noble lineage, her devotion, and her relationship with the church. At times, the illuminations are equipped with extra meaning in relation to the text and can assist in pin pointing Matilda’s special focus as a woman. The four miniatures concerning her genealogy indicate a progressive affirmation of the lineage, which goes hand-in-hand with Donizo’s descriptions in the text. This group of miniatures is depicted in an ascending scale, its peak being the image of the grand countess, who is represented like a queen in the dedication

31 page.71 Significantly, Beatrice’s miniature emphasized the similarities between mother and daughter. Indeed, Beatrice was a model for Matilda for both her rulership and spirituality.72

In the illustration, Beatrice’s posture, tunic, and mantle are precisely the same as those of

Matilda’s in the dedication page. However, there is one substantial difference: Beatrice, like the other women of the family, holds a small lily while Matilda holds the palm branch as a scepter and symbol of authority, like the male members of the Canossa lineage. The illustrations allude to Matilda’s power in her own right. The miniatures, more explicitly than the text, convey the notion that, despite Matilda’s sex, she is the legitimate heir of her dynasty.

This rapid affirmation of the countess’s lineage, depicted in the miniature, is also described in the text and is certainly a historical reality. The fortune of the Canossa family was partly due to their partnership with the papacy, which became an important feature of

Boniface and Beatrice’s government. Indeed, they became close to the key figures of the new ecclesiastical reforming party: Pope Leo IX, Peter Damian, Humbert of Silva Candida, and

Guido of Pomposa.73 In this period the pope, together with the papal reform movement, was close to Emperor Henry III, who was considered an important ally in the advancement of the ideals of the reform against simony and clerical marriage. Likewise, his power was needed in order to free the Church from the threat of the aristocratic Roman families, who manipulated papal elections in their favor.74 However, during this period Boniface came into conflict with

Emperor Henry III precisely over the right to control the pope’s appointments. Matilda was

71 LAZZARI, “Miniature e versi”, p. 64. 72 See Chapter One. 73 GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 32-36; FUMAGALLI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 15-18; N. D'ACUNTO, I Laici nella Chiesa, pp. 298-305. 74 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 1-37. 32 born in 1046 in Mantua; little is known about her childhood. Donizo provides some glimpses concerning her education: he explains that the countess had been educated by her mother to the good manners suitable for a noblewoman. 75 He also clarifies that Matilda was fluent in the German and French languages and was able to both read and write in Latin as well.76

While still a young girl, the authority of Matilda’s family was severely challenged when her father Boniface was murdered on a hunting excursion in 1052, and, soon after,

Matilda’s eldest siblings – Frederik and Beatrice – met the same fate.77 Consequently,

Matilda’s mother Beatrice was now without a son through whom she could claim regency.

For this reason, she married Godfrey the Bearded, Duke of Upper Lotharingia, without the emperor’s knowledge. Donizo purposely omits Beatrice’s second marriage and declares that, after the death of Boniface, the duchess governed her vast domain alone for more than twenty years. The omission can most likely be ascribed to the fact that their union was considered unlawful on the grounds of consanguinity, and to the difficult relationship Matilda would later develop with both Godfrey the Hunchback and Godfrey of Bouillon, Godfrey the

Bearded’s son and grandson.78

The newly established Canossa-Lotharingia lineage was destined, at the death of

Emperor Henry III, to become the most tireless protector and ally of the papacy.79 It is not by

75 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 1, vv. 1143-44. 76 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 42-43. 77 See Chapters One and Seven. 78 See Chapter One and Chapter Six; BONIZO OF SUTRI, Liber ad amicum, ed. E. DUEMMLER, in MGH, Libelli de lite I, Hannover 1891, p. 590; BONIZO, Book to a Friend, tr. in ed. ROBINSON, The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century, p. 195; LANDULF SENIOR, Historia Mediolanensis, ed. L.C. BETHMANN ET W. WATTENBACH, in MGH SS VIII, Hannover 1848, p. 97; BERTHOLD OF REICHENAU, Annales, ed. G.H. Pertz, in MGH SS V, Hannover 1844, p. 269; tr. in ROBINSON, Eleventh-Century Germany: The Swabian Chronicles; Selected Sources, (Manchester, 2008), p. 100; LAZZARI, Goffredo di Lorena e Beatrice di Toscana, in G. M., CANTARELLA, A. CALZONA, La reliquia del sangue di Cristo: Mantova, l'Italia e l'Europa al tempo di Leone IX, (Verona, 2012); GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 127-134. 79 GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 43-52. 33 chance that the reformed popes, Stephen IX (1057-1058), Nicholas II (1058-1061), and Pope

Alexander II (1061-1073), all tied to the new margrave of Tuscany, owing their elections to this connection.80 After Godfrey the Bearded’s death (1069), Beatrice replaced her husband as margrave of Tuscany and, under her jurisdiction, the connection between the papacy and the powerful dynasty became stronger.81 Certainly, Beatrice’s extraordinary position of power provided an important precedent and model for her daughter Matilda.

Between 1069 and 1073, although they were still seeking the approval of the emperor, Beatrice and Matilda fostered the advancement of the ideals of the reform movement. They were both vassals of the German Emperor and related to him by blood bonds; at the same time, they were close to the reform movement and the papacy. Beatrice and Matilda served as prudent mediators, mainly during the first years of the conflict between young Emperor Henry IV and Pope Gregory VII, a role facilitated by their strategically located domains in central Italy.82 The newly elected pope asked them to work, along with Empress Agnes, to persuade the emperor to remove the excommunicated counselors from his court and make peace with Rome.83

As a young girl, Matilda was betrothed to her stepbrother Godfrey the Hunchback.

They wed in 1069 at the death of his father. While this union was considered crucial for the preservation of the Lotharingia-Canossa alliance in the face of the German Emperor’s threat, it was never a happy match. In 1071 Matilda gave birth to a daughter who died in infancy;

80 Pope Stephan IX, Frederick of Lotharingia, was actually Godfrey the Bearded’s brother. COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 37-59; ROBINSON, The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century, pp. 4-5, 10. 81 ROBINSON, The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century, pp. 10-17; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp.151-157. 82 GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 43-52. 83For the relationship between Matilda and Pope Gregory VII and Matilda’s role of mediator between pope and emperor see Chapter Two. 34 soon after, in 1072, she rejected her estranged husband and left Lotharingia to take refuge with her mother in Italy, where she would assist in the government of their domain. After her separation from Godfrey the Hunchback, Matilda sought the guidance and support of Pope

Gregory VII.84

Gradually, thanks to this important relationship, Matilda began to play an important role in Italy. She became one of the most trustworthy lay supporters of the papacy and of reform. When both her mother and her husband died in 1076, Matilda became the ruler of a vast domain which stretched from Lombardy to the region of Latium; she dominated her territories in her own right. She collaborated closely with the pope, and with her spiritual advisor Anselm, Bishop of Lucca.85

84 On Matilda’s difficult marriage and childbirth see Chapter Two and Chapter Six and also: GOLINELLI, Matilde e I Canossa, pp. 169-184; GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 109-110; LAZZARI “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”; LAZZARI, “I Poteri Delle Donne Al Tempo Di Matilde”, pp. 35–56; RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp.119-13. 85 See Chapter Two and Chapter Three and ROBINSON, The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century, pp. 10-17; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 151-157.

35

Map 1 Matilda of Tuscany’s Domains in Central and Northern Italy

In this period, Matilda’s government was certainly supported by these two important churchmen who were both political allies and friends. She entered into the Investiture

Controversy playing, at first, the role of peacemaker between the German Empire and the

36 pope. This role saw its peak during the famous encounter between Emperor Henry IV and

Pope Gregory VII at Matilda’s castle at Canossa. The emperor had been excommunicated by

Pope Gregory VII for his blatant disobedience of the pontiff's prohibition of lay investitures.

In order to regain his royal dignity, Henry, barefoot in the snow at Matilda’s castle, beseeched the forgiveness of the pope, which was granted thanks to the mediation of

Matilda.86

Donizo describes the encounter between Henry IV, Matilda, and Hugh of Cluny in the chapel of St. Nicholas. The emperor implored the abbot and the countess for support in order to obtain absolution from excommunication (Figure 7):

“Many wise men attended the event, including Hugh of the Abbey of Cluny, who had

been godfather of the king at the baptismal font….the king went to the chapel of St.

Nicholas to pray and beseech Abbot Hugh to guarantee on his behalf that he would

have maintained peace. “I am not allowed” the abbot replied to the king. Matilda who

was present on the site renewed the prayer, but Hugh answered to her “If you don’t

do this, no one else can”. Therefore, the kneeling king turned to Matilda…: “Oh

esteemed cousin make [Gregory] bless me”.87

86 See Chapter Two. 87 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 82-97. 37

Figure 7 Emperor Henry IV on his knees before Hugh of Cluny and Matilda. From Vita Mathildis, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 49r.

This meaningful event is captured in one of the most famous illustrations of the Vita

Mathildis (f.49r). Remarkably, this miniature represents the only episode in the countess’s long and eventful life which the miniaturist decided to portray, suggesting it was the most significant event of her life. In the image, Hugh of Cluny looms, disproportionately large, holding the crosier as the insignia of his authority. Matilda sits on a backless throne framed by a special, prominent canopy with twisted columns, which highlights her royal status as well as her pivotal role. At the same time, the architectural frame used by the artist serves to separate and distinguish Matilda from both the emperor and Abbot Hugh. With her right hand Matilda invites Henry IV, who is depicted on a smaller scale and on one knee, to direct his pleas toward Hugh, while the abbot simultaneously addresses the countess. Matilda is appointed by the abbot as the only one able to solve the difficult situation. Henry is depicted 38 with his head uplifted towards Matilda, pleading and imploring her intervention. The gestures of the hands and the exchange of glances between Matilda and Hugh is evidence of a profound and mutual friendship. Thus, according to Donizo, it was not the pope who saved the church from the emperor’s threat but Matilda. Both the illustration and the text emphasize

Matilda’s crucial role in the resolution of the conflict; at the same time, the poem asserts that

Matilda operated in perfect communion with the church and its ministers.88

Yet, as soon as Henry left Canossa he returned to his anti-papal policies, thus leading to open war. With the outbreak of the Investiture Controversy, the countess made the difficult decision to depart from her initial mediatory role and defend the cause of the Reform party at

Gregory VII’s side.89 She resisted Henry and Wibert, his anti-pope, with her military force, wealth, and skilled political diplomacy. Despite these efforts, the troops of the schismatic bishops in northern Italy defeated Matilda’s army in the famous battle of Volta Mantovana.90

Henry entered Italy in 1081, declared Countess Matilda guilty of high treason, and confiscated all her domains. As a consequence, her cities rebelled against the countess and all of Matilda’s possessions were seized by the imperial troops. The emperor was crowned by the antipope Clement III in Rome in March 1084. While the countess appeared to be defeated, she continued to defend the pope and the church throughout the twelve years of war

(1080-1092). In this time, Rome fell to Henry’s forces. In July of 1084 Matilda’s army imposed a humiliating defeat on the emperor’s troops in the battle of Sorbora, which certainly uplifted Gregory’s spirit, while prisoner of the Normans in Salerno.91

88 FRUGONI, Per la gloria di Matilde, pp. 41-55; BARBERO, FRUGONI, Medioevo, pp.180-183. 89 GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 43-52; Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 232-239. 90 L. GHIRARDINI, “La Battaglia di Volta Mantovana”, ed. P. GOLINELLI ed. Sant'Anselmo, Mantova e la lotta per le investiture: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi (Mantova, 23-24-25 maggio 1986) (Bologna, 1987), pp. 229-240; EADS, Mighty in War, p. 129. 91 HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 59-117. 39

By 1086 both Gregory VII and Anselm of Lucca were dead.92 The countess, who was the most determined defender of the reform party, was left with the arduous duty of supporting and controlling the election of the new popes. Urban II, who succeeded after the short papacy of Victor III, inherited a devastated and exiled papacy. Indeed, he was not able to go back to Rome until 1094.93 Matilda and Urban arranged for the countess’s marriage to the young Welf V ‘the Fat’ of Bavaria. Though ill-matched, this union was advantageous for both the reforming party and Matilda. The countess’s army and the Bavarian forces ultimately prevailed; they defeated Henry IV in 1092 at the castle walls of Canossa and, eventually, Matilda regained control of her territories.94

As we have seen, the countess’s political diplomacy and her extensive network of friends were crucial in this struggle. Throughout this difficult time, her dense network of monasteries and fortified castles in central and northern Italy became, in fact, a secure refuge for all the intellectuals, polemicists, popes, monks, and clergy who were expelled or deposed by the king. Furthermore, the countess would exploit her family ties with the Salian emperors to attract Henry IV’s close kin; indeed, in 1094 her home served as a secure refuge for the fleeing Empress Praxedes, and Henry’s son Conrad, who left his father and put himself under

Matilda’s protection in 1093.95 Soon afterward, in 1095, the countess rejected her husband, who by now had probably become redundant, excluding him from her inheritance and thus provoking the rage of his father Welf IV, who consequently sought an alliance with the emperor. The countess’s separation from Welf left much to the scope of the imagination,

92 GHIRARDINI, “La Battaglia di Volta Mantovana, pp. 229-240; EADS, Mighty in War, p. 129; HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 117-12. 93 Chronicon of Monte Cassino MGH, SS, VII, p. 760; DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 2, vv. 324-334. 94 HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, p. 126; EADS, Mighty in War, pp. 171-203. 95 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 735-775; BERNOLD OF ST. BLASIEN, Chronicle, tr. in ROBINSON, Eleventh-Century Germany, p. 317. 40 resulting in gossip; the imperial polemicists would engage in extensive slander on alleged sexual aberrations and incompatibility between the forty-three-year old Matilda and her adolescent husband.96 On the other hand, the papal polemicists would characterize the countess’s marriage as only more evidence of her loyal service to the pope and the reforming ideals.97

The papacy, with the assistance of Matilda, who by now had regained her power, was able to call two important councils, Piacenza and Clermont, to which all Christendom was summoned and encouraged to participate in the First Crusade.98 In 1097 Emperor Henry IV left Lombardy for good. With his departure, the first phase of the Investiture Controversy had ended. The countess became the point of reference for reformers; she continued to impose

Gregorian standards on the clergy and to oppose alienation of Church lands. Precisely during this period, the countess assisted Anselm of Canterbury, who, exiled by the king of England, benefited from her protection and friendship. She also assisted such important churchmen as

Rangerius of Lucca, Bernard of Vallombrosa, and Bonussenior of Reggio.99 After Urban’s death in 1099, Paschal II, the new pope, and Matilda resumed the progress of the reformers;

Donizo explains that the new pope and the countess were extremely close.100

For Matilda and the reformers, the threat of the German Empire appeared to be abated as Henry V (1106-1125), the legitimate heir of Henry IV, deserted and imprisoned his father

96 COSMAS OF PRAGUE, The Chronicle of the Czechs, ed. L. WOLVERTON (Washington, 2009), pp. 150-155. 97 GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 284-295; HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, p. 126. 98 R. SOMERVILLE, Pope Urban II's Council of Piacenza: March 1-7, 1095 (Oxford: 2013), pp. 1- 58; HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 160-165. 99 See Chapters Four and Five. 100 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 877-881; GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 115-134; HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 160-197; SIMEONI, Il contributo della contessa Matilde, pp. 353-372. 41 in 1104-1105, and was proclaimed emperor in 1106.101 Henry V’s approach regarding the papacy was initially conciliatory. Indeed, he seemed willing to conform to the new prohibition on lay investiture, confirmed by Paschal in 1102 and at the synod of Guastalla, hosted by Matilda, in October 1106.102 Before the synod Matilda welcomed the pope in

Modena for the ceremony and consecration of the altar of the cathedral of Modena and the translation of the relics of saint Geminiano. This solemn occasion is reported by the chronicle

Relatio de innovatione ecclesie sancti Geminiani,103 and Donizo mentions that the pope left

Rome to go to Lombardy, where Matilda hosted and greeted him: “[The pope] came to

Lombardy, as guest of the countess, She is Matilda, who full of joy dashed toward him and welcome the pontiff with great gladness”.104

During the council Matilda played mediator, supporting a compromise between the emperor and the pope and escorting and hosting the emperor’s ambassador to Rome.105

However, when the pope repeated the same decrees at Troyes in 1107, at Benevento in 1108, and at Rome in 1110, the emperor likely reconsidered his position. Henry V set out for Italy in August 1110, followed by his loyal vassals and by a conspicuous army, hoping to be crowned. He firmly reasserted his authority by subduing the city of Novara and by marching toward the Apennines. Stopping at Mount Bardone, he began negotiations with Matilda

101 GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 115-134. 102 For the council of Guastalla see U. R. BLUMENTHAL, The Early Councils of Pope Paschal II 1100-1110 (Toronto, 2000), pp. 32-71; GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 119-122; G. M. CANTARELLA, Pasquale II e Il Suo Tempo (Napoli, 1997), pp, 86-91. 103 “Relatio de innovatione ecclesie sancti Geminiani et de translatione eius beatissimi corporis” - Description of the renovation of the church of St. Giminiano and of the translation of his most blessed body – ed. H. BRESSLAU, in MGH SS, 30, 2, Leipzig 1929, pp. 1380-1313. 104 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 1086-1087, “Haec est Mathildis quae gaudens obviate illi/Laeticia multa papam sucepit”. 105 EKKARD OF AURA, Chronicle, ed. G. WAITZ, MGH SS, 1106-25, tr. T. J. H. MCCARTHY, Chronicles of the Investiture Contest: Frutolf of Michelsberg and His Continuators (Manchester, 2014), p. 224; GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, p. 119. 42 through messengers. Donizo explains that the countess was holed up in her stronghold at

Canossa, probably in fear of an attack for having refused to provide the emperor’s expedition with an escort.106 Surprisingly, she welcomed the emperor’s emissaries and would eventually reach an agreement with the emperor.107 Donizo, who recounts these events, is silent on the terms of the agreement. Certainly, the countess did not provide military assistance to the emperor’s expedition but, at the same time, did not oppose his descent toward Rome, thus appearing almost a neutral spectator of these important developments.108

Having reached a solid pact with Matilda, the emperor set out for Sutri, north of

Rome, to meet the pope. In February of 1111 a bargain was reached; Henry promised to renounce investitures with ring and staff and to return all the possessions of the church that were not regalia but property of the patrimony of St. Peter. In exchange, the pope ordered the

German bishops to relinquish the king’s regalia, i.e., the property of the empire, which had been transferred to the churches by Charlemagne. The distinction between regalia and ecclesiastical property that the privilege envisaged was certainly impossible to apply, even for Matilda, whose power was also based on church patronage. This might have been a

106 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 1155-1164; GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 125-130; BLUMENTHAL, The Early Councils, pp. 74-118. 107 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 2, vv. 1231. 108 Historians have long debated over the reasons which led the countess to reconsider her political position, which certainly paved the way for the final resolution of the Investiture Controversy and had far- reaching consequences over the following events. The German scholarship has described this change of direction as a mere submission of the countess to the will of the emperor, the Italian scholarship rightly underlines the need of the countess, at the end of her life, to make peace with the emperor, thus returning to her original role of vassal of the imperial family. Some other scholars have emphasized that her choice is the evidence of an autonomy of Matilda’s authority, despite the sources that had stressed the countess’ absolute obedience to the papacy. However, these historians: BLUMENTHAL, The Early Councils, pp. 102-122; ROBINSON, The Papacy, pp. 425-429; M. NOBILI, “Il ‘liber de anulo et baculo’ del vescovo di Lucca Rangerio, Matilde e la lotta per le investiture negli anni 1110-1111”, in ed. C. VIOLANTE, Sant’Anselmo vescovo di Lucca (1073-1086). Nel quadro delle trasformazioni sociali e della riforma ecclesiastica (Rome, 1992), pp. 157-206; CANTARELLA, Pasquale II, pp. 93-120, while clarifying the concept of regalia and elucidating the terms of Paschal’s agreement with Henry V, can assist in uncovering the true reason behind Matilda’s resolution. 43 reason behind the countess’s decision to reconnect with the emperor and seek peace while still pursuing cooperation with the papacy.

Indeed, a few days later in Rome, on February 12, the privilege was solemnly confirmed during Henry V’s coronation at St. Peter’s. The privilege caused great upheaval among lords and cardinals, who vehemently rejected the proposal. Bernard of Vallombrosa and Bonussenior of Reggio, acting as mediators on behalf of the countess, were imprisoned by the emperor along with Pope Paschal II. The two churchmen would be freed by Matilda’ loyal vassal Arduino. The pope, on the other hand, acquired his freedom only by both granting the privilegium/pravilegium – the permission to practice lay investiture – and by crowning Henry after two months of imprisonment.109 After this victorious campaign,

Donizo explains that the emperor, on his way to Germany, stopped in Bianello, one of

Matilda’s castles, where he was received by the countess with all honors and nominated her vice-regent in Lombardy.110 Golinelli argues that Donizo’s statement suggests that the emperor might have restored Matilda’s territories, confiscated with the imperial ban of 1081, and that Matilda was ready to recognize Henry V, her emperor and kin, as the legitimate heir to her vast domain.111

Therefore, in the final phase of her life, the countess not only returned to her original

109 BLUMENTHAL, The Early Councils, pp. 102-122; ROBINSON, Continuity and Innovation, pp. 425-429; NOBILI, “Il ‘liber de anulo et baculo’”, pp. 157-206; CANTARELLA, Pasquale II, pp. 93-120; GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 119-122. 110 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 2, vv.1163-4; vv. 1255-7. 111 There has been debate over the matter of Matilda’s inheritance. During the most difficult moment of the Investiture Controversy, when her whole domain was in danger, the countess probably donated all of her possessions to the papacy and Gregory VII; she might have confirmed this donation in 1102. However, the document of the second donation is extremely questionable. At the same time, this source is not mentioned by any other contemporary accounts, while Donizo’s verses, together with other northern European chronicles, which declare that the emperor received Matilda’s lands, led Golinelli to argue that the countess might have envisioned Henry, her emperor and kin, as the legitimate heir to her vast domain. More evidence of this conclusion might have been the emperor’s second expedition in 1116, after Matilda’s death, when he descended into Italy with his wife, welcomed by Matilda’s vassals, to be invested with Matilda’s territories, see GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 119-122. 44 role of mediator between the papacy and the empire, but also accepted her role as vassal of the German Emperor, thus returning to the beginning of her family’s political system of alliances. At the same time, this final decision is further evidence that the countess acted according to her own agency. Her choices were certainly driven by political calculation and her alliances encouraged by administrative concerns. In addition, the countess was quite old; in the last few years of her life she was vexed by illness. This illness was certainly another reason for her to opt for peace. Indeed, during this period Matilda worked to restore peace and order among her domains, supervising her courts, resolving quarrels, and rewarding churches and religious houses.112

Matilda died on July 24, 1115, before Donizo could present his book to her. The news of her death shocked the monk of Canossa who, in anguish, composed a heartfelt epilogue to his poem. In his epilogue, he describes Matilda’s heroic life and her religious devotion, prayers, fasting, and charity, revealing that, before her death, she arranged for her servants to be set free.113 Donizo laments that, with her death, the virtue and morality of Italy disappeared; he claims that the churches deserted righteousness, and corruption reigned unchallenged. In the same epilogue the monk portrays the countess’s holy death with the crucifix in her hands in complete abandonment to God. Remarkably, Donizo addresses the last verses of his poem to Henry V and his wife Matilda of England, daughter of King Henry

I, on the occasion of their descent into Italy to receive the countess’s inheritance. Donizo mentions that the empress had the same name as his beloved countess, and trusted that she would also inherit her wisdom and magnanimity.114

112 See MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, pp. 276-360. 113 Innumerosque suos famulos iubet haec hera cunctos Ingenuos vitae post ipsi ut fore finem, DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 2, vv. 1487-1488. 114 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 2, De Insigni Obitu Memorandae Comitissaw Mathildis, vv. 1401-1535. 45

Matilda’s support for the church was also ideological. Her extensive circle of intellectuals and polemicists bolstered the Gregorian cause and undermined political opposition by promoting Canon law, biblical commentary, pamphlets, treatises, historical chronicles, and manuscript illuminations.115 Through these means, this privileged entourage became a true center of the reforming cause, capable of advancing the notions envisioned by

Gregory and his successors. Among the members of Matilda’s network were Anselm II of

Lucca, his successor Rangerius of Lucca, John of Mantua, Bishop Bonizo of Sutri, the anonymous writer of the first Vita of Anselm of Lucca, Donizo of Canossa, the important jurist Irnerius, Bonussenior of Reggio, Bishop Dodo, Bernard of Vallombrosa, Anselm of

Canterbury, and others. Such an illustrious group of devotees and friends clustered around the countess is a significant sign of Matilda’s authority and influence.116 At the behest of

Matilda, they composed eulogistic accounts of her life and praised their patroness’s loyalty to the pope and to reform. As well as fostering a political, spiritual, and intellectual circle,

Matilda maintained extensive relationships with clergy and spiritual mentors who had the responsibility of instructing her in both spiritual and temporal matters.

Analysis of the Sources

1. Charters

Compared to the Medieval norm, the sources for Matilda’s life are abundant and heterogeneous. Approximately 139 of Matilda's charters, both private and public, survive, 74

115 ROBINSON, The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century, pp. 49-59; Authority and Resistance, pp. 100-103; NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda, pp. 52-94. 116 NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda, pp. 52-55. 46 of them being original documents; 59 charters and four letters are transmitted in a copy, the other 15 are forgeries. This massive amount of documentation has no equal among medieval women in the High Middle Ages. The documents were collected and edited by Werner and

Elke Goez in 1998 in the Urkunden series of the MGH.117 These sources include records of

Matilda’s judicial acts as well as numerous privileges of protection in favor of ecclesiastical institutions, enacted by the countess while holding court and drafted by her judges and notaries. In addition, the documents include several donations and resolutions of disputes.

Several religious houses, monasteries, hospitals, and churches are the beneficiaries of her bequests. These sources are invaluable instruments to investigate the extent of Matilda’s domains and authority; the acts are mainly concentrated in northern and central Italy, with a few in northern Europe. At the same time, they allow the names and roles of the countess’s allies, vassals, supporters, and advisors to be identified. Even if Matilda did not draft the charters herself, she participated actively in the procedures, and her presence is documented.

For this reason, these sources are key in pinpointing Matilda’s movements and activities over vast periods of time. Finally, the collection includes four of the countess’s letters. However, as I will show in the next chapters, the context of many missing letters can be inferred from the correspondences of others, especially the Register of Gregory VII.

2. Correspondence

The Register of Gregory VII, edited by Caspar in the series of the Epistolae Selectae 2 in the MGH. The Epistolae Extra Registrum Vagantes, in Patrologiae cursus completus,

Series Latina edited by Migne and the English translation edited by Cowdrey,118 are

117 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, pp. 1-360. 118 GREGORY VII, Registrum, ed. E. CASPAR, MGH, Epistolae Selectae 2, Berlin, 1920-1923; 2002; tr. COWDREY, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085. GREGORY VII, Epistolae Extra Registrum 47 exceptionally rich. The copious letters Pope Gregory VII wrote to both Beatrice and Matilda are crucial to explore their relationship. At the same time, they are an important source in determining Matilda’s ideology and motivations. Moreover, the letters allow the identification of the thick web of relationships the pope and Matilda established and the extent of their collaboration.

The letters of Peter Damian, Die Briefe des Petrus Damiani,119 were collected and edited in the MGH, and translated into English by Owen Blum.120 Peter Damian’s correspondence is important evidence of his relationships with Agnes of Poitou, Adelaide of

Turin and Susa, and Beatrice of Canossa. These letters were crucial to pinpoint early precedents for Matilda’s future relationships as well as her inspiration for her political, spiritual, and ideological program. With the same intent, I also took into consideration the correspondence of John of Fécamp, edited by Maschio, who published both the Latin and

Italian translation in Pregare nel Medioevo, La Confessione Teologica e Altre Opere.121

The letters of Anselm of Canterbury were critically edited by Schmitt in five volumes in the Anselmi Opera Omnia. This correspondence was translated into English by Walter

Fröhlich and into Italian by Costante Marabelli and Giorgio Maschio.122 This source was a crucial instrument in the examination of Matilda’s relationship with Anselm of Canterbury. I

Vagantes, in Patrologiae cursus completus, Series Latina, ed. J.-P. MIGNE, PL, 148, cols. 643-734 (Paris, 1853); The Epistolae Vagantes of Pope Gregory VII, tr. COWDREY (Oxford, 1972). 119 PETER DAMIAN, Letters, Die Briefe des Petrus Damiani, ed. K. REINDEL, MGH, 4 vols. (Munich, 1983–93). 120 PETER DAMIAN, Letters, tr. O. J. BLUM, The Letters of Peter Damian, 6 vols. (Washington, 1998). 121 JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Libellus, in ed. G. MASCHIO, Pregare nel medioevo: la Confessione teologica e altre opere (Milano, 2010); JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Libellus, PL 40, Col 901. 122 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Sancti Anselmi Cantuariensis archiepiscopus Opera Omnia, 6 vols., ed. F.S. SCHMITT (Stuttgart and Bad Canstatt, 1963-1969); The Letters of St. Anselm of Canterbury, tr. W. FRÖHLICH, 3 vols. (Kalamazoo, 1990-1994), Ep. 325; Ep. 350; Anselmo d’Aosta, Opere, Orazioni e Meditazioni, tr. C. MARABELLI, G. MASCHIO, (Milan, 1997). 48 utilized not only the two letters addressed to the countess but also the archbishop’s correspondence during his two exiles. This allowed me to reconstruct the background of

Anselm of Canterbury’s connections and understand how his movements and political alliances were linked to Matilda’s and her entourage. At the same time, I took into consideration Anselm of Canterbury’s letters to Ida of Boulogne and her family to establish her personality and her association with her stepsister Matilda.

Three important letters, composed by the bishop of Lucca Anselm II, are still extant.

One is addressed to William I of England, another to Bishop Herman of Metz, and the last to

Abbot Ponzio of Frassinoro.123 These letters are significant sources to understand the bishop of Lucca’s background, alliances, and his vital role and assistance with both Matilda’s and

Gregory’s political objectives. These letters are edited in the MGH.

3. Literary and Theological Sources

While studying the relationships between Matilda and her spiritual advisors, Anselm of Canterbury and Anselm of Lucca, I came across their prayers, commissioned by and dedicated to the countess: Anselmo d’Aosta, Opere, Orazioni e Meditazioni, edited by

Marabelli and Maschio, and the English translation, Anselm, The prayers and Meditations of

St. Anselm, edited by Benedicta Ward; Anselm of Lucca’s Five Prayers are edited by André

Wilmart Cinq Textes De Prière Composés Par Anselm De Lucques Pour La Comtesse

Mathilde.124 Surprisingly, not only were these works important instruments in understanding

123 ANSELM OF LUCCA, Letter to William I of England, ed. C. ERDMANN, N. FICKERMANN, MGH, Epistolae, Briefsammlungen der Zeit Heinrichs IV, 5, Hannover, 1950, pp. 15-17; Letter to Herman of Metz, in Briefsammlungen der Zeit Heinrichs IV, ed. C. ERDMANN and N. FICKERMANN, MGH, BdK, 5 (Weimar, 1950), pp. 50-51; Letter to Ponzio of Frassinoro, in HUGH OF FLAVIGNY, Chronicon, MGH, SS, 8, p. 444. 124 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Anselmo d’Aosta; The Prayers and Meditations of St. Anselm, with the Proslogion, tr. B. WARD (Harmondsworth, 1973). ANSELM OF LUCCA, Five Prayers, pp. 23-72; Preghiere per Matilde, Italian ed. R. BRUNELLI, R. CRIVELLI (Mantova, 1998). 49

Matilda's relationships with the two men, but, I realized, the collections display the same themes and passionate language. Consequently, these texts, while providing important evidence of these two churchmen’s connections, are also proof of their contribution to the shift of spirituality. This argument was already established for Anselm of Canterbury; this study will demonstrate that Anselm of Lucca was also a contributor to the new, affective devotion.

This important realization pushed my investigation even farther, into an examination of the works of John of Fécamp and Peter Damian, spiritual advisers of Agnes of Poitou, a member of Matilda’s extended family and one of her most important female models: Peter

Damian, Poems and Prayers, and Sermons, edited by Facchini and Saraceno; John of

Fécamp Libellus and Confessio Theologica edited by Maschio.125 It has already been proven that John was a model for Anselm of Canterbury; this investigation allowed me to prove that he was a model for Anselm of Lucca as well. Most importantly, this investigation will show that Peter Damian’s personal contribution to the spread of the cult of the Virgin and his desire to identify with Christ was a source of inspiration for both Anselms and the future development of the language of prayers.

For the Eucharistic Controversy, with which Anselm of Lucca was profoundly associated, I looked at Lanfranc of Bec, On the Body and Blood of the Lord, edited by

Vaillancourt, and the Libellus of Alberic of Monte Cassino, edited by Radding and

Newton.126 These texts allowed me to understand the deep impact of Anselm of Lucca, and

125 PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, Italian tr. U. FACCHINI, L. SARACENO (Rome, 2007); JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Libellus, PL 40, Col 901. Accessed November 1, 2018; Italian tr. G. MASCHIO, Pregare nel medioevo: la Confessione teologica e altre opere (Milan, 2010). 126 LANFRANC, On the Body and Blood of the Lord, ed. M. G. VAILLANCOURT (Washington, 2009); ALBERICUS, Libellus, tr. C. RADDING, F. NEWTON, Theology, Rhetoric, and Politics in the Eucharistic Controversy, 1078-1079: Alberic of Monte Cassino against Berengar of Tours (New York, 2003) 50 his prayers, on the Eucharistic Controversy and the world of Northern Europe.

4. Anselm of Lucca’s Works

In addition to the three letters and the Five Prayers written for Matilda (mentioned above), Anselm of Lucca composed other important works. An examination of these works was key in analyzing the goal of the bishop’s relationship with Matilda. These texts were written at the side of the countess during his exile, with the objective to expand and promote the ideals of the Gregorian Reform.127 The Collectio Canonum, edited by Thaner, was commissioned by Gregory VII. In it Anselm defends the power and the primacy of the pope over the whole of Christendom, stressing the concept of obedience; in the conclusion he provides the first moral justification for the use of violence and war in religious controversies. The concepts laid out by Anselm were the cornerstone of the Gregorian ideals.

The Liber ad Wibertum – Book Against Wibert, edited in the series of the Libelli de Lite in the MGH, is the bishop of Lucca’s written response to an accusation formulated by Wibert of

Ravenna, the most influential polemicist among the emperor’s circle, and antipope Clement

III, who accused Anselm of deceiving Matilda with the false promise of eternal life.

Remarkably, in this work Anselm explains, with his own voice, not only the very nature and purpose of his relationship with Matilda but also how it corresponds with the will of God and the Church’s mission. Another important work, composed by Anselm in the 1080s, is Sermo de Caritate, published by Pasztor. In this work Anselm, by drawing from Gregory and his teachings to Matilda, provides a justification for the engagement in the active life and the coercive action, in a new interpretation of Caritas. This source is another instrument to

127 For Pope Gregory VII’s program to assert papal authority and discipline over the Church by extending the more moderate reforms of his predecessors, see BLUMENTHAL, The Investiture Controversy, pp. 106-134. 51 identify the origin of Matilda’s ideology. Finally, I examined Anselm’s two commentaries, both commissioned by Matilda: the Commentary on the Psalter is in Paul of Bernried’s Vita

Gregorii VII, edited by Robinson; and Matthew’s Commentary, published in Rough. These works are important to determine the bishop of Lucca’s approach to the Gospels and the

Bible. In the works he utilizes the “political allegory”, i.e., the interpretation of the Scriptures by referring to current political events. This evidence allowed me to pinpoint, with a greater precision, Anselm’s comparison between Matilda and the Virgin Mary.128

5. Chronicles, Biographies, and Treatises

As seen above, one of the most important sources for Matilda’s life is her biography,

Vita Mathildis, composed by Donizo of Canossa and edited in the series Scriptores in the

MGH and by Golinelli with the Italian translation.129 The monk personally knew Matilda and was familiar with her; he probably arrived at the monastery of St. Apollonio at Canossa in

1087. He most likely was there during Henry IV’s siege of the Canossa’s stronghold, and certainly witnessed Henry V’s encounter with Matilda in 1110-1111. The monk wrote his poem between 1112 and 1115 with the title De Princibus Canusinis – On the Princes of

Canossa. Remarkably, he is the first historian who credited the Canossa Family with the name of their most important stronghold. As seen before, even if the biography is a panegyric and as such does not always adhere to the objective truth, it provides an important

128 ANSELM OF LUCCA, Collectio Canonum, ed. F. THANER (Innsbruck, 1915); Sermo Anselmi Episcopi de caritate, ed. E. PÁSZTOR, in Motivi dell’ecclesiologia di Anselmo di Lucca in margine a un sermone inedito, Bull. Ist. Storico. Ital., 77 (1965), 45-104, text 96-104; Liber contra Wibertum, ed. E. Bernheim, MFH, Libelli de Lite imperatorum et pontificum, 1, Hannover, 1891, 517-528; In libro secondo Matthaeum, in PL 149, cols. 476-7; tr. ROUGH, The Reformist Illumination; Fragment of Anselm’s Commentary on the Psalms Lamentation of Jeremiah, in PAUL BERNRIED, Vita Gregorii VII, c. 112, ed. J. M. WATTERICH, Pontificum Romanorum Vitae, I (Leipzig, 1862). 129 DONIZO OF CANOSSA, Vita Mathildis, ed. L. Bethmann, MGH, SS, 12, Hannover, 1856, 348- 409; DONIZONE, Vita di Matilde di Canossa.

52 perspective of the countess’s ideology and is significant documentation of her most important relationships. At the same time, because Donizo's work is the only source which details several important events in Matilda's life and the Investiture Controversy, it is of a certain importance; while it cannot be taken at face value, the work is matchless in its precision and detail of the facts it does narrate. For example, the biography is the only source to contain an account of Matilda’s ancestors; the meeting at Carpineti, which decreed the continuation of the war with Henry IV; the battle of Sorbora; and an account of Matilda’s death, as well as information regarding the countess and her family which had been neglected in other chronicles.

The two Lives of Anselm II Bishop of Lucca; these works were important sources regarding Matilda's life and were crucial for my research. The first Life of Anselm of Lucca,

Vita Anselmi episcopi Lucensis, edited by Wilmans in MGH, Scriptores, was written anonymously, in prose, one year after Anselm of Lucca’s death in 1086.130 It contains important information regarding the life and ideology of Matilda during the first period of the

Investiture Controversy and her relationship with Anselm of Lucca. The writer’s aims were both to describe Anselm of Lucca as a strenuous defender of reform and to obtain his canonization. The second Life was written by Rangerius of Lucca (1096-1112), Vita metrica sancti Anselmi Lucensis episcopi, edited by Hofmeister in the series Scriptores in the MGH and by Amari with the Italian translation.131 Rangerius was one of Matilda’s close collaborators and a zealous reformer, eminent scholar, and poet. He was part of Matilda’s entourage and biographer of Anselm II bishop of Lucca. Vita Metrica was composed in

130Vita Anselmi episcopi Lucensis, in ed. R. WILMANS, MGH, SS, 12, Hannover, 1856 13-35. 131 RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita metrica sancti Anselmi Lucensis episcopi, ed. A. HOFMEISTER, MGH, SS, 30/2, Lipsia, 1934, 1152-1307; Rangerio. Il poema di Anselmo, vescovo di Lucca, Italian tr. R. AMARI (Pisa, 2015).

53 verse, probably between 1096 and 1099. Rangerius mainly follows the information provided in the previous Vita, though he expands and enriches it with new events and with the history of Lucca during the Investiture Controversy. Matilda is one of the protagonists of this poem and it describes her close friendship with Anselm of Lucca at length.

Another fervent defender of the Gregorian reform to take refuge in the countess’s entourage was Bonizo of Sutri, whose Liber ad amicum, edited by Dümmler in the series

Libelli de Lite and by Robinson with the English translation, is a vital source for the

Investiture Controversy and a significant contribution to the doctrine of just war.132 The book was composed at Matilda’s court and written appositely to sustain her mission and duty as lay lord. Indeed, the mysterious friend to which the book is dedicated is probably Matilda herself. Bonizo exalts the deeds of Matilda and her family, praising the countess for her many services to the princes of the apostles. In his account, Bonizo provides a justification of the countess’s military campaigns against the opponents of St. Peter.133 This work also contains the first biography of Pope Gregory VII as well as several details regarding the life of Matilda and her family.

John of Mantua’s commentary on the Song of Songs and the De Sancta Maria

Tractatus, which is a commentary to the Gospel of Luke (Lk 1:26-55) (both composed between 1081-1084 and commissioned by Matilda) are edited by Bischoff:134 John of

Mantua In Cantica canticorum et de Sancta Maria tractatus ad comitissam Matildam. The

132 BONIZO OF SUTRI, Liber ad amicum, pp. 568-690; BONIZO, Book to a Friend, pp. 158-261. 133 Later he would be elected by the supporters of the Pataria to the see of Piacenza. This election aroused conflicts between the radical and moderate reformers and was not supported by the new pope Urban II nor by Matilda. As a result, Bonizo would be seized by his enemies and horribly mutilated in 1090. After this episode, Bonizo would change his perspective about Matilda and in his later book Liber de Vita Christiana he would attack and criticize her as a woman, thereby not suited for government. He probably died in Cremona in 1099, see J. A. DEMPSEY, Bonizo of Sutri: Life and Work, Ph.D. Dissertation (Boston University, 2006). 134 JOHN OF MANTUA, In Cantica canticorum et de Sancta Maria tractatus ad comitissam Matildam, in ed. B. BISCHOFF, B. TAEGER (Freiburg, 1973). 54

Song of Songs is a dialogue between a Bride and God. Significantly, in John’s commentary

Matilda is intended to be identified with the Bride; John refers to Matilda as “beata sponsa” in the text. In De Sancta Maria the author describes and comments on the significance of the

Annunciation-Visitation-Magnificat sequence in the Gospel of Luke. These significant texts reveal not only Matilda’s religious concerns but also the importance of the ongoing discussion among Matilda’s entourage regarding the righteousness of war in the service of the church, initiated by Gregory VII and expanded by Anselm of Lucca, Bonizo of Sutri, and

John of Mantua.

An important account, Chronicon Sancti Huberti Andaginensis – the Chronicle of St.

Hubert of the Ardennes – edited in the MGH, was written in different phases by the monks of the monastery of St. Hubert, up to 1106.135 This account describes the events of the

Investiture Controversy. The authors of the chronicle are fervent reformers and supporters of the papacy. The monastery of St. Hubert was in Lotharingia in the diocese of Liège, and its monks had a close relationship with Matilda. At the same time, they maintained a familiar bond with the family of Godfrey the Bearded and his daughter Ida of Boulogne. This text therefore includes important details about Matilda’s relationship with Lotharingia and her links with Ida of Boulogne.

For my research I also explored important German chronicles of the eleventh century, such as the Chronicon of Bernold of St. Blasien and of Berthold of Reichenau,136 as well as

135 Chronicon Sancti Huberti Andaginensis, ed. L. C. BETHMANN, W. WATTENBACH, in MGH SS, 8, Hannover 1848, pp. 565-630. 136 BERNOLD OF ST. BLASIEN (of Constance) and BERTHOLD OF REICHENAU, Die Chroniken Bertholds von Reichenau and Bernolds von Konstanz, ed. MGH, SS, 14, pp. 400-467, tr. ROBINSON, Eleventh Century Germany: The Swabian Chronicles (Manchester, 2008). 55 the Annales of Lampert of Hersfeld,137 and the Chronicon of Hugh of Flavigny,138 all devoted to the Gregorian party. In several passages these accounts describe the deeds of the countess and the events which involved Empress Agnes of Poitou, Beatrice of Canossa, and her husband Godfrey the Bearded. Another important contemporary Chronicle was written by

Arnulf of Milan: Liber gestorum recentium, published in the MGH and edited by I. Scaravelli with the Italian translation. This source documents the church of Milan’s position during the

Investiture Controversy. Furthermore, Arnulf reveals significant details regarding Matilda’s unique role as guide and advisor of Gregory VII. This account also uncovers some aspects of

Anselm of Lucca’s mission during his journey to Milan as papal legate.139

Among the imperial supporters, I took Benzo of Alba’s account into consideration,

Ad Heinricum IV, imperatorem edited by Pertz in the MGH.140 This significant chronicle is a bitter critique of the Gregorian ideology and Matilda’s actions. Benzo was the most fervent supporter of Henry IV. He provides important information regarding Henry IV’s actions against the countess. At the same time, his account allows us to understand how Matilda was seen by her opponents, and what, according to those opponents, were her motivations.

Another bitter voice against Matilda is Cosmas of Prague, who composed The chronicle of the Czechs , completed in 1124 and edited by the MGH and recently translated in English by

L. Wolverton.141 Cosmas was extremely hostile to Matilda; his scandalous narration of the

137 LAMPERT OF HERSFELD, Annales, Lamberti Hersfeldensis Annales, ed. F. L. HESSE, G. WAITZ, MGH, SS, 5, pp.134-263; tr. ROBINSON, The Annals of Lampert of Hersfeld (Manchester, 2015), pp. 134-263. 138 HUGH OF FLAVIGNY, Chronicon, ed. G. H. PERTZ, MGH, SS, 8, Hannover, 1848, pp. 288-502. 139 ARNULF OF MILAN, Liber gestorum recentium, ed. MGH, SS, 67, Liber 5; Italian tr. I. SCARAVELLI, Liber gestorum recentium (Bologna, 1996). 140 BENZO OF ALBA, Ad Heinricum IV, imperatorem libri VII, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH, SS, 11, Hannover, 1854, 591-681. 141 COSMAS OF PRAGUE, Chronica Boemorum, ed. MGH, SS, 2 (Berlin, 1955); tr. L. WOLVERTON, The Chronicle of the Czechs (Washington, 2009).

56 aberrant sexual relationships between the countess and her second husband shows that this source, obviously, cannot be taken at face value. However, its description of Matilda’s role as a ruler and her powerful position both in Italy and at the papal court is important evidence of the extent of her authority. These sources complement and validate the narrative of the

Gregorian supporters.

6. Art: Manuscript Illuminations

Matilda was a highly educated woman. Her passion for knowledge and for the

“written word” would encourage the copying and circulation of diverse literary texts and illuminated manuscripts. Some of these illustrations provide invaluable historical evidence to identify Matilda’s own concerns and motivations, revealed especially through her self- representation. In the illuminations, the countess is portrayed as a devoted but authoritative benefactor, politically powerful and devoted to ascetic spiritualism.

I examined, in particular, the illuminations of two codices. First, the illuminated manuscript of Anselm of Canterbury’s Prayers and Meditations, Admont MS. 289

Stiftsbibliothek, Austria; this rich cycle reveals new aspects of Matilda’s relationship with

Anselm of Canterbury and its investigation has been essential to better understand the nature and impact this friendship had in the social, political, and spiritual sphere, as shown in

Chapter Four. At the same time, the illuminations of Vita Mathildis, Vat. Lat. N. 4922, in the

Vatican Library, which I examined in this introduction, enhance the narrative of the text and often express extra meaning, aimed at conveying strong ideas about politics and authority. I also took into consideration other illustration cycles of the tenth and eleventh centuries which assisted in both providing an interpretation of the two codices I examined, and in offering them context and background.

57

With this background of modern scholarship on Countess Matilda, both English and

Italian, the short summary of her family background and life story, and the contemporary sources most relevant to the study of her motivations, spiritual development, and its simultaneous evolutions through her political involvement with the Reform Papacy, we may now turn to an investigation of the models of friendship available to Matilda through the political and spiritual experiences of the powerful women of Matilda’s extended family:

Agnes of Poitou, Adelaide of Turin and Susa, and Matilda’s mother, Beatrice of Tuscany.

58

Chapter One

Matilda’s Model of Friendship:

A New Perspective

Matilda was not the first woman of her extended family to assist the reform papacy.

Three women linked by kinship and friendship to the countess, Beatrice of Lotharingia,

Agnes of Poitou, and Adelaide of Turin and Susa, were vigorously involved with the defense of church reform. During Matilda’s childhood and youth, this unique trio of women were absorbed in an intense correspondence with the passionate reformer Peter Damian; Agnes was also closely connected with the spiritual writer John of Fécamp. To what extent did the examples of Agnes, Beatrice, and Adelaide contribute to the creation of a new model of friendship and love for Matilda’s future relationships? In what way did their lives and long- lasting relationships with these important churchmen and reformers influence Matilda’s political, spiritual, and ideological programs? To what degree were these noble, powerful female rulers responsible for the shift in the image of women in the second half of the eleventh century? Finally, how did this shift reflect on Matilda’s self-representation?

Three Models for Matilda: Beatrice, Agnes, and Adelaide

In his groundbreaking book Friendship and Community Brian McGuire clarifies that the roots of the revitalized idea of friendship of the eleventh and twelfth centuries were to be

59 found in the classical tradition as well as in the Bible.1 These investigations are essential in understanding how the concept of friendship evolved over time. My inquiry seeks to comprehend the nature of the relationships Matilda established through an examination of her notion of friendship, including the development of this notion in her childhood and into her womanhood. Indeed, Matilda embarked upon her rulership not in isolation but with the support and the example of her kin and kindred. For the countess, friendship was based upon family stock and upon models provided by exemplary ancestors and close friends.2

My investigation seeks to identify the origin of this revitalized idea of friendship by examining the political and spiritual experiences of the powerful women of Matilda’s extended family. From the 1060s through the first decades of the twelfth century Europe faced a vacuum of power; created by minorities, deaths, and royal absences, this vacuum fostered the rise of crucial, female regents.3 This contingency coincided with the advancement of the ideologies of church reform and the papacy. In order to expand its ideals, the papacy empowered women as sole rulers and asked them to help realize its goals. The papacy depended on Agnes of Poitou, Adelaide of Turin and Susa, and, most of all, on the

Tuscan countesses Beatrice and Matilda.4 Through their friendship, these secular women

1 MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, pp. xxix-90; J. MCEVOY, “The Theory of Friendship in the Latin Middle Ages: Hermeneutics, Contextualization and the Transmission and Reception of Ancient Texts and Ideas, from c. AD 350 to c. 1500”, in Friendship in Medieval Europe, 3–44. 2 For this theme see also: FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex; "Women's Role in Latin Letters”, pp. 73-104; See also the biographies of the important women of power in the tenth and eleventh century: STAFFORD, Queen Emma and Queen Edith; CHIBNALL, The Empress Matilda: Queen Consort; LOPRETE, Adela of Blois; A. WEIR, J. TANNER, Eleanor of Aquitaine; NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda; GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro. 3 LAZZARI, “I Poteri Delle Donne Al Tempo Di Matilde”, pp. 35–56; FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex pp. 68-106; A. M. LOCKING, Act Therefore to be a Virago of the Lord: Eleventh Century Ecclesiastical Reform and New Forms and Perceptions of Lay Female Religiosity, Ph.D. Dissertation (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill), pp. 7-40; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 212-303. 4 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 75-100; A. CREBER, “Women at Canossa. The Role of Royal and Aristocratic Women in the Reconciliation between Pope Gregory VII and Henry IV of Germany”. Storicamente, 13, http://storicamente.org/creber-womencanossa, (2017), pp. 1-44. 60 closely collaborated on church reform with the most important reformers of their time; these reformers clearly valued women’s rulership, and believed female power was crucial for the advancement of reform.5 In turn, for Matilda and the women of her family, adhering to the papal policy was a powerful instrument to strengthen their authority and justify their power as women. Their deep involvement in the struggle to implement church reform throughout their domains was certainly a powerful means to gain political support.

At the same time, this specific setting induced these churchmen to seek new approaches to and justifications for their intense friendships and correspondences with these women as well as justifications for the active role of females in ecclesiastical and political events. They sought, through prayers, vitae, chronicles, and letters, to offer moral guidance to these women. They envisaged a new, ideal type of woman, embodied in these extraordinary female figures, and presented their lives as exemplary to both women and men.6

In the prayers and correspondences of these passionate reformers, the new role and prominence ascribed to the Virgin seems to appear, for the first time, in connection with

Matilda and this group of ideal female figures, likely inspired by their lives.7 In this work I will argue that Matilda and these female figures had a significant influence on the development and realization of reform as well as the change in spirituality, the language of prayers, and the image of women. Members of Matilda’s kin such as Matilda’s mother

Beatrice of Lotharingia, Agnes of Poitou, and Adelaide of Turin and Susa may have well

5 FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex, p. 10; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 298-303; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 75-100. 6 HEALY, Merito nominetur virago; MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority, pp. 117- 121; A. CREBER, “Mirrors for Margraves: Peter Damian’s Models for Male and Female Rulers”, Historical Reflection/ Réflexions Historiques, 42, 1 (2016), pp. 8–20. 7 For the cult of the Virgin Mary see: FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 193-350; K. IHNAT, Mother of Mercy, Bane of the Jews. Devotion to the Virgin Mary in Anglo-Norman England, (Princeton, 2016). On women as possible triggers of this new spirituality see MCNAMER, Affective Meditation, pp. 59-85. 61 been important archetypes, influencing the countess’s future choices. Since Matilda’s childhood, these noble women had been involved with the defense of church reform through relationships with the passionate reformer Peter Damian.8 Peter’s correspondence is important evidence of these relationships. In his letters, Damian describes these pious ladies as Virago, Bride of Christ, Deborah, Esther, Judith, etc., and highly celebrates their rulership styles and spirituality.9 I will argue the correspondences of Agnes, Beatrice, and Adelaide with Peter Damian – as well as that of John of Fécamp with Agnes10 – both contribute to the creation of a new model of friendship and love between churchman and noblewoman and serve as early precedents for Matilda’s future relationships and inspiration for her political, spiritual, and ideological programs.

8 D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 298-303; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 75-100; K. L. JASPER, “Mapping a Monastic Network: Peter Damian and Fonte Avellana in the Eleventh Century” (Berkeley, 2012); G. FORNASARI, Medioevo riformato del secolo XI: Pier Damiani e Gregorio VII (Naples, 2002). 9 For the letters of Peter Damian see: PETER DAMIAN, Letters, Die Briefe des Petrus Damiani; PETER DAMIAN, Letters. Peter Damian’s letters to Beatrice: Ep. 51, 148; Peter Damian’s letters to Agnes of Poitou, Ep.104, 124, 130, 144, 149; Peter Damian’s letter to Adelaide: Ep. 114. 10 JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Letter to Empress Agnes, in ed. G. MASCHIO, Pregare nel medioevo: la Confessione teologica e altre opere (Milan, 2010), pp. 155-161. 62

Table 2 Family connections between Matilda of Tuscany, Beatrice of Lotharingia and Tuscany, Agnes of Poitou, and Adelaide of Turin and Susa.

For my analysis on Peter Damian’s correspondences, I drew mainly from the works of N. D’Acunto, K. L. Jasper, and M. R. Gledhill,11 whose important studies focus primarily on the friendship network of Peter Damian. Their investigations were crucial for my research; however, while considering Damian’s relationships with Agnes, Adelaide, and

Beatrice, they concentrated on the political and social dynamics of church reform and did not examine links to Matilda. Golinelli’s analyses on the relationships between Matilda and the abovementioned women were an additional source of inspiration for my research.12 The author, while touching upon the notion of personal bonds, does not examine the idea of

11 D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa; JASPER, “Mapping a Monastic Network”; M. R. GLEDHILL, Peter Damian and “the World”: Asceticism, Reform and Society in Eleventh-Century Italy (London, 2012). 12 GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa; L'Ancella di San Pietro. 63 spiritual friendship or models of spiritual friendship for Matilda. My investigation, while paying due attention to politics and reform, focuses on the language of spiritual friendship and on female devotion, in connection with Matilda.

As mentioned, historians have argued that the key figure in the transformation of the language of friendship and the image of women was Anselm of Canterbury.13 In contrast, several scholars have described Peter Damian as a “hysterical misogynist”, an interpretation principally established by J. A. McNamara and D. Elliott, which rests mainly on Damian’s negative description of clerical wives in his letter to Adelaide of Turin and Susa, and on an apparent psychological attitude acquired by Damian during his tormented childhood, considered to be the cause of his antifeminism.14 This analysis has discounted the great vastity of his work and his numerous correspondence with women. My investigation not only takes in consideration Peter’s correspondences with women, but examines also his prayers, sermons, and poems. This sources indicate that Peter Damian is the key to unlocking

Matilda’s conception of friendship and its models; these correspondences clearly show the ardent reformer not only encouraging women’s rulership but valuing female spirituality.15

His collection of letters documents the shift of the image of women in the eleventh century and demonstrates his significant contribution to this shift. Several feminist scholars argue that, between the mid-eleventh and mid-twelfth centuries, a wave of misogyny invaded

13 For the change in religious sentiments and emotional attitudes see: FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex; JAEGER, Ennobling Love; FULTON, From Judgment to Passion; MCNAMER, Affective Meditation; MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority; MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, and “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”; SOUTHERN, Saint Anselm and His Biographer, and St. Anselm: Portrait. 14 For the feminist perspective see: J. A. MCNAMARA, “The ‘Herrenfrage’: The Restructuring of the Gender System, 1050-1150”. In Medieval Masculinities. Regarding Men in the Middle Ages, 3–29 (1994); D. ELLIOTT, Spiritual Marriage: Sexual Abstinence in Medieval Wedlock (Princeton, 1993), pp. 101-104; L.K. LITTLE, “The Personal Development of Peter Damian”, in Order and Innovation in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honor of Joseph R. Strayer, ed. W. C. JORDAN, B. MCNAB, T. F. RUIZ (Princeton, 1976), pp. 317-341. 15 D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa; CREBER, “Mirrors for Margraves”, pp. 8-20. 64

Europe, inspired mainly by reformers and harsh Gregorian attacks and criticisms of women.16

This work, by showing a vast and diverse array of sources, challenges the arguments of these feminist scholars.

Peter Damian

Peter Damian (1007-1072) was a vigorous pursuer of monastic reform; at the same time, he sought friendship as a necessary, human bond to advance his ideals.17 He was born in Ravenna and, after a troubled childhood, studied liberal arts and law, acquiring a reputation as teacher of rhetoric. In 1035 he joined the monastery of Fonte Avellana in the march of Spoleto. Appointed abbot of the same monastery in 1043, his presence became known to clergy, laity, and other scholars; thanks to him, the institution won public recognition and prospered. Damian became one of the most influential reformers, pushing monastic and church reform through his writing and extensive network of personal relationships with both clergy and laity. In 1057, Peter was appointed cardinal-bishop of

Ostia by Pope Stephan IX; under the pontificate of Nicholas II he participated in the compilation of the election decree, promulgated in 1059, which dealt with important subjects such as papal primacy, clerical marriage, and simony. In 1061, against the antipope Cadalus,

Peter supported the appointment of his friend Anselm I of Baggio as Pope Alexander II. He was assisted by Countess Beatrice of Canossa-Lotharingia in this endeavor. Peter’s staunch support of reform and the papacy, his great abilities as rhetorician, and his knowledge of

16 D. ELLIOT, The Priest’s Wife. Female Erasure and the Gregorian Reform, in Medieval Religion: New Approaches, ed. C. H. BERMAN (New York, 2005), pp. 123-155; MCNAMARA, “The ‘Herrenfrage’”; MCNAMARA, “Canossa and the Ungendering of the Public Man”, pp. 102-122. 17 MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, pp. 204-210. 65

Canon Law led Pope Nicholas II and Pope Alexander II to appoint him as legate in numerous

missions. He travelled to Milan in 1059 to resolve the Patarines’ conflicts; to Cluny in 1063,

where he discussed the legal privilege of the monastery; to Florence in 1066 to reconcile the

difficult situation arising between the monks of Vallombrosa and the bishop of Florence

Pietro Mezzabarba; and to Frankfurt to provide counsel for the difficult marriage between

Henry IV and his wife Bertha, Adelaide of Turin and Susa’s daughter. Finally, on his last

legatine mission, in 1072 to Ravenna, he settled the last vestige of Cadalus’s schism.18 Upon

his return, Damian died in February 1072.19 Certainly, he had a critical impact upon his

contemporaries. In 1073, Hildebrand was elected Pope Gregory VII. In this period, the same

group of women – Empress Agnes, Adelaide, Beatrice, and Matilda of Tuscany – became

crucial members of Gregory VII’s friendship network. In the same vein, the pope encouraged

the noble ladies to act as mediators and intercessors in the struggle with Henry IV.20 I will

show that Peter’s long-lasting relationships with Agnes, Beatrice, and Adelaide both served

as model for Gregory and Matilda’s relationship and inspired her entourage and their concept

of friendship.

Beatrice of Lotharingia: Wife, Virgin, and Ruler

18 For the life and work of Peter Damian see: D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa; JASPER, “Mapping a Monastic Network”, pp. 56-58; “Peter Damian and the Communication of Local Reform”. The Catholic Historical Review 104, no. 2 (August 24, 2018), pp. 197–222. K. G. CUSHING, Of Locustae and Dangerous Men: Peter Damian, the Vallombrosans, and Eleventh-century Reform, Church History, 74 (2005), pp. 740-757. GLEDHILL, Peter Damian and “the World”; FORNASARI, Medioevo riformato del secolo XI; P. RANFT, The Theology of Peter Damian "Let Your Life Always Serve as a Witness” (Washington, D.C., 2012); FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 89-118; O. J. BLUM, St. Peter Damian: His Teaching on the Spiritual Life (Washington, D.C., 1947). 19 Howe argues that Peter Damian died in 1073 and not in 1072, J. HOWE, “Did St. Peter Damian Die in 1073? A New Perspective on His Final Days”, Analecta Bollandiana, 128, 1 (2010), pp. 67–86. 20 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 75-100. 66

Beatrice, mother of Matilda of Tuscany, was certainly Matilda’s first political and spiritual

model.21 Closely related with the German Empire, Beatrice was the daughter of Matilda of

Swabia, sister of Empress Gisela, and Frederick II, Duke of Upper Lotharingia. After the

death of her father in 1033, Beatrice went to live with her aunt Empress Gisela and Emperor

Conrad II at the imperial court. Emperor Henry III and Henry IV were Matilda’s first and

second cousins.22 Additionally, Beatrice established a strong partnership with the reform

party and the papacy due to her religious conviction. Peter Damian’s extant correspondence

with Beatrice and her two husbands reveals much about the relationship the powerful dynasty

established with the church reform. These relationships, carried on in both the private and the

public spheres, were important models for Matilda to imitate.23

Beatrice and her first husband, Boniface of Canossa, grew close to the key figures of

the new ecclesiastical reforming party: Pope Leo IX, Peter Damian, Humbert of Silva

Candida, and Guido of Pomposa.24 A letter, in which Damian asks to renounce the rights

over the monastery of St. Vincent, attests to the relationship between Peter and Boniface of

Canossa.25 Peter tries to educate and exhort Boniface into the duty of a lay princeps, to

defend the church and its patrimony according to the will of God. Peter’s relationship with

21 For Beatrice’s and Matilda’s relationship see: GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 43-52; Matilde: La Donna e il Potere, Matilde di Canossa e il suo tempo : atti del XXI Congresso internazionale di studio sull'alto Medioevo in occasione del IX centenario della morte (1115-2015) : San Benedetto Po - Revere - Mantova - Quattro Castella, 20-24 ottobre 2015, 2 (Mantova, 2016), pp. 1-35; “Beatrice, Matilde, Beatrice. Un Antico Documento Dell’amore Materno”. Via Dogana, 3 (1991), pp. 14–15. A different perspective on Matilda’s and Beatrice’s relationship is offered by LAZZARI “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”. 22 For Beatrice’s family connections see Chapter Six; also see DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 1, vv. 781- 794; vv. 1140-1206; M. G. BARTOLINI, “Beatrice di Lorena, marchesa e duchessa di Toscana”, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 7 (Rome, 1965), pp. 352-363. 23 D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 298-303. 24 GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 32-36; FUMAGALLI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 15-18; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 298-305. 25 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 2; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 258-263; JASPER, “Mapping a Monastic Network”, pp. 56-58; “Peter Damian and the Communication of Local Reform”, pp. 206-207. 67 the Canossa family would only intensify after the death of Boniface.

Boniface died in 1052; after two years, Beatrice married Godfrey the Bearded, Duke of Upper Lotharingia, without the emperor’s knowledge. The powerful duke was an enemy of Henry III, who promptly imprisoned Beatrice and her daughter Matilda in Germany; she would be released only at the death of Henry III.26 They would take possession of the march of Tuscany in the spring of 1057. Subsequently, Godfrey the Bearded and Beatrice would become personal friends of Peter Damian. Indeed, Godfrey would receive a greater number of letters from Damian than any other lay lord.27 Their correspondence began as soon as the duke established his power over Tuscany, Spoleto, and Camerino, showing that Peter

Damian became an important spiritual advisor and instructor to Godfrey. He advises the duke about the duty of a prince; he also harshly rebukes Godfrey, accusing him of negligence and excessive indulgence in the administration of his territories. These letters indicate a constant and assiduous relationship: “I now repeat in my letter what I have often said to you in person.

I am saying, indeed, that I am greatly displeased that you neglect this principality”.28 Damian also admonishes the duke for fostering the insurgence of violence and misconduct in his marches in his inability to adequately punish delinquents.

Peter Damian’s relationship with Beatrice began in these years. This relationship was cordial and amiable, absent of any attacks from Damian toward her misconduct.29 In 1057, after her first three years of marriage with Godfrey the Bearded, the abbot of Fonte Avellana

26 See Chapter Six; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, p. 305; LAZZARI, “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”; Goffredo di Lorena, pp. 225-242; “I Poteri Delle Donne Al Tempo Di Matilde”. 27 PETER DAMIAN, Eps. 51, 67, 68, 148. 28 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 67. 29 D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 264-275; JASPER, “Mapping a Monastic Network”, pp. 56-58 and 74-81; “Peter Damian and the Communication of Local Reform”, pp. 213-217; A. CREBER, “Mirrors for Margraves”, pp. 8-20. 68 writes to both Godfrey and Beatrice to congratulate them on their choice to live in chastity.30

This letter was likely a remedy to avoid the consequences of their illegal marriage; indeed, their union was considered unlawful on the grounds of consanguinity and for its lack of the emperor’s permission. As further remedy and penitence, both margraves promised to dispose of the foundation of a religious house; this intention would not be fulfilled immediately, but only later on by Beatrice.31

Interestingly, in the letter, Peter states he was greatly surprised by Beatrice’s choice to live in chastity, but knew about the duke’s; this is a further confirmation of Godfrey the

Bearded and Peter’s close friendship, so much so that Godfrey had revealed in person to

Peter his desire to live according to the monastic rule. At the same time, Peter addresses

Beatrice saying:

“I confess: ‘I rejoiced in those things which were told me,’ and vehemently exulted.

For now, that sentence of the ancient curse is lifted from you which was said to the

first woman: “you will be under the power of a man [your husband] and he will rule

over you.”32 It is evident that Sarah had the intention of chastity…And after this God

said to Abraham: “everything Sara tells you, listen to her.”33 Behold, whom Abraham

had first ruled now he was ordered to obey because of her chastity, to obey in all her

words whom first he had ruled as lord.”34

30 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 51; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 264-275; JASPER, “Mapping a Monastic Network”, p. 77; “Peter Damian and the Communication of Local Reform”, p. 214; CREBER, “Mirrors for Margraves”, pp. 8-20. For spiritual marriages and chaste marriage see: D. ELLIOTT, Spiritual Marriage, pp. 94-195, the author only briefly mentions Beatrice and Matilda in a note, 11, p. 97-98. 31 LAZZARI, Goffredo di Lorena; D’ACUNTO, I Laici nella Chiesa, pp. 264-275. 32 Genesis, 3, 16. 33 Genesis, 21, 12. 34 Fateor: “Laetatus sum in his, quae ditta sunt michi” et exultavi vehementer. Iam siquidem solutum est in te illud antiquae maledictionis elogium, quo primae mulieri dictum est: ‘Sub viripotestate eris, et ipse dominabitur tui.’ Constat plane Saraam castitatis ex tunc iam habuisse propositurn… Et post haec dixit Deus ad Abraham: ‘Omnia quae dixerit tibi Saraa, audi vocem eius.’ Ecce, cui prius Abraham imperaverat et 69

According to Damian, chastity is the very catalyst of a woman’s authority. He offers Beatrice examples of virtuous women living in continence with their husbands, who, in force of this virtue, were able to act as spiritual guides and advisors to their spouses.35 According to

Damian, this virtue also allows the woman to nullify the ancient curse triggered by Eve:

“About this woman we can say that she was different from the first woman [Eve], she

spoke differently and did the opposite of what she had done. That woman ate the

forbidden fruit first, then persuaded her husband to eat. This woman offered her

husband an example of behavior to be imitated and speech of holy exhortation. That

one by her action and speech drove her husband from paradise, this one recalls him to

it with words and deeds.”36

This passage is exceptional documentation of both a shift in the image of women in the eleventh century and of Peter Damian’s great contribution to this transformation.37 Moreover,

Peter provides moral training on how a just lay lord should behave and act among his community, focusing on the principle of “caritas fraternitatis”:

“With that example of salvation, learn also from those patriarchs not to neglect the

office of humanity to your guests. For the apostle was speaking of them when he said:

dominus dicebatur, iam illi per castitatis meritum oboedire praecipitur, ut eius verbis iam in cunctis oboediat, qui sibi prius tamquam dominus imperarat, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 51, translation in J. FERRANTE, ‘A Letter from Peter Damian to Beatrice of Lotharingia and Godfrey the Bearded, Duchess of Lotharingia, https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/67.html, date accessed April 7, 2020. 35 This concept of sanctity of women who acted for the church reform and were agents of the conversions of their husbands on account of their virginity, see: ELLIOTT, Spiritual Marriage, pp. 94-135. 36 De hac itaque muliere dicere possumus, quia primae mulieri prorsus absimilis et diversa loquitur, et contraria, quam illa fecit, operatur. Illa siquidem prohibitum pomum prius comedit, deinde viro, ut et ipse comederet, persuasit. Ista vero viro suo et imitandae conversationis exemplum et sanctae exhortationis ministravit eloquium, Illa igitur et agendo et loquendo de paradisi possessione virum expulit, ista suum verbis et operibus revocavit, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 51, translation in J. FERRANTE, ‘A Letter from Peter Damian to Beatrice of Lotharingia and Godfrey the Bearded, Duchess of Lotharingia, https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/67.html, date accessed April, 7, 2020. 37 On the shift on the image of women see: JAEGER, Ennobling Love, pp. 82-106; MCNAMER, Affective Meditation; FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex; FULTON, From Judgment to Passion; CANATELLA, Scripsit amica manus; VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God. 70

“Keep the love of your brotherhood and do not forget hospitality [to strangers],” and

added: “for by doing that some have entertained angels.”38

Interestingly, though the recipients of the letters are both Beatrice and Godfrey, Peter mainly addresses Beatrice; he expects her to persuade her husband to accept his line of conduct and attitude toward the church and to embrace reform. In this case, the rhetoric of reform, which aimed to educate the aristocracy to conform with the new code of behavior, 39 was entrusted to a woman. It became Beatrice’s responsibility to persuade her husband to adopt this new ideal:

“Do not, moreover, do not, my lady, get rich by confiscation of ecclesiastical rights as

so many worldly powers do, but strive rather to enrich the weak churches by

conferring your estates. Let transitory possessions become titles of eternal

heredity… So I pray, admirable lady, and I humbly suggest, gather the traces of holy

princes, depict the form of their behavior before your face, that by contemplating

them you may consider what you should keep or avoid. Do not delight more in the

sublimity of birth than in the adornment of spiritual virtues. So that as you now excel

in earthly dignity among men, you will with God, which is far more glorious, be

inscribed in the catalogue of holy women.”40

38 Cum quo illud etiam salutis exemplum ab eisdem patriarchis addiscite, ut humanitatis officium non neglegatis hospitibus exhibere. De his enim apostolus cum praemisisset: “Caritas fraternitatis maneut in vobis, et hospitalitatem nolite oblivisci, specialiter addidit: “Per hunc enim placuerunt quidam, angelis hospicio receptis”, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 51, translation in J. FERRANTE, ‘A Letter from Peter Damian to Beatrice of Lotharingia and Godfrey the Bearded, Duchess of Lotharingia, https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/67.html, date accessed April, 7, 2020. Bible Reference, Hebrews 13:2. 39 For this topic see K. G. CUSHING, Reform and the Papacy in the Eleventh Century: Spirituality and Social Change (Manchester, 2005), p. 111. 40 Noli praeterea, domina mi, noli sicut plerique saeculi potentes aecclesiastici iuris confiscatione ditescere, sed stude potius aecclesias tenues praediorum tuorum collatione ditare. Da terram et tolle caelum. Possessiones transitoriae transferantur in titulos haereditatis aeternae…Precor itaque, spectabilis domina, et humiliter suggero, sanctarum principum vestigia collige, conversationis earum formam tibimet ante ora depinge, ut in earum contemplatione colligas, quid tenere debeas, quid vitare. Nec tam delecteris sublimitate natalium, quam spiritalium decore virtutum. Ut quae nunc apud homines in terrena dignitate praecellis, apud 71

In letter 148, written in 1067 to Godfrey and Beatrice, Peter intercedes on behalf of the abbot of the monastery of St. John the Baptist to obtain funds for the abbot’s library. He exhorts the two spouses to promptly respond to the request of the church and offers examples of charity from the Old Testament and the psalms to remind them of the importance of charitable work and piety:

“One should trust not in iron or arms but in works of piety. I would come to your

realm except that bent old age restrains my tremulous course. Nonetheless, this

brother may see and ponder if rational cause invites me. Moreover, I beg your

excellence humbly that if you should send someone to German places, you will direct

this letter for love of us to my lady Empress Agnes.”41

The tone of the letter is familiar and amicable; the two had invited Damian to visit, though he declined the invitation as old age kept him from traveling. Moreover, Peter’s request to deliver a letter included in their correspondence to Empress Agnes, referring to her as “my lady”, is another sign of an experienced friendship. Altogether, there is significant evidence of the intense relations between Damian, the Canossa- Lotharingia family, and the empress.

As McGuire has argued, Damian does not romanticize or define friendship according to the cathedral schools’ style, or in the manner of Anselm of Canterbury and his passionate approach in his letters.42 Rather, he offers both men and women a more practical, lived–in

Deum quoque, quod longe gloriosius est, in sanctarum mulierum catalogo conscribaris, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 51, Translation In J. FERRANTE, ‘A Letter From Peter Damian To Beatrice Of Lotharingia And Godfrey The Bearded, Duchess of Lotharingia, https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/67.html, date accessed April, 7, 2020. 41Confidendum est ergo non in ferro vel armis, sed in operibus pietatis. Ego autem venirem ad vestrae iussionis imperium, nisi senectus incurva tremulum reprimeret gressum. Verumtamen frater hic videat et perpendat, si me causa racionalis invitat. Excellenciam praeterea vestram humiliter obsecro, ut si quem ad teutonica loca transmittis, pro karitate nostra ad dominam meam imperatricem hanc epistolam dirigas, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 148, translation in J. FERRANTE, ‘A Letter from Peter Damian to Beatrice of Lotharingia and Godfrey the Bearded, Duchess of Lotharingia https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/68.html, date accessed April, 7, 2020. 42 MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, p. 205. 72 friendship, in addition to his political alliance. In his letters, friendship and church reform are indissolubly linked.

Peter Damian’s correspondence with the margraves of Tuscany was deeply concerned with the advancement of church reform, the administration of church property, and politics.

He relied on the support of Godfrey and Beatrice, who not only controlled a vast territory stretching from Rome to Lotharingia but were vigorously involved with ecclesiastical politics. Additionally, as we will later see, the couple would play a pivotal role during

Cadalus’s schism. Supporting the candidate of the church reform, Pope Alexander II (1061-

1073), they successfully opposed the antipope Honorius II.43 However, Godfrey’s attempt to reconnect with Honorius II in 1068 inflamed Peter Damian, who would compose a severe admonishment to the duke.44

In addition, Peter counted on the assistance of Godfrey and Beatrice to keep the

Florentine monks of Vallombrosa at bay. The rebellious monks, who would later become important allies of Gregory VII, were regarded as problematic for reformers. In refusing to recognize the sacraments, masses, dedications of churches, ordinations of priests, or consecrations of Chrism performed by churchmen of suspicious morality, they challenged the very institution of the church. In the 1060s this struggle intensified when the Vallombrosans refused to acknowledge the bishop of Florence, Peter Mezzabarba, nominated by the papacy.

Godfrey the Bearded and Alexander II intervened, attempting to resolve the conflict.

However, the dispute was only ended by the renowned trial by fire and the expulsion of

43 BONIZO OF SUTRI, Liber ad amicum, pp. 568-690; BONIZO, Book to a Friend, p. 207. See also, COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 49-53; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 272-275; ROBINSON, Henry IV of Germany, pp. 42-54. 44 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 154. For the relationship between Godfrey the Bearded, Alexander II, and Cadalus see: E. DUPRÉEL, Histoire critique de Godefroid le Barbu, duc de Lotharingie, Marquis de Toscane par Eugène Dupréel (Bruxelles,1904), pp. 92-103, and 126-128. 73

Bishop Mezzabarba.45

When Godfrey the Bearded died in 1069, the couple’s strong connection with the church worked in Beatrice’s favor, allowing her to govern her vast domains in her own right.

This example provided an important precedent and justification for the succession of her daughter Matilda.46 At the same time, Beatrice’s staunch defense of the church and her circle of radical and ardent reformers influenced Matilda’s piety and devotion as well as the patterns of her friendships.

Matilda was close to her mother; as Donizo mentions, Beatrice dedicated herself to raising her daughter and educating her to good manners suitable for a noblewoman. 47 In addition, as Paolo Golinelli has pointed out, Beatrice’s affection for Matilda is revealed in her foundation of the monastery of Frassinoro. After the tragic death of Matilda’s daughter,

Beatrice shows concern for Matilda, who was undergoing a difficult, personal moment and faraway in Lotharingia:48

“For the wellbeing of my soul, that of the late Marquis and Duke Bonifacio, once my

husband, and for the safety and soul of Matilde, my beloved daughter, and for the

grace of the soul of the deceased Duke Goffredo, my husband, and by the grace of the

soul of the late Beatrice my granddaughter.”49

At the same time, the countess’s fondness for her mother is revealed in her charters; after

Beatrice’s death in 1076, Matilda often offers prayers for her mother’s soul in her acts of

45 CUSHING, Of Locustae and Dangerous Men; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 160-169. 46 LAZZARI, “I Poteri Delle Donne. 47 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis 1, vv. 1143-44. 48 On Beatrice’s foundation of Frassinoro see: GOLINELLI, Matilde: La Donna e il Potere. On Matilda’s difficult marriage and childbirth see: GOLINELLI, Matilde e I Canossa, pp. 169-184; GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 109-110; LAZZARI “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”; LAZZARI, “I Poteri Delle Donne Al Tempo Di Matilde”, pp. 35–56; RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp.119-13. 49 GOLINELLI, Matilde: La Donna e il Potere. 74 foundation.50 The sources show she inherited her mother’s affection for Peter Damian and her relationship with the brothers of Fonte Avellana; in a placitum held in Fonte Vignoli, near Perugia, on July 7, 1072, the two countesses recognized and promised to protect the monastery and its dependencies, monks, and hermits.51 Moreover, Damian’s letters and personal involvement with Beatrice and Godfrey the Bearded suggest Matilda was not only familiar with the passionate reformer during her youth but also acquainted with his correspondences and with this particular image of friendship.

Agnes of Poitou: Model of Widowhood

In Matilda’s network of family and friends, Empress Agnes of Poitou held a privileged place. She was the wife of the Holy Roman Emperor Henry III, the mother of

Henry IV, and the cousin of Beatrice and Matilda; throughout her life she maintained a close relationship with the countesses. Pope Gregory VII asked the three women to act as mediators between the Empire and the Papacy.52 Most importantly, Peter Damian, John of

Fécamp, and Gregory VII identified Agnes, on account of her reacquired virginity and renunciation of worldly glory, as an ideal model for other matrons to follow.53 As I will

50 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 27, pp. 100-104; n. 46, pp. 145-148; pp. 230, 237, 240, 261, 284, 337, 356. 51 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 3, pp. 39-42. The placitum was presided over by a certain Damian prior of the Monastery of Fonte Avellana; Howe argues that this man was actually Peter Damian. Howe’s article gives a new and compelling perspective on the year of Peter’s death, he asserts that it was 1073 and not 1072, as historians have assumed, HOWE, “Did St. Peter Damian Die in 1073?” 52 The evidence of the three women’s contribution to church reform and the relationship among each other can be seen in GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 19; I, 20; I, 21a; I, 85; 2, 3; 2,30; 2;44; 3,5; GREGORY VII, Epistolae vagantes, 5, pp. 11-13. See also GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 107-109; CREBER, “Mirrors for Margraves”, pp. 8-20. 53 Peter Damian’s letters to Agnes: PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104, 124, 130, 144, 149; GREGORY VII, Registrum, 1, 85; JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Letter to Empress Agnes. 75 show, both Beatrice and Matilda took this model quite seriously, attempting to live in accordance with it while maintaining long-lasting friendships with the empress. Furthermore,

Agnes’s correspondence with Peter Damian and John of Fécamp contributed to the creation of a new model of friendship and love between a churchman and a noblewoman. I will argue that this model served as an early precedent for Matilda and her future relationships; I will also argue that it was these relationships the members of her friendship circle had in mind when composing their letters and writings.

Agnes was born in 1025; the Cluniac devotion was a strong presence in her spiritual upbringing. She married the Holy Roman Emperor Henry III of Germany in 1043; from 1043 to 1056, Agnes assisted her husband with the consolidation of his reign and with the reform of the church. During this period, in 1050, she produced a male heir: Henry IV. She was a loyal companion for Henry III, acting as a wise and influential adviser. Upon her husband’s death, she assumed the regency of the kingdom on behalf of her six year old son.54 The empress was in contact with Beatrice and Matilda at the time of her regency and likely facilitated their return to Italy after they were kidnapped and dragged to Germany by her husband. However, the empress’s government was weakened by the schism of Cadalus; the reform papacy elected Bishop Anselm I of Lucca as the new pope, Alexander II, without imperial approval. The Lombard bishops, along with their German allies, supported the

54 The sources on Agnes’s life see: BONIZO OF SUTRI, Liber ad amicum, pp. 220-221, 306-307; B. SCHMEIDLER, Kaiser Heinrich IV. und seine Helfer im Investiturstreit, stilkritische und sachkritische Untersuchungen (Leipzig, 1927); The Life of the Emperor Henry IV English translation in ed K. F. MORRISON, Imperial Lives and Letters of the Eleventh Century (New York, 2000), pp. 101-137; LAMPERT OF HERSFELD, Annales; FRUTOLF OF MICHELSBERG, Chronicle, ed. G. WAITZ, SS, 6, MGH, pp. 33- 211, English tr. in ed. T. J. H. MCCARTHY, Chronicles of the Investiture Contest: Frutolf of Michelsberg and His Continuators (Manchester, 2014), pp. 104-109; BERNOLD OF ST. BLASIEN, Die Chroniken, pp. 145- 145, 191-194. Secondary sources on Agnes’s biography see: M. L. BULST-THIELE, Kaiserin Agnes (Leipzig, 1933); ROBINSON, Henry IV of Germany, pp. 14-38; MCNAMER, Affective Meditation, pp. 76-80; MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority, pp. 117-121; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 23- 24, 80-81. 76 candidature of Cadalus, Bishop of Parma, as Pope Honorius II and appealed to Agnes for assistance. In acknowledging Cadalus as pope, Agnes triggered a papal schism. The reform papacy, along with the majority of churches in Europe, refused to acknowledge Cadalus. As mentioned previously, Beatrice and Godfrey the Bearded of Canossa-Lotharingia protected the reform papacy by barring Cadalus’s way as he tried to enter Rome through the

Apennines. 55 Though there is no evidence of a degradation of relations between Agnes and the Canossa-Lotharingia family after this schism, they were, most likely, estranged.

The regency’s failure led to the end of Agnes’s government in 1062. At the hands of

Archbishop Anno of Cologne, who intended to take the reins of the kingdom, she was deposed and her son, Henry IV, was kidnapped. Agnes regretted her actions and both repudiated Cadalus and took the veil. These events profoundly touched the empress; tormented by her conscience, she confesses her struggle in a letter addressed to the abbot of

Fruttuaria:

“My conscience terrifies me worse with every ghost and every image. So I flee to the

places of the saints, seeking a hiding place from the face of this fear. My desire to

come to you is not small, about whom I have learned that your intercession is certain

salvation. But our travels are in the hand of God not in our will.”56

55 Bonizo reports that only Beatrice defended Alexander II, BONIZO OF SUTRI, Book to a Friend, p. 207. For Cadalus’s schism see COWDREY, Gregory VII, pp. 49-53, 80-81; ROBINSON, Henry IV, pp. 42-62; MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority, pp. 118-119. Cowdrey argues that Agnes’s political inability during the minority of the emperor fostered the weakening of the Salian authority and the rise of both the power of the nobles and the radicalization of the positions of the reformers. Similarly, Robinson showed that, while the empress’s political choices, such as appointments of significant offices and relationships established with influential men, allowed continuity with her husband’s policies, they altered the circumstances and led to a spiritual and political shift. Agnes’s regency was unable to arbitrate in the affairs of the papacy and protect the election of the pope from the encroachments of the Roman families, as her husband had done before; consequently the Canossa family was entrusted by the reform papacy with this important task. This crucial political shift would foster a spiritual shift and the radicalization of the ideals of the reform. 56 Conscientia mea terret me peius omni larua omnique imagine; ideo fugio per sanctorum loca, quaerens latibulum a facie timoris huius. Nec minimum desiderium est mihi ueniendi ad uos, de quibus comperi, quia uestra intercessio certa salus est. Sed nostrae profectiones in manu Dei sunt et non in nostra 77

Despite a strong desire for an ascetic life, the empress did not immediately withdraw from the world. On the contrary, she continued to be involved in the empire’s politics; she would not retreat from public life until Henry reached his majority in 1065. Consequently, she went to Rome where she met Peter Damian, who heard her confession. There are six letters addressed to Agnes in Damian’s collection, written from 1060 to 1067; the empress is the only female recipient of such a copious amount of correspondence from Damian and these letters offer important proof of a genuine and intense human relationship.57

It can be inferred, from Peter’s first letter to Agnes, that she had traveled to Rome primarily to encounter him and to entrust her soul to his spiritual guidance. Damian compares

Agnes to the queen of Sheba, who went to Jerusalem to meet Salomon.58 Unlike Sheba, Peter explains, Agnes arrived to Rome to hear the “foolishness of the Fisherman”,59 accompanied by her sister: “Both equally aglow with the ardor of the Holy Spirit, came to the sepulcher like Mary Magdalen and the other Mary,…to wash his feet [Jesus] with their tears”.60

Damian emphasizes the humility and poverty that Agnes embraced with her choice to take the veil, juxtaposing this to the pride and wealth which characterized her old life as empress.

Damian clearly admired Agnes’s devotion and piety and considered her an example to both other widows and himself: “To have seen you and those of your company at that moment was a marvelous spectacle to behold, and an edifying example of imitating the Savior”.61 In

uoluntate, FERRANTE, ‘A Letter from Agnes of Poitou to Albert Abbot of Fruttuaria, https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/127.html, date accessed April, 7, 2020. 57 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104, 124, 130, 144, 149. On the relationship between Peter Damian and Agnes of Poitou see: D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 250-254; GLEDHILL, Peter Damian and “the World”, pp. 197-242; MCNAMER, Affective Meditation, pp. 76-80; FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 155, p. 515 n. 42. 58 Biblical Reference, Kings, 1, 10. 59 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104. 60 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104. Bible Reference, Gospel of Matthew, 27,61. 61 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104. 78 fact, Peter’s intent was to publicize Agnes’s model of widowhood through the circulation of his letters:

“Now, I make these things known, venerable empress, not on your account, since

you, I fear, will be quite offended by my words, but rather that wherever your

outstanding virtue is proclaimed, it may provide great edification for those who read

of it. For where such high estate has been cast off out of love for one’s Creator, what

neck will not relax the rigid tension with which pride had endowed?”62

In the same letter, Damian praises Agnes for her “reacquired” virginity. Indeed, the passionate reformer claimed that God’s power was able to restore virginity to a woman who had lost it, in force of the woman’s choice to embrace this way of life. Peter portrays Agnes as Sponsa Christi; referring to the Biblical Song of Songs, he describes the empress as a privileged bride, willing to give her whole soul to her groom – God:

“Blessed be this pride, blessed this self-exaltation, worthy of all possible praise,

which by despising the bonds of earthly marriage entered into glorious espousals with

the eternal King. An earthly husband, indeed, breaches the mysteries of virginity, but

the Spouse of heaven at once and without difficulty restores virginal beauty, even

when he is associated with those who have lost it.”63

Peter defines the relationship with Christ through the analogy of marital love, mixing religious imagery with the language of physical desire; in this comparison he portrays the

62 Haec autem non propter te, venerabilis imperatrix, edissero, quam et his verbis pocius offendere pertimesco, sed ob id pocius, ut dum tuae virtutis insigne utcunque depromitur, non parva legentibus aedificacio procuretur. Ubi enim tanta sublimitas pro sui conditoris amore ad pavimentum usque deicitur, quae cervix superviae protinus a sui rigoris erecta tentigine non flectatur? PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104. 63 O beata ista superbia, o beata mentis elacio, et omnibus Digna praeconiis, quae dum carnalis thalami iura contempsit, in dotalium regis aeterni gloriosa transivit. Carnalis plane vir virginitatis archana corrumpit, sponsus autem ille caelestis eas etiam quas sibi violates adsociat, in virginale decus ilico sine difficultate reformat, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104. 79 love of Jesus as passionate, intimate, and tender:

“Be totally on fire with love of him…Now it remains for you to come to the intimate

delight of your bridegroom, to that sweet union where two hearts are like one…that

he may pour the essence of divine love into your innermost being, and ignite the

secret recesses of your heart at the flame of his own sweetness.”64

Peter explains that the empress’s husband, the powerful Holy Roman Emperor, had no rivals on earth and, consequently, only a heavenly bridegroom could have replaced the embrace of her earthly husband.

Peter’s relationship with Agnes, based on an intimate and consistent dialogue, appears to be a genuine experience. In his letters to the empress, he addresses her as “my queen”, “venerable empress”, and “my lady”, justifying this vocabulary as inspired by spiritual friendship: “since I have no doubt that you are the bride of my Redeemer; I do not blush to call you my lady”.65 Moreover, Peter’s knowledge of the empress’s inner life offers evidence of the familiarity and intimacy they shared:

“I will say that you had me be seated at the tomb of St. Peter…and with much sorrow

and bitter tears you began confessing what you had done from the tender age of

five…you faithfully divulged every little thing that in your life could arose your

senses, everything that was untoward in thought, and everything unnecessary,

moreover, that could steal into your speech.”66

64 In amore illius medellitus inflammare…Restat ergo ad intimam sponsi tui iam pervenire dulcedinem et suavissimam illam confoederati spiritus unitatem… Ut ille divini amoris sapor tuis visceribus influat, illa suavitatis intimae flamma tui pectoris archana succendat, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104. 65 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104. 66 Sub archana quoque beati Petri confessione ante sacrum altare me sedere fecesti, ac per lugubres gemitus et amara suspiria ab ipsa quinquennis infaciae tenera adhuc et nuper ablactata levitate coepisti. Et tanquam Illic ipse beatus apostolus corporaliter praesideret, quicquid subtile vel minimum in humanitatis tuae potuit titillare visceribus, quicquid in cogitacionibus vanum, quicquid praeterea surripere potuit in sermone superfluum, fidelibus est relacionibus evolutum, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104. 80

Peter’s language is based on both classical and early Christian concepts of friendship.

For example: in several of his letters to Agnes, he makes use of the traditional theme of longing and torment created by distance.67 When Pope Alexander II asked her to persuade her son to defend the church against the Norman menace, Agnes traveled to the imperial court on his behalf; Damian was concerned for her, worried the world would seduced her back, and suffered greatly during her absence:68

“I can scarcely say how my heart is confounded with grief while it awaits the

happiness of your return daily with my entrails in suspense. Alas, why did I foolishly

offer consent to your journey? Why did I not oppose myself violently to your going?

… Return therefore, my lady, return and restore happiness to those grieving who

weep for the glowing gem of heaven plucked from the head of the world”69

“I lament your absence daily that I am not with myself, rather I sigh that my heart is

far away from me with new sorrow. Where my treasure is, there clearly is my heart.

For my treasure without doubt is Christ, who I know is concealed in the treasury of

your breast, so I depute you the seat of heavenly treasure, therefore I never recede

from you wherever you turn.”70

67 For the concept of suffering for a distant friend see CANATELLA, "Loving Friendship”, pp. 5-42. 68 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104. 69 Vix referre sufficio, quanto cor meum merore confunditur, dum reditus vestri leticiam suspensis cotidie visceribus praestolatur. Heu me, cur itineri vestro vecors ac stolidus assensum praebui? Immo cur egredienti me ipsum non violenter opposui? Cur non equorum frena corripui, et cursum vestrum vel obviis manibus, in quantum licuerat, non tardavi?...Revertere ergo, domma mi, revertere, teque lugentibus festivam redde leticiam, qui rutilantem celi gemmam de capite mundi Roma quodammodo ploramus avulsam, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 144. 70 Dum tuam mestus absentiam cotidie lugeo, me ipsum mecum non esse, immo cor meum a me procul abesse novo merore suspiro. Ubi scilicet est thesaurus meus, ibi et cor meum. Thesaurus enim meus proculdubio Christus est, quem quia reconditum in erario tui pectoris non ignoro, thesauri caelestis exedram te deputo, ideoque prorsus a te quocumque verteris non recedo, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 149. 81

Damian hoped the empress would become a model of ascetic and contemplative life for her contemporaries. These passages imply she was not only a leading figure and adviser for her community in Rome but also a crucial spiritual guide for Peter himself.

Peter Damian was not Agnes’s sole spiritual advisor; she developed an important friendship with John of Fécamp, who was born at the end of the tenth century in Ravenna in

Northern Italy. John left Italy to follow his teacher William of Volpiano, who was called by

Duke Richard II of Normandy to reform the abbey of Holy Trinity at Fécamp. John was appointed prior in 1017 and, subsequently, succeeded William as abbot of the monastery from 1028 up to his death in 1078. Along with Peter Damian, John of Fécamp became a spiritual guide to Empress Agnes after her husband’s death. At her behest, John wrote the

Libellus to foster her devotion for God and guide her soul.71 Strikingly, in his dedicatory letter John explains that Agnes’s choice of chastity became an outstanding example for other matrons:

“At length after the death of lord Henry of revered memory, the illustrious emperor

once your husband, you embraced the praiseworthy purpose of laborious widowhood

with all your strength. And although nobility, wealth, and age invited you to another

marriage-bed, you did not wish to bend your heart to the words of men singing

falsehoods for truths. But you rose up, girded your loins, and stood strongly on your

own feet so that, with contempt for the allurements of flesh and the world, you might

serve Christ the Lord in chastity and offer an example worthy of imitation to other

71 For John of Fécamp’s life and his relationship with Agnes see: FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 155-170; MCNAMER, Affective Meditation, pp. 62-67; G. MASCHIO, Pregare nel medioevo, pp., 9-16; A.WILMART, “Deux Préfaces Spirituelles de Jean de Fécamp,” Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique 18 (1937), pp. 32-33; L. MANCIA, Emotional Monasticism: Affective Piety in the Eleventh-Century Monastery of John of Fécamp, (Manchester, 2019), pp.19-29; MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”. 82

noble matrons.”72

In these passages, John proposes to Agnes the same images suggested by Peter Damian; moreover, in a passage of the Libellus John expands the concept of Christ as an

“incomparably beautiful husband”, the only suitable husband for a widow:

“For if two human beings can love one another so much that each one only with

difficulty endure the absence of the other; if a wife is so ardently attached to her

husband that her great love will not let her rest and she endures great sadness at the

absence of her beloved: with what love and passion and fervor should not the soul

which you have espoused to yourself in justice and fidelity, in mercy and compassion,

love you, the true God and incomparably beautiful husband, you who so loved and

saved us and have done so many wonderful things for us?” 73

At the same time, John, like Damian, utilizes the exegesis of the Song of Song to express the concept of Christ’s incarnation through the analogy of conjugal love. The love between a man and a woman represents, for John, the emblem of God’s love for the soul.74

These passages are extraordinary evidence of an intense, personal, and self-reflective relationship. The main focus of these friendships, based on obedience, was to love God and the Church. Peter and John were the masters and Agnes the disciple, yet the empress often

72 Denique post obitum reverendae memoriae domni Heinrici, clarissimi sapientisque imperatoris, quondam viri tui, laudabile propositum laboriosae viduitatis totis amplexa est viribus. Et quamquam nobilitas, opes et aetas ad repentendum thalamum te invitarent, noluisti tamen cor tuum inclinare ad verba hominum, pro veris falsa cantantium; sed, erecta sursum, accinctis lumbis, stetisti fortiter supra pedes tuos, ut, contemptis illecebris carnis et mundi, servias Christo Domino in castitate, et caeteris nobilibus matronis praebeas dignum imitationis exemplum, JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Letter to Empress Agnes, p.156. 73 Si sponsa sponso tanto mentis conglutinatur ardore, ut prae magnitudine amoris nulla perfrui valeat requie, chari sui absentiam non sine magno moerore ferens: qua ergo dilectione, quo studio, quo fervore anima quam desponsasti tibi in justitia et fide, in misericordia et miserationibus, debet diligere te Deum verum et pulcherrimum sponsum, qui nos sic amasti et salvasti, qui pro nobis tanta et talia fecisti? JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Libellus, chapter 35 (PL 40, cols, 929-930), tr. in FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 163-164. 74 For this notion see: FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp.163-170. 83 acted as spiritual advisor. Damian and John not only looked to her for guidance but also pointed to her as a model of piety.75 Indeed, the correspondences of these two spiritual men with Agnes reveal that, while they served as her advisors, they also respected her piety and her abilities as spiritual teacher.

Matilda’s personal relationships with family and kin during childhood and adolescence would give direction to the countess’s ideological program. Agnes, a member of

Matilda’s extended family, would develop a real and intense friendship with the countess, as we will see later on. The empress’s lifestyle and her spiritual relationships with significant churchmen and passionate reformers would define and direct Matilda’s future ideals and network of relationships. In their writings dedicated to Matilda, Anselm II Bishop of Lucca and John of Mantua – her spiritual advisors, allies, and close friends – reference the Song of the Songs, associated with the language of conjugal love, in the same vein of John of Fécamp and Peter Damian. As we will later see, they expand and develop these imageries by comparing the life of Matilda to the life of the Virgin Mary. 76 Moreover, as seen before,

Peter compares the biblical queen of Sheba to Agnes; remarkably, this same appellative is commonly used in the sources to describe Matilda of Tuscany. For instance, Donizo, monk of the Monastery of St. Apollonio, compares the relationship between Gregory and the countess with the one of Salomon and the queen of Sheba in his poem Vita Mathildis.77 The same parallel is adopted by Peter to portray his relationship with Agnes.

75 For this concept see: VAUGHN, RUBENSTEIN, “Teaching and Learning in Northern Europe”, pp. 1-18; D. F. TINSLEY, “The Spiritual Friendship of Henry Suso and Elsbeth Stagel”, in Friendship in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age, 477–500. 76 ANSELM OF LUCCA, Five Prayers, pp. 23-72; JOHN OF MANTUA, In Cantica canticorum. 77 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 188-189. See also: E. PÁSZTOR, “Motivi Dell’ecclesiologia Di Anselmo Di Lucca.” Bullettino Dell’Istituto Storico Italiano per Il Medio Evo, 77, pp. 45–104. 84

Adelaide of Turin and Susa: The Ideal Ruler

Another powerful woman closely related to Matilda, Beatrice, and Agnes by both blood bonds and ideological affinity was Adelaide of Turin and Susa. Adelaide was a strong- willed woman who governed over a vast domain, including the mark of Turin and the county of Savoy.78 Damian’s letter of 1064 to Adelaide is important evidence of their relationship.

At the time, her third husband had died and, though her son was the legitimate margrave of the mark, she was the de facto ruler. In this text, the passionate reformer, while expressing new and remarkable ideas regarding female rulership, shows a novel model of spiritual friendship. I will show how the models proposed by Damian would come to greatly influence

Matilda’s circle of friends, her future governing style, and ideological program. 79

Adelaide, Agnes, Beatrice, and Matilda were closely interconnected by both family bonds and ideological principles.80 The empress’s son, Henry IV, was betrothed to

Adelaide’s daughter, Bertha, in 1055 and they would marry in 1066. At the same time,

Adelaide and Agnes, both encouraged by Peter Damian, held a mutual interest in the monastery of Fruttuaria, a monastery both women favored and protected.81 Matilda and

Adelaide were likewise related by family ties. Prangarda, the daughter of Matilda’s great grandfather, Atto of Canossa, married Manfred, father of Ulrich-Manfred, Adelaide’s father.

78 For Adelaide of Turin and Susa see: G. SERGI, “Matilde Di Canossa e Adelaide Di Torino: Contatti, Confronti, Valutazioni Tipologiche”, in Matilde Di Canossa e Il Suo Tempo, pp. 57–74; CREBER, “Mirrors for Margraves”, pp. 8–20. GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 107-109; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 298-303; G. ARNALDI, Adelaide, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, 1 (Rome, 1960), pp. 246-249. 79 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. 80 CREBER, “Women at Canossa”, pp. 1-44; G. FASOLI, “Donne Al Potere”, Storia e Dossier 38 (1990), pp. 28–31. 81 A. LUCIONI, “Il Monachesimo Del Secolo Xi Nell'italia Nordoccidentale”, in ed. Atti Dell'viii Convegno Di Studi Storici Sull'italia Benedettina, San Benigno Canavese (torino), 28 Settembre-1 Ottobre (Cesena, 2010); G. PENCO, Il movimento di Fruttuaria e la riforma Gregoriana, in Il monachesimo e la riforma ecclesiastica (1049–1122) (Milan, 1971), pp. 229–39. 85

The two women’s bond was further strengthened by the marriage of Adelaide’s daughter,

Bertha, to Emperor Henry IV, a second cousin of Matilda’s.”82

Furthermore, Adelaide and Matilda shared a common fate and faced similar circumstances. Countess Adelaide’s father, Ulrich-Manfred Marquise of Turin, married

Bertha, daughter of the Obertine marquise, Otbert II. Adelaide, like Matilda, learned the art of governing from her mother, who ruled over the march of Turin after her husband’s death in 1034 until her death in 1040. After the death of her mother, Adelaide became the heiress of a large territory in northern Italy and Burgundy. Adelaide married three times; her first marriage, lasting from 1036 to 1038, was to Herman Duke of Swabia and led to an alliance with Conrad II and the crown, an important counterbalance to the power of the Canossa family. Her second husband, Henry of Montferrat, died in 1044. Her third husband, Odo I

Count of Savoy, died in 1060; from this marriage, Adelaide acquired a large territory, extending beyond the Alps, as well as control of the Alpine passes. Throughout this tumultuous period of church reform and great political and religious unrest, Adelaide maintained a moderate political strategy, managing to preserve a close relationship with both the papacy and the empire. As Sergi explains, Adelaide’s goal was to support a “marchional church”, i.e., an ecclesiastical organization controlled by lay power.83

Adelaide maintained a close relationship with the reform papacy, evidenced by her friendship with Peter Damian. In his only letter to the countess, the passionate reformer describes devotion to the protection of the church, the defense of the poor, and the fair administration of justice as characteristics of an ideal female ruler.84 Peter compliments

82 See Table 2, p.63 and Table 3, p. 193; SERGI, “Matilde Di Canossa e Adelaide Di Torino”; CREBER, “Women at Canossa”, pp. 1-44. 83 SERGI, “Matilde Di Canossa e Adelaide Di Torino”. 84 D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 298-303; GLEDHILL, Peter Damian and “the World”, pp. 86

Adelaide for protecting the monasteries and safeguarding their monks:

“Certainly, in the monastery of Fruttuaria, where I was a guest for almost ten days, I

learned clearly how human, and how sweet was your rule over the churches. Where

the brothers serve God doubtless, so secure under the shade of your protection, like

featherless chicks warmed under the maternal wings.”85

In the letter, Damian provides suggestions on how to govern her territories and how to conduct the judicial authority; he reminds the countess that every punishment under her jurisdiction must have been enacted by a right judgment, inspired by God and His precepts.

Remarkably, Damian urges Adelaide, a female ruler, to imitate the example of King David:

“You also, venerable sister and lady, imitate the example of this holy king, so that

you never abandon the practice of piety and of justice, so according to apostolic

precept mercy exalts judgment.”86

This passage is exceptional evidence of Peter Damian’s attitude towards women. He was not against female rulership; on the contrary, with this comparison he assumes Adelaide’s office and duty are equivalent to those of a male ruler. Interestingly, David is both presented as powerful and righteous in the Old Testament, as well as a perfect example of a ruler who submits to the will of God.87 Feminist historians argue that misogynism saw its peak during

117-126; CREBER, “Mirrors for Margraves”, pp. 8-20. 85 In Fructuariensi certe monasterio, ubi per decem fere dies hospicium tenui, quam humanus quamque suavis tuus principatus esset aecclesiis, evidenter agnovi. Ubi nimirum ita securi sub tuae protectionis umbraculo Deo deserviunt fratres, ac si sub maternis alis pulli confoveantur inplumes, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. Reference to the Gospel of Matthew 23:37 and Luke 13:34. 86 Tu quoque, venerabilis soror et domina, huius imitare sancti regis exemplum ut pietatis simul atque iustitiae numquam deseras institutum, ita tamen ut iuxta apostolicum praeceptum superexaltet misericordia iudicium, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. 87 Especially through the exegesis of Gregory the Great, King David became an embodiment of kingly humility. Even though God crowned him as king of Israel, David submitted to the will of God and to priestly correction. R. A. MARKUS, “Gregory the Great on Kings: Rulers and Preachers in the Commentary on I Kings”, Studies in Church History, Subsidia, 9 (1991), pp. 7-21. 87 the reform of the church; they have advanced the claim that the power and importance of women decreased in the second half of the eleventh century.88 Peter Damian’s important assertions present a certain challenge to these arguments.

Indeed, Damian sees Adelaide, on account of her spiritual virtue and temporal power, perfectly suitable to undertake the difficult correction of the clergy’s incontinence. He instructed Adelaide to impose clerical celibacy over the territories under her ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Though he had already solicited Bishop Cunibert of Turin to handle this crucial task, Cunibert was bishop of only one diocese. Damian clarified that he held a greater trust in

Adelaide’s more extensive power, which spanned both Italy and Burgundy:

“Therefore, it seemed not unworthy that I write chiefly to you about the incontinence

of clerics in whom I feel the suitable virtue to correct it is clearly not lacking.

Especially what I would say to the praise of God since virile strength rules in a

feminine breast and you are richer in good will than earthly power.”89

Though the church had never seen clerical marriage as particularly auspicious, the practice was accepted until the second half of the eleventh century. During this period, reformers launched propaganda to vehemently condemn the practice.90 Peter Damian, one of the most passionate supporters of clerical celibacy, voiced extremely severe criticisms of the

88 ELLIOT, The Priest’s Wife, pp. 123-155; A. L. BARSTOW, Married Priests and the Reforming Papacy (New York, 1982); MCNAMARA, “The ‘Herrenfrage’”; MCNAMARA, “Canossa and the Ungendering of the Public Man”, pp. 102-122; CANATELLA, “Friendship in Anselm of Canterbury’s Correspondence: Ideals and Experience”, Viator: Medieval and Renaissance Studies 38, 2 (2007) pp. 351–67. Scholars that have argued that women’s power decreased in the eleventh century: STAFFORD, Queen Emma and Queen Edith; M. CHIBNALL, The Empress Matilda: Queen Consort; NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda; LAZZARI, “I Poteri Delle Donne Al Tempo Di Matilde”; J. A. MCNAMARA, S. F. WEMPLE, “Sanctity and Power: The Dual Pursuit of Medieval Women” in Becoming Visible: Women in European History (Boston, 1977), pp. 90-118; G. DUBY, The Knight, the Lady, and the Priest: the Making of Modern Marriage in Medieval France (Chicago, 1993). 89 Ideoque non indignum videbatur de clericorum incontinentia scriberem, cui videlicet ad corrigendum idoneam sentio non deesse virtutem . Presertim quod ad laudem Dei dixerim, cum virile robur femineo regnet in pectore, et ditior sis bona voluntate quam terrena potestate, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. 90 ELLIOT, The Priest’s Wife, pp. 123-155. 88 wives of priests. However, as seen, Damian was far from a misogynist; on the contrary, he prized and encouraged women’s power.

Peter Damian sought to pursue reform and improve the standard of religious life through a close collaboration with Adelaide. However, he set a clear distinction between the ecclesiastical and lay spheres. Interestingly, Damian was perfectly aware of the duties of both the ecclesiastical and temporal authorities: “So that the bishop, rather all bishops, who remain in the boundaries of your administration, coerce the clerics with priestly discipline, and you extend the force of earthly power”.91 In this passage, he emphasizes the task of the bishops, to compel and discipline the reluctant clergy, and Adelaide, “the force of the earthly power”, to pursue and punish the illegal wives of the priests. In this case, he exhorts Adelaide to become a “Virago of the Lord” and to imitate the example of the biblical heroine Deborah, who acted with the assistance of Barak, representative of the priestly power:

“Wherefore, as that man with a woman, that is Barak with Deborah, undertook battle

against Sisera supporting themselves with mutual aid…Act therefore, be a virago of

the Lord, and like a Deborah with Barak, that is with all the bishops joined together,

pursue Sisera to extermination.”92

Significantly, in the passages quoted above, Peter Damian uses the term virago to describe Adelaide, clarifying that “virile strength rules in a feminine breast”. According to the passionate reformer, Adelaide’s male characteristics enabled her to overcome the

91 Quatinus et episcopus, immo omnes episcopi, qui in amministrationis tuae finibus commorantur, sacerdotali clericos disciplina coerceant, et tu in feminas vigorem terrenae potestatis extendas, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. 92 Quapropter sicut vir ille cum femina, Barach videlicet cum Debborra, mutuis se fulcientes auxiliis … Age ergo, esto virago Domini, et quasi Debborra cum Barach, hoc est coniunctis simul episcopis, Sisaram ad internitionem usque persequere, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. Peter Damian refers to heroine of the Bible Deborah who told the general Barak that God ordered him to attack Jabin, the king of Canaan and his general, Sisera (Judges 4:6–7); the account of the story can be found in the Bible, Judges, Chapter 4 and Chapter 5.

89 weakness of her sex and assume roles usually destined for men. The term virago, used since the classical period, did not always have a positive connotation; male qualities could easily be weapons against the women who possessed them by the claim that their masculine characteristics caused them to become inadequate in the area of feminine virtues. In contrast, the word virago is utilized in the Bible to define Eve, born from the rib of Adam.93 This passage, later widely commented by medieval exegetes, was usually used with a positive connotation.94

At the same time, the biblical heroine Deborah95 provides a significant model for

Adelaide, not only because she was an exceptional leader and judge, governing over the lands of the Israelites in her own right, but also because she was an example of how the spiritual and secular authorities should collaborate in the struggle against concubinage and simony. Remarkably, Peter Damian used these biblical figures in his efforts to direct

Adelaide to use her power wisely and effectively. In the same letter, Peter offers other models of virtuous and manly women from the Old Testament, such as Judith,96 who “was an example of a widow’s continence”.97 Praised by the Bethulia’s leader for both her spiritual and temporal authority, she was placed above the authority of men.98 He also references

93 Genesis 2:22. 94 The word virago was utilized in the Laudatio Turiae during August’s times, see: T. LAWRENCE, The Laudatio Turiae: A Source for Roman Political and Social History (Berkeley, 2014). For the utilization during medieval times see: GOLINELLI, Matilde: La Donna e il Potere, pp. 22-23; For the term virago referred to Matilda see: HEALY, Merito nominetur virago; JAEGER REYNOLDS, Nobilissima Dux, pp. 78-83. 95 Deborah told the general Barak that God ordered him to attack Jabin, the king of Canaan and his general, Sisera (Judges 4:6–7); the account of the story can be found in the Bible, Judges, Chapter 4 and Chapter 5. 96 Book of Judith, Bible, in the Book of Judith Holofernes was sent by the king Nebuchadnezzar of Assyria to destroy the Jews in Judaea. Judith saves the Jews from destruction by killing Holofernes. 97 Iudith quippe continentiae vidualis exemplum, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. Bible Reference, Judith 4, 4-5. 98 L. L. HUNEYCUTT, “Intercession and the High-Medieval Queen: The Esther Topos”, in J. CARPENTER, S. B. MACLEAN, Power of the Weak: Studies on Medieval Women (Urbana, 1995), pp. 126– 46. 90

Esther, who “exposed herself virilely to death for the salvation of the people,”99 and Jael100, who, together with Deborah, defeated Sisera and showed her strength and power over men.

Significantly, in the letter to Adelaide, Peter Damian goes on to define the characteristics of these virtuous women. He explains that model women should be classified according to a traditional descending order of virgins, continent widows, and matrons:

“God indeed knew essentially three women, though there are many who did not come

yet to his notice. For he knew virgins with Mary, widows with Anna, wives with

Susanna. Truly the women of those clerics, who can not contract matrimony by legal

right, we can rightly call not wives but concubines or rather prostitutes.”101

Peter expresses a conscious determination to provide role models for every category of woman; the good women were to use their virtue and chastity to pursue the goals of the reform papacy. Certainly, the clergy’s wives, having failed to adhere to these distinctions, had become dangerous anomalies.

Peter’s letter is not purely concerned with the political and spiritual agenda of reform.

On the contrary, his language reveals the personal and affectionate nature of their friendship.

Adelaide, at that time, was a thrice-widowed heiress in her forties. Peter addresses Adelaide’s concerns for her soul on account of her multiple marriages – “And since I know you are apprehensive about the repeated doubling of marriage”102 – and comforts her, explaining how

99 Hester dum pro salute populi sui morti se viriliter obicit, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. Bible Reference, Esther, 6-7. 100 Jael, Judges, Bible Reference, 4, 17-22. 101 Tres quippe tantummodo feminas Deus novit, quae his plures sunt, in eius adhuc notitiam non venerunt. Novit enim virgines cum Maria, viduas cum Anna, coniuges cum Susanna. Illorum vero clericorum feminae, qui matrimonia nequeunt legali iure contrahere, non coniuges sed concubinas, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. Bible Reference, for Anna, Gospel of Luke 2:36–38; For Susanna, Daniel, 13. For the three types of women see: A. QUACQUARELLI, Il triplice frutto della vita cristiana: 100, 60 e 30 (Matteo XIII-8, nelle diverse interpretazioni) (Rome, 1989). 102 Et quia te novi de iterata coniugii geminatione suspectam, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. 91 chastity can be restored by Christ through obedience to the church and God’s will:

“plurality of repeated marriage does not exclude from the kingdom of heaven. For

Jesus is such a spouse that whoever he embraces with the arms of his charity is

repaired immediately in the purity of flowering chastity.”103

Damian emphasizes chastity as a condition which allows one authority over men; he does not, however, encourage Adelaide not to marry again but to serve the Lord and His design with whatever her duty would require.

As seen, Peter Damian’s letter to Adelaide describes the countess as an ideal ruler, an ardent supporter of the church, and a just leader of her vast domains. By presenting models of strong and self-assured women from the Bible and utilizing Old Testament heroines as a way of inspiring Countess Adelaide, Damian justifies her rulership and her right to govern.

Certainly, this important precedent in Matilda of Tuscany’s extended family may well have served as a crucial model for the countess of Tuscany. Significantly, the writers in

Matilda’s friendship network would later compare the countess to the same biblical women.104 As we will see in the next chapters, in order to promote both their patroness’s right to rule, practice warfare, and to overshadow the weakness of her gender, the papal polemicists gave the appellatives: Deborah, Judith, Jael, Esther, virago catholica, mulier fortis, St. Peter’s daughter, Amazon Penthesilea, and Virgin Mary.

Breaking with Tradition

103 A regno caelorum frequentati coniugii pluralitas non excludit. Iesus enim talis est sponsus, ut quamcunque suae karitatis ulnis amplectitur, protinus in ea floridae castitatis mundicia reparetur, PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 114. 104 HEALY, Merito nominetur virago; GOLINELLI, Matilde: La Donna e il Potere; JAEGER REYNOLDS, Nobilissima Dux, pp. 166-202. 92

Peter Damian states his attempt to publicize his ideological program through his epistolary relationships on several occasions in his writings.105 This intent is particularly evident in the above cited letters to Beatrice, Agnes, and Adelaide, in which he offers an important testimony to his efforts, in the promotion of reform, to identify and justify new role models for women. In fact, this exceptional trio of women differ from the traditional descending order of virgins, continent widows, and matrons, which Peter himself endorsed in a previously mentioned letter to Adelaide. As seen, Beatrice’s life is a model of the perfect wife, who, in force of her proclaimed chastity, would have been able to act as spiritual guide and advisor for her husband and to persuade him to support church reform. In his correspondence with Empress Agnes, Peter’s intent was to publicize her, not only as a model of the continent widow but also as a new virgin or Sponsa Christi, dedicated to ascetic and contemplative life, an example and leader of her contemporaries. Finally, in the letter to the thrice-widowed Adelaide, he envisioned her, a female lord, as the ideal ruler, devoted to the protection of the church and the administration of justice; while emphasizing the importance of chastity, he did not urge her to stay a virgin or to remain unmarried.106

Peter’s correspondence with these women is exceptional documentation, not only of a shift in the image of women in the eleventh century but also of the great contribution he brought to this transformation. The images of women found in his correspondence cast off defined roles and move towards entirely new models: educated and powerful virgins and leaders. As Jaeger argues in his groundbreaking book Ennobling Love, women in this period

105 RANFT, The Theology of Peter Damian, pp.14-26. 106 This evidence challenges Elliot’s argument who sees the restraining of women by reformers who acted increasingly as misogynists, ELLIOTT, Spiritual Marriage, pp. 94-135. 93 were no longer described according to the usual comparisons to Eve, the vessel of evil, but as

“the vessel of virtue”.107 Historians have argued that Anselm of Canterbury was the key figure in this transformation; by contrast, they have typically described Peter Damian as a

“hysterical misogynist”,108 neglecting his work and writings. However, from an analysis of the entire corpus of his letters and work, it is evident he was not against female rulership. On the contrary, he strongly believed that their contribution to church reform was crucial. Peter

Damian died in 1072 but his impact upon his contemporaries was critical. The principles for which he fought and his long-lasting relationships with Agnes, Beatrice, and Adelaide would greatly influence Matilda’s views on church reform and friendship.

Conclusion

Peter Damian energetically pushed church reform; at the same time, he viewed friendship as an essential instrument to advance his ideals. His correspondence evidences his attempts to persuade the laity with a new code of conduct and encourage individuals to acknowledge the boundaries between the spiritual and secular spheres. Peter valued women’s rulership and believed female power was crucial for the advancement of reform.

Furthermore, as seen in his correspondence, Peter went beyond offering moral guidance, identifying ideal types of women and presenting their lives as examples for other women. In the following chapters I will argue that these important precedents in Matilda of Tuscany’s extended family influenced her government and devotion and served as crucial models of friendship. Peter’s relationships with exceptional women and his powerful portrayal of the

107 JAEGER, Ennobling Love, p. 105. 108 MCNAMARA, “The ‘Herrenfrage’”. 94 ideal female virgin and leader would both function as example for Gregory VII and Matilda’s relationship and inspire the members of her entourage.

95

Chapter Two

“Si diligor ut diligo, nullum mortalium mihi preponi a vobis cognosco”

Pope Gregory VII and Matilda of Tuscany: Caritas, Love, Political Partnership, and

Friendship

In her own lifetime, Matilda’s relationship with Pope Gregory VII was the subject of extensive debate. According to the Gregorian polemicists, Matilda was the perfect daughter of St. Peter; her loyal service to the pope and the reforming ideals led her to neglect worldly considerations, power, and even her life for the triumph of faith. To her enemies, the countess was brainwashed by the charismatic Hildebrand, persuaded to wage war and dissipate her patrimony in exchange for the remission of her sins. Moreover, Matilda’s close familiarity and, at times, cohabitation1 with Gregory led her opponents to speculate about the nature of their relationship and even accuse the two of scandalous intimacy. Despite modern scholarly attention to these two extraordinary figures – and to the famous encounter between

Gregory VII and Henry IV at Matilda’s castle of Canossa – Matilda and Gregory VII’s relationship has received little consideration from modern historians. However, an investigation of this relationship would add an important contribution to not only the

1 I utilized this term because, as we will see below, Gregory and Matilda would be compelled to live together for a very long time due to difficult and dangerous circumstances. Matilda would welcome Gregory in her castles to protect him from Emperor Henry IV, for reasons that will be discussed below. However, this cohabitation was not a “spiritual marriage”. This notion had been applied to different situations in the early, high, and late Middle Ages. It could indicate a chaste cohabitation within a legal marriage. Also, the Syneisaktism was considered a spiritual marriage, it was a union between a man and a woman, who, for spiritual reasons, decided to engage in a chaste cohabitation. Spiritual marriage could be referred also to the union between a bishop and his bishopric, or between God and the soul, see for these concepts: ELLIOTT, Spiritual Marriage, pp. 3-4. However, this notion doesn’t apply to Gregory and Matilda. 96 understanding of Matilda’s motivations, but the study of friendship as factor of the new revolution which transformed the image of women, renovated the language of prayers, and set in motion a change in religious sentiment.

Gregory’s letters to Matilda, together with a wide variety of sources, are excellent evidence of a political and spiritual partnership. In this correspondence, the pope asked the countess and her mother Beatrice to assist him in the realization of his political reforming objectives and to intervene in the ongoing struggle between regnum and sacerdotium. With the outbreak of the Investiture Controversy, the countess would be compelled to make a difficult decision and leave her role as peacemaker and emperor’s vassal to defend the cause of Reform at the side of Gregory VII. The sources show that the political aspect of this friendship was deeply intertwined with its spiritual and personal dimensions. An extensive investigation of the epistolary relationships between Gregory VII, Beatrice, and Matilda of

Tuscany reveals profound and intimate friendship: “most beloved ladies, know that you are bound up to the very heart in our love”,2 “if I am loved as I love, I know that no mortal person is preferred to me by you”.3 Remarkably, Matilda alone would receive a greater number of letters than anyone else from the pope: “To Matilda, a young woman of excellent value”, 4 “Matilda, …beloved daughter in Christ”, 5 “How great are my cares and how unceasingly great is my solicitude for you and for your salvation.”6 Even more remarkably, the affectionate language of the pope’s letters to Matilda suggests not only a novel way to conceive friendship, but also reveals the first seeds of a new devotion to Christ, the Virgin

2 clarissimę , et in nostra dilectione cordetenus vos annexas esse scitote, GREGORY VII, Registrum, pp. 10, translation in COWDREY, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085, p. 12. 3 si diligor ut diligo , nullum mortalium mihi preponi a vobis cognosco, Gregory VII, Registrum, I, 50. 4 Mathildi egregię indolis puelle, Gregory VII, Registrum, I, 40. 5 dilectę in Christo filię Mathildi, Gregory VII, Registrum, I, 47. 6 Quanta sit mihi cura quantaque incessanter de te tua que salute sollicitudo, Gregory VII, Registrum, I, 47. 97

Mary, and a new notion of Caritas as sanctification of the active life.

Was Matilda’s political and spiritual program influenced by this charismatic and revolutionary figure or moved by her own independent agency and female identity? Were these lengthily and abundant declarations of love and friendship just rhetoric or the expression of a lived experience? To what extent were the countess’s extraordinary life, position of power, and remarkable devotion instrumental to the creation of this novel sensibility and emotional spirituality and to the transformation of the image of women?

Finally, in what way did the relationship between the pope and the margravine of Tuscany contribute to the creation of a new model of friendship, fully blossomed in the twelfth century?

Evidence of Matilda and Gregory VII’s relationship is scattered in different sources.

Scrutiny of the copious letters, proceedings, and decrees of Gregory VII, together with an examination of the countess’s documents, is crucial to comprehend the nature and the goal of this friendship and to evaluate how it began, developed, and became so particularly familiar.

Additionally, the contemporary descriptions of Gregory and Matilda’s relationship, present in the vitae, as well as chronicles, prayers, and treatises, are important instruments in the understanding of how this relationship interacted and extended into the social, public, and political arena. My approach requires a new investigation of these sources, reading between the lines of the documents to go beyond the outward appearance of the narrated facts; it focuses on events emerging from both the public and private lives of the countess and takes into account the broader cultural setting in which Matilda and Gregory lived.

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The Scholarship

Paolo Golinelli’s valuable studies on Matilda of Tuscany’s role, personality, and relationships are essential sources for my research. In his article “Prima di Canossa.

Considerazioni e notazioni sui rapporti di Gregorio VII con Beatrice e Matilde,” he investigates the relationship between the powerful countesses and the pope in great depth. He carefully analyzes their correspondence and, while he does consider its personal dimension, his analysis focuses mainly on the political sphere.7 In her book comparing Empress

Adelaide and Countess Matilda, Penelope Nash emphasizes the importance of friendship among the members of Matilda’s spiritual family and entourage, while only briefly mentioning Gregory’s and Matilda’s political and spiritual relationship.8 H. E. J. Cowdrey’s,

I. S. Robinson’s, and K. R. Renne’s essential works on Gregory VII take a political approach to the description of the pope’s friendship with the countess.9 Robinson points out that the countess’s relationship with the pope was not strictly political, but affective and personal.

The author argues that the language of Gregory’s letters, especially to Matilda, is

“reminiscent of the cult of friendship which characterized the letter collections of the

Twelfth-century Renaissance”. However, in his political approach, Robinson’s account of

Matilda and Gregory’s relationship is a minor reference, investigated only as part of

Gregory’s network.

7 P. GOLINELLI, "Prima di Canossa. Considerazioni e notazioni sui rapporti di Gregorio VII con Beatrice e Matilde", in ed. A. M. STIKLER, Studi gregoriani. Per la storia della Libertas ecclesiae 14 (Roma, 1991) pp. 195-206; see also GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa; GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro. 8 P. NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda. 9 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII; I. S. ROBINSON, “The friendship network of Gregory VII”, pp. 1- 22; RENNIE, “Extending Gregory VII's ‘Friendship Network’”, pp. 475-496

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My investigation, while paying due attention to the public aspect, will look into the private and spiritual facets of this relationship to better understand how the language of love and friendship in Gregory’s correspondence with Matilda was connected to the new way of expressing friendship attested in northern Europe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. For this analysis I drew mainly from the approaches and investigations of scholars active in the growing field of friendship-studies such as Brian Patrick McGuire, whose work focuses mainly on communal male bonds, and Sally N. Vaughn together with Holle Canatella,10 whose important investigation on male-female bonds of love and friendship were essential for my exploration, though they did not examine the relationship between Matilda of

Tuscany and Pope Gregory VII.

The Inheritance of Peter’s Damian Ideal of Friendship

Hildebrand was elected Pope Gregory VII in 1073. In this period, the same group of women who had assisted Peter Damian (d.1072) – Empress Agnes, Adelaide, and Beatrice along with Matilda of Tuscany – became crucial members of Gregory VII’s friendship network. In the same vein as Damian, the pope encouraged these women to act as mediators and intercessors in the struggle with Henry IV. Peter’s relationships with these exceptional women would serve as a model for Gregory and Matilda’s relationship.

The newly elected pope asked these pious women to work together to persuade the

10 MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community; VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God; CANATELLA, Scripsit Amica Manus; CANATELLA, "Loving Friendship”, pp. 5-42; MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”; MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority; HASELDINE, Friendship in Medieval Europe; “Understanding the Language of Amicitia”, pp. 237–60; “Friendship Networks in Medieval Europe”, pp. 69-88; CLASSEN, SANDIDGE, Friendship in the Middle Ages; YSEBAERT,“Medieval Letter-Collections”, pp. 285–300; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa; VAUGHN, RUBENSTEIN, “Teaching and Learning in Northern Europe”. 100 young emperor, Henry IV, to remove the excommunicated counselors from his courts and make peace with Rome.11 Another important member of the imperial family and of this network of friendship was Countess Adelaide of Turin and Savoy; as seen, she was related to the Canossa family by blood bonds and friendship. Gregory, as Peter before him, praised

Adelaide’s devotion and support of the church and asked her to assist with and defend the monasteries of Fruttuaria and St. Michele della Chiusa which were harassed by lay lords.12

Furthermore, Gregory encouraged the countess to join Agnes, Beatrice, and Matilda in the struggle with the emperor. Indeed, she was present at Canossa during the notorious encounter between the pope and Emperor Henry IV in January 1077.13 At the beginning of his pontificate, Gregory, like Peter Damian, strongly believed in the concord between the emperor and the church and entrusted these women with the responsibility of this difficult enterprise.

As we have seen, these women were linked by blood bonds, political objectives, and friendship. Gregory’s Register suggests that he shared Peter’s consideration toward Empress

Agnes, but, more importantly, that Matilda and Beatrice followed Peter’s suggestions by imitating Agnes, in both her piety and political strategies, as faithful “disciples:”

“Beatrice, who is devoted to you in all things and no less our common daughter

Matilda are exerting themselves by day and by night in our great support, as it were

11 References to Agnes, Matilda, Beatrice can be found in GREGORY VII, Registrum: I, 19; I, 20; I, 21a; I, 85; 2, 3; 2,30; 2;44; 3,5; GREGORY VII, Epistolae vagantes 5. 12 For Adelaide of Turin and Susa see SERGI, “Matilde Di Canossa e Adelaide Di Torino”, pp. 57–74; CREBER, “Mirrors for Margraves”, pp. 8–20; GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 107-109; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa. 13 COWDREY, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, I, 37, p. 42; CREBER, “Women at Canossa”, pp. 1- 44; Alison Creber’s investigation has shown the importance of both Adelaide and Matilda in the reconciliation between the emperor and the pope; GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 107-109 has emphasized the fact that hitherto this famous event the two women may well have been accustomed to regular frequentations and encounters for both their blood bonds and political objectives; see also COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, 288- 289; FASOLI, “Donne Al Potere”, pp. 28–31. 101

following you like disciples who faithfully imitate you as their lady and mistress.

Through you, therefore, as a new example of ancient joy – through you, I say, the

women that once saw the Lord in the tomb often return to us in memory. For just as,

with a marvelous warmth of charity, they came in advance of the other disciples to

the Lord’s sepulcher, so with pious love you before many – no, almost before all of

the princes of the world visit the church of Christ which is placed, as it were, in the

sepulcher of affliction”.14

Moreover, in this passage Gregory compares Agnes, Beatrice, and Matilda to Mary and Mary

Magdalene, who first experienced and witnessed the resurrection of Jesus. As seen, the same comparison was first adopted by Peter; in his letter to Empress Agnes, he drew a parallel between the empress and her sister and the two women at the sepulcher of Jesus and identified them as role models. This shows, once again, that Gregory was familiar with

Peter’s correspondence and that Damian’s example helped the new pope to elaborate a new concept of friendship with these women. At the same time, Peter and Gregory were different personalities, as I will show below; while Peter expressed wonder at the empress’s choice to withdraw from the world, Gregory VII vehemently opposed Matilda and Beatrice when, probably following the example of their mistress Agnes, then expressed a desire to take the veil.15

14 Beatricem, nec non et communem filiam nostram Mathildim diu noctuque in nostro multum adjutorio desudare, utpote vos sequentes, vos sicut dominam et magistram discipulae fideliter imitantes. Per vos itaque novum exemplum antiquae laetitiae, per vos, inquam, illae mulieres olim quaerentes Dominum in monumento, saepe nobis ad memoriam redeunt. Nam sicut istae prae cunctis discipulis ad sepulcrum Domini miro charitatis ardore venerunt, ita vos Ecclesiam Christi, quasi in sepulcro afflictionis positam, prae multis, imo pene prae omnibus terrarum principibus, pio amore visitatis, et ut ad statum libertatis suae resurgat, totis viribus annitentes, quasi angelicis instructa responsis caeteros ad suffragium laborantis Ecclesiae provocatis. GREGORY VII, Registrum, I ,85. 15 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. For this theme see: MACCARINI, Aspetti della religiosità di Matilde di Canossa, pp. 53-66. 102

As was the case with Peter Damian, Gregory’s friendships with Beatrice, Matilda,

Agnes, and Adelaide were certainly instrumental to him. Political allies, their goal was to foster the ideals of church reform and fight together against the enemies of the papacy.16

However, this mutual interest upheld intense and affective personal bonds. As McGuire explains, “friendship and reform go together…the one is unconceivable without the other”.17

The letters Gregory addressed to the Canossa Countesses, the empress, and Adelaide offer excellent evidence of genuine emotional bonds and spiritual friendship. They are lengthy and abundantly fervent in their declaration of love and friendship. As it was for Damian, this affection is not purely rhetoric; the participants in these relationships shared both life and spiritual affinities. Gregory usually refers to them as: “our most dear daughter the Empress

Agnes, together with the illustrious Beatrice with her daughter Matilda” and “the most beloved daughters of St. Peter”. The close relationship with these women helped Matilda to elaborate and attach herself to the reform ideal and to Gregory.

A Long-lasting Friendship: The Idea of Righteousness

Among this network of exceptional women, Gregory relied more heavily on Beatrice and Matilda’s assistance and obedience. The pope considered these two women powerful advisers and influential allies in the struggle for church reform. Consequently, he entrusted them with the realization of a new notion and pragmatic concept of righteousness. In the nine

16 The evidence of the three women’s contribution to church reform, their relationship among each other, and with Gregory can be seen in GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 19; I, 20; I, 21a; I, 85; 2, 3; 2,30; 2;44; 3,5; GREGORY VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 5. See also GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 107-109; CREBER, “Women at Canossa”, pp. 1-44. 17 MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, p. 204. 103 books of Gregory’s papal Register (390 letters), and his Epistolae Vagantes (76 letters) there are four letters addressed to Matilda and five addressed to both of the countesses.18 Though only one side of the conversation is available, it is often possible to deduce the subjects of

Matilda's letters in Gregory’s responses. In addition, in his whole extant correspondence, the pope mentions Beatrice and Matilda more than ten times, referring to them as his most trustworthy supporters and friends.19

The epistolary relationship between Gregory VII and Canossa’s Countesses began with the pope’s election. Beatrice was promptly informed of his accession to the papacy and, probably together with Matilda and her husband, Godfrey the Hunchback, was present at his ordination.20 As, before him, Alexander II and Peter Damian had depended on the Canossa-

Lotharingia family, the pope must certainly have depended on the family’s support of papacy. In his first letter addressed to Beatrice and Matilda, dated June 24, 1073, the pope’s intimate tone revealed a profound and lifelong friendship: “most beloved ladies and know that you are joined to the very heart in our love.”21

Indeed, since the death of Henry III, the Canossa-Lotharingia family had become the most determined protector and ally of the papacy.22 Hildebrand and the Canossa-Lotharingia family likely became acquainted around 1058-1059, when the future pope was appointed

18 The correspondence of Gregory VII and Beatrice and Matilda: GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 11; I, 50; I, 77; II, 9; III, 5; The correspondence between Gregory VII and Matilda alone: GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 40, I,47, IV, 22; GREGORY VII, Epistolae vagantes, 5. 19 References to Matilda and Beatrice in GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 4; I, 19, I, 20; I, 21; I, 25; I, 26; I, 46; I, 85; II 30; III, 8: IV, 2; IV, 12; VI 12; VI 18; IX, 3. In GREGORY VII, Epistolae vagantes, 5, 14, 19. For the relationship between Beatrice and Matilda and Pope Gregory VII, and Matilda’s role of mediator between Pope and Emperor see GOLINELLI, "Prima di Canossa”; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 92-100; ROBINSON, “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII”, pp. 1-22. 20 Gregory VII, Registrum, I, 4, pp. 4-5; see also GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, p. 47. 21 clarissimę, et in nostra dilectione cordetenus vos annexas esse scitote, Gregory VII, Registrum, I, 11. 22 GOLINELLI, "Prima di Canossa”, p. 199; LAZZARI, Goffredo di Lorena, pp. 225-242. 104 archdeacon of the apostolic see. In this position, he worked for the election of Pope Nicholas

II, closely collaborating with Godfrey the Bearded, Beatrice’s husband, who escorted the pope to Rome using his own troops.23 Also evidencing a strong partnership before Gregory’s election is Hildebrand and the Canossa-Lotharingia’s military and political involvement in

Alexander II’s advancement during Cadalus’s schism.24

To the best of my knowledge, this letter to the countesses is the first document to introduce Gregory’s idea of righteousness, which he promoted so fervently among kings and lay rulers throughout his pontificate.25 Gregory advises the two Countesses to live according to righteousness and the law of God, which, he says, is the qualification to be called children of the Lord. The pope continues his argument by quoting a passage of the First Letter of St.

Peter 3: 14: “If you suffer anything for righteousness’s sake, you are blessed”,26 clarifying that following God’s plan is to abandon one’s petty interest, set by loss and gain, and seek and embrace the love of God, the true source of blessedness. This notion, which Gregory first introduces in this letter, likely inspired by the loyalty of the countesses, is upheld in later letters as the first duty of the lay ruler, who was supposed to sacrifice everything for justice and God. Thus, by addressing these ladies as lay rulers in their own rights, he is fostering the elevation of the status of women.

However, Gregory’s letter is not primarily concerned with establishing an abstract notion of righteousness, but clearly enunciating a specific program, which the countesses are called to fulfill. He calls for: their assistance with the church of Lombardy, Gregory’s major

23 G. M. CANTARELLA, Gregorio VII (Rome, 2018), pp. 86-87. 24 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 44; W. D. McCREADY, Odiosa Sanctitas. St Peter Damian, Simony, and Reform (Toronto, 2011), pp. 36-37. 25 On Gregory’s concept of Righteousness see COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 559-560; ROBINSON, Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest, pp. 17-24. 26 Sed et si quid patimini propter iustitiam, beati, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 11; reference to New Testament, Catholic Letters, First Letter of St. Peter, 3:14; and also Matthew 5, 10. 105 concern throughout his pontificate, their collaboration in appointing the right bishops in

Canossa’s territories and beyond, and their mediation in dealing with Henry IV. The first issue involves a difficult situation with the archbishopric of Milan and Henry IV’s candidate,

Godfrey, who was appointed archbishop of Milan by the Lombard church.27 Interestingly,

Gregory exhorts the countesses to avoid any contacts with the simoniac Lombard bishops.

Moreover, he urges the countesses to abstain from providing support to the bishops: “to avoid and decline communication with them, and not to furnish counsels or assistance to their factions…[do not] let any consideration of this world, which is indeed vain,…influence you”.28 From this comment, it can be inferred that the countesses, in order to cope with the difficult task of administrating their diversified and unstable territories, had attempted to nurture their relationships with the Lombard church. Gregory continues, saying that, only by seeing through the mercy of God and St. Peter, would their minds see clearly and resist. The pope also responds to Matilda and Beatrice who, feeling an urgency to place a loyal bishop in the seat of Lucca, pressed the new pope to appoint Anselm II as bishop of the city.29 Finally,

Gregory enlists Matilda and Beatrice in the mission to reconduct the king into the bosom of the mother church; if the king refused to listen, the pope insists that he, for the sake of God, would resist him to the point of shedding his own blood. This shows not only that the two

Countesses were included in Gregory’s political program from its beginning, but also the profound friendship which existed between them.

27 COWDREY, "The Papacy, The Patarenes and the Church of Milan". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 18 (2009), pp. 25-48; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 280-289. 28 ut communionem illorum evitare et declinare studeat nec factionibus eorum consilia vel adiumenta prebeat. Neque vero in hac re aliqua huius mundi ratio , quę quidem vana transitoria et deceptiva est, vos commoveat, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 11. 29 G. B. BORINO, Il Monacato e l’investitura di Anselmo vescovo di Lucca, in G. B. Borino ed., Studi gregoriani per la storia di Gregorio VII e della riforma gregoriana, vol. 5 (Rome, 1956), pp. 361-374; K. G. CUSHING, Papacy and law in the Gregorian revolution: The canonistic work of Anselm of Lucca (Oxford, 1998). 106

The pope’s intent to maintain concord and peace between regnum and sacerdotium and his reliance on Beatrice, Matilda, and Empress Agnes to achieve it was also disclosed, on

September 1, to Duke Rudolf of Swabia, Bishop Rainald of Como, and Anselm II bishop of

Lucca.30 Certainly, the countesses were interested in attaining harmony between the pope and the emperor. They were vassals of the German Emperor and related to him by blood bonds; in fact, most of their territories were granted to the Canossa family by the German kings. At the same time, they were close to the Reform movement and the papacy and linked to

Gregory by a privileged friendship.31

Furthermore, the countesses showed their loyalty to the pope by intervening on his behalf in the ongoing conflict between the Pataria and the archbishop of Milan. In his letters to Erlembald, the Patarine leader in Lombardy, Gregory expresses his absolute faith in the countesses. In the first letter, dated September 27, 1073, he states: “As regards to Countess

Beatrice, we consider there can be no shadow of doubt that she and her daughter Matilda are faithfully disposed towards us in things that belong to God and the religion of holy church”.32

Soon after, on October 9, 1073, we find another example of this faith: “Moreover, do not greatly fear the bishops who are trying to uphold your enemy, for Beatrice and her daughter

Matilda are altogether backing up the Roman church and are striving firmly to unite our mind with the Kings”.33 Gregory’s efforts to convince Erlembald of the absolute trustworthiness of

Beatrice and Matilda, with “no shadow of doubt,” confirms the possibility that the

30 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 19, I, 20, I, 21. 31 GOLINELLI, "Prima di Canossa”, pp. 195-206; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 151-157; ROBINSON, The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century, pp. 14-15. 32 De comitissa Beatrice nullo modo dubitandum putamus, quin ipsa et filia eius Mathildis in his; quę ad Deum pertinent et religionem sanctę ecclesię, fideliter se erga nos habeant, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 25. 33 Episcopos preterea inimicum vestrum fulcire co nantes non multum metuatis, cum Beatrix ac filia eius Mathildis Romanę ecclesię penitus faventes cum quibus dam maximis regni proceribus laborent nostrum atque regis animum firmiter unire, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 25. 107 countesses’ position with the Lombard church had been, at times, ambiguous.

The difficult circumstances and the new political scenario which arose from the struggle with Emperor Henry IV and the Lombard church compelled the pope to formulate a new notion and pragmatic concept of righteousness. Remarkably, the countesses, Gregory’s most trustworthy lay supporters, were the first beneficiaries of this new political and spiritual program. Certainly, Beatrice’s and Matilda’s long-lasting loyalty and their critical political position encouraged Gregory to develop his theories for a new code of conduct for laity and clergy. Historians have argued that, since the beginning, Gregory acted according to these principles and had a clear idea of what a lay lord should have done to defend the church. 34 At the same time, Gregory’s theories were corrected, molded, and clarified in the light of political circumstance and in front of his political partners and friends. My argument is that

Gregory expresses these ideas regarding righteousness in connection with the duty of a lay lord for the first time in the letters addressed to Matilda and Beatrice. Other than in those letters addressed to the countesses, I did not find any earlier instances of him clarifying these notions in detail.

Matilda’s Separation from Godfrey the Hunchback: A Strong Female Identity

Matilda and Beatrice were certainly Gregory’s most powerful and loyal supporters, however, the assistance of Godfrey the Hunchback, Matilda’s estranged husband, was crucial as well. The Countess’ categorical refusal to reconcile with her husband, despite the pope’s

34 Cantarella and Cushing explain that Gregory pursued the idea of the Ecclesiastical Reform from the beginning of his pontificate, based on the concept of the two keys, iustitia/veritas, and primacy of the Holy See over all other powers, see: G. M. CANTARELLA, Gregorio VII (Rome, 2018), pp. 50-138; CUSHING, Reform and the Papacy, p. 34. 108 exhortations, is a clear sign of her strong female identity and independent agency. What were the spiritual and political consequences of this separation?

At the beginning of his papacy, Gregory addressed the duke with great affection; in reply to a joyful (lost) congratulations on his election from Godfrey the Hunchback, Gregory referred to him as “most beloved son of St. Peter.”35 Furthermore, the pope’s intent was to enlist Godfrey the Hunchback, Beatrice, and Matilda’s assistance against the Normans of south Italy and against the Saracens in Constantinople, shown in his correspondence with count William of Burgundy.36 At the same time, the pope hoped to have the duke on his side in his struggle with the emperor. However, this hope was vanquished due to Matilda and

Godrey’s troubled marriage.37

To preserve the Canossa-Lotharingia powerful partnership and counterbalance the authority of the emperor, the countess and the duke were married at the end of 1069, on the deathbed of Godfrey the Bearded – Beatrice’s husband and Godfrey the Hunchback's father.

The couple lived together in Lotharingia for a very short time. On January 29, 1071, Matilda gave birth to a daughter, Beatrice, who died soon after. Beatrice of Lotharingia mentions this tragic event in the act of foundation of the monastery of Frassinoro, dated August 29, 1071.38

Matilda, after the death of her daughter, left her husband and returned to Italy, where, at the

35 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 9. It appears that the marriage between Matilda and Godfrey the Hunchback did not caused canonical problems of consanguinity, as it was for their respective parents. However, they were cousins to the fifth degree, and the Lateran Council of 1059’s prohibition included relatives up to the seventh degree of consanguinity. Probably, the different political situation and the need of the church to have the powerful duke Godfrey the Hunchback as ally, encouraged the papacy to be more lenient on this rule, LAZZARI “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”. 36 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 46, February 2, 1074. 37 As we will discuss below, Godfrey would also fail to provide troops he had promised to Gregory, see GREGORY VII, Registrum 1,72, April 1074; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, p. 428. He also would publicly condemn Gregory at Worms, see COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, p. 135. 38 On Matilda’s difficult marriage and childbirth see: GOLINELLI, Matilde e I Canossa, pp. 169-184; GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 109-110; LAZZARI “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”; “I Poteri Delle Donne Al Tempo Di Matilde”, pp. 35–56; RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp.119-13. 109 beginning of 1072, she issued a diploma with her mother in Mantua. This sudden separation is also documented by the monastery of Saint Hubert’s chronicle, in which is clearly attested that the countess left her husband: “Godfrey’s wife Matilda left him and returned to

Lombardy and when her husband rather frequently commanded her to return, she did not obey.”39

Shortly after, Matilda asked Godfrey the Hunchback to go to Italy to restore the important reliquary of St. Claudius that belonged to her father, Boniface.40 Therefore, with the hope of a reconciliation with the countess, the duke complied. Once in Italy, Godfrey attempted to reunite with his wife with the assistance of the newly elected Pope Gregory VII, desperately in need of the duke’s support.41 The documents attest that the duke attended various judicial proceedings in 1073 with the countesses, although the status of their relationship at that time is unknown.42

Later, the countess would firmly refuse Godfrey; this fact is attested by Lampert of

Hersfeld: “She [Matilda] had lived at a very great distance from him…she didn’t wish to follow her husband in Lotharingia.”43 The chronicle of St. Hubert also clarifies that the duke traveled to Italy to see the countess “but he did not obtain marital favor from her, and rejected by her and driven out of Italy he returned in Lotharingia”.44 The same account also informs us that Godfrey had failed to observe the testament of his father, drafted before his

39 nam uxor eius Mathildis eo relicto Langobardiam rediit, saepiusque mandante marito ut rediret, non solum non obtemperavit, Chronicon Sancti Huberti Andaginensis, p. 583 40 GOLINELLI, “Frassinoro: un crocevia del monachesimo europeo nel periodo della lotta per le investiture”, in “Benedictina”, 34 (1987), pp. 417-434. 41 Chronicon sancti Huberti Andaginensis, p. 583. 42 In January 1073 Godfrey attended with Beatrice a judicial proceeding in Pisa and in April he was in Arezzo with her, see RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 129-132. In August of the same year, the duke assented to an act of donation in favor of the monastery of St. Paul near Parma with Beatrice and Matilda, MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 9, pp. 55-57. 43 LAMPERT OF HERSFELD, Annales, p. 349. 44 Chronicon sancti Huberti Andaginensis, p. 583. 110 death, in favor of the monastery of St. Hubert. This bold act encouraged Abbot Thierry II of

St. Hubert and Herman of Metz to travel to Rome to discuss the issue with Gregory and the countesses.45 Given its strong hostility against the duke, the Lothringian monastery’s chronicle cannot be taken as reliable, however, the source is still very significant; it shows that the union between Matilda and Godfrey was brusquely interrupted and, most importantly, it shows that the separation was deliberately intended by the countess.

Matilda’s decisions would ultimately alienate her husband, who began to ponder the alliance with the emperor. In a letter dated April 7, 1074 to Godfrey the Hunchback, Gregory reproves the duke for failing to fulfill promises to provide troops against the Normans and for the expedition in the Middle East.46 Matilda’s strong resolution challenged not only her family strategy and political alliances, but also the established role of women, designed to ensure the survival of the dynasty, and stand as important evidence of Matilda’s strong will and independent agency.

The Beginning of Matilda’s Personal Relationship with Gregory VII

In this delicate and difficult moment of Matilda’s life, her mother Beatrice, Gregory, and Empress Agnes exhorted the countess to reunite with her husband. Despite these pressures, Matilda refused to reconcile with Godfrey, thus severing the house of Lotharingia

45 See Chronicon sancti Huberti Andaginensis, p. 583; LAZZARI, “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”. RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 129-133; M. L. CECCARELLI LEMUT, “La dimensione marittima della marca di Tuscia”, in Matilde di Canossa e il suo tempo, pp. 323-355. 46 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 72. On the other hand, Beatrice and Matilda were ready to support Gregory VII in these missions, so much so that the countesses met at Monte Cimino with the pope to lead the armies. Despite their goodwill, the military operations were not carried out for disagreement among the troops, and disturbances in Lombardy, COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 427-428.

111 from both the papacy and the Canossa family. Matilda’s decision likely became widely apparent at the beginning of 1074. In this very year Matilda alone would receive the largest number of letters from Gregory. Their correspondence during this period offers important proof of a genuine and intense human relationship between Gregory and Matilda. Indeed,

Gregory’s friendship with Matilda of Tuscany was his most significant friendship established among the princes of the entire Christendom.47 The Countess would receive a greater number of letters from the pope than anyone else. As previously seen, in Gregory’s papal Register

(390 letters) and his Epistolae Vagantes (76 letters) there are four letters addressed only to

Matilda, three of them composed in 1074 and one in 1079.48

In his aforementioned correspondence with both Beatrice and Matilda, the pope’s tone indicates a reciprocal and preferential friendship, built upon a common goal. Gregory addresses the countesses as respected equals and great political allies. Interestingly, in the letters composed for Matilda in 1074, Gregory’s tone is expressed through the words of a spiritual father, whose intimate contact with the inner life of his disciple fosters a present and clear familiarity. At the same time, he holds Matilda responsible for the realization of the political and spiritual agenda of church Reform and urges her to act according to caritas. The pope also encourages the countess’s devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, expressing a unique spirituality for this early period.49 What enabled Gregory to develop these concepts?

We, unfortunately, know only one side of Matilda and Gregory’s relationship; for this

47 See ROBINSON, “The Friendship Network”; E. EMERTON, The correspondence of Pope Gregory VII: Selected letters from the Registrum (New York, 1969), pp. I-XXXI. 48 The correspondence between Gregory VII and Matilda alone: COWDREY, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, I, 40, I,47, IV, 22; COWDREY, The Epistolae vagantes, 5, pp. 11-13. 49 For the change in religious sentiments and emotional attitudes see: FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex; JAEGER, Ennobling Love; FULTON, From Judgment to Passion; MCNAMER, Affective Meditation; MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority; MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, and “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”; SOUTHERN, Saint Anselm and His Biographer, and St. Anselm: Portrait. 112 reason, the investigation is clearly limited. However, Gregory’s letters to Matilda are filled with references to several other, now lost, letters exchanged between them, suggesting that the pope and the countess were used to frequently corresponding and that they had a personal relationship, independent of Beatrice. In the first letter of the Register, addressed only to

Matilda and dated January 3, 1074, Gregory mentions two other missives the countess wrote to the pope and one of Gregory’s personal replies. Additionally, this letter is exceptional documentation of Gregory VII’s attitude towards women. He not only encouraged female rulership, but valued female spirituality.50

“To Matilda, a young woman of excellent worth, greeting and apostolic blessing.

Filled with unmeasurable joy, we render the thanks that we are able to Almighty God

because the letter sent by your highness to the apostolic see testifies that of your

goodness you are willing to show the self-same devotion to the prince of the apostles,

the most blessed Peter, that the vessel of election St. Paul, his fellow-apostle, was

ready to maintain until death to Jesus Christ our Lord, together with the most fervent

love ”51

The pope explains that he is filled with an unmeasurable joy to receive a letter from Matilda that shows the goodness of her heart and her willingness to show devotion to St. Peter. In the same passage, Gregory compares Matilda to St. Paul, who maintained devotion and fervent love for Jesus Christ his entire life. Furthermore, the pope associates Paul’s whole mission and “election”, laid out in the Acts (9:15), to Matilda. Paul (Matilda) is called by the Lord,

50 Gregory VII, Registrum, I, 40. 51 Gregorius episcopus servus servorum Dei Mathildi egregię indolis puelle salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Quia serenitatis vestrę litterę apostolicę sedi directę eandem testatę sunt dilectionem principi apostolorum beatissimo Petro bonitatem tuam promptam esse exhibere, quam Iesu Christo domino nostro vas electionis sanctus Paulus coapostolus eius usque ad mortem ferventissimo amore, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 40. 113 through St. Peter (Gregory), to profess the Gospel before both Gentiles and Kings: “And the

Lord said to him: Go thy way; for this man is to me a vessel of election, to carry my name before the Gentiles, and Kings, and the children of Israel.” With this comparison, Gregory not only envisioned St. Paul’s own mission for Matilda, but also implied that she had been chosen, as Paul, by the Lord as an instrument of his will. By Gregory’s comparison, God’s will manifests through St. Peter, Gregory. However, the pope continues:

“But your prudence will know that to things well started and to religious beginnings

there is need for an even better perseverance and, with God’s aid, a most religious

completion. Therefore…with all our heart we charge, or rather beseech, your

excellency to pay a visit to the apostles.”52

According to Gregory, to channel this “election” the countess should have persevered in her goal, implying that the “chosen one” needed to be molded for future work. For this reason, he exhorts her to visit Rome with her mother Beatrice. As K. R. Rennie explains in his article “Extending Gregory VII's ‘Friendship Network,” Gregory’s most important tool to advance the ideal of Reform was his personal contacts, established during Lenten and

November Synods, visits or conferences in Rome, papal letters, and legates.53 The countesses were certainly summoned to the Roman Court several times; their full involvement in the pope’s objectives ensured the diffusion and achievement of the reforming policies.

Close analysis of this correspondence shows that their political partnership was accompanied by a personal and spiritual friendship. Gregory’s most significant letter to

52 Studuit conser vare , gaudii repleti inmensitate omnipotenti Deo quas possumus reddimus grates . Sed noverit prudentia vestra honestis inceptis religiosisque inchoationibus opus esse honestiori perseverantia atque Deo opitulante religiosissima consummation, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 40. 53 RENNIE, “Extending Gregory VII's ‘Friendship Network’”, pp. 475-496. 114

Matilda is dated February 16, 1074.54 This key letter has been mentioned by several historians, whose important studies have emphasized both the spiritual and the political aspects of Gregory’s fondness for Matilda. I will argue that Matilda was an instrumental trigger for Gregory’s new devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary and for the spark of a new language of friendship and caritas. 55

In this missive, the pope abandons the etiquette of the papal office; he discards the first-person plural “we”, employing the personal and intimate first-person singular “I.” He also utilizes a unique language of intimate friendship which involves the secretive sentiments of the inner self:

“Gregory, bishop servant of the servants of God, to Matilda, his beloved daughter in

Christ, greeting and the apostolic blessing. How great are my cares and how

unceasingly great is my solicitude for you and for your salvation He alone

understands, and knows far better than myself, who searches the hidden things of the

heart.”56

Gregory not only implies that his love for Matilda resides in the innermost depth of his heart, but also suggests that its magnitude is unknown to the human mind; these declarations are the indication of an exclusive and rare spiritual friendship.

Following this passage, Gregory introduces Matilda, for the first time, to the concept of caritas, which would be developed and expanded in a later letter to both Countesses. The pope’s concept of caritas was strictly intertwined with the love for one’s neighbors, “Ex

54 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. 55 NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda, pp. 56-59; LAZZARI, “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”; GOLINELLI, “Prima di Canossa”; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, p. 299. 56 Gregorius episcopus servus servorum Dei dilectę in Christo filię Mathildi salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Quanta sit mihi cura quantaque incessanter de te tuaque salute sollicitudo , ipse solus , qui cordis archana rimatur, intellegit et multo melius me ipso cognosoit, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. 115 amore quidem Dei proximum diligendo.” Gregory’s inspiration was the evangelical passage of Mark,57 the letter of St. Paul to the Corinthians where he describes caritas as the origin of all virtues,58 and St. Augustine’s definition: “non alia caritate diligit proximum quam illa qua diligit deum”.59 However, to Gregory’s understanding, caritas was much more than a theological notion. Caritas, for Gregory, was an emphatic invitation to political action; it was the acceptance of the active life to serve God and the church; it was a moving away from monastic asceticism and withdrawal from the world. For the pope, the apex of Caritas was the imitation of Christ, who came down from Heaven and sacrificed himself for humanity.

Gregory VII’s ability to assert these principles and to apply them in the secular world was his great innovation. Indeed, from Gregory’s intuition, a new religious revival and spirituality were bestowed on the laity. A new role of active involvement in the world, focused on the defense of the church and Christendom, ultimately transformed the church’s official attitude to warfare. Significantly, these ideas were rooted in the notion of caritas and first expressed in Gregory’s letters addressed to Matilda and Beatrice.60

“But if you do not fail to reflect, are (as I think) aware that it behooves me the more

to show care for you since from concern for love/charity I have restrained you from

deserting other people in order to provide for the salvation solely of your own soul.

57 Gospel of Mark, 12, 30-31. 58 ST. PAUL, Cor. 13. 59 ST. AUGUSTINE, Sermons, 265, in PL 39, col. 1223. 60 In the letters to Beatrice and Matilda (GREGORY VII, Registrum, 1, 47, on February 16, 1074 and 1, 50, on March 4, 1074) Gregory enounce, expands, and clarifies his notion of caritas, the pope expresses this same concept later in Gregory VII, Registrum, 1, 61, on March 18, 1074 to duke Wratislaw II of Bohemia; 6, 16, on January 2, 1079, to Abbot Hugh of Cluny; 8, 21, on March 15, 1081, to bishop Herman of Metz. In all these letters caritas was seen as opposite to contemplation but the very spark of the involvement in the world in defense of church. For Gregory VII notion of caritas and its revolutionary consequences see: CANTARELLA, Gregorio VII, p. 138; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 554-55. For the origin of the idea of Crusade connected with Gregory VII: COWDREY, “The Genesis of the Crusades: The springs of western ideas of holy war” in ed. COWDREY, Popes, monks and crusaders (London, 1984), pp. 9-31. 116

For love/charity, as I have often said and shall say, following the heavenly trumpet,

does not seek the things that are her own.”61

Gregory continues to cite St. Paul; he refers to the saint’s notion of caritas, laid down in

Corinthians 13: “Love is patient, Love is kind. It does not envy, it does not boast, it is not proud. It does not dishonor others, it is not self-seeking, it is not easily angered, it keeps no record of wrongs.” (I Cor. 13:5). With this passage the pope hopes to prompt Matilda to persevere in her responsibility to Christendom. The quote is not employed as an abstract concept but as a concrete suggestion; to Gregory, caritas does not allow Matilda to desert

“other people,” i.e., Godfrey the Hunchback and her mother. As shown, Godfrey the

Hunchback was a crucial ally for Gregory in his struggle with the emperor. Matilda’s determination to separate herself from Godfrey endangered the pope’s plans, along with the entire church.62

Gregory displays a special concern for his spiritual daughter; his affection for her is evident throughout the letter. He encourages Matilda to act and triumph over sin by frequently receiving the body of the Lord and by entrusting herself to the Virgin Mary:

“Among the weapons against the prince of this world which, by God's grace, I have

supplied to you, the most potent is, as I have suggested, a frequent partaking of the

Lord's body, and I am therefore directing you to entrust yourself wholly to the

unfailing protection of the Mother of God”63

61 Tu tamen, si pensare non neglegis, ut reor, animadvertis, quia pro tantis tui curam me oportet habere, pro quantis te caritatis studio detinui, ne illos desereres, ut tuę solius animę saluti provideres Caritas enim, ut sępe dixi et dicam sequens cęlestem tubam, non quae sua sunt querit, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. 62 LAZZARI, “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”; GOLINELLI, “Prima di Canossa”; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, p. 299. 63 Sed quia inter cętera, quae tibi contra principem mundi arma Deo favente contuli, quod potissimum est, ut corpus Dominicum frequenter acciperes, indicavi et, ut certę fiducię matris Domini te omnino committeres, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. 117

The pope reinforces his advice by quoting St. Ambrose, Pope Gregory the Great, and

John Chrysostom, who recommend the regular reception of the body of the Lord, the only

“medicine” able to cure the “wounds of sin”. From St. Ambrose, he quotes:

“If bread is “daily”, why do you take it after a year…Receive daily that which

benefits you daily…Therefore you should mark well that, as often as sacrifice is

offered, it signifies the death of the Lord, the resurrection of the Lord, and the

remission of sins. And this bread of life: do you not receive it daily? Whoever has a

wound needs medicine. A wound exists in that we are subject to sin; the medicine is

the heavenly and venerable sacraments.”64

He then quotes Gregory I:

“And we should offer to God daily sacrifices of tears and daily of his flesh and

blood…his body is indeed therein taken, his flesh is divided for the salvation of the

people, his blood is now poured out.”65

In his instructions to Matilda, to urge an intense attachment to the Eucharist and a compassion for Jesus and his suffering, Gregory, remarkably, includes these specific passages from the patristic tradition. Interestingly, this emotional devotion became dominant only after the twelfth century and is rare for this early period.66

Even more significant is Gregory’s citation of John Chrysostom and his reference to the notion of God as a mother:

64 Si cotidianus est panis, cur post annum illum sumas…Accipie cotidie, quod cotidie tibi prosit…Ergo tu audis, quod, quotienscunque offetur sacrificium, mors Domini, resurrectio Domini significetur et remissio peccatorum. Et panem istum vite non cotidianum assumes? Qui vulnus habet, medicinam requirit. Vulnus est, quia sub peccato sumus; medicina est celeste et venerabile sacramentum, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. 65 Debemus itaque presens cotidiana Deo lacrimarum sacrificia, cotidianas carnis cius et sanguinis…ibi corpus sumitur, eius caro in populi salute partiture, eius sanguinis, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. 66 FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 142-192. 118

“You see how Christ has joined the bride to himself; you see by what food that

satisfies he gives nourishment. He himself is for us the substance and nourishment of

food. For just us, the power of affection compelling her, a woman hastens to feed a

son with abundance of her milk, so Christ, too, always feeds with his own blood those

whom he has regenerated.”67

In her groundbreaking book Jesus as Mother, Caroline Bynum explains that this theme, after the patristic period, flourished in the twelfth century thanks to the works of the

Cistercian monks who, Bynum asserts, borrowed this concept from Anselm of Canterbury.

Moreover, several scholars have linked the development of this notion to the new way of practicing devotion to the humanity of Christ, to his death and suffering, and to the fundamental role of his compassionate and grieving mother from the eleventh century onward.68

It is striking that Gregory directed Matilda to this particular passage from the

Catechesis of Saint John Chrysostom. A woman and a mother, she may have been instrumental in fostering Gregory's attention to the concept of the motherhood of Jesus.69 His friendship with the countess, her contingent difficulty, and ongoing political crisis likely prompted Gregory to choose a maternal image to reach his reader, encouraging Matilda to perceive and identify emotionally with the human love of Christ for the soul. For this reason,

67 Videte, quemammodum sponsam sibi Christus coniunxit; videte, quo vos cibo satietatis enutrit. Ipse nobis cibi substantia est atque nutrimentum. Nam sicut mulier affectionis natura cogente gentium alere sui lactis foecunditate festinate, sic et Christus, quos ipse regenerat, suo sanguine semper enutrit, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. The same concept was expressed by Anselm of Canterbury in about the same period in his prayer to St. Paul, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations, pp. 152-153; see Chapter Five. 68 C. W. BYNUM, Jesus as mother: studies in the spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1984), pp. 110-146. 69 For the role of women as instrumental in the development of the new spirituality see: MCNAMER Affective Meditation. 119 it can be argued that the relationship between the countess and Gregory contributed to the development of this new spirituality, which would expand more fully in the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries.70

At the same time, Gregory encourages Matilda to entrust herself to the care of Mary in this letter. He described The Virgin71 as a compassionate mother, her affection greater than that of a real mother. Therefore, Gregory urges Matilda to commend herself to Mary’s motherly love.

“Regarding the Mother of the true Lord, to whom I have principally commended

you, and do commend you, and should never cease to commend you until, as we

hope, we shall meet her face to face, what can I say of her whom earth and heaven

cease not to praise, though never as her merits deserve? May you believe beyond all

doubt that, as she is higher and better and more holy than all human mothers, so she is

more gracious and tender toward every sinner who turns to her. Cease, therefore,

every sinful desire and, prostrate before her, pour out your tears from a humble and a

contrite heart. You will find her, I surely promise you, more ready than any earthly

mother and more lenient in her love for you.”72

Thus, Matilda was called to develop a spiritual closeness to the Virgin and to live according to her example. It is possible Gregory’s devotion for Mary grew as a result of Peter Damian’s prayers to the Virgin and insistent promotion of the Marian cult, that will be discussed in

70 The same concept is expressed by Anselm of Canterbury in about the same period in his prayers to the Virgink, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations, pp. 107-127; see Chapter Five. 71 For the new devotion to the Virgin Mary see: FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 193-232. 72 De matre vero Domini, cui te principaliter commisin et committo et nunquam committere, quousque illam videamus, ut cupimus, omittam, quid tibi dicam, quam celum et terra laudare, licet ut meretur nequeant, non cessant? Hoc tamen procul dubio teneas, quia, quanto altior et melior ac sanctior est omni matre, tanto clementior et dulcior circa conversos peccatores et peccatrices. Pone itaque finem in voluntate peccandi et prostrata coram illa ex corde contrito et humiliato lacrimas effunde. Invenies illam, indubitanter promitto, promptiorem carnali matre ac mitiorem in tui dilectione, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. 120

Chapter Seven. Gregory’s expression “what can I say of her whom earth and heaven cease not to praise, though never as her merits deserve?” echoes Peter’s verses in Himni in

Assumptione Sanctae Mariae: “The one for whom the heaven tremble…the one that the sunset praises, the sunrise venerates, you [Mary] hold it in your arms”.73 At the same time,

Matilda endangered the survival of her dynasty and the destiny of church reform by refusing her mother and her husband's requests; as a result, Gregory would have been inspired to motivate the countess to repent and throw herself at the feet of a mother who was unimaginably affectionate and pardoned sinners, such as Matilda.

Interestingly, this concept seems to be a rarity in this early period. The new devotion to the Virgin Mary became dominant only after the twelfth century. However, as I will show in the next chapters, the imagery Gregory uses – the sorrow for sin, expressed through tears, his insistence on the appeal to an intimate and personal dialogue with the Virgin, and the contrition of the heart – can be found in the collections, such as those of Peter Damian, John of Fécamp, Anselm of Canterbury, and Anselm of Lucca.74 This imagery is a feature of a new spirituality which changed the image of Mary from that of a distant queen of heaven to a passionate and affectionate mother, private protector and intercessor for sinners. Southern has attributed this transformation to Anselm of Canterbury.75 However, recent scholarship has argued that Anselm of Canterbury’s revolution developed from an older tradition and that

73 Gaudium mundi, nova stella caeli, Procreans solem, pariens parentem, da manum lapsis, fer opem caducis, Virgo Maria. Te Deo factam liquet esse scalam, Qua tenens summa petit altus ima. Nos ad excelsi remeare caeli Culmina dona… Quem nequit totus cohibere mundus, Claudis in alvo. Quem tremunt caeli, metuunt abyssi, fluminum guttae maris et procellae, Laudat occasus, veneratur ortus, Stringis in ulnis. Lacte nutritur cibus angelorum, Fertur innuptae gremio puellae, Qui sua latae dicione terrae Pondera librat” PETER DAMIAN, Himi in Assumptione Sanctae Mariae, 49, in PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, ed. U. FACCHINI, L. SARACENO (Roma, 2015). 74 The correlation between these concepts and the prayers of Anselm of Canterbury, Anselm of Lucca, and John of Fécamp are discussed in Chapter Seven. 75 SOUTHERN, Saint Anselm and His Biographer; St. Anselm: Portrait. 121

Anselm of Canterbury’s work was a product of this tradition rather than its creator.76 Anselm of Lucca was a staunch supporter of Gregory VII and would become a spiritual advisor to

Matilda of Tuscany; later, we will see how the entire corpus of the prayers Anselm of Lucca composed for Matilda would reoccur to Gregory's representations of Mary's motherhood and how these representations can be considered one of the agents of this new spirituality.77

An aforementioned letter, dated June 15, 1074 and addressed to Empress Agnes, provides testimony for the special affection Gregory nurtured for Matilda and his concern for her difficult marriage.78 The empress was also worried about the consequences of Matilda and the Hunchback of Lotharingia’s marital troubles. This letter is exceptional documentation of the close relationships both Matilda and Agnes had with Gregory as well as the close relationship Matilda and Agnes shared with each other. In his letter to Agnes,

Gregory refers to Matilda as “our common daughter,” showing the countess was their mutual concern. Agnes, apparently, was not only concerned with Matilda’s wellbeing and spiritual salvation, but also commanded Matilda to the pope’s prayers and care:

“Now, what you have asked as regards your daughter Matilda we have gladly

granted; we applaud your holiness, because you have so great care for the salvation of

one who pours out her heart and soul to you with all longing and faithful

commitment, and who seeks your glory as much as the joy of her own salvation. We,

too, willingly pray for her…Therefore, accepting your commendation with the due

regard, we in the same way ask that you make remembrance in your prayers of her

76 FULTON, From Judgment to Passion; pp. 146-170; IHNAT, Mother of Mercy, pp. 32-41; MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”, pp. 153-166. 77 See Chapter Three. 78 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 85, 122

and of ourselves.”79

This passage is significant evidence of Agnes’s personal predilection and affection for

Matilda and illuminates a rare type of friendship developing between Gregory and the countess. This is corroborated in another letter, dated December 1074, in which Gregory discloses his intention to embark on crusade to Matilda and wishes for her to join him. The pope mentions Agnes had expressed a desire to accompany him in this great endeavor; he says that, were the two women to join him, it would set an example, encouraging Christians to do the same:

“If the Empress came and devoted herself to prayer, she in concert with you might

encourage many to take part in this work. As for me, furnished with such sisterly aid I

would most gladly cross the sea, if need be to lay down my life for Christ with both

of you whom I always desire should cleave to me in the heavenly country”.80

With this passage, Gregory implies that Matilda and Agnes’s contemporaries considered them models to follow. Indeed, their example would have inspired others to embark on the eastern expedition. At the same time, this passage is exceptional evidence of the real friendship and emotional bond developed between Gregory and Matilda, evidenced by the desires Gregory expresses in the letter; he desires that they share the same ideals and

79 Quod autem de filia vestra Mathildi nos rogastis, gratanter accepimus collaudantes sanctitatem vestram, quod tanta vobis de salute illius cura est, quae quidem in vos omni desiderio et fide litatis affectu cor et animam suam effundit, gloriam vestram quasi gaudia propriae salutis exposcit. Ac nos quidem pro ea libenter oramus …Vestram igitur commendationem digna veneratione suscipientes itidem vos ut illius et nostri memoriam in vestris rogamus orationibus faciatis, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 85. See also COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 96-100; COWDREY, “Pope Gregory VII’s ‘Crusading’ plan of 1074”, in Popes, monks and crusaders, pp. 27-40. 80 Proinde praedicta imperatrix causa orationis veniens multos ad hoc opus una tecum posset animare. Ego autem talibus ornatus sororibus libentissime mare transirem ut animam meam, si oporteret, vobiscum pro Christo ponerem, quas mihi semper cupio in aeterna patria adherere, GREGORY VII, Epistolae vagantes, 5. On Matilda and the crusade see also C. CORRADINI, “Matilde di Canossa e la Prima Crociata: l’enigma di una scelta”, in Studi Medievali, III, Vol. 56, 2 (2015), pp. 513-554. 123 responsibilities, he desires that they embark on a pilgrimage to liberate the Holy Land, possibly suffering martyrdom, and, most importantly, he desires that they share their lives.

The Development of a New Notion of Charity

After Matilda’s marriage failed, both Beatrice and Matilda likely revealed to Gregory their desire to take the veil. This request provoked a firm response from the pope, articulated in a letter dated March 4, 1074; this letter can be considered the manifesto of a new spirituality.81

Matilda’s indispensable and unique friendship with the pope can be detected in the tone and language of the letter and in the great familiarity it expresses. At the start of the letter, the pope states that, among all the princes of the Roman empire, he trusts only the countesses to solve the dispute between Bishop Dodo of Roselle – near Grosseto – and Count

Ugolino.82 Furthermore, Gregory abandons the first person plural “we,” a convention of the papal chancery, in favor of the personal and intimate first person singular “I” throughout the epistle. He clarifies this slacking of convention by reassuring the countesses of his profound and unconditional love: “I write little to you, whom I love with a sincere heart, I make it plain that I am occupied by heavy care. For I do not employ some deputy in composing a letter to you…but I bow myself to the task…because if I am loved as I love, I know that no mortal person is preferred to me by you”.83

81 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 50. 82 For this dispute see COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, p. 432. 83 Quod vobis, quas sincero corde diligo, parum scribo, gravi cura me implicitum esse manifesto. Vobis enim in talibus non aliquem vicarium in dictando acquiro, sed me ipsum labori, licet rusticano stilo, subpono, quia, si diligor ut diligo, nullum mortalium mihi preponi a vobis cognosco, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 50. 124

After this first passage Gregory introduces the concept of love:

“For your love/charity knows and, as I believe, completely understands that in all

your doings I look for the honor of God and for your own salvation. And so I say with

the Prophet, ‘Sacrifice the sacrifice of righteousness and trust in the Lord’, and again,

‘Give judgement for the fatherless and defend the widows, and come and reason with

me, says the Lord’ (Isa. 1:17-18). In truth, from love (amore) of God and by holding

dear one’s neighbor to help the wretched and to assist the oppressed – this is

something that I place before prayers, fasts, vigils, and other good works however

many they may be, for I do not hesitate with the Apostle to set true love/charity

before all virtues. (Cor. 13) Because if this, the mother of all virtues, which

compelled God to come from Heaven to earth that he might bear our misery, did not

instruct me, and if there were someone who in your stead would come to the aid of

the wretched and oppressed churches and would be of service to the universal church,

I would be at pains to advise that you should leave the world with all its cares. But

because you do not, like many princes, thrust God from your palace but rather you

invite him by the sacrifice of righteousness to come in to it, we ask you and urge you

as most dear daughters that you bring to a perfect end the good thing that you have

begun. May no human favor, no love of money, no desire for vain glory, be able to

cast a shadow upon your sacrifice.”84

84 Scit enim caritas vestra et omnino, ut reor, intelligit, quod in omnibus actibus vestris honorem Dei vestramque salutem requiro. Et ideo cum propheta dico: "Sacrificate sacrificium iustitie et sperate in Domino"; et iterum: "Iudicate pupillo et defendite viduas et venite et arguite me, dicit Dominus." Ex amore quidem Dei proximum diligendo adiuvare miseris et oppressis subvenire, orationibus ieiuniis vigiliis et aliis quam pluribus bonis operibus prepono, quia veram caritatem cunctis virtutibus preferre cum apostolo non dubito. Nam si hec mater omnium virtutum, que Deum de celo in terram, ut nostram miseriam ferret, compulit venire, me non instrueret et esset, qui miseris et oppressis ecclesiis vestra vice subveniret ac universali ecclesie deserviret, ut seculum relinqueretis cum omnibus eius curis, monere procurarem. Sed quia de vestra aula, ut multi principes, Deum non abicitis, immo sacrificio iustitie ad eam venire invitatis, rogamus vos et ut karissimas filias 125

The example of the countesses enabled Gregory to coin a new notion of charity,

Caritas/amore, which is no longer only a personal commitment, but a love for one’s neighbor, for the less fortunate, and the wretched. Gregory calls Beatrice and Matilda, and all the laity, to imitate Christ, who, for charity, came down from Heaven to save humanity.

Caritas, like the previously discussed righteousness, is not an abstract notion but a concrete indication as to the duty and conduct of all Christians, especially the aristocracy.85 Indeed,

Matilda and Beatrice are asked to renounce the contemplative life they yearn for and embrace the active life, to serve God and the church.

A specific cultural setting – the Lombard upheaval, the menace of the emperor, and the difficult situation with Godfrey the Hunchback – induced the pope to seek new approaches and justifications for participation in the active life. Fear of Matilda and

Beatrice’s disengagement led Gregory to elaborate the concept of caritas in the specific context of their lives, personalities, and roles in history. Remarkably, reformers would later draw from this new concept to create a code of behavior for both clergy and laity. This revolutionary enunciation of caritas, an important development of Christian and spiritual thought, would prove crucial to transformation of morality and conduct; it paved the way for the sanctification of active life and the construction of the concept of Miles Christi, whose duty was to fight for God and the church.86

These new ideas, conveyed in this letter for the first time, will come to maturity during the Investiture Controversy, within a group of polemicists and intellectuals in

Matilda’s entourage. Remarkably, Anselm of Lucca – the most diligent imitator of Gregory

ammonemus, bonum quod cepistis ad perfectum finem perducatis. Non favor humanus, non amor pecunie, non desiderium vane glorie vestrum sacrificium possit obfuscare, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 50. 85 See note 61. 86 CUSHING, Reform and the Papacy; CUSHING, Papacy and law.

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VII – would draw from this letter in the 1080s to compose the sermon De Caritate, which we will examine in the next chapter. Matilda and Beatrice, through their lives and loyalty, influenced Gregory’s thought and helped him to elaborate new radical and revolutionary concepts and Matilda, in particular, inspired him to promote and disseminate these novel ideas among her circle of reformers.

Matilda, Beatrice, and Gregory: Mutual Friendship and a Political Partnership

As seen, Matilda and Beatrice were certainly Gregory VII's most powerful supporters and his most important confidants and advisers. Though the pope’s respect for their political abilities and power had no equal, their decisions were not always in line with his views. On the contrary, the evidence shows that the countesses often acted according to their own political advantage and their personal point of view. On more than one occasion, this attitude prompted Gregory's intervention and rebuke. At the same time, their mutual loyalty and trust, built through evidence, words, and pious deeds, laid the foundation for their long-lasting relationships. The strong political and spiritual partnerships of Beatrice, Matilda and Gregory were powerful instruments against their enemies and devices of political propaganda and effective alliances.

In his letter dated April 15, 1074, Gregory rebukes Beatrice and Matilda for having forced the bishop of Strasburg to remain in their castle as a hostage after he had been absolved of his simony and inappropriate conduct by Pope Alexander II himself.87 Gregory harshly reprimands the two countesses. Judging their behavior disgraceful, he begs them to

87 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 77. 127 immediately release the bishop and allow him to return to Germany. Moreover, feeling obliged to justify his actions towards the Bishop Dionysus of Piacenza and other bishops of

Lombardy, he clarifies that he had not granted episcopal offices to them. The letter suggests that the countesses blamed the pope for excessive softness during the Lenten Synod of 1074

– which took place in Rome in March 9-14, 1074, where the countesses were present - and implies they played a major role in decisions such as these.88

Cosmas of Prague, recounting the episode of Bishop Gebhard of Prague’s restoration to his office, provides information as to the scope of Matilda's authority. Gebhard's restoration likely took place during the Lenten synod of 1074; in his recounting, Cosmas describes the importance of Matilda’s role and the countess’s overall powerful position, both in Italy and at the pope’s court:

“In those days the most powerful lady had come to Rome: Matilda, who governed all

of Lombardy together with Burgundy after the death of her father, Boniface, and had

power over 120 bishops, whether to be elected and enthroned or removed. The whole

senatorial order was arranged according to her will, as if she were their own lord, and

Pope Gregory himself handled both divine and human business through her, because

she was a most wise counselor and greatest supporter of the Roman church in all its

troubles and needs….Bishop Gebhard would certainly have lost his good name and

honor, together with his rank, if she had not been at Rome.”89

While Cosmas was hostile to Matilda, this source is proof of Matilda's persistent pursuit of peace. At the same time, Cosmas’ observation that “the whole senatorial order was arranged according to her will”, both calls to mind the severe words of the bishops during the synod of

88 GOLINELLI, “Prima di Canossa”. 89 COSMAS OF PRAGUE, The Chronicle of the Czechs, pp. 150-155. 128

Worms, discussed below, and evidences Matilda’s power and authority over bishops of Italy and Europe and the pope.

In spite of their disagreements and Gregory’s admonitions, the pope’s preference for

Beatrice and Matilda is evident in the sources. In a letter to the countesses, dated October 16,

1074, he expresses his intense love and unconditional trust.90 According to Gregory’s own assertions, the kind of friendship which existed between them was fostered by concrete and specific elements:

“It will not have escaped your notice that various reports have reached me about you,

as is usually the case where the affection and unity of friends are the object of envy.

Indeed, if we chose to listen to such tales there are but few in whose sincere devotion

we could trust. But, without any suspicion whatsoever, we say to you in all truth that

we have no more confidence in any prince of this world than in you, and this we have

learned from your words, your deeds, your pious zeal and the splendid steadfastness

of your faith. Nor have we any doubt that your regard for us shines with a pure light;

for the servant is beloved through Peter and Peter in his servant.”91

Gregory’s phrasing, once again, reveals his concept of friendship while illuminating the exclusive relationship he shared with the countesses. The pope reassures Beatrice and

Matilda of his devout faith in them despite rumors that defamed their names for jealousy of the “love and unanimity of friends.” Moreover, he declares that the countesses’ loyalty was

90 GREGORY VII, Registrum, II, 9. 91 Non vos fugit varios sepe ad nos rumores de vobis afferri, sicut mos eorum est, qui amicorum dilectioni invident et unanimitati. Et quidem, si nos talibus aures, quod absit, acclinare vellemus, non multi sunt, in quibus sincere dilectionis affectum nobis patere crederemus. Sed nos nihil fere potius quam suspectum animum fugientes in veritate vobis loquimur, quod in nullis terrarum principibus tutius quam in vestra nobilitate confidimus, quoniam hoc verba hoc facta hoc pie devotionis studia hoc fidei vestre preclara nos constantia docuerunt. Nec dubitamus, quin vestra in nobis ver nitescat caritas, cum per Petrum servus et Petrus in servo diligitur, GREGORY VII, Registrum, II, 9. 129 so great, he would have never doubted their intentions. Indeed, this substantiated loyalty, built on facts, words, and pious acts of zeal, provides the foundation for a steadfast, personal, and tangible relationship. In force of this, the countesses hold a dominant position in this relationship, so much so that Gregory, in the same letter, asks to discuss with them personally a possible alliance with Robert Guiscard. Frequently in his letters, the pope asks the countesses to meet personally to discuss delicate issues and to spend time with them for the pleasure of their companionship.92 For Gregory, the amicitia with Beatrice and Matilda was an ensemble of different elements such as: spiritual bonds, political obligations, personal sympathies, individual predilection, and love.

Gregory VII’s Lenten synod on February 1075 played a pivotal role in the development of the relationship between the pope and the emperor.93At the same time, it helps to identify what kind of political partnership existed between the countesses and

Gregory. During the synod, the pope promulgated heavy sanctions against the imperial bishops. One of these bishops was Werner of Strasburg, who had previously, quite legitimately, been imprisoned by Beatrice and Matilda. He was excommunicated and deprived of his episcopal see and priestly status. Also suspended were Dionysius of Piacenza and other Lombards bishops, who Gregory had, to Matilda and Beatrice's disappointment, treated mildly in the past.

The possibility of peace began to fade at the end of 1075. Significant events, mainly the end of the Saxon revolt, the elimination of the Pataria in Milan, and the political shift of

Godfrey the Hunchback, who became a loyal supporter of Henry IV, would encourage the emperor to change his strategy by expanding his authority in Italy and proceeding against

92 GREGORY VII, Registrum, II, 30. 93 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 120-129. 130

Gregory. He not only nominated the bishops of Spoleto and Fermo, who were completely unknown to Gregory, but altogether disregarded the claimants of both the Milanese and the papacy, Godfrey and Atto, and nominated Tedald, who served with him in the Saxon war.94

These episodes and the emperor’s ultimate rashness alienated both parties and dissolved the support he had gained throughout Italy, leading him to lose the loyalty of his most important and powerful allies in Lombardy. This change of alliance in the church of Milan was also facilitated by the zealous Bishop Anselm II of Lucca who was supervising the dioceses’ sees that were lacking Gregorian bishops.95

Even so, Beatrice and Matilda continued advocating for peace. In a no longer extant letter to the pope, they inquired about Henry’s position and likely pleaded in favor of the king to ensure concord.96 Certainly, the primary goal of the countesses’ was to reach a harmony between Gregory and Henry; they were vassals of the German emperor and related to him by blood bonds. In fact, most of the Canossa family’s territories had been granted to them by Henry. However, in his reply, dated September 11, 1075, the pope reacts to their appeals with great surprise and frustration.97 He declares that he could not comply with their requests without a change in the king’s behavior. Interestingly, at the end of the letter, in reply to a different request for counsel, the pope passes into an affectionate and paternal tone.

Most probably, Matilda and Beatrice had made inquiries to the pope regarding Godfrey the Hunchback and what conduct they should have assumed in that respect. Gregory expresses hope that their answer should have been in line with Canon law, but affirms that,

94 Ibd., pp. 129-167. 95 COWDREY, "The Papacy, The Patarenes and the Church of Milan", pp. 25-48.; A. LUCIONI, “L’età della Pataria”, in ed. A. Caprioli, A. Rimoldi, L. Vaccaro, Diocesi di Milano, vol. 1 (Brescia, 1990), pp. 167-194. 96 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 129-130. 97 GREGORY VII, Registrum, III, 5. 131 whatever their answer might have been, his love and “boundless charity” for the countesses would remain unchanged:

“Truly if you could enter some pact with him which did not depart from the sanction

of the holy fathers, that seems praiseworthy to us; if not, we desire to make clear to

you that the charity by which God joined us can in no way be dissolved or

diminished. Wherefore, if he loves you, we love him, if he begins in his guilt to hate

you, we loving you as dearest daughters shall resist him in whatever ways we can

with God's favor.”98

This passage suggests that, for Gregory and the countesses, the bonds of friendship were personal and exclusive. Indeed, the language of love and amicitia Gregory used with these two women was unique and indicates an increasingly close relationship. At the same time, this partnership was a weapon against enemies of Reform and a tool to influence political propaganda and effective alliances.

The Canossa family’s power was rooted in a vast and multiform network of territories, governed primarily by a system of ecclesiastical clients and friends. Until this point, Matilda and Beatrice’s role as mediators between the emperor and the pope, a role facilitated by the strategic location of their domains in central Italy and driven by sincere religious piety, was pressed by an urgent concern regarding the governability of their domains in the case of an open conflict. 99 For this reason, the countesses were constantly pressing the pope to appoint the right bishops in both Italy and Germany. Indeed, their

98 Verum si aliquod foedus, quod a sanctorum patrum sanctione non discrepet, inire cum eo poteris, nobis [bonum] laudandumque videtur; sin autem, caritatem, qua nos Deus coniuncxit, nullo modo posse dissolvi aut aliquatenus minorari certissime apud vos constare optamus. Unde, si vos dilexerit, eum diligemus, si vero ex sua cupa odio habere ceperit, sicut karissimas filias modis quibus poterimus vos diligendo ei Deo favente resistemus, GREGORY VII, Registrum, III, 5. 99 GOLINELLI, “Prima di Canossa”. 132 political view was farsighted and their central role in the political arena was pivotal. As shown, Matilda and Beatrice were not completely submitted to the authority of the pope; on the contrary, in their actions they demonstrate a strong female identity and a determination to pursuing their political advantage.

Matilda Alone: How did the Relationship with Gregory Develop with the

Outbreak of the Investiture Controversy?

Gradually, Matilda began to play an important role in Italy. The contemporary sources consider her one of the most trustworthy and significant lay supporters of the papacy and of Reform. When both her mother and her husband died in 1076, Matilda became the ruler of a vast domain, stretching from Lombardy to the region of Latium. She dominated her territories in her own right.100 Now Gregory was no longer dealing with both countesses but with Matilda alone. Did these new circumstances bring about a change in their friendship?

Additionally, how did their relationship develop during the most critical years of the

Investiture Controversy?

Matilda’s repudiation of her husband, along with her close political collaboration and intimacy with Gregory VII, certainly gave serious reasons for accusation and gossip. This situation precipitated when the emperor, in response to a harsh rebuke from Gregory, summoned an assembly at Worms on January 24, 1076 with the intention to depose the pope.

The assembly was attended by numerous bishops and few lay princes. Godfrey the

100 ROBINSON, The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century, pp. 10-17; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 151-157.

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Hunchback – who would die soon after, on February 1076 – was the most important leader of this revolt. The rebels issued a document with a series of legal accusations against Gregory, mainly describing his unlawful appointment to the papacy. Most of all, they accused the pope of indulging in a scandalous intimacy with Matilda of Tuscany and of governing the church through a “new senate of women”.101 For these reasons, the bishops renounced their allegiance to Hildebrand and refused to recognize him as pope:

“In addition to this, you have filled the entire Church, as it were, with the stench of

the gravest of scandals, rising from your intimacy and cohabitation with another's

wife [Mathilda of Tuscany] who is more closely integrated into your household than

is necessary. In this affair, our sense of decency is affected more than our legal case,

although the general complaint is sounded everywhere that all judgments and all

decrees are enacted by women in the Apostolic See, and ultimately that the whole orb

of the Church is administered by this new senate of women. For no one can complain

adequately of the wrongs and the abuse suffered by the bishops, whom you call most

undeservedly sons of whores and other names of this sort.”102

These harsh words are another excellent source of evidence of the special bond the countess and Gregory shared. Evidently, their closeness was so manifested it precipitated rumor, suspicion, and slander.

Following the assembly at Worms, a series of unexpected and unforeseen events led to a change of direction in the history of church reform. On February 22, Gregory

101 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 129-149; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 205-213; ROBINSON, Henry IV of Germany, pp. 128-129; ROBINSON, Continuity and Innovation, pp. 401-403; P. HEALY, The Chronicle of Hugh of Flavigny Reform and the Investiture Contest in the Late Eleventh Century, (Aldershot, 2016), pp. 10-17. 102 Briefsammlungen der Zeit Heinrichs IV, ed. C. ERDMANN, N. FICKERMANN, (MGH Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit 5 (Weimar, 1950), 20, p. 49; GOLINELLI, Matilde: La Donna e il Potere, pp. 1-33. 134 excommunicated and deposed Emperor Henry IV.103 A few days later, Godfrey the

Hunchback died a dreadful death.104 In April of the same year, Matilda’s mother, Beatrice of

Lotharingia, died in Pisa.105 Matilda’s new status as an unmarried woman and the severe allegations set forth at Worms encouraged Gregory and the countess to exercise a new discretion. Their correspondence, as Cowdrey suggests, cooled down after 1075. There is only one letter from Gregory to Matilda, dated December 1079, and its tone is strictly businesslike.106 In spite of this, their friendship not only continued but strengthened, evidenced by both their actions and the sources. Indeed, in his Annals, Lambert of Hersfeld explains that, after the death of Godfrey the Hunchback:

“Matilda stayed at the side of the Roman pontiff as his virtually inseparable

companion and devoted herself to him with extraordinary compassion. A great part of

Italy obeyed her authority and she possessed an abundance of all the property that

mortals most prize, greater than the rest of the princes of the land. Wherever the Pope

had need of her help, therefore, she was there with all speed and zealously served

him, as a father or a lord. For this reason, she could not escape the suspicion that she

was guilty of an incestuous passion.”107

Lampert continues, immediately dismissing the accusations formulated at Worms. He explains that everyone knew the accusations were false and knew them to be created by

Matilda’s enemies. Additionally, he argues that, due to both her popularity and to the great multitude of servants she was surrounded by, it would have been impossible for the countess

103 SIMEONI, Il contributo della contessa Matilde, pp. 353-372. 104 On the death of Godfrey, the Hunchback and Matilda’s accusation, see GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 176-184. 105 LAZZARI “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”. 106 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 300-301. 107 LAMPERT OF HERSFELD, Annales, p. 349. 135 to conceal this kind of conduct. In his Chronicle, written after the pope’s death, Hugh of

Flavigny also passionately defends Matilda and Gregory, explaining the origin and nature of their union. Having described the countess’s prize worthy military leadership and her great loyalty to the pope, Hugh categorically refused the unjust accusations subscribed at Worms and clarifies that the main focus of the relationship between the pope and the countess was to love God and the Church. The evidence for this argument, according to Hugh, was precisely the letter Gregory sent Matilda in February 1074, discussed above.108

Surely, the evidence shows that, between Matilda and Gregory, there was close political collaboration and intense friendship. After the death of Godfrey the Hunchback,

Matilda was compelled to solve the issue of his inheritance, which the duke had granted to his nephew Godfrey of Bouillon. Matilda was able to reclaim her territories in Lotharingia with the help of Gregory and the bishop Thierry of Verdun. For both the pope and the countess, the loyalty of the ecclesiastical provinces of Trier, Metz, Toul, and Verdun was absolutely crucial.109

The assistance Gregory provided to resolve Matilda's issue of inheritance can be inferred from a letter to Herman of Metz. The bishop, who would later become Matilda’s spiritual advisor, was certainly an ally in this endeavor. In fact, her domains in Lotharingia were located in his dioceses. Gregory, responding to the bishop of Metz about his

108 HUGH OF FLAVIGNY, Chronicon, p. 462. See also, HEALY, The Chronicle of Hugh of Flavigny, p. 17. 109 See Chapter Six. On Matilda and Lotharingia see: E. GOEZ, Beatrix von Canossa und Tuszien: eine Untersuchung zur Geschichte des 11. Jahrhunderts (Sigmaringen, 1995); GROSS, T., Le relazioni di Matilde di Canossa con la Lorena, in I poteri dei Canossa, da Reggio Emilia all’Europa: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Reggio Emilia-Carpineti, 29-31 ottobre 1992), ed. P. GOLINELLI (Bologna, 1994), pp. 335-343; P. GOLINELLI, ‘Mathilde de Toscane/Canossa et les monastères fondés entre les Ardennes et l’Italie du Nord aux temps de son premier mariage’, in ed. J. M. YANTE, Les Origines De L'abbaye Cistercienne D'orval: Actes Du Colloque Organisé À Orval Le 23 Juillet 2011 (Turnhout: 2016); OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp. 176-179; T. GROSS, Lothar III und die Mathildischen Güter (Frankfurt,1990). 136 observations and enquiring about Matilda, says: “Now, regarding Matilda the daughter of us both and the faithful handmaid of blessed Peter, what you wish I wish. But in what state of life she should continue under God’s direction, I do not yet grasp for certain”.110 In the letter

Gregory states that he was wishing for Matilda the same thing as Herman. Though it is not possible to know for certain what they were referring to, it is reasonable to assume the subject of their discussion was the inheritance. Furthermore, Herman had asked Gregory about Matilda’s status; evidently, they were pondering if she ought to remain a widow or remarry. Finally, Gregory continues his letter by stating that he is not resentful of Godfrey the Hunchback and, on the contrary, is praying for the duke at Herman and Matilda’s request.

This statement implies that the topic of discussion was most likely the Lotharingia territory.

In turn, Matilda had, in the past, played a crucial role in enlisting the support of her territories in Lotharingia in Gregory’s favor. Due to the countess’s effort, Herman of Metz, initially hostile to the pope, became one of his most important allies. Abbot Thierry of St. Hubert, who, as seen before, needed assistance in the lawsuit with Godfrey the Hunchback, had been recommended by Matilda to the pope; he also became part of Gregory’s friendship network.111

By summer of the same year, Matilda’s prominence as a papal ally is attested in a letter Gregory sent to Bishop Henry of Trent. In the letter, he is asking to send knights for the service of St. Peter, but clarifies: “if you decide to send them you should inform our daughter

Matilda; for by her help they can have safe conduct and, if God wills, they can reach us in safety.”112 However, Matilda never abandoned her role as mediator and continued to work

110 GREGORY VII, Registrum, IV, 2, to Herman of Metz, August 15, 1076. 111 ROBINSON, “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII”, pp. 1-22. 112 Gregory VII, Epistolae vagantes, 13. 137 tirelessly for peace. In October of 1076, Matilda, together with Empress Agnes and the abbot of Cluny, took part in the assembly of the German princes at Tribur. The princes agreed that

Henry should have been either absolved or definitely deposed and replaced by another king.

Matilda, still maintaining her role as mediator, worked in favor of the emperor with Hugh of

Cluny and the empress. They, while advocating for peace, pushed for another assembly, to be held in February of 1077 in Augsburg, between Henry, the German princes, and Gregory,113 with the goal of resolving the conflict and electing a new king. According to Arnulf of Milan:

“In the meantime, thanks to the counsel of the most holy abbot of Cluny, and Agnes,

the mother of the King, as well as the most wise Matilda, it was established a general

conference between them, Gregory and the Emperor, with the goal of peace and

justice”114

Certainly, Arnulf held both Hugh, who is described as sanctissimi, and Matilda, portrayed as sapientissime, in high esteem. Notoriously, the assembly of Augsburg never took place. Yet, the abbot and the countess would play a major role in the events of Canossa.

Among these distinguished advisors, the guidance of Matilda held a greater weight. In a letter to the Faithful of Germany, written at the end of February of 1077, the pope clarifies that he made the difficult decision to undertake the long and challenging journey to Germany only on Matilda’s suggestion and against the will of all his Roman advisers:

“We have set out on a journey to you beset by many dangers as well as difficulties,

against the wish of almost all our advisers except Matilda, the most dear and faithful

113 ARNULF OF MILAN, Liber gestorum recentium, p. 165; OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp. 175-191, 120-121; CREBER, “Women at Canossa”, pp. 1-44; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 150-155; ROBINSON, Henry IV of Germany, pp. 156-157. 114 Interim conscilio sanctissimi Cluniensis abbatis, Agnetis quoque regie matris, nec non sapientissime … Matilde, statuitur generale colloquium inter Ipsos regem et apostolicum, pacis ac iustitie causa, ARNULF OF MILAN, Liber gestorum recentium, 5, p. 165. On these speeches see: CANTARELLA, Gregorio VII, pp. 174-181. 138

daughter of St. Peter. We indeed might well have arrived, if we had received an escort

from you at the appointed time and place. But they delayed of our departure gave the

King, as he hastened to Italy, a chance of reaching us.”115

He left Rome in the middle of December 1076; he was likely escorted by the zealous

Countess Matilda.116 This is confirmed by Arnulf of Milan’s account:

“While leaving from the city [of Rome] to set fourth for Germany, the pope, sustained

by Matilda’s assistance, arrived in Italy. While staying there, he was blessed with

honors and supplied by numerous men.”117

On his way to the north he possibly stopped in Florence on December 28 and in Lucca on

December 31. As Overmann, Ghirardini, and Mercati argue, Lucca would have been an imperative stop as Gregory and Matilda worked together assisting Anselm II Bishop of

Lucca, who tried to impose the practices of chastity, communal life, and renunciation of personal property on the secular clergy of his city.118 As Vita Anselmi states, without indicating the date, Gregory went to Lucca to exhort the canons to obey their bishop.

Presumably, this trip took place while Gregory was on his way to Germany.119 The pope’s

115 GREGORY VII, Epistolae vagantes, 19. Also in Gregory VII, Registrum IV, 12 the pope mentions Matilda and explains that she escorted him up to Mantua and was the only one that advised him to go to Germany. 116 OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa, p. 61; U. BELLOCCHI, L. L. GHIRARDINI, ...E fu Canossa la nuova Roma: Gregorio VII in terra reggiana, gennaio-giugno 1077 (Modena, 1985); A. MERCATI, “S. Gregorio VII a Canossa nel Reggiano” (gennaio – giugno 1077), in Saggi di storia e letteratura (1951), pp. 249-257. 117 Cumque exiret ab urbe papa profecturus Alamaniam, Matilde fretus iuvamine, venit Italiam. Cumque moraretur ibidem, multis ab ea cumulatur honoribus ac hominibus. Cui festinanter occurrit Heinricus, declinans statutum in patria sua colloquium. Fuerat comitisse opidum Canossa nominee, multis minibus ac loci natura circumquaque munitum, inexpugnabile revera presidium, ARNULF OF MILAN, Liber gestorum recentium, 5, p. 165. 118 For more details on this subject see: E. PÁSZTOR, Lotta per le investiture e ius belli: la posizione di Anselmo di Lucca, in GOLINELLI, ed. 1987, Sant'Anselmo, Mantova e la lotta per le investiture: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi (Mantova, 23-24-25 maggio 1986) (Bologna, 1987), pp. 375-421; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 43-63; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 232-239; A. PUGLIA, Matilde di Canossa e le città della Toscana nord-occidentale tra XI e XII secolo (Pisa, 2013), pp. III-21. 119 Vita Anselmi episcopi Lucensis, pp. 13-35. 139 letter of August 1077, addressed to the canons of St. Martin of Lucca, confirms this supposition. In the letter, Gregory reproaches the clergy for failing to implement his former orders.120 From Lucca, Matilda and Gregory proceeded to the Lombard city of Mantua, where they arrived on January 8, 1077.121 Here, the pope was supposed to meet an escort from the German princes and continue his trip, however, the escort never arrived.

Matilda’s suggestion that Gregory undertake the long and perilous journey to

Germany was , certainly, dictated by both her confidence in her army’s strength and her goal of reaching concord between Henry and Gregory. The pope held her advice in high consideration; he refused all other council but Matilda’s. However, it was Matilda who urged him to withdraw to Canossa – where he likely arrived on January 20, 1077 – due to the missing escort and the information of Henry’s unexpected descent into Italy.122

Matilda played a crucial role at Canossa. She acted as a mediator between the pope and the emperor. By using all of her authority and status, the countess conducted the negotiations and ensured the realization of the political agreements between Henry and

Gregory.123 After the famous encounter in January 1077, things did not go as expected. The urgency to solve the difficult situation in Milan was one of the topics of discussion at

120 GREGORY VII, Registrum, V, 1. 121 BELLOCCHI, GHIRARDINI, ...E fu Canossa la nuova Roma, p. 66; OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa, p. 121. 122 OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa, p. 122; GOLINELLI, Matilde e I Canossa, pp. 214-223; BELLOCCHI, GHIRARDINI, ...E fu Canossa la nuova Roma, p. 66; CREBER, “Women at Canossa”, pp. 1-44, explains that “Several contemporaries, including Gregory himself, indicate that Matilda encouraged Gregory to travel north”: Gregorii VII. registrum, IV.12; Pseudo-Bardo, Vita Anselmi, c.16, 18; DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II.1, vv. 66-73. 123 On the encounter between Henry IV and Gregory VII at Canossa: H. ZIMMERMANN, Canossa 1077: storia e attualità (Bologna, 1977); CAPITANI, “Canossa: una lezione da meditare,” pp. 3-23; P. GOLINELLI, Canossa 1077: ‘Pausa Oggettiva’ o ‘Erschütterung der Welt’?, in ed. M.C. DE MATTEIS, P. BERARDO, Orientamenti e tematiche della storiografia di Ovido Capitani, Atti del Convegno di studio Bologna, (15-17 marzo 2013) (Spoleto, 2013); GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 214-224; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 153-167; CREBER, “Women at Canossa”, pp. 1-44; E.-D. HEHL, Gregor VII. und Heinrich IV. in Canossa 1077: paenitentia, absolutio, honor (Wiesbaden, 2019), according to her the famous encounter was not a reconciliation. 140

Canossa.124 Indeed, Donizo states that, at the beginning of February, Henry and Gregory had a new meeting at Bianello with the goal of addressing the opposition of the Lombard bishops.

Apparently, they were supposed to meet again in Mantua, but Matilda was informed about the king’s hostile intentions – to abduct the pope – and the meeting never took place.125

These events are only reported by Donizo. Consequently, historians such as Overmann,

Robinson, and Golinelli have argued that this meeting did not take place. However, in light of new sources and revised interpretation of various chronicles, recent scholarship considers

Donizo’s account truthful.126

These events are entirely possible, given the hostile intent of the king, as evidenced by the incidents which followed – mainly, the capture of Anselm II of Lucca in Milan at the hands of Dionysus of Piacenza, acting on behalf of the emperor.127

The Reasons for a Difficult Choice: A Debate

Henry’s anti-papal policies after the Canossa encounter eventually led to open war.

With the outbreak of the Investiture Controversy, the countess would be forced to make the difficult decision to depart from her initial role as mediator and defend the cause of the

Reform party at the side of Gregory VII in the year 1080.128 What were the reasons for this difficult decision?

124 COWDREY, "The Papacy, The Patarenes and the Church of Milan”, pp. 25-48. 125 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II, vv. 125-158; DONIZONE, Vita di Matilde di Canossa, pp. 134-135. 126 See HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, p. 71; COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, p. 168; ROBINSON, Henry IV, p. 165; L. L. GHIRARDINI, Storia critica di Matilde di Canossa, pp. 27-28. 127 ARNULF OF MILAN, Liber gestorum recentium, v. 9, p. 31; COWDREY, "The Papacy, The Patarenes and the Church of Milan”, pp. 25-48. Vita Anselmi, c. 16 p. 18; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 57. 128 GOLINELLI, Prima di Canossa, p. 205; Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 232-239. For the historical narrative of the Investiture Controversy see: M.C. MILLER, “The Crisis in the Investiture Crisis Narrative”, History Compass, 7 (2009), pp. 1570-1580. 141

Historical writings have been dominated by debate over the nature of and reasons for

Matilda’s choice. A major interpretation stresses Matilda’s religious and spiritual motivations and argues that the countess’s decision was entirely dominated by her piety and friendship with the pope. This interpretation, established by Ropa, Simeoni, and Maccarini, rests on the writings of the Gregorian polemicists and has stressed the lack of political consideration and, ultimately, agency on the part of Matilda.129 Other historians, such as Tabacco and Capitani, have challenged this argument, explaining that Matilda was driven by a mere political interest, dictated by the countess’s need to deal with her heterogeneous and precarious domains.130 However, this political approach, while very efficient in the description of the transformation of the structure of power, can result in simplistic and misleading conclusions in its overall explanation of Matilda’s motivations. Paolo Golinelli, recognizing the valuable arguments of both interpretations, suggests that Matilda’s choices were driven by both spiritual and temporal considerations. His argument is supported by a vast array of sources.131

The difficult task of assessing the nature and the causes of this choice is probably the reason any interpretation has remained unchallenged. My investigation, while drawing from

Golinelli’s valuable study and from the reevaluation of a wide array of sources, clarifies that the countess’s motivations can only be understood through an examination of Matilda and

Gregory’s spiritual and political partnership against the broader cultural setting of the countess’s family, government, devotion, and both her public and private lives.

129 ROPA, Intorno a un tema apologetico, pp. 25-51; SIMEONI, Il contributo della contessa Matilde, pp. 353-372; MACCARINI, Aspetti della religiosità di Matilde di Canossa, pp. 53-66. 130 TABACCO, “Discorso di chiusura”, pp. 429-436; CAPITANI, “Canossa: una lezione da meditare,” pp. 3-23. 131 GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa; GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro; DONIZONE, Vita di Matilde di Canossa; See also the collected papers in Studi Matildici and in I Poteri dei Canossa. 142

Certainly, Henry’s attempt to both abduct the pope and capture Anselm of Lucca and

Gerardo of Ostia were clear signs of his hostility toward peace and concord. Furthermore, these two episodes were, evidently, a great violation of the Canossa agreements, as Donizo

Comments: “The King’s conspiracies were exposed and broken; the pope and Matilda would never see the King again.”132 Henry had shown that he could not be trusted. This shifted loyalty towards the pope. Throughout 1075 and up to Worms, Henry tried to impose royal authority in the Italian peninsula, likely under the influence of Godfrey the Hunchback.133

These occurrences were certainly in Matilda’s mind as she pondered the consolidation of an alliance with the papacy.

The countess, certainly, did not make the decision to abandon her role as mediator without serious doubts, sadness or regret, as Donizo observed:

“In those times, anyone could disagree with the Pope, i.e. Peter, but the great

Countesses, Matilda and the illustrious Beatrice, like rocks, persisted firmly. They

had been the King’s mediators and friends; because he was their King and kin, but

when they saw that the King was persistently determined to deviate, they showed

themselves very sad, however, they proclaimed that they would never have left the

Pope.”134

From Matilda’s perspective, she had every reason to adhere to the Gregorian Reform to cope with rebel cities and to ensure the loyalty of bishops and monasteries in her domains.

132 “Insidiae fractae regis sunt et patefactae; papam, Mathildim, rex ulterius neque vidit” in Vita Mathildis, II, vv. 146-147. 133 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 129-132; T. STURVE, “Matilde di Toscana - Canossa ed Enrico IV”, in I poteri dei Canossa, da Reggio Emilia all’Europa: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Reggio Emilia-Carpineti, 29-31 ottobre 1992), ed. P. GOLINELLI (Bologna, 1994), pp. 421-454. 134 A Petro quisquis seu papa discrepet istis Temporibus, firmae permanserunt Comitissae Magnae, petra quasi, Mathildis et alta Beatrix. Hae mediatrices inerrant et regis amicae; Cumque vident regem per devia tendere semper, Proximus illarum fuerat quia rex et earum, Ex ipso mestae pandebant se satis esse, sed tamen a papa se non discedere clamant, DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, I, vv. 1347-1354. 143

The pope was geographically close and could be conveniently appealed to, at the same time, he was not so powerful as to endanger the countess’s authority in Italy. If these political considerations indicated a path to Matilda, they most likely have been strongly reinforced by her profound friendship with Gregory. The strength of these appeals should not be overlooked. As indicated by Donizo:

“However, the mighty Matilda despised these malicious actions, and loved the true

faith with all her heart, which is the source of full reward. She abandoned the King’s

party, and pious, hosted for three months Pope Gregory, who she served as another

Marta; She was able to grasp every statement of her father with the ear of her mind,

just as Mary with Christ’s words.”135

After Canossa, the pope decided to remain in the Apennine, within the safe boundary of the countess’s strongholds, as he still planned to meet in Germany with the princes of the kingdom. Most importantly, given the hostile attitude of the king, Matilda’s protection was crucial.136 The pope’s long sojourn in the Mathildine territories certainly allowed their friendship to flourish and encouraged a greater familiarity. During these five months, from

January to June of 1077, Gregory carried on with his apostolic activity. By examining

Gregory’s correspondence and proceedings drafted during this time, in the presence of

135 Ast hera Mathildis despexit facta maligni, Cordem fidem veram peramabat munere plenam: Postposuit regem, per tres tenuit pia menses Gregorium papam, cui servit ut altera Martha; Auribus intenti capiebat sedula mentis Cuncta patris dicta, ceu Christi verba Maria” DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II, vv. 167-172. 136 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 167-175. Another reason for Gregory’s permanence in the Mathildine lands was certainly his health. The results of the scientific recognition of the remains of the pope done in 1985 showed that Gregory VII was born between 1010 to 1020 and that he had fourteen herniated discs, which certainly affected his ability to move, see G. FORNACIARI, F. MALLEGNI, “La ricognizione dei resti scheletrici di S. Gregorio VII. Risultati Antropologici, Paleopatologici e Paleonutrizionali”, in La Riforma Gregoriana e l’Europa. Atti del Congresso inteernazionale (Salerno, 20-25 maggio 1985) in Studi Gregoriani XIII, LAS (Rome, 1989), pp. 402 – 408. Michele Spike argues that Gregory and Matilda were lovers and interprets Gregory’s sojourn in Matilda’s castles as evidence for her argument, SPIKE, Tuscan Countess. However, no evidence supports this interpretation. 144

Matilda, it is possible to envision the footprint of a project, aiming to reorganize the traditional structure of the church, certainly defined and achieved thanks to the military and moral assistance of the countess. 137 Most likely, Matilda participated in and influenced

Gregory’s plan to free the church from secular and episcopal power and to reorganize bishoprics by deposing old bishops and replacing them by his own candidates, exempting monasteries from the spiritual authority of bishops and secular lords.138

Matilda and Gregory’s cohabitation facilitated a close collaboration, as the sources testify. On February 11, 1077, while staying in Bondeno, a crucial stronghold of the Canossa family, Gregory promulgated a decree regarding the monastery of Frassinoro, established by

Beatrice of Tuscany in 1071. Gregory writes to Abbot Benedict of Frassinoro, previously consecrated by the pope himself, to let him know that the aforementioned monastery was, for the will of Countess Matilda, subjected and entrusted to the direct authority of Rome, free from any secular interference. Furthermore, from Canossa, where the pope sojourned again at the end of February 1077, he issued another decree in favor of the Monastery of Polirone, which was the center of Canossa power.139 With this pronouncement, the Benedictine community was placed under the rule and authority of the Abbey of Cluny and, ultimately, the authority of Rome. In his letter, Gregory makes clear to abbot of Hugh of Cluny that he is acting according to the will of Countess Matilda, who had already donated several monasteries to the apostolic see. Gregory mentions that this proceeding respected the will of the founder, Tedald, the countess’s grandfather, who built the monastery for the glory of God

137 For Gregory’s sojourn in the Mathildine territories see: BELLOCCHI, GHIRARDINI, ...E fu Canossa la nuova Roma; OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa. 138 For Gregory’s political restructuring of the church, see: I. S. ROBINSON, “Periculosus homo: Pope Gregory VII and Episcopal Authority”, Viator 9 (1978), pp. 103-132. 139 BELLOCCHI, GHIRARDINI, ...E fu Canossa la nuova Roma, p. 115-120; OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 65-69; M. G. BARTOLINI, Bonifacio, marchese e duca di Toscana, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 12 (Rome, 1970), p. 108. 145 and the church.

Furthermore, Gregory stayed at Matilda’s castle of Carpineti for one week at the beginning of March 1077. Here, his correspondence shows that he became much concerned with France’s affairs and required the assistance of Archbishop Hugh of Die/Lyon, his principal legate and a part of the friendship network of Matilda of Tuscany, Anselm of Lucca and Anselm of Bec/Canterbury.140 Finally, from Carpineti, where he stayed again from May

31 up to June 28, Gregory addressed the situation in Germany, which was extremely difficult in its divided loyalty between two kings.141 As seen, from 1077 Gregory, advised by Matilda, attempted to go to Germany to lead a national assembly with the intent to bring peace and justice in the kingdom. His correspondence from Carpineti shows that Gregory’s plan still stood at the end of May of 1077. Matilda had served as his major adviser earlier; the pope may well have been advised by her to persist in this strategy. The culmination of their extensive cohabitation was the Easter celebration of 1077. Gregory and Matilda would celebrate this important festivity together, at the countess’s castle of Nonantola.142

Gregory’s and Matilda’s cohabitation would end at Carpineti. After five months spent together, the countess would leave the pope at the end of May, as she is documented in

Florence on June 6.143 Gregory would stay in Carpineti at least until June 28.144 However, the evidence shows that they continued to work together toward the same goal. Indeed, on June

6, 1077, while in Florence, Matilda returned part of Montecatini’s property to Anselm II

Bishop of Lucca. On June 21, 1077, Matilda was in Pappiana (Pisa) assisting a charter in

140 GREGORY VII, Registrum, IV, 17; IV, 22. 141 GREGORY VII, Registrum, IV, 23. 142 For Gregory at Nonantola see: BELLOCCHI, GHIRARDINI, ...E fu Canossa la nuova Roma, pp. 175-179; A. MERCATI, “Gregorio VII a Nonantola”, in ed. Studi Gregoriani per la Storia di Gregorio VII e della Riforma Gregoriana (Rome, 1947), pp. 413-416. 143 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 20, pp. 81-83. 144 BELLOCCHI, GHIRARDINI, ...E fu Canossa la nuova Roma, p. 70. 146 favor of Anselm II Bishop of Lucca regarding the property of the Church of St. Martin of

Lucca.145 Likewise, Gregory was working with the bishop of Lucca in his efforts to reform his diocese; on August 11, 1077 the pope is documented in Florence, where he reproached the canons of St. Martin at Lucca for failing to implement Gregory’s earlier orders. He would excommunicate the clerics in 1079 for plotting against Anselm of Lucca and for their persistent disobedience.146

Furthermore, Matilda on August 27, 1077 from Marturi, Poggibonsi, supported

Landulf Bishop of Pisa by donating a large territory, including courts and churches for over

600 mansi, to him and the canons of the cathedral of Pisa.147 At the same time, Gregory appointed Bishop Landulf papal legate in Corsica. The pope wrote two letters to the people of the Island of Corsica, one on September 1 from Siena, near Poggibonsi, where Matilda was, and one from Rome on September 16 to commend Landulf to the Corsicans.148 In the second letter, Gregory reassures the Corsicans that, at the papal command, an army from

Tuscany is ready to intervene in their favor. From this evidence, it can be inferred that, even when separated, Gregory and Matilda were closely coordinating. Indeed, the election of

Bishop Landulf was probably due to Matilda’s influence. At the same time, Matilda promised “an army from Tuscany” to assist Gregory and the Coriscans in their struggle with the emperor. Furthermore, Gregory and Matilda’s itineraries are strictly related in this period.

On August 1, Gregory was in Florence; Matilda, on August 27, was in Poggibonsi, close to

Siena, where the pope was on September 1; the countess possibly escorted the pope to Rome, where he returned by September 16. Additionally, it was likely during her stay in Rome that

145 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 21, pp. 83-85. 146 GREGORY VII, Registrum, V, 1. 147 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 23, pp. 87-92. 148 GREGORY VII, Registrum, V, 2; V, 4. 147

Matilda donated her domains, both in Italy and in Lotharingia, to the papacy.149 Donizo mentions this important event only once in Vita Mathildis:

“[Matilda] donated all her properties to St. Peter, the key holder: The Celestial Janitor

became her heir, and this woman became Peter’s heir.”150

Interestingly, he continues, saying that, after this donation and urged by Matilda’s request, the pope established a privilege of exemption for the monastery of St. Apollonio at Canossa:

“Receiving the parchment’s donation, the benign Pope, Sanctified with the exemption

the church of Canossa, Writing a generous decree with which he bestowed on it the

independence, and warned that anyone who would have dared to touch its property,

would have been, for this, struck promptly. This the Pope granted at the request of the

great Countess: it was the year of the Lord 1077.”151

This evidence shows that Matilda and Gregory were trying, by any and all means, to centralize the papal government by appointing loyal bishops and eradicating the dioceses’ autonomy. In parallel, the pope assisted Matilda, for the second time, in recovering her domains in Lotharingia. Before May of 1078, Gregory instructed Archbishop Manasse of

Rheims to order the army designated for the papacy in Lotharingia to assist Countess Matilda with the issue of her inheritance against Godfrey of Bouillon, in favor of Matilda’s beneficiary, Albert of Namur.152

The pope’s last letter to Matilda is dated March 3, 1079; it is an answer to Matilda’s

149 On the donation see: GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 135-157. 150 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II, vv. 174-175. 151 Propria clavigero sua subdidit omnia petro: Ianitor est caeli suus heres, ipsaque Petri. Accipiens scriptum de cunctis papa benignus, tunc liberati canusinam sanctificavit Aecclesiam, cartam libertatis sibi largam Dictans, et mandans, violenter ne sua tangat Ullus homo prorsus, sit ob hoc anathemate tortus. Hortatu magnae Comitissae papa dat hanc rem, Tempora mille Dei tunc septem septuaginta”, DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II, vv. 175-179. 152 OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp.175-192. 148 missive regarding Duke Thierry’s marriage and about a possible reconciliation with the emperor.153 This letter, unlike his other warm and affectionate letters, is rather impersonal and professional. However, it shows that Matilda never gave up her quest to reconcile the pope and the emperor, as well as her significant authority over her territories in Lotharingia.

Despite the countess’s efforts, her role as mediator would definitively end in 1080.

This year proved extremely difficult for both Matilda and the papal party. In March, Gregory excommunicated Henry IV for the second time and the king promptly responded by electing the anti-pope, Clement III, the bishop of Ravenna, Wibert. These dramatic events followed the famous battle of Volta Mantovana, in 1080, in which the troops of the schismatic bishops in northern Italy defeated Matilda’s army.154 Henry entered Lucca on July 25, 1081 and, while granting its citizens numerous privileges, declared Countess Matilda guilty of high treason and confiscated all her domains. In this difficult moment, Gregory intervened on behalf of the countess, writing a heartfelt letter to the German bishops Altmann of Passau and

Abbot William of Hirsau in which he implored them to assist “our daughter ” in the struggle with the emperor; the pope explains that the countess’s knights were about to submit to the authority of the king which would have, consequently, forced Matilda to either surrender or lose all her possessions.155

The assistance Gregory requested never arrived and Matilda suffered a disastrous defeat in the battle of Volta Mantovana. Despite this setback, she continued to defend the pope and, in 1082, she and Anselm II of Lucca melted the treasures of the monasteries of

Nonantola and St. Apollonio and donated them to the pope, who was surrounded by the

153 GREGORY VII, Registrum, VI, 22. 154 GHIRARDINI, “La Battaglia di Volta Mantovana”, pp. 229-240; EADS, Mighty in War, p. 129. 155 Gregory VII’s Registrum, IX, 3. 149 king’s troops in Rome. Because of this resistance, the Henrician polemicists accused the countess of being brainwashed by the Gregorian ideas concerning Christian warfare. In his work, To Emperor Henry IV, imperial polemicist, Benzo of Alba, blamed Anselm of Lucca and Matilda for having “stripped”156 the monasteries to wage war against the emperor.157

Finally, in 1084, the countess wrote a letter to the members of the Gregorian party in

Germany, warning that King Henry was returning to Germany with false news; he had stolen

Gregory’s seal and was traveling with the bishop of Ostia who, in the past, had been a loyal partisan of the pope. For this reason, Matilda’s letter advises the party members not to believe in anyone affirming otherwise.158 Finally, in July 1084 in the battle of Sorbara,

Matilda’s army imposed a humiliating defeat on the emperor’s troops, which certainly uplifted Gregory’s spirit while he was a refugee in Salerno.159

As seen, Cowdrey has argued that, after Worms’ harsh accusations, Gregory became more cautious and his relationship with Matilda, apparently, grew cold. The evidence for this argument lies in the absence of letters from Gregory to Matilda from 1075 to 1079 and in the fact of the cold and businesslike demeanor of the pope’s last letter to Matilda, dated 1079.160

Certainly, after Worm’s allegiances, Gregory and Matilda began to pay attention to the official correspondence, Gregory became measured in his declarations of love for Matilda.

However, as seen, the relationship with the countess had grown stronger and more intimate after Canossa. Furthermore, living side by side for a long time would have eliminated the

156 Facie exterminati nudant, BENZO OF ALBA, Ad Heinricum IV, p. 663. On Anselm and Matilda donating the treasure of the monasteries to the pope: GHIRARDINI, “La Battaglia di Volta Mantovana”, p. 239. 157 For more details, see BENZO OF ALBA, Ad Heinricum IV, pp. 663; Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 302-303, 385. 158 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 38, p. 130. 159 HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 59-117. 160 COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, p. 301.

150 need to write letters to one another.

Conclusion

An examination of Gregory’s correspondence with Matilda, juxtaposed with an investigation into his proceedings and decrees, as well as investigation into the countess’s documents, and contemporary descriptions of Gregory’s and Matilda’s relationship through vitae, chronicles, prayers, and treatises, shows that Gregory’s relationship with the countess was the most significant political and spiritual partnership he established among the lay lords of the entire Christendom. The pope entrusted Matilda with the responsibility to serve and assist the welfare of the church and considered her both a powerful confidant and prominent ally in the struggle for reform as well as an intimate and exclusive friend.

Initially, Matilda and her mother, Beatrice, assisted the pope by mediating in his difficult relationship with the emperor, intervening in the ongoing conflict between the

Pataria and the archbishop of Milan, and supported him in the government of the church. At the same time, through their papal alliance, the countesses were able to intervene in the appointment of bishops, key figures in the government of their disparate lands. Adhering to papal policy permitted the countesses to strengthen their grip on the territories under their authority and restrain recalcitrant cities, whose subjects were constantly on the verge of revolt.

However, evidence indicates that the countesses, especially Matilda, did not fully submit to the authority of the pope, but acted according to their political and personal views and principles. One important piece of evidence for this argument is Matilda’s strong

151 determination to separate from her husband Godfrey. This resolution challenged her family strategy and political alliances as well as the established role of women at the time, designed to ensure the survival of the dynasty; these actions evidenced Matilda’s strong will and her independent agency.

The political and public aspect of Matilda and Gregory’s friendship was deeply intertwined with its spiritual, personal, and affectionate dimensions. Remarkably, the letters

Gregory addressed only to Matilda express a new way to conceive friendship and disclose a novel attention to the humanity of Christ; significant in these letters are the pope’s references to the notion of God as mother, a new piety to the Virgin Mary, portrayed as an affectionate intercessor for sinners; also significant in these letters is his revolutionary concept of caritas

– expressed in the sanctification of the active life. These concepts, certainly rare for this early period, appear to have been triggered by the life, personality, and political position of the countess; these ideas would become dominant only after the twelfth century.

Finally, apart from one cold letter, dated 1079, the correspondence between Gregory and Matilda would stop in 1075. However, from a careful reevaluation of the sources it is possible to reconstruct, step by step, Gregory and Matilda’s life together, their common political plan, and their ideals during the most critical moments of the Investiture

Controversy. Their reciprocal support during difficult times was an important aspect of their relationship. Indeed, Matilda is often both a guide for and a disciple of Gregory. The countess participated in and influenced Gregory’s project to reorganize the traditional structure of the church; she aided him in freeing the church from secular and episcopal power by reorganizing bishoprics and exempting monasteries from the spiritual authority of bishops and secular lords. The countess was not only Gregory’s major confidante and advisor in

152 moments of crisis, but also an intimate friend. His relationship with Matilda appears as a real and close experience, based on consistent dialogue, communion of ideals, and opportunities to spend and share time together.

153

Chapter Three

Matilda of Tuscany and Anselm of Lucca:

Reciprocal Friendship and Communion of Ideals1

“As Jesus dying on the cross had entrusted his mother to his disciple John, thus Pope

Gregory [VII] entrusted the lady, Countess Matilda [of Tuscany], to Anselm [of Lucca]”.2 Of the countless people Donizo records in Vita Mathildis, Anselm of Lucca (1075-1086) ranks as one of the most significant.3 He was not only a friend but also a spiritual advisor to

Matilda during the tumultuous period of the Investiture Controversy. The contemporary sources – two Vitae of Anselm of Lucca and Donizo’s Vita Matildis4 – highlight both the spiritual and the secular dimensions of this friendship. Furthermore, the bishop of Lucca’s

Five Prayers, written for the countess, reveal various aspects of Anselm and Matilda’s relationship. In these texts Anselm, while expressing a novel devotion to Christ and to the

Virgin Mary,5 shows the goal and origin of his fatherly direction for Matilda. But what was

Matilda’s political, spiritual, and ideological program? How was it influenced by Anselm spiritual guidance? Were Anselm’s prayers designed especially for Matilda’s personality and needs? What enabled Anselm to develop these new ideas? In order to answer these questions, it is essential to investigate the bishop of Lucca’s education and background and to read his

1 This Chapter is a revision of an article published in the Journal Storicamente, F. GUERRI, “Nihil Terrenum, Nihilque Carnale in Ea: Matilda of Tuscany and Anselm of Lucca during the Investiture Controversy”, Storicamente, 13, 31, https://storicamente.org/guerri-matilda-tuscany-investiture-controversy (2017), pp. 1-37. 2 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 284-286, 385. Unless otherwise noted all translations are my own. 3 In this Chapter the Anselm I refer to is Anselm II Bishop of Lucca unless otherwise specified. 4 Vita Anselmi episcopi Lucensis, pp. 13-35; RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita metrica sancti Anselmi Lucensis episcopi, pp. 1152-1307; Rangerio. Il poema di Anselmo; DONIZO OF CANOSSA, Vita Mathildis. 5 ANSELM OF LUCCA, Five Prayers, 19, pp. 23-72. 154

Five Prayers, along with the other aforementioned sources, against the larger cultural setting, which involved not only the Gregorian but also the Anglo-Norman tradition. I will argue that the comparison between the Virgin Mary and Matilda, developed by the two Vitae and by

Donizo, was encouraged by Anselm of Lucca, first articulated in his Prayers; at the same time, Anselm’s novel devotion seems to have been prompted by the life and mission of

Countess Matilda, generated in obedience to Gregory VII, and influenced by the Eucharistic

Controversy, with which Anselm was associated.

The relationship between Anselm of Lucca and Matilda developed during a critical period, which would lead to open conflict between Emperor Henry IV and Pope Gregory VII.

The evidence for their relationship is scattered in various sources. The first Vita Anselmi episcopi Lucensis, commissioned by Matilda, was written anonymously, in prose, one year after Anselm’s death.6 The writer’s aims were twofold: to describe Anselm as a strenuous defender of reform and to obtain his canonization.7 Rangerius Bishop of Lucca (1096-1112),8 dedicated Vita metrica sancti Anselmi Lucensis episcopis to Matilda, which was written in verse probably between 1096 and 1099.9 Rangerius follows the previous Vita, though he

6 For more details regarding this work see: E. PÁSZTOR, “Una fonte per la storia dell’età gregoriana: la Vita Anselmi episcopi Lucensis”, in Bullettino dell’Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medioevo, Bullettino 72 (Roma: 1960), 1-33; “La Vita anonima di Anselmo da Lucca. Una rilettura”, in ed. C. VIOLANTE, Sant'Anselmo vescovo di Lucca (1073-1086) nel quadro delle trasformazioni sociali e della riforma ecclesiastica (Rome, 1992), pp. 207-222; GOLINELLI, Dall’agiografia alla storia, pp. 27-61; “Una agiografia di lotta: le “Vitae” di Sant’Anselmo da Lucca”, in P. GOLINELLI, Indiscreta sanctitas: Studi sui rapporti tra culti, poteri e società nel pieno Medioevo (Roma, 1988), pp. 118-155. A new argument proposed by Lucia Castaldi states that among the three texts of this first Vita Anselmi, the first version, which is the shortest, (MS. BR, 18644-52) is the archetype for the other ones; the third version, which is the extended version, and has been always considered by historians the archetype, according to Castaldi, follows the first text, L. CASTALDI, "Vobis expetentibus": l'allestimento del dossier sulla vita di Anselmo da Lucca: genesi, tradizione manoscritta, attribuzione Hagiographica, 26 (2019), pp. 67-151. 7 For the structure of this text see GOLINELLI “Una agiografia di lotta”, pp.117-155. 8 For the successions of the bishops of Lucca see: R. SAVIGNI, Episcopato e società cittadina a Lucca: da Anselmo II (+1086) a Roberto (+1255) (Lucca, 1996). 9 G. SAVERINO, La “Vita Metrica” di Anselmo da Lucca scritta da Rangerio. Ideologia e genere letterario, in ed. Violante, Sant'Anselmo vescovo di Lucca, pp. 223-272; RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Rangerio. Il poema di Anselmo. 155 expands and enriches it with new facts.10 Finally, the countess’s biographer, Donizo, wrote

Vita Mathildis between 1112 and 1115. As seen above, the illuminated manuscript, written in leonine hexameters, provides a moralized description of the life of the countess and her ancestors. Donizo recounts the achievements of the Canossa dynasty, praising the countess as responsible for the survival of the reforming ideas.11 A more personal and emotional tone emerges in Anselm’s Five Prayers and in a passage of Anselm’s Book against Wibert.12 It is important to analyze these sources, taking into account the broader cultural setting in which

Matilda and Anselm lived, in order to comprehend their motivations and contribution to the events of their time.

Anselm of Lucca and his Background

The details of Anselm of Lucca’s early life, his family, and his education are mostly unknown; the few known facts are disseminated in various sources. Born in Milan in 1035, his family was part of the city’s nobility.13 It was probably his illustrious uncle who took responsibility for Anselm’s education, directing him, at first, toward the Cathedral of

10 CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 3-4. 11 GOLINELLI, L’abbazia di Matilde, pp. 13-39. 12ANSELM OF LUCCA, Liber contra Wibertum, pp. 517-528. 13 RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita metrica, vv. 1-12, p. 1157; VIOLANTE, Anselmo da Baggio, in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, vol. 3 (Rome, 1961), pp. 399-407; H. KELLER, “Le origini sociali e famigliari del vescovo Anselmo”, in ed. VIOLANTE, Sant'Anselmo vescovo di Lucca (1073-1086) nel quadro delle trasformazioni sociali e della riforma ecclesiastica (Rome,1992), pp. 29-34; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 43-44. For more details on Anselm’s life see: A. ROTA, Notizie istoriche di S. Anselmo, vescovo di Lucca, e protettore di Mantova (Verona, 1733); PÁSZTOR, “Una fonte per la storia dell’età gregoriana”; “La Vita anonima di Anselmo da Lucca”; “Sacerdozio e Regno nella ‘Vita Anselmi Episcopi Lucensis’”, Archivum Historiae Pontificiae, 2 (1964), pp. 91-115; La Lotta per le investiture e ius belli: la posizione di Anselmo di Lucca, in ed. GOLINELLI, Sant'Anselmo, Mantova e la lotta per le investiture: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi (Mantova, 23-24-25 maggio 1986) (Bologna, 1987), pp. 375-421; “La Vita anonima di Anselmo da Lucca”; GOLINELLI, Sant'Anselmo; R. BRUNELLI, Anselmo di Lucca: consigliere di Matilde, patrono di Mantova (Mantova, 2008). 156

Milan,14 where he studied grammar and dialectic.15 The subsequent progress of Anselm’s education is hard to pinpoint, and is a subject of discussion among scholars. However, his path and career probably followed the pattern of many northern Italian scholars of the eleventh century, like Lanfranc of Pavia and Anselm of Aosta/Bec/Canterbury, who, as

Cowdrey argues, began their educations in Milan and then involved “travel to distant lands”, in order to continue their study or find a vocation that would have been difficult to find in

Italy.16 Kathleen Cushing argues: “Any attempt to understand the world in which Anselm of

Lucca grew to maturity is caught up in the larger problem of determining what precisely was occurring in northern Italy, especially in terms of intellectual developments”.17

The first evidence connecting Anselm of Lucca to Normandy and the Abbey of Bec is the fact that his uncle, Pope Alexander II, had himself been Lanfranc’s pupil and they worked closely and harmoniously throughout their lifetimes.18 There are also some suggestions that Anselm could have been Lanfranc’s student. The first evidence is provided by a letter that Alexander II wrote to Lanfranc (1061-1070) while he was at Bec; in the letter he requests that one of his relatives – fratrulem – be educated at Bec, explaining that this relative was already well trained in grammar and had some notions of dialectic.19 Grammar

14Vita Anselmi, c. 74, p. 33; VIOLANTE, Anselmo da Baggio; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 43-44. 15 Vita Anselmi, c. 2, p. 13. 16 H. E. J. COWDREY, “Anselm of Besate and Some North-Italian Scholars of the Eleventh Century”, The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 23, 2 (1972), p. 115. 17 CUSHING, Papacy and law, p. 45. 18 CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 46-48; H. E. J. COWDREY, Lanfranc: Scholar, monk, and archbishop (Oxford, 2003), pp. 21-23; VAUGHN, RUBENSTEIN, Teaching and learning in Northern Europe, p. 341. 19 Alexandri II epistola ad Lanfrancum, Alexander episcopus, servus servorum Dei, Lanfranco utriusque sapientiae gratia repleto salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Gratias omnipotenti Deo referimus, qui post eruditionem mundanae sapientiae ad illius te transtulit sapientiae studium, quae vera est et de qua scriptum est: Beatus homo, qui invenit sapientiam et affluit prudentia. Merito enim illi multiplices gratiae agendae sunt cujus Spiritus sic te utriusque disciplinae fonte replevit ut in uno fere omnibus sis excellentia dissimilis, et in altero virtutum merito laudabilis. Hujus itaque gratiae venerabilis fama, circumquaque diffusa, quia ab omnibus fere mundi partibus ad tuae fluenta eloquentiae multos allexit, quemdam nostrum fratruelem, quem paternis ut nosmetipsos diligimus affectibus, ad ejusdem tuae eloquentiae dulcedinem nimium gliscentem 157 and dialectic were precisely the two skills the author of the first Vita mentions in regard to

Anselm of Lucca’s education.20 Although it does not allow an absolute identification of the pope’s fratulem, this evidence demonstrates Alexander’s interest in Lanfranc as teacher for his kin. Furthermore, a later letter, of 1072-1073, in which Lanfranc asks Alexander II to be discharged from the archbishopric of Canterbury, expressly refers to the fact he had taught to some of the pope’s kinsfolk. Lanfranc, in this passage, reminds Alexander II about the favors he has done for him in teaching his consanguineos.21

We also know that Anselm of Lucca had been in contact with William I of England, through a letter that he wrote to the king in 1085, asking for military support for the Church and Gregory VII. In this letter Anselm refers to the presumed help the Norman king had repeatedly provided to him in the past and also mentions: “However, I am mindful of the benefits that your benevolence had bestowed on me”.22 Despite this evidence, the exact link between Anselm and the Norman world is hard to nail down.23 However, from an investigation of the bishop of Lucca’s work and the few sources for his life, it seems likely

dirigere cupimus, qui tamen Deo gratias, grammaticae artis peritia bene instructus, dialecticae omnino non est alienus. De quo si ad votum nostrum pro scire et valere tuo te habueris, scias ibidem procul dubio nos tibi utriusque remunerationis merito pie et liberaliter recompensaturos. Quid autem ex hoc confidere possimus, notificare studeas quantocius, ALEXANDER II, Letter to Lanfranc, PL 146, col.1353. 20 According to the author of the first Vita Anselm had been a scholar of scholastic, liberal arts, grammar, and dialectic, see: Vita Anselmi, c. 2, 13, Studiosum tamen iam tunc in scholasticis etiam legendis libris fuisse, ipso saepius referente, cognovimus; quod et rei evidenter probavit effectus; quia in arte grammatica et dialectica extitit peritus. 21 Meminisse siquidem debetis, nec tardi oblivioni oportet, quam benigne consanguineos vestros aliosque a Roma scripta deferentes in prefatis adhuc coenobiis constitutus sepe recepi, quam studiose eos pro caput meo ingeniique ipsorum tam in sacris quam in secularibus litteris erudivi; “You may well recall – it is not right that it should pass from memory – what a friendly welcome I often extended to your kinsmen and others who brought an introduction from Rome when I was still in those monasteries, and how conscientiously I instructed them, according to my ability and their intelligence, in both sacred and profane learning”, LANFRANC, Letter to Alexander II, The Letters of Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. tr. H. CLOVER, M.T. GIBSON (Oxford, 1979), p. 33. 22ANSELM OF LUCCA, Letter to William I of England, pp. 15-17. 23 For this debate see: BORINO, Il Monacato, pp. 361-374; KELLER, “Le origini sociali e famigliari del vescovo Anselmo”, pp. 27-50; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 45-48; COWDREY, Lanfranc, pp. 19-24. 158 that Anselm of Lucca was in contact with the new intellectual ideas developed at Bec by

Lanfranc and by Anselm of Canterbury.

Anselm of Lucca and Matilda: the Gregorian Adventure

Anselm’s career as a Gregorian bishop began when his uncle, Pope Alexander II, nominated him as his successor in the bishopric of Lucca in 1073.24 This city was at the center of the Canossa dynasty, one of the main territories within the domains of Beatrice and

Matilda, and as such played a pivotal role in the exercise of their power. Therefore, they felt an urgency to place a loyal bishop in the seat of Lucca and pressed the new pope, Gregory

VII, to appoint Anselm.25 At the time, Gregory was uncertain about Anselm’s political orientation; he was unsure whether or not Anselm would have accepted investiture from the emperor. However, from his letter, it is evident the pope was acquainted with the future bishop of Lucca, who is referred to as bishop-elect: “we have observed in him such great knowledge of divine studies and faculty of discernment that he is not ignorant of himself of which is the left hand and which the right”.26

Matilda and Beatrice continued to work closely with Anselm. In August 1073 all three were together at the monastery of St. Zeno of Verona, witnessing a charter issued by the countesses in favor of the monastery.27 This is the first document in Matilda’s charters to

24 Regarding Anselm’s investiture, see: Vita Anselmi, cc. 3-9, pp. 14-15; Vita Metrica, vv. 1176-1179; VIOLANTE, Anselmo da Baggio; F. M. FIORENTINI, Memorie della gran contessa Matilda restituita alla patria lucchese, da Francesco Maria Fiorentini. Seconda edizione illustrata con note critiche e con l'aggiunta di molti documenti appartenenti a Matilda ed alla di lei casa da Gian Domenico Mansi (Lucca, 1756), p. 140; BORINO, Il Monacato; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 48-55; GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 21. 25 GREGORY VII, Registrum 1, 11. 26 nisi quod in eo tantam divinarum litterarum scientiam et rationem discretionis esse percepimus, ut, quę sinistra quę sit dextra, ipse non ignoret, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 11. 27 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 8, pp. 52-54. 159 mention Anselm of Lucca. The countess and the churchman must certainly have become acquainted before this date. However, their political partnership probably did not begin until the summer of 1073. During this occasion, they may well have discussed their strategies and judgments with one another. Beatrice and Matilda were at the center of the reforming activities, a secure channel of communication with Pope Gregory VII, and able to provide military service against Anselm’s enemies in Lucca.

The countesses’ guidance possibly brought Anselm and Gregory together. Indeed, soon after the meeting in Verona, a letter from Gregory to Anselm, dated September 1073, shows they were already in a harmonious working relationship: “Brother, we have loved and do love you with the intent of sincere caritas charity/love”.28 This letter is Gregory’s response to Anselm, who had asked the pope whether or not he was allowed to receive the investiture from Emperor Henry. In his reply Gregory categorically forbade him to accept the investiture until the king had made peace with the pope; he reassured Anselm that Agnes,

Beatrice, and Matilda were working toward this goal. At the same time, Gregory offers him a place in his “familiar circle in Rome, and so share with us in whatever adversity or prosperity”.29

Anselm, evidently, accepted the pope’s invitation and soon after joined the papal court, remaining at the Lateran Palace with Hugh of Die/Lyon from December 1073 until the

Spring of 1074, where they received the episcopal consecration.30 Matilda and Beatrice joined them for the Lenten synod of March 9-14, 1074. Anselm and the countesses may well

28 fraternitatem tuam sincere caritatis affect et dileximus et diligimus, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 21. 29 Interea nostre familiaritati poteris adherere Rome ut nobiscum seu adversitatem seu prosperitatem, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 21 30 HUGH OF FLAVIGNY, Chronicon, pp. 411-412; HEALY, The Chronicle of Hugh of Flavigny, pp. 100-129; K. R. RENNIE, (2008), “Extending Gregory VII's ‘Friendship Network’”, pp. 480-481. 160 have journeyed together afterwards, from Rome to Pisa, where they stayed from April 21-24,

1074 to celebrate Easter with other bishops such as Herman of Metz and Thierry of St.

Hubert; they were welcomed with all honors at the court of Matilda and Beatrice.31

Anselm probably received permission from Rome to accept investiture from the hands of the emperor sometime near the end of 1074.32 But, soon thereafter, Gregory VII forbade lay investitures during the Lenten Synod of February 24-28, 1075, where both

Anselm and Matilda were present and witnessed the pope’s pronunciation of this prohibition.33 Subsequently, Anselm regretted his imperial obedience and decided to withdraw from the world to the abbey of St. Gilles. This spiritual crisis and his withdrawal did not last long. On May 7, 1075, Anselm was in Florence with Beatrice and Matilda. The countesses were holding court and, through a judicial act, they granted Anselm and the archbishopric of Lucca the propriety of one sixth of Montecatini’s castle, in the north-east of

Lucca. Gregory, certainly pressed by Matilda, recalled Anselm and consecrated him, ex novo, bishop, and monk at the end of 1075.34 At the beginning of 1076, Anselm returned to his episcopal see in Lucca.

Anselm, as Bishop of Lucca, tried to impose the practices of chastity, communal life, and renunciation of personal property on the secular clergy of his city, according to the reforming decrees enacted by Popes Leo IX and Victor II.35 Reformers, intended to remodel

31 See Chronicon sancti Huberti Andaginensis, p. 583; LAZZARI “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”. RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, 129-133; CECCARELLI LEMUT, “La dimensione marittima della marca di Tuscia”, pp. 323-355. 32 Vita Anselmi, c. 3, p. 14; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 49-52. 33 OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa, p. 117; ARNULF OF MILAN, Gesta archiepiscoporum Mediolanesium, IV, MGH, SS, 8, pp.114-132. 34 Vita Metrica, vv. 1443-1446, p. 1187. 35 For more details on this subject see: PÁSZTOR, La Lotta per le investiture e ius belli; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 43-63; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 232-239; PUGLIA, Matilde di Canossa, pp. III-21; SAVIGNI, Episcopato e società cittadina a Lucca. 161 the whole church according to monastic ideals. They imposed regular life and chastity among the secular clergy by opposing clerical marriage. Anselm sustained this effort with every means, but his mission was doomed to fail.

The city’s landowners were particularly polarized due to a social and ideological divide. During the eighth and the ninth centuries, Lucca’s diocesan aristocracy depended upon the bishop of Lucca, who granted the land and the right to collect church tithes. On the other hand, a different type of nobility, more rooted in the city and identified with the cathedral canons, the notaries, and the court magistrates, was growing increasingly autonomous from the bishop of Lucca’s authority. By the beginning of the eleventh century the bishop of Lucca had lost his control over the lands, alienated to the episcopal tenants and their families. In this situation, the bishops of Lucca not only saw the radical impoverishment of their bishopric but also saw a growing hostility in the whole aristocracy of Lucca.36

For this reason, Anselm’s efforts were focused on the recovery of ecclesiastical property and on building relationships with the nobility, linked with the Canossa family, willing to support him. Beatrice and Matilda, upon the request of Anselm’s collaborators,

Bardon and Lambert, took a religious house in the chapter of the cathedral of Lucca under special protection, as well as several territories in its proximity, exempting them from all kinds of taxes and secular and ecclesiastical harassments.37 In addition, as Vita Anselmi explains, Matilda attempted, in vain, to reach an agreement with the families of the canons, in order to encourage them to renounce to their property and embrace communal life. She offered a generous monetary reimbursement for their eventual loss.38 By helping the bishop

36 CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 58-63; PUGLIA, Matilde di Canossa, pp. III-21 37 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 18, pp. 78-79. 38 Vita Anselmi, c. 7, p. 15. 162 to recover his control over territories which belonged to the bishopric of Lucca, Beatrice and

Matilda strengthened their authority in their important domain.

As Kathleen G. Cushing clarifies in her book The Papacy and Law in the Gregorian

Revolution, Anselm’s mission was dictated by different motivations. Certainly, his zealous morality guided his desire to reform the clergy according to the rule of the communal life, virginity, and renunciation of propriety, and the significant intensity of this moral intent should not be dismissed. At the same time, his commitment to this reforming goal aimed to recover the lands and the territories, in order to strengthen his authority and power over his bishopric.39 These two factors were strictly intertwined.

As seen in Chapter Two, Gregory VII fully supported Anselm and his undertaking.

On his way to Germany, Gregory went to Lucca at the end of 1076, to exhort the canons to obey their bishop. However, Anselm was, soon after, caught up in the most critical moment of the war between Henry IV and Gregory, which began with Gregory’s unexpected excommunication and deposition of the emperor in 1076.40 During this difficult time,

Gregory entrusted Matilda to the care of Anselm, who became her spiritual advisor, loyal political ally, and friend.41 From Lucca, Matilda and Gregory proceeded together to Mantua, arriving at Canossa on January 8, 1077.42 It is possible Anselm traveled with them and witnessed the famous encounter between the emperor and the pope on January 28, 1077.43 As

39 CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 58-63. 40 SIMEONI, Il contributo della contessa Matilde, pp. 353-372. 41 GOLINELLI, Prima di Canossa, p. 205; Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 232-239; ANSELM OF LUCCA, Five Prayers, 19, pp. 23-48. 42 OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa, p. 122; GOLINELLI, Matilde e I Canossa, 214- 223; BELLOCCHI, GHIRARDINI, ...E fu Canossa la nuova Roma, p. 66; CREBER, “Women at Canossa”, pp. 1-44, explains that “Several contemporaries, including Gregory himself, indicate that Matilda encouraged Gregory to travel north”; GREGORY VII, Registrum, IV, 12; Vita Anselmi, c.16, 18; DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II.1, vv. 66-73. 43 CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 56-57. 163 seen, after the compromise was reached at Matilda’s castle, Anselm became crucial in the development of the ideals of the reform and a vigorous ally of the pope. It was in this period that he was appointed permanent legate of the Holy See in Lombardy.44

Indeed, following the Canossa events, on February 1077, Anselm of Lucca and

Gerald Bishop of Ostia were sent to Milan as papal legates with the goal to reconcile the papacy with the Ambrosian church. Once in the city, they preached to all the people and heard confessions, pardoning all the citizens who were willing to convert. But, while there, they were captured by Bishop Dionysus of Piacenza, who acted on behalf of the emperor.45

Thanks to his noble status, Anselm was immediately released. The bishop of Ostia was detained much longer, liberated later by the intervention of Agnes and Matilda.46

After this unfortunate mission, Anselm went back to his pastoral occupation. During this time he worked closely with Matilda and Gregory,47 who, after Canossa, had been travelling and operating together. It appears that, after Anselm’s release from captivity, he journeyed with the pope and the countess until June 1077.48 Matilda and Anselm probably went back to Tuscany together, where on June 6 and on June 21 they both assisted two charters in Florence and in Pisa.49 They were attempting to resolve issues regarding the property of the castle of Montecatini and its neighboring domains, which Matilda had previously given to the bishop. 50

44 CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 44-63. 45 ARNULF OF MILAN, Liber gestorum recentium, v. 9, p. 31; COWDREY, "The Papacy, The Patarenes and the Church of Milan”, pp. 25-48. 46 Vita Anselmi, c. 16 p. 18; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 57. 47 Vita Anselmi, cc. 6-10, pp. 15-16; Vita metrica, vv. 1443-1763, pp. 1187-1193. 48 BELLOCCHI, GHIRARDINI, ...E fu Canossa la nuova Roma, p. 70. 49 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 20, pp. 81-83; 21, pp. 83-85. 50 On the collaboration between Anselm and Matilda see also: Vita Anselmi, cc. 6-10, 15-16; Vita metrica, vv. 1443-1763, 1187-1193. On this matter see also: A. SPICCIANI, L’episcopato lucchese di Anselmo II da Baggio, in C. VIOLANTE, ed., Sant'Anselmo vescovo di Lucca (1073-1086) nel quadro delle 164

Also Gregory VII, from Florence in August 1077, severely admonished the canons for not obeying the papal strictures and for disobeying their bishop; the pope excommunicated them in 1079 for their determined defiance.51 Despite Gregory’s intervention and Matilda’s military, political, and moral assistance, the bishop of Lucca’s project to reform the canons ended in failure.52 Moreover, as seen, the year 1080 proved to be extremely difficult for both Matilda and the papal party. The canons, allied with the troops of the new antipope Clement III, defeated the countess and exiled Anselm, who took refuge with Matilda’s entourage.

As shown, the relationship between Anselm and Matilda was based on consistent encounters, a communion of ideals, and opportunities to share time together. They took part in the events that led to the Investiture Controversy, fought together, and planned the reorganization of the church, according to the new reforming ideas.

The Doctrine of Coercion and the Notion of Caritas

Extant sources show that the archbishop benefited from the protection and political support of the countess. At the same time, Anselm of Lucca represented a spiritual, religious, and political enrichment for Matilda and the diffusion of the reforming ideas. Indeed,

Anselm’s reforming activity was also ideological. Numerous contemporary sources identify

Anselm as Gregory VII’s most diligent imitator. Important evidence of this discipleship can

trasformazioni sociali e della riforma ecclesiastica (Rome, 1992) pp. 65-112; C. D. FONSECA, Il Capitolo di San Martino e la riforma canonicale nella seconda metà del secolo XI, in Violante C. ed. 1992, Sant'Anselmo vescovo di Lucca (1073-1086) nel quadro delle trasformazioni sociali e della riforma ecclesiastica, Atti del convegno internazionale di studio (Lucca 25-28 settembre 1986) (Rome, 1992), pp. 51-64; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 58. 51 GREGORY VII, Registrum, V, 1. 52 Vita Anselmi, cc. 6-10, 15-16; RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita metrica, vv. 1443-1763, 1187-1193. 165 be found in the Collectio Canonum, written by Anselm at the behest of the pope and conceived of as the official defense of the Gregorian arguments concerning the relationship between regnum and sacerdotium. Inspired by the holy fathers of the Church, Anselm defended the power and the primacy of the pope over the whole of Christendom; accordingly, he stressed the concept of obedience, a duty owed by the faithful, on which unity depended. Anselm’s conclusion foresaw de iusta vindicta; i.e., the severe persecution and correction of disobedience, which became the moral justification for the use of violence and war in religious controversies. The concepts laid out by Anselm were the cornerstone of the Gregorian ideals.53

Interestingly, the controversial concept of coercion, envisaged by Anselm in his

Collectio Canonum, was certainly at odds with the well-established tradition of the church which forbade churchmen from the use of violence and from engaging in warlike activities and military operations. Therefore, Anselm, in order to justify and support his argument and

Gregory’s vision, would employ the notion of caritas.54 In 1080s the bishop of Lucca, drawing precisely from the idea of caritas expressed in Gregory’s letters to Matilda and

Beatrice,55 would compose the sermon De Caritate.56 Anselm begins his sermon by saying:

“Love is the root and foundation of every virtue”.57 In this passage his principal sources were the letter of St. Paul to the Corinthians, St. Augustine,58 and Gregory VII, who, as seen in

53ANSELM OF LUCCA, Collectio Canonum. For more details on the Collectio Canonum see: A. STICKLER, Il potere coattivo materiale della Chiesa nella riforma gregoriana secondo Anselmo da Lucca, in ed. G. B. BORINO, Studi Gregoriani, 1 (Rome, 1947), pp. 235-285; PÁSZTOR, “Sacerdozio e Regno nella “Vita Anselmi”, pp. 91-115; ROBINSON, The papal reform of the eleventh century, pp. 10-17; p. 354; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 43-142. 54 See Chapter Two. 55 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47, on February 16, 1074 and I, 50, on March 4, 1074. 56 ANSELM OF LUCCA, Sermo Anselmi Episcopi de caritate, 45-104, text 96-104. 57 Radix est et findamentum virtutum omnium caritas, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Sermo Anselmi Episcopi de caritate, p. 96. Reference to ST. PAUL, Cor. 13. 58 ST. AUGUSTINE, Sermons, 265, in PL 39, col. 1223. 166

Chapter Two, had stated: “Do not hesitate with the Apostle to set true love/charity before all virtues. Because this is the mother of all virtues.”59

Furthermore, in Gregory’s same vein, Anselm’s task was to show that caritas was not only a theological concept but a passionate engagement in the active life and the foundation of every ecclesiastical activity. Anselm explains that the apex of the love of God was the cura proximi, the love and care for one’s neighbors: “Therefore, with the love for neighbor you prove this love for God.”60 This exact notion had been stated by Gregory as well: “From love (amore) of God and by holding dear one’s neighbor”.61 Finally, the high point of caritas for both Anselm and Gregory was the imitation of Christ, who sacrificed himself for humanity. Anselm says: “If Christ died for everyone,…those who live should no longer live for themselves.”62 Likewise, Gregory says: “Because caritas [love/charity] compelled God to come from Heaven to earth that he might bear our misery.” 63

Interestingly, from both the verbal and thematic similarities between Anselm’s passages and the directions given by the pope to Matilda and Beatrice about caritas, it seems evident that Anselm compiled these texts precisely to reinforce the pope’s tenets. Anselm has been described as the most diligent imitator of Gregory VII. Indeed, in these texts the bishop aimed to instruct the clergy in the principles of the Gregorian ideology. It was precisely through these arguments that the use of violence and war for the defense of the church was justified as an act of love/caritas toward humanity. These concepts would be the origins of

59 quia veram caritatem cunctis virtutibus preferre cum apostolo non dubito. Nam si hec mater omnium virtutum, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 50, on March 4, 1074. 60 Si diligis me, pasce oves meas. Cum ergo cura proximi probatio sit dilectionis, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Sermo Anselmi Episcopi de caritate, p. 97. 61 Ex amore quidem Dei proximum diligendo, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 50, on March 4, 1074. 62 Si Christus pro omnibus mortuus est… ut qui vivunt iam non sibi vivant, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Sermo Anselmi Episcopi de caritate, p. 97. 63 que Deum de celo in terram, ut nostram miseriam ferret, compulit venire, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 50, on March 4, 1074. 167 the justification of Crusades.64

Matilda and the Virgin Mary

Anselm of Lucca was certainly a man of action; he spent his life fighting alongside

Matilda against the enemies of the church, for the triumph of righteousness. His works are mainly concerned with canon law, the duties of a pastor ecclesiae, and with the relationship between regnum and sacerdotium. However, a more intimate and personal dimension emerges in Anselm’s devotional writings. The bishop’s Five Prayers, designed specifically for Matilda of Tuscany, were an expression of the bishop’s fatherly direction for the countess. Three of his five prayers were written to prepare Matilda’s soul to receive Holy

Communion; the other two were written to foster the countess’s devotion to the Virgin Mary.

As we have seen, the close relationship between Anselm and Matilda intensified during the period of open conflict between Emperor Henry IV and Pope Gregory VII (1076).

As Paolo Golinelli has argued, it was probably at this critical moment, in which Matilda found herself alone after the loss of both her mother and her husband, that Gregory entrusted her to the care of Anselm of Lucca. According to Vita Anselmi:

And so that [Matilda], alone, would not succumb, she was entrusted to the spiritual

and charitable care of the aforementioned bishop of Lucca, Anselm: a most faithful

disciple to a most trustworthy teacher, as when Jesus on the cross entrusted his virgin

64 STICKLER, “Il potere coattivo materiale della Chiesa nella riforma gregoriana, pp. 235-285; ROBINSON, The papal reform of the eleventh century, pp. 354; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 43-142.

168

mother to his virgin disciple, saying: "Woman, behold, your son!" and to the disciple,

"Behold, your mother".65

Likewise, Donizo says: “As Jesus dying on the cross had entrusted his mother to his disciple

John, Pope Gregory [VII] entrusted the lady, Countess Matilda to Anselm [of Lucca]”.66 This passage, referring to the Gospel of John [1:27], introduces a key aspect of the relationship between Anselm and Matilda and can be read on various levels. The direct parallels between

Jesus and Gregory VII, Mary and Matilda, and John and Anselm are crucial.67 In obeying

Gregory VII, Matilda and Anselm obey Jesus himself. Matilda is compared to the Virgin

Mary, mother of Jesus, mother of the Church, and mother of all Christianity.68 In this way,

Gregory entrusts Matilda with the defense of the Church and of the Christians.

In the sources I will examine, Matilda is described as the Bride of Christ, her life compared to that of Mary’s. Ropa and Golinelli have analyzed this comparison in great depth; their valuable arguments were crucial for my research. They focus primarily on

Anselm’s and Matilda’s official biographers to examine this comparison. My investigation, while paying due attention to the work of these biographers, also relates the Marian images to the content of Anselm’s Five Prayers. For the analysis of the prayers, I drew mainly from the works of S. Cantelli and R. Fulton, whose important studies focus on Anselm, identifying him as a great innovator in the tradition of Marian devotion and doctrine.69 However, they do

65Atque, ne tanquam sola deficiat custodienda commendatur praescripto Lucensi episcopo sancto Anselmo, commendatur, inquam, omni diligentia et affectu charitatis, commendatur a beatissimo magistro fidelissimo discipulo, sicut in cruce Christus matrem virginem virgini discipulo commendavit: Mater, inquiens, ecce filius tuus; ad discipulum autem: Ecce mater tua […], Vita Anselmi, c. 12, p. 17. 66 Gregorius presul Romanus, ut egit Iesus In cruce qui moriens dat discipulo genitricem, Commisit dominam sic Anselmo comitissam, DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II, vv. 284-286. 67 GOLINELLI, Dall’agiografia alla storia, p. 48. 68 ROPA, Intorno a un tema apologetico, pp. 25-51. 69 S. CANTELLI, “Le preghiere a Maria di Anselmo da Lucca”, in ed. GOLINELLI, Sant'Anselmo, Mantova e la lotta per le investiture: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi (Mantova, 23-24-25 maggio 1986) (Bologna, 1987), pp. 290-299; FULTON, From Judgment to Passion. 169 not look into the origin of Anselm’s innovation and the role of Matilda in this accomplishment. By analyzing the aforementioned sources, together with the larger background of both the Gregorian and the Anglo-Norman worlds, I will argue that this comparison between Mary and Matilda was inspired by Anselm of Lucca and was first expressed in his Five Prayers; Anselm’s novel devotion seems to have been triggered by the life and mission of Countess Matilda, generated in the obedience to Gregory VII, and influenced by Anselm’s involvement with the Eucharistic Controversy. At the same time, as we will see in Chapter Seven, Anselm of Lucca’s style and the thematic features of his prayer collections show a great deal of similarities with those of Peter Damian and Anselm of

Canterbury.

In this chapter, I will show that the new role and prominence of the Virgin, introduced by Anselm in his Five Prayers, was mainly inspired by the life of the countess.

Matilda, like the Virgin, had an active role in history, through her “yes” to God (in the person of Gregory VII), by which she saved the world from evil. Matilda’s crucial roles of intercessor, protector of all persecuted Christians, and tireless defender of the church were, indeed, comparable to Mary’s roles as intercessor, protector, and loving mother. Anselm mentions the above-cited passage of the Gospel of John three times in his prayers for

Matilda, where he describes the Virgin as a mother and the Christians as “adopted children”.

As Silvia Cantelli and André Wilmart argue, Anselm of Lucca wrote his Five Prayers in a faithful response to the pope’s suggestions.70 As seen, in a letter dated 1074, the pope urges Matilda: “You should frequently receive the Lord’s body, and I have directed that you should wholly commit yourself to sure confidence in the Mother of the Lord […]”.71 In the

70 ANSELM OF LUCCA, Five Prayers, 19, pp. 28; CANTELLI, “Le preghiere a Maria”, pp. 290-299. 71 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. For the pope’s suggestion see Chapter Two. The pope’s advice 170 first prayer for communion, Anselm, in a unique way, encourages Matilda, the devout reader, to become one with the Virgin; through an exercise of identification, Anselm leads Matilda through the most important events in the life of Mary. Matilda is placed in Mary’s room at the moment of the Angel’s annunciation:

“I like to see with the eye of the soul the angel Gabriel proffering his most kind

greeting and announcing to you the forthcoming of the Holy Infant; [I like] to hear the

admirable response of your humility.”72

Similarly, Matilda is present during the nativity: “[I like to admire] the first manifestations of the baby […] lying in a manger.”73 Anselm, through this prayer, expresses his astonishment and veneration in front of God, the unfathomable mystery, who decided to become a man in the womb of a woman and submit to human laws and needs.74 Matilda, the reader, is also led to admire Mary’s affectionate intervention during the wedding of Cana.

Anselm then leads her to the scene of Calvary, in which Jesus addresses his mother for the last time, commending her to John and the disciple to her: “Jesus recommended his blessed mother to his disciple and his disciple to his mother – Mary, he says, here is your son; apostle, here is your mother.”75 According to Anselm, it is precisely in this moment that

Mary was entrusted with the protection of all Christians. Cantelli explains, referring to this passage, that it is the first time in the Christian tradition in which the spiritual maternity of

had the purpose to encourage Matilda to accept her husband Godfrey the Hunchback. 72Delectat me videre interior oculo Gabrielem angelum te officiosissime salutantem et santum nasciturum annuntiatem, audire admirabile responsum tue humilitatis, Oratio venerabilis Anselmi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, First Prayers, Before to Receive Communion, pp. 51-52. 73[Libet admirari] paruli rudimenta […] in presepio iacentem, Oratio venerabilis Anselmi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, First Prayers, Before to Receive Communion, pp. 51-52. 74[…] in nostra natura divinitatis potentiam, Oratio venerabilis Anselmi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, First Prayers, Before to Receive Communion, pp. 51-52. 75 et beatam matrem discipulo et discipulum matri commendantem – Maria, inquid, en Filius Tuus, apostole, Ecce Mater Tua, Oratio venerabilis Anselmi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, First Prayers, Before to Receive Communion, pp. 53. 171

Mary is associated with Calvary.76 Because of this innovation, Fulton describes Anselm of

Lucca’s Five Prayers as “one of the most important eleventh-century contributions to subsequent Marian doctrine”.77 In the third prayer to the Virgin Mary, Matilda is, again, present at the Annunciation, at the loss of the boy Jesus in the temple, at the Crucifixion, and at the Assumption. Also in this prayer, the moment of Calvary takes on a special meaning:

“[Mary] adopted us as children […] She inclines to indulgence toward us with the love of a mother, which surpasses in richness and sensitivity any other human feeling.”78 In this prayer

Matilda is even more intensely involved in Calvary than in the first – under the cross of

Jesus, Matilda takes part in Mary and John’s suffering for the redemption of humanity:

“sharing your immense suffering”.79 Matilda could feel what Mary felt. Anselm’s prayers have an element of novelty in respect to the tradition of his time.80 Christ is no longer the triumphant and distant God of the Last Judgment; on the contrary, he is perceived as the tender baby of the nativity. The image of Mary, as envisioned by Anselm, is no longer that of the detached Queen of Heaven but a grieving and affectionate mother.

What enabled Anselm to develop this unique conception of Mary? The novelty of

Anselm’s devotion is in his understanding of the motherhood of Mary, a concept which appears to have been suggested by the life and personality of the countess. Certainly, Matilda had a very important role as mediator during the controversies between emperor and pope, and, as Donizo writes, she became the protector of all persecuted Christians:

76 CANTELLI, “Le preghiere a Maria”, pp. 290-299. 77 FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 225. 78 […] subrogavit nos in filios […] ut tanto proclivior fieret ad indulgentiam quanto materne caritatis viscera super omnemcarnis affectum habundantia pietatis exuberant, Oratio Venerabilis Anselmi Episcopi ad Santcta Mariam, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Third Prayer, To Blessed Mary, pp. 63-64. 79[…] compaciens immenso dolori consoler te donec, Oratio Venerabilis Anselmi Episcopi ad Santcta Mariam, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Third Prayer, To Blessed Mary, pp. 63-64. 80 CANTELLI, “Le preghiere a Maria”, pp. 294-295; FULTON, From judgment to passion, pp. 195- 243. 172

“Only Matilda’s spacious home was pure. This [home] was truly a safe place, a

harbor for believers:/The ones that the king condemned, expelled or stripped bishops,

monks, clerics, Italians and even French people. They all ran, confident, to the living

fountain, To the Lady of benevolent mind. They found near her all they were longing

for […].”81

Indeed, because Gregory commended the leadership of the Christians to Matilda,

Anselm compared Mary’s mission to Matilda’s. The spiritual closeness to Mary the countess was called to experience, developed through these prayers, enabled her to become one with the Virgin Mary. Matilda was seen by Anselm, in the way she lived out her life, as the living embodiment of the Virgin. Anselm, with his prayers, instructed her to live according to this image. This comparison was probably also an allusion to Matilda’s personal existential drama as a mother who had experienced the death of her child. As seen, while the countess was in Lotharingia in 1070 with her first husband, Godfrey the Hunchback, she gave birth to a daughter, Beatrice, who died soon after in 1071. This painful event was certainly in Anselm of Lucca’s mind while writing his prayers for Matilda.82 The Virgin, like Matilda, had to suffer the ordeal of the loss of her son; because of this shared experience, the bishop encouraged the countess to identify with the Virgin and to live according to her example.

Therefore, for Anselm the life and personal experience of Matilda was a crucial trigger of

81Munda domus sola Mathildis erat spaciosa./Catholicis prorsus fuit haec tutus quasi portus:/Nam quos dampnabat rex, pellebat, spoliabat/Pontefices, monachos, clericos, Italos quoque Gallos,/Ad vivum fontem currebant funditus omnes,/Scilicet ad dictam dominam iam, mente benignam./ Quaeque requirebant, apud ipsam repperiebant […], DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II, vv. 269-275, 385. 82 This notion has been suggested to me by Dr. Paolo Golinelli, I thank him immensely for this and for all his invaluable comments and support. On Matilda’s difficult marriage and childbirth see: GOLINELLI, Matilde e I Canossa, pp. 169-184; GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 109-110; LAZZARI “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”; LAZZARI, “I Poteri Delle Donne al Tempo di Matilde”; RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp.119-13. 173 this shift in sensibility.83

Come, my Bride, my Beloved, my Dove – Matilda Bride of God

The important parallel Anselm of Lucca established between Mary and Matilda is also supported by the numerous references to the Biblical Song of Songs in Anselm’s Five

Prayers.84 Anselm uses the term sponsa to denote the bride, Matilda:

“You will introduce me in my groom’s chamber, bringing me with you [Mary], you

will show me the One, whom my soul yearned for and I will deserve to hear His

beloved voice that will say: Come, my bride, my beloved, my dove; he will kiss me

with the kiss of His mouth, and I will be full of grace, [I will be] imbued with

sweetness.”85

This passage of the Song of Songs was the source of the eleventh century tradition for the liturgy of the feast of the Assumption, in which the Virgin Mary is “transformed” from mother to bride. I relied on Fulton’s investigation for the tradition and liturgy of the feast of the Assumption in the eleventh century; however, she does not connect this tradition and liturgy with Anselm’s Five Prayers for Matilda.86

This passage reads as a dialogue between the Virgin and Christ; the words veni sponsa were, according to this tradition, pronounced by Christ as he came to lead his mother

83 For women as instruments of the shift in sensibility and language of prayers see MCNAMER, Affective meditation, pp. 58-85. 84 Song of Songs, 1, 3; 2, 8; 5. 85In cubiculum sponsi mei, post te trahens, introducas et ostendas mihi quem concupivit anima mea, ut desideratam vocem ejus audire merear. Veni sponsa mea, dilecta mea, columba mea, et osculetur me osculo oris sui, gratia plena, suavitate inclita, Oratio venerabilis Anselmi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, First Prayers, Before to Receive Communion, p. 54. Reference to, Song of Songs, 1, 3. 86 FULTON, From judgment to passion, pp. 244-288. 174 into heaven.87 Anselm introduced the term Sponsa Dei in order to foster Matilda’s identification with the Virgin. This term later became, not by chance, a common appellative given to Matilda:88

“But since evil was increasing, [Matilda] is forced to defend the church, and

welcome Anselm as a counselor and teacher, who, as a guide, can teach her the sacred

ways and, as a groomsman of Christ the Lord, can show her the honors and richness

of the father, and enabling [her] to convert human love into divine love, to adorn the

matrimonial bed and the bridal chamber with flowers, and watchful he can teach her

to keep the lamp lit, until the coming of the groom who will welcome her for

himself.”89

In the passage above Matilda is presented by Rangerius as a privileged bride, willing to give her whole soul to her groom, God. It is evident that this image used to describe the countess was inspired by Anselm’s descriptions in his Five Prayers. Here, Anselm is defined as her counselor (monitorem) and teacher (magistrum), while also being the “groomsman” of

Christ, the one who accompanies the bride into the chamber of the groom, a metaphor of conjugal love, which describes the relationship between Matilda and Christ as the personification of the relationship between Mary and Christ.

87 FULTON, From judgment to passion, pp. 195-243; "Quae Est Ista Quae Ascendit Sicut Aurora Consurgens?": The Song of Songs as the Historia for the Office of the Assumption", Mediaeval Studies, 60 (1) (2009), pp. 55-122. 88 JOHN OF MANTUA In Cantica canticorum et de Sancta Maria tractatus ad comitissam Matildam; See also: ROPA, Intorno a un tema apologetico, pp. 25-51; MACCARINI, Aspetti della religiosità di Matilde di Canossa, pp. 53-66. The term “bride of Christ” was also used often as metaphor of the Church, see MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority, pp. 51-91. 89 Sed iam iamque malis increbrescentibus istis/ Ad deffendendam cogitur aecclesiam./ Suscipit Anselmum monitorem sive magistrum,/ Qui doceat sacras signifier ipse vias/ Et Christy Domini tanquam paranimphus honores/ Illius exponat diviciasque patris/ Atque in languorem sanctum convertat amorem,/ Exornet talamum floribus atque thorum,/ Pervigil accensam doceat servare lucernam,/ Dum sponsus veniat, qui sibi suscipiat, RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita metrica, vv. 3565-3574, p. 1232. 175

This kind of “political allegory”, i.e., the interpretation of the Scriptures by referring to current political events and by associating their protagonists with scriptural characters.

Further evidence that Anselm adopted this method is provided in his commentaries, which were commissioned by Matilda. Indeed, in Anselm’s commentary to the Psalter [II.2-3], he compares Gregory VII to Jesus, Henry to Pilate, and the antipope Clement III to Barabbas; his commentary on Matthew’s Cleansing of the Temple is an expression of the political program of the Gregorian reform.90 The official biographers of Anselm and Matilda later renewed and expanded the comparison between Matilda’s mission and Mary’s, but their intent was more strictly eulogistic in the promotion of their patroness’s loyalty to the pope and reform: they were composed at Matilda of Tuscany’s court and commissioned by the countess. Her entourage became, in fact, a secure refuge for all those intellectuals, polemicists, monks, and clergy who were expelled or deposed by the king.91

Anselm of Lucca and John the Evangelist

Just as important as the comparison between Matilda and the Virgin Mary is the association of Anselm with the apostle John in Vita Anselmi and in Donizo’s account.

Because of John’s unconditional love for Jesus, he was chosen by his master to be the

90ANSELM OF LUCCA, In libro secondo Matthaeum, in PL 149, cols. 476-7; Matthew’s Commentary, tr. R. H. ROUGH, The Reformist Illumination in the Gospel of Matilda, Countess of Tuscany (The Hague, 1973); Fragment of Anselm’s Commentary on the Psalms Lamentation of Jeremiah, in PAUL BERNRIED, Vita Gregorii VII, c. 112, ed. J. M. WATTERICH, Pontificum Romanorum Vitae, I (Leipzig, 1862). For “political allegory” see I. S, ROBINSON, “Political Allegory in the Biblical Exegesis of Bruno of Segni”, Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale (1983), l, pp. 69–98; S. CANTELLI, “Il Commentario al Cantico dei Cantici di Giovanni da Mantova”, Studi medievali, 3 (26) (1985), pp. 101-184; RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Rangerio. Il poema di Anselmo; MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority, p. 6; ROPA, Intorno a un tema apologetico, pp. 25-51. 91 ROBINSON, The papal reform of the eleventh century, pp, 49-59; “The Friendship Network of Gregory VII”, pp.100-103. 176 guardian of Mary’s life. Anselm of Lucca’s exceptional interpretation of the apostle John in his Five Prayers probably led Donizo, and the unknown author of the Vita, to associate

Anselm of Lucca with John, the personification of friendship and virginity.

Brian Patrick McGuire explains that, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, John acquired a prominent role due to his exceptional friendship with Christ. Peter Damian celebrated John’s virginity and offered it as the main explanation for his unique relationship with Christ; Anselm of Canterbury used the evangelist as the highest example of friendship; and finally, Goscelin of St. Bertin portrayed John as Jesus’ friend when, at the crucial moment on Calvary, the Lord, because of this companionship, entrusted his mother to John.

McGuire suggests that this model of love could have been one of the factors to foster a generally increased interest in friendship during this period.92 John is an example of friendship and unconditional love and at the same time the paradigm of purity and chastity.

According to the anonymous author of Vita Anselmi, Anselm of Lucca’s life and extraordinary relationship with Gregory VII summarized perfectly two characteristics attributed to John: “virginity” and “discipleship”. These two themes were the most urgent concerns of the Gregorian reform at that moment. Regarding “discipleship”, Anselm, among the intellectuals at Matilda’s court, was certainly the most influential disciple and the most rooted in the Gregorian tradition.

It is not a coincidence that in his Life of Gregory VII, Paul of Bernried introduces

Anselm in this way:

“It seems appropriate to introduce here the foremost follower and heir of his [Gregory

VII’s] virtues, the blessed Anselm, bishop of the church of Lucca […] Likewise when

92 MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, pp. xxviii, 208-209, 219-220]. 177

Gregory was about to depart from this mortal life, he sent to Anselm a symbol of

papal power, namely the mitre from his head.”93

Anselm was the pope’s most faithful disciple – so much so that Gregory wanted to designate

Anselm as his successor.94 Virginity, another characteristic attributed to the bishop of Lucca, was the foundation of the Gregorian reform movement. Therefore, it was promoted during the Investiture Controversy as an attempt to renew the entire church according to monastic ideals. All of these reasons, as well as Anselm’s extraordinary portrayal in his Prayers of the apostle John during the scene of Calvary, probably led Donizo and the anonymous author of

Vita Anselmi to compare John to Anselm, establishing him as an example of friendship and virginity.

Anselm of Lucca’s Novel Devotion and the Eucharistic Controversy

As we have seen, Anselm’s encounter with Matilda, and his obedience to Gregory

VII, allowed him to develop a new spiritual devotion to the Virgin in his Five Prayers. In order to fully understand the origin of this novelty, it is essential to consider Anselm’s involvement with the Eucharistic Controversy. In this section, I will argue that Anselm’s personal contribution to this debate is strongly reflected in his Five Prayers, which drew from Lanfranc’s theology to express the notion of the power of the presence of God in the

Host and the mystery of the Eucharistic phenomenon. According to Fulton, one of the historical reasons for this new elaboration of the devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary may

93 P. BERNRIED, Vita Gregorii VII, c. 112, ed. J. M. WATTERICH, Pontificum Romanorum Vitae, I (Leipzig, 1862), p. 354. 94 Vita Anselmi, c. 32, pp. 22-23; GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 43-52. 178 have been the profound impact the Eucharistic Controversy had on the minds of scholars, the clergy, and the laity.95

The Eucharistic Controversy originated in the monasteries of northern France, pitting

Berengar of Tours, who questioned the real presence of the body of Christ in the Eucharist, against Lanfranc, prior of Bec, who vehemently affirmed the real presence. Berengar’s position and the polemic that it generated undermined the very nature of the Church itself and, as Fulton notes, inevitably forced new developments in the practices of devotion to

Christ and the Virgin Mary.96 The controversy began in the middle of the eleventh century; it was addressed in Rome, for the first time, by Pope Leo IX, and received continuing attention from Popes Nicholas II and Gregory VII. Anselm of Lucca’s attendance at the Lenten synod of 1079 in Rome, where Berengar was definitively defeated and condemned by Gregory VII, shows his involvement with the dispute.97 The dispute allows us to connect Anselm, his personality and thought, to the broader cultural milieu of Bec, Lanfranc, and Anselm of

Canterbury; it permits an understanding of a new and unexplored aspect of both his faith and his relationship with Matilda.

One important piece of evidence of Anselm’s profound association with the debate is a passage from John of Mantua’s work Tractatus in Cantica Canticorum, dedicated to the countess. While speaking about the illustrious men at Matilda’s court, John compliments one of them in particular, whose name he prefers not to mention in fear and reverence of his

95 FULTON, From judgment to passion, pp. 60-141. 96 For the Eucharistic Controversy see: FULTON, From judgment to passion, pp. 118-141; C. RADDING, F. NEWTON, Theology, rhetoric, and politics in the Eucharistic controversy, 1078-1079: Alberic of Monte Cassino against Berengar of Tours (New York: 2003), pp. 1-31; COWDREY, Lanfranc, pp. 59-74. 97 RADDING, NEWTON, Theology, rhetoric, and politics, pp. 1-31, 104; Lanfranc of Bec would reject Berengar’s convictions regarding sacramentum and res, arguing that the very flesh of Christ was present in the Host visibly and spiritually, LANFRANC, On the body and blood of the Lord. 179 authority. The mysterious man, John says, rejected human glory and, most of all, helped to eradicate the Berengarian heresy:

Indeed, by you, there is someone whose name I am afraid to mention since he flees

worldly glory, one who by means of his words, with the other holy bishops, a

Catholic stronghold, destroyed the repugnant heresy of Berengar and brought back in

the holy bosom of the Church the confessed author of that same heresy.98

The man’s identity can be inferred from a description John provides, in the same paragraph, about the special relationship this man had with Matilda: “He, who grieving with you the wounds of religion, always fought to the end the common struggle of the church”.99 This statement suggests that the mysterious person is Anselm of Lucca.

Anselm’s refutation and assistance with the condemnation of the Eucharistic teaching of Berengar is evident in his Five Prayers, in which he reaffirms the fundamental principles of the Catholic faith. In the above-mentioned first prayer, written in order to prepare Matilda for the Holy Communion, Matilda, the reader, professes her faith by saying:

“I believe indeed and I confess: this most sacred host has the nature and glory of your vivifying flesh”.100 The same concept is expressed in the fifth prayer for communion, which is an impassioned dialogue between the reader and the Eucharist:

But who am I, to be willing to see you and touch you, and moreover, who am I to not

fleeing the occasion of eating you? For I know, even though my eyes cannot see it,

that you are the blessed body that the Virgin Mary has generated and carried with awe

98Apud te enim est, quem, quia mundi gloriam fugit, nominare timeo, qui Berengariam haeresim his sententiis repugnantem cum aliis sanctis episcopis catholico destruxit praesidio et eiusdem haeresis auctorem confessum sancte matris ecclesiae restauravit gremio, […], JOHN OF MANTUA In Cantica canticorum, p. 49. 99[…] qui tecum gemens religionis damma communem eccleasiae semper pertulit pugnam, John of Mantua, In Cantica canticorum, JOHN OF MANTUA In Cantica canticorum, p.49. 100 Credo enim et confiteor hanc sacratissimam hostiam vivifice carnis tue naturam habere et gloriam, Oratio venerabilis Anselmi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, First Prayers, Before to Receive Communion, p. 56 180

on her arms […] and it is precisely you, and not another, that now I am not afraid to

grab with my teeth and touch with my flesh of shame.101

The recurrence of the words, such as “tangere”, “videre”, “dentibus”, “conprehendere”, and

“caro”, in the above passage emphasizes and defends the idea of God’s incarnation and the presence of the human God in reality, up to the point of being able to be seen and eaten.102

The prayer goes on to say that it is because of our sin that we are not able to perceive this wondrous event in our life: “Wondrous change! The soul is less than the body. The body sees you; the soul is blind. The body can touch you; the soul, which is made in your own image, is alien to you”.103 The primary issue for Lanfranc of Bec, and for Anselm of Lucca, was to recognize the mysterious event of transubstantiation, not with reason and intellect but with faith.104 This, according to Anselm, was the only way to access God’s presence in this life.

Denying this principal truth meant, for Anselm, denying the entire Church: “If I don’t believe, I have to deny the whole church, on earth and in Heaven, and I have to deny even

You, the very essence of Truth”.105 Anselm’s remedy for the sinful state of the soul is an appeal to the Virgin. Indeed, the body of Christ was conceived in the womb of Mary; she first touched him, saw him:

But I believe and I know and I am certain of you that – I see with the eyes of my

101 Sed ego, que sum que te tallem videre et tangere, eciam manducare non fugio? Scio enim, licet oculi mei teneantur ne te sicut es videam, quod es ill benedicta caro quam genuit et reverenter baiullavit virgo Maria… Te ipsum portare, te ipsum, et non allium, nunc dentibus conprehendere et carne turpitudinis tangere non aborreo, Oratio Beati Anselmi ad Corpus Christi, Fifth Prayer, Before to Receive Communion, p. 70. 102 This notion is also in LANFRANC, On the body and blood of the Lord, pp. 52-64. 103 Mirabilis commutatio. Inferrior est corpore anima. Corpus te videt; anima ceca est. Corpus te tangit; mens, similis tibi, a te aliena existit, Oratio Beati Anselmi ad Corpus Christi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Fifth Prayer, Before to Receive Communion, p. 71. 104 RADDING, NEWTON, Theology, rhetoric, and politics, pp. 35-85; LANFRANC, On the body and blood of the Lord, pp. 30-35. 105 Si non credo, toti ecclesie in celo et in terra ipsique tibi, qui es veritas per essentiam, contradico, Oratio Beati Anselmi ad Corpus Christi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Fifth Prayer, Before to Receive Communion, p. 71. 181

flesh, which are impeded to receive the truth – You are the one that the Virgin, even

if she was his mother, never touched without reverence, never perceived without

magnificence, never thought about you without joyful exultation.106

Mary gave birth to Jesus and, for this reason, she was the way through which humanity could recover a true relationship with God.107 This is also the reason Anselm insists on the comparison between the Virgin and Matilda. Mary first had the privilege to touch, nurture, clothe, and love the human God. The purpose of his prayers is to make the reader see and feel the same things the Virgin felt, in order to experience God in the flesh.

The prayers demonstrate that Anselm was familiar with both Lanfranc’s ideas and the new spiritual developments emerging from the Anglo-Norman world. At the same time, as I will demonstrate in Chapter Seven, Anselm of Lucca was inspired by Peter Damian’s devotion and his language of prayers. This specific cultural setting induced the bishop of

Lucca to seek new approaches to the devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary. However, for

Anselm, the reception of these new spiritual ideals was facilitated by his encounter with

Matilda. This encounter led him to elaborate these concepts in a personal and different way.

Indeed, the most remarkable aspect of Anselm’s Five Prayers is the fact that they appear to have been written specifically for the life, personality, and role in history of Matilda of

Tuscany.

106 Sed credo et scio, et certa sum de te, – quem corporeis ocullis, licet ad veritatem impeditis, video, – quod es ille quem virgo, licet mater, nunquam tetigit sine reverential, nenquam sensit sine magnificentia, nunquam de eo cogitavit sine exultation iocunda, Oratio Beati Anselmi ad Corpus Christi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Fifth Prayer, Before to Receive Communion, p. 71. 107 The same concept is expressed by LANFRANC, On the body and blood of the Lord, pp. 66-71. 182

The Meaning of Friendship

As seen, Anselm and Matilda’s friendship originated from their common obedience to Pope

Gregory VII. The pope commended Matilda to Anselm, who was to be a guide in both her spiritual and temporal affairs. This fact placed the union of the two participants in a privileged position; they both believed the union was willed by God in order to fulfill his purposes.

Indeed, the main focus of their relationship was to love God and the Church. As attested by Rangerius in the passage discussed above, the groomsman, Anselm, enabled

Matilda to convert human love into Divine love.108 Another passage from Rangerius, which identifies Anselm as the cause of the countess’s spiritual growth, is worth noting:

“Often [Matilda] associates with Anselm, she hangs on every word he says/ and

diligently she serves him as a lord./She never fails to attend to Anselm’s office at

night or during the day, and she prays when he prays, weeps when he weeps and

suffers when he suffers; she takes the shape of the disciple and of the servant.”109

This passage is important evidence of the level of familiarity between Matilda and Anselm.

As seen, they lived side by side during the early years of the struggle of the Investiture

Controversy. After the failure of this mission, Anselm joined Matilda’s entourage and continued to assist her during the conflict with Henry IV. This proximity certainly allowed their friendship to grow and deepen.

108 For this notion see: VAUGHN, RUBENSTEIN, Teaching and learning in Northern Europe, pp. 1- 18; MCGUIRE, Friendship & community, pp. 180-230; CLASSEN, SANDIDGE, Friendship in the Middle Ages. 109 Anselmum celebrat, Anselmi pendet ab ore/Et tamquam domino sedula servit ei./Eius ab officio nocturne sive diurno/Numquam discedit cumque legente legit; Ploranti applorat et cum patiente laborat, Formam discipulae suscipit et famulae, RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita metrica, vv. 3687-3692, p. 1234. 183

At the same time, this passage describes the friendship as one based on obedience.

Vita Anselmi insists that the bishop of Lucca was far from being only Matilda’s spiritual advisor; on the contrary, the anonymous author declares that Anselm was the leader and the mind behind her government: “[Matilda] was inspired by a mother’s piety, […] he practiced the art of governing; she wielded power, […] he ruled; she issued orders and he gave counsel”.110

So, reciprocal support was an important aspect of their relationship. In Vita Metrica,

Matilda is often portrayed both as a guide for and a disciple of Anselm. This text also underlines that, when Anselm regretted his imperial obedience before taking his place as bishop in Lucca, he faced a painful crisis which eventually led him to withdraw from the world. Both Vitae describe this episode. In Vita Anselmi, the anonymous author highlights the secret nature of his decision: “[Anselm], without informing family and friends, became a monk according to the rule of St. Benedict”.111

Interestingly, Bishop Rangerius, in Vita Metrica, informs the reader not only about

Matilda’s knowledge of Anselm’s decision but also describes her reaction. Rangerius uses this episode to introduce Matilda, for the first time, in the poem and qualifies her as: “The sacred servant of the sacred religion…the terror of perfidy, defender of the faith, and solicitous nurturer of the pious pontiffs”.112 In the dialogue which follows, Matilda beseeches

Anselm not to leave the city and herself sine patre113 in the midst of dangerous threats.

Moreover, the countess comforts Anselm over the sin he committed and exhorts him not to

110 Illa pro pietate matris solicitabatur, ille gubernandi artem meditabatur; illa potestatem exercebat, ille regebat; illa praeceptum et ille dedit consilium, Vita Anselmi, c. 20, p. 19. 111 […] et nescientibus qui cum ipso erant parentibus ac fidelibus, fit subito monachus, regulae sancti Benedicti et Cluniacensium consuetudini subiectus, Vita Anselmi, c. 4, p. 14. 112Sacrae sacra vernula religionis, Perfidiae terror, subsidium fidei, sedula pontificum nutrix...piorum, RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita Metrica, vv. 953-955, p. 1177. 113 RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita Metrica, vv. 957, p. 1177. 184 abandon his people. She asks him to follow the example of St. Peter, who, even though he also betrayed the Lord, was entrusted with the keys of Heaven.114 In this case, Matilda acts as the mulier fortis,115 invested with the responsibility for showing Anselm the correct path.116

Here, the roles are inverted; Matilda acts as teacher and spiritual guide.117 This function was certainly encouraged by her position of power.

Certainly, spiritual friendship and political ideals were strictly intertwined. For

Gregory VII and Anselm the apex of caritas was to serve the Church and its mission in the active life. Matilda followed this principle, and, according to her biographer and to the intellectuals in her entourage, was ready to sacrifice her worldly goods, her power, and even her life for the triumph of righteousness. Furthermore, despite her defeat in the battle of

Volta Mantovana, in which she was forced to retreat to her hidden castles in the Apennines,

Matilda continued to defend the pope and the Church. Because of this resistance, the

Henrician polemicists accused the countess of being brainwashed by the Gregorian ideas concerning Christian warfare.

In his work To Emperor Henry IV, the imperial polemicist Benzo of Alba blamed

Anselm and Matilda for having “stripped”118 the monasteries of Nonantola and St. Apollonio

114 Matilda’s monologue: RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita Metrica, vv. 953-996, pp. 1177-1178. 115 RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita Metrica, v. 3700. This specific passage of Vita Metrica 3699-3954, is an exegesis of the Proverbs, 31:10-31, in which Rangerius describes Matilda as Sponsa Dei and Mulier fortis. For more details on these concepts see: GOLINELLI, Matilde: La Donna e il Potere, pp. 22-23. 116 For this concept see: TINSLEY, “The Spiritual Friendship of Henry Suso and Elsbeth Stagel”, pp. 477-500. 117 On women as spiritual guides see: VAUGHN, St Anselm and the Handmaidens of God; CANATELLA, Scripsit amica manus. 118 Facie exterminati nudant, BENZO OF ALBA, Ad Heinricum IV, pp. 663. On Anselm and Matilda donating the treasure of the monasteries to the pope: GHIRARDINI, “La Battaglia di Volta Mantovana” 1987, p. 239. Also Donizo corroborates Benzo’s statement saying that Matilda sent the pope silver, DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 302-303. See for this DONIZONE, Vita di Matilde di Canossa, Edizione in facsimile del Codice vaticano latino 4922, ed. tr. P. GOLINELLI, Milano, 1984, pp. 24-27. 185 in order to wage war against the emperor.119 However, the most influential polemicist among the emperor’s circle was Wibert of Ravenna, who accused Anselm of deceiving Matilda with the false promise of eternal life.120 The bishop of Lucca’s written response, found in the Book against Wibert,121 explains not only the very nature and purpose of his relationship with

Matilda but also its correspondence with the will of God and the Church’s mission:

“[…] you [Wibert] beseech me in Jesus’ name, no longer to deceive, delude and dupe

the most noble of women; but I call on God as my witness that there is nothing in her

earthly or carnal nor do I desire suchlike from her […] by protecting her I am serving,

day and night, my God and my holy mother church, by whose order she was entrusted

to me.”122

Anselm explains that Matilda’s choice to remain at the pope’s side was not unconsidered or irrational but a heroic act of faith:

“[…] she does not, as you claim, waste her possessions in vain, but rather lays up for

herself an unfailing treasure in heaven, where, neither thieves nor burglars steal; she

is prepared not only to sacrifice all earthly considerations for the sake of defending

righteousness, but also to struggle even to the shedding of her own blood to bring

119 For more details, see BENZO OF ALBA, Ad Heinricum IV, pp. 663; DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II, vv. 302-303; GHIRARDINI, “La Battaglia di Volta Mantovana 1987, p. 239. 120 This record, written by Wibert of Ravenna to Anselm of Lucca, is lost; however, as Robinson explains (2004, 46), the anti-pope’s arguments can be deduced by Anselm’s response to him in Book against Wibert, which was written for the purpose of confuting Wibert’s accusations: ROBINSON, The papal reform of the eleventh, p. 46; ANSELM OF LUCCA, Liber contra Wibertum, 517-528. 121 ANSELM OF LUCCA, Liber contra Wibertum, 517-528. 122 Quod autem obsecras per Iesum, ne nobilissimam feminarum amplius circumveniam , deludam , et fallam , Deum testem invoco , nihil terrenum , nihilque carnale in ea vel ab ea ex intentione concupisco , et sine intermissione oro ut ab hoc seculo nequam cito eripi me rear , nimio affectus taedio , quia incolatum meum prolongari video , serviens die ac nocte in custodiendo illam Deo meo , et sanctae matri meae ecclesiae , cuius praecepto mihi com missa est , et spero quod multa mihi retributio per gratiam Dei in eius custodia excrescat, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Liber contra Wibertum, p. 527. 186

about your confusion and for the sake of reverence for the glory and exaltation of

holy church, until the Lord delivers His enemy into the hands of a woman.”123

This passage clarifies the nature and goal of this friendship in Anselm’s own words.

According to the bishop of Lucca, the church handed him the responsibility of instructing

Countess Matilda in both spiritual and temporal matters. This commendation bestowed upon their union a special mission, which they believed to have been willed by God, inevitably forcing them to solemnly think about themselves and their roles in new ways. At the same time, Anselm expresses all his admiration and reverence for Matilda by comparing her mission to that of Deborah. The heroine of the Bible, an exceptional leader and judge, who governed over the lands of the Israelites in her own right. She was said to hear God's voice and share God’s word with others. Significantly, in this passage, Matilda is not only compared to Deborah, Matilda is Deborah; invested with the most important mission of all: save the world from evil.

Conclusion

The sources define the friendship between Anselm of Lucca and Matilda as originating in their obedience to Pope Gregory VII. Certainly, Anselm was one of the most loyal partisans of the pope and the most rooted in the Gregorian tradition, but his intellectual development was not purely the product of the cultural milieu of the Italian reform movement; on the contrary, his education was also influenced by the new intellectual ideas

123 Reference to Deborah in the Bible: "Certainly I will go with you," said Deborah. "But because of the course you are taking, the honor will not be yours, for the LORD will deliver Sisera into the hands of a woman." So Deborah went with Barak to Kedesh, Judges, 4, 9. 187 emanating from northern Europe, connected with Lanfranc, Anselm of Canterbury, and the school of Bec.

This analysis has shown that the bishop of Lucca benefited from the protection and political support of Matilda. Matilda played an important role in Anselm’s career and life; she not only installed him in the seat of Lucca but also enhanced his position by rewarding the bishop with lands around his bishopric. At the same time, Anselm had been a crucial collaborator for the countess, not only in the struggle against the emperor but also in the construction and diffusion of the ideals and principles of the Gregorian Reform. The friendship between Anselm and Matilda was rooted in an intense lived experience, where political, economic, and spiritual goals were intertwined. The familiarity of this relationship was based on encounters, common goals, and on opportunities to spend and share their lives.

Anselm of Lucca’s Five Prayers reveals not only a new aspect of Anselm and

Matilda’s relationship but also the bishop’s way of conceiving the historical presence of God.

In these prayers, Mary is a compassionate mother, truly concerned with the salvation of all her adopted children; Anselm’s encounter with Matilda allowed him to absorb and elaborate in a personal way the new spiritual concepts. Anselm’s human description of the Virgin

Mary and her loving mission was designed specifically for Matilda, who Anselm saw as a living embodiment of God’s mother and bride. Anselm instructed Matilda to live according to this image; he taught her to think about herself as Sponsa Dei, bride of Christ. Matilda embraced these ideals, dedicating herself to the defense of the Church and the Christians.

Furthermore, she fostered the development of these concepts, commissioning biographies and other works which prolonged and expanded Anselm’s vision. Thus, this relationship was a reciprocal one, with both parties playing the roles of master and disciple.

188

As the authors of the first vitae remind us, the pope commended Anselm as Matilda’s guide in both spiritual and temporal affairs. Though Anselm was Matilda’s spiritual advisor, the sources often portray this friendship as reciprocal. Moreover, at times, the roles are inverted and Matilda acts as spiritual guide for Anselm. However, the authors of the vitae saw the relationship between Anselm and the countess as unique. This uniqueness was embodied by the fact that their friendship was believed to have been willed by God Himself to fulfill His mission on earth. God, for these friends, was no longer distant; on the contrary,

He was present in reality in the person of the pope, the living embodiment of Christ; in His faithful disciple, Anselm of Lucca; and in His loving mother, Countess Matilda of Tuscany.

These re-presentations are the catalyst and the origin of the active involvement of Anselm and Matilda with the reality of their time.

We have, until now, explored Matilda’s most important relationships in the Italian sphere, where seen how a profound and common political and spiritual ideal triggered new models and practices of friendship. Let us now turn to the investigation of Matilda’s international connections: mainly, the countess’s profound friendship with the famous theologian and philosopher Anselm of Bec/Canterbury and her relationship with her stepsister Ida of Boulogne.

189

Chapter Four

Anselm of Canterbury and Matilda of Tuscany:

The Journey of Friendship

Matilda of Tuscany developed a deep and personal relationship with the renowned philosopher and theologian Anselm of Canterbury (1033-1109).1 Extant sources show that the archbishop benefited from the protection and political support of the countess. At the same time, Anselm represented a spiritual, religious, and political enrichment for Matilda and the diffusion of reforming ideas in England. Unfortunately, sources showing this friendship are scarce. This lack of sources is likely the reason their relationship is generally neglected by the historiography.2 This chapter presents a new analysis of Matilda’s role during the archbishop’s first exile and explores their possible early acquaintance and common backgrounds.

Generally, scholarly investigations have relied exclusively on the surviving evidence, which is only related to the time of Anselm’s second exile, from 1103-1106.3 During this

1 In this Chapter the Anselm I refer to is Anselm of Bec and Canterbury unless otherwise specified. 2 On Anselm’s relationship with Matilda see: GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro; P. GOLINELLI, “Non semel tantum sed pluribus vicibus”: I Rapporti tra Anselmo d’Aosta e Matilde di Canossa, in Benedictina, 56 (2009), pp. 89-96; English tr. “Non semel tantum sed pluribus vicibus”. The Relations between Anselm of Canterbury and Mathilda of Tuscany, in http://www.paologolinelli.it/1/saint_anselm_725953.html, date accessed May 22, 2018; VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159; A. MERCATI, Frammenti matildici, II, in Matilde e S. Anselmo di Canterbury, ed. Saggi di storia e di letteratura (Roma 1951) pp. 19-22; P. A. MACCARINI, Diplomazia autonoma di Matilde di Canossa, In memoria di Leone Tondelli, ed. N. ARTIOLI (Reggio Emilia 1980) pp. 251-266; A. PETRUCCI , E. BAMBINO, “Anselmo d'Aosta e Matilde di Canossa”, in Reggio Storia, 21, (1983), pp. 18-22; P. A. MACCARINI, Anselme de Canterbury et Mathilda de Canossa dans le cadre de l’influence bénédictine au tournant des XIe et XIIe siècles, in Les mutations socio- culturelles au tournant des XIe et XIIe siècles: Etudes anselmiennes, ed. R. FOREVILLE, Spicilegium Beccense, 2, (Paris 1984), pp. 331-40; A. WILMART, “Les prières envoyées par S. Anselme à la Comtesse Mathilde en 1104”, Revue Bénédictine, 41 (1929), pp. 35-45. 3 The sources for Matilda’s and Anselm’s relationship are: EADMER, Historia Novorum in Anglia, ed. M. RULE (London, 1884: Rolls Series 81). EADMER, Historia Novorum in Anglia, ed. and tr. G. 190 period, Countess Matilda’s assistance had been crucial to Anselm. Not only did she welcome the archbishop to her domains but she also arranged an escort for his long journey, which offered protection from his enemies when traveling between Rome and Lyons. Matilda provided military and economic resources to save the spiritual man from the grip of the secular authorities. In a letter, Anselm conveys all his gratitude for the countess’s support and unconditional assistance. Matilda’s aid was also ideological; she wrote a respectful but determined letter to Pope Paschal II in 1105 to exhort him to intercede on behalf of Anselm with the king.4

Anselm’s revealing words in his first letter to Matilda – “through you God delivered me not only once but in several circumstances, from the power of my enemies”5 – are the only evidence historians utilize to argue that Matilda may have assisted the archbishop during his first exile, from 1097-1100. However, by examining new evidence and by comparing accounts of Anselm’s life6 with Matilda’ movements, documented in her charters,7 it is possible to uncover new aspects of the countess’s role in the three turbulent years of his first exile and to explore the political, social, and ideological implications of

Anselm and Matilda’s relationship in greater depth. This intense political partnership generated a passionate personal and spiritual friendship which, the next chapter, will analyze in depth.

BOSANQUET, R. W. SOUTHERN (London, 1964), p. 155; ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Letters of St. Anselm of Canterbury. ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Letter to Matilda of Tuscany, Ep. 325, vol. 3, pp. 38-41; MATILDA OF TUSCANY, Letter to Paschal II, Ep. 350, vol. 3, pp. 83-84; Anselmo d’Aosta, Ep. 325, vol. 2, pp. 200-201; Ep. 350, vol. 2, pp. 258-259; ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Sancti Anselmi Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi, Opera Omnia, ed. F.S. SCHMITT (Edinburgh: 1946-63), Ep. 325, vol. 5, pp. 256- 57; Ep. 350, vol. 5, pp. 289-90; ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Preface to the Prayers and Meditations to Matilda of Tuscany, vol. 3, p. 4. 4 MATILDA OF TUSCANY, Ep. 350. 5 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 325. 6 EADMER, Historia Novorum; EADMER, Vita Sancti Anselmi archiepiscopi. 7 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien. 191

Possible Early Connections

There is no evidence which indicates how and when Anselm and Matilda may have met. However, their common family background and similar network of churchmen suggests a strong link, as far back as their youth. Establishing their common backgrounds will help us to clarify their possible association and early acquaintance.

Table 3 Family Connections between the house of Canossa, the house of Turin and Susa, and Anselm of Canterbury.

192

Anselm may have first become acquainted with Matilda and the powerful Canossa

family in his youth. He was born in 1033 in Aosta, the Southern region of the kingdom of

Burgundy. During Anselm’s childhood and adolescence, this area, stretching from Lyon to

the Aosta valley and the upper Po region, was controlled by the powerful Adelaide and her

mother, Bertha of Turin and Savoy.8 As seen in the first chapter, Matilda and Adelaide were

closely related by both family ties and friendship networks. Prangarda, the daughter of Atto

of Canossa, great grandfather of Matilda, married Manfred, father of Ulrich-Manfred,

Adelaide’s father, therefore Adelaide and Matilda were second cousins. Later, the two

women’s bond would be strengthened by the marriage of Adelaide’s daughter Bertha to

emperor Henry IV, who was Matilda’s second cousin.9 Remarkably, Anselm was related to

the house of Savoy as well. According to Martin Rule, Anselm’s father, Gundulf, was the

grandson of Manfred, grandfather of Adelaide of Turin and Susa. Manfred married

Prangarda, Boniface of Canossa’s aunt. If this is the case, Gundulf was the second cousin of

Boniface. Therefore, Matilda and Anselm would have been third generation cousins on their

fathers’ side. Rule also claims that Anselm’s mother, Ermenberg, was the daughter of Conrad

the Pacific of Burgundy, first cousin of Henry II, and grandfather of Beatrice of Canossa.

Accordingly, Anselm and Matilda would also have been third generation cousins from their

mothers’ side. However, Rule’s argument, especially regarding Gundulf, is based on several

speculations and cannot be taken at face value. Yet, even if the precise nature of their

connection is not clear, the consanguinity between Anselm and Matilda is proven by one of

8 For Anselm’s early life and family background: SOUTHERN, Saint Anselm and His Biographer, pp. 3-12; St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 3-11; M. RULE, The Life and Times of St. Anselm: Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of the Britains 1 (London, 1883), p. 1-15. For the House of Savoy and its connection with the Canossa family see; SERGI, “Matilde Di Canossa e Adelaide Di Torino” pp. 57-73. 9 SERGI, “Matilde Di Canossa e Adelaide Di Torino”, p. 63; CREBER, “Women at Canossa”, pp. 1- 44. 193 the archbishop’s letters to Humbert, count of Savoy, Adelaide’s grandson. In the letter,

Anselm addresses the count reverentially, stating: “How great is the honor to me when your

Highness, whose liegemen my relatives rejoice to be, deigns to say that I am joined to you by a bond of blood.”10 Anselm’s relationship with Humbert II and his consanguinity with the family background gives an additional clue as to Anselm and Matilda’s common background, based on family stock and geography, and may perhaps indicate a further link.11

Indeed, even if Anselm left his homeland at twenty-three years old, this letter suggests that he maintained his ties to it through family connections.

After Anselm left Aosta, possibly in 1056, he began his journey to Burgundy and

France and arrived in Normandy in 1059. Fascinated by the monastery of Bec, he decided to stop there and became a monk soon after, in 1060. This religious house had been founded in

1037 by Herluin, who was influenced by the new Norman congregations, which sprang from the spirituality of William of Volpiano.12 At that time, the famous school of Bec was under the direction of Lanfranc of Pavia, whose leadership transformed the school into an important center of learning. Lanfranc left in 1062 to become abbot of St. Stephen in Caen and, later,

Archbishop of Canterbury.13 Consequently, Anselm was elected prior of the congregation and successively, after the death of Herluin in 1078, appointed abbot of Bec. His years as

Prior, abbot, and teacher in the prestigious school of the outstanding and rich monastery of

Bec equipped him for the next step in his career. Upon Lanfranc's death, on December 4,

1093, Anselm was enthroned archbishop of Canterbury, a position he held until his death in

10 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 262. 11 RULE, The Life and Times, pp. 1-15, 406-415. 12 MANCIA, Emotional Monasticism; Z. N. BROOKE, N. BROOKE, C. N. L. BROOKE, English Church and the Papacy (Cambridge: 2010). 13 COWDREY, Lanfranc; Lanfranco Di Pavia E L'europa Del Secolo Xi: Nel Ix Centenario Della Morte (1089-1989): Atti Del Convegno Internazionale Di Studi, Pavia, Almo Collegio Borromeo, 21-24 Settembre 1989, ed. G. D'ONOFRIO (Roma, 1993). 194

1109.14

Another important connection for the Canossa family and Anselm may well have been the archbishop Maurilius of Rouen (1055-1067). He was a close collaborator of

Lanfranc; together, they assisted William the Conqueror with the reorganization of the

Norman church. Significantly, this important churchman had an unconventional career in

Italy and was particularly close to young Anselm.15 The Acta archiepiscoporum

Rotomagensium, written by an anonymous clerk of Rouen in 1070, is the major source for the archbishop’s early life. The account explains that Maurilius was born in Rheims, probably around the year 1000, and received his education at Liége and later became monk of Fécamp, where he lived for a long time.16

However, his burning love for God encouraged Maurilius to seek a harder and more dedicated life. In agreement with the abbot of Fécamp, who at that time was John, he decided to go to Italy to embrace the solitary life of the hermit in the wilderness. The account does not mention the name of the place where Maurilius lived, but, according to Bohard, it may well have been either Fonte Avellana, in the region of Marche, where Peter Damian was prior, San Vincenzo in the same region, or San Salvatore, near Bibbiena, province of Arezzo,

Tuscany.17 Remarkably, the account affirms that Maurilius was forced to leave the solitary life when he was selected by Boniface of Canossa (1015-1052), to reform and become the

14 S. VAUGHN, Archbishop Anselm: Bec Missionary, Canterbury Primate, Patriarch of Another World (Surrey, 2012). 15 D. C. DOUGLAS, William the Conqueror: the Norman impact upon England (Berkeley, 2012), pp. 121-122; M. BOÜARD , “Notes et hypothèses sur Maurille, moine de Fécamp, et son élection au siège métropolitain de Rouen”, in L’abbaye bénédictine de Fécamp. Ouvrage scientifi que du XIIIe centenaire (658- 1958) , 4 vol., Fécamp, 1959b, i, p. 81-92; VAUGHN, Anselm of Bec and Robert of Meulan : the innocence of the dove and the wisdom of the serpent (Berkeley, 1987), pp. 37,48. 16 Acta archiepiscoporum Rotomagensium, ed. R. ALLEN, The "Acta archiepiscoporum Rotomagensium" : study and edition cta archiepiscoporum Rotomagensium : étude et édition (Caen, 2009) . 17 BOÜARD , “Notes et hypothèses, p. 83. 195 abbot of the church of Santa Maria (Badia Fiorentina), where, for a long time, he led this monastery according to the monastic rule.18 As seen before, Boniface had recently, in 1027, acquired the title of Duke of Tuscany from Emperor Conrad II. In this region, he attempted to patronize the ecclesiastical institutions in order to maintain his grip on the territory. For this reason, Boniface was oriented toward a reforming organization of the Tuscan church, especially in Florence. The duke was likely assisted in his decision by his wife Beatrice, who may have suggested Maurilius and may well have known him, as they were both originally from northern Europe.19 However, this appointment was soon over as the severity of his directions inspired a rebellion among the monks, who promptly expelled him. After his expulsion, he returned to Fécamp and, in 1054, was called to the archbishopric of Rouen by the Conqueror.20

Apparently, the archbishop became very close to Anselm; Edmar’s account mentions that it was precisely Maurilius who encouraged Anselm to join the community at Bec.

Anselm, before making the decision to become a monk at Bec, underwent an existential dilemma. Lanfranc suggested he seek the wise counsel of Maurilius. Anselm obeyed and visited Maurilius at Rouen and, having conferred with him, decided to remain at Bec.21

An early acquaintanceship might have encouraged Matilda and Anselm to greet each other during Anselm’s years as prior at Bec as they lived in neighboring provinces. As

Vaughn argues, Matilda’s stepsister, Ida of Boulogne, who lived nearby and had a close

18 Acta archiepiscoporum Rotomagensi, p. 55. 19 On Boniface of Canossa and these events see M. RONZANI, “Matilde e le Citta Toscane”, Istituto Storico Lucchese, Actum Luce, Rivista di Studi Lucchesi, 2, 2016, pp. 128-129; RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 60- 75; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 84-94; BARTOLINI, Bonifacio, marchese e duca di Toscana; A. FALCE, “Bonifacio di Canossa, padre di Matilda” (Reggio Emilia, 1927). I, pp. 205- 206; II, pp. 139-140; M.G. BERTOLINI, P. GOLINELLI, O. CAPITANI, Studi canossiani (Bologna, 2004), pp. 172-173, 201. 20 Acta archiepiscoporum Rotomagensi, p. 55. 21 EADMER, Vita Sancti Anselmi archiepiscopi, pp. 10-11; VAUGHN, Anselm of Bec and Robert of Meulan, p. 48. 196 relationship with Anselm and the Abbey of Bec, might have introduced Anselm to the countess during her sojourn in Lotharingia between 1069 and 1071.22

Another possible early connection between Anselm and Matilda is Anselm I of

Baggio, future Pope Alexander II and uncle of Anselm II, bishop of Lucca. As seen in the third chapter, Alexander II owed his papacy to the Canossa-Lotharingia family. In 1061,

Beatrice, Matilda’s mother, supported his appointment as pope against the antipope Cadalus.

Significantly, Pope Alexander II had been Lanfranc’s pupil at Bec. The correspondence between Lanfranc and the pope shows that the two churchmen worked closely during their lifetimes. In addition, as seen, there is evidence to suggest that Anselm II, bishop of Lucca and spiritual advisor of Matilda, could have been Lanfranc’s student. Given these strong connections between the Abbey of Bec and the papacy that the Canossa family so vigorously supported, it would seem natural that Anselm and Matilda would have been able to meet during their youth.23

Finally, as we will see in greater depth in Chapter Five, Anselm of Canterbury’s links with two reform monasteries associated with William of Volpiano may have served as links between the archbishop and the countess. The monastery of Holy Trinity at Fécamp and its prominent abbot, John, would influence the life and work of Anselm of Canterbury.24

Interestingly, John of Fécamp became the spiritual advisor of Empress Agnes, who was also

Matilda’s close friend and kin.25 At the same time, during Anselm’s years as prior at Bec, the

Abbey’s customs and liturgy were directly influenced by the monastery of Fruttuaria.

22 VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, p. 149. 23 For this connection see Chapter Three; also see CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 46-48; COWDREY, Lanfranc, pp. 21-23; VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, p. 132. 24 MANCIA, Emotional Monasticism; MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”. 25 See Chapter One. 197

This important evidence shows that Anselm was, somehow, connected to this central

Italian monastery. Significantly, Fruttuaria was also profoundly related to the reform papacy, especially to Peter Damian, Empress Agnes, and later to Gregory VII.26 This evidence suggests that Anselm and Matilda were linked not only by birthplace but, more importantly, by the same network of significant churchmen and passionate reformers.

The First Exile and the Common Friendship Networks

As seen, Anselm and Matilda’s lives and long-lasting relationships with important churchmen and reformers may have influenced their political, spiritual, and ideological programs and brought them together during one of the most critical periods in Anselm’s career. Remarkably, Matilda of Tuscany shared a close friendship and political partnership with the churchmen who served as Anselm’s principal advisers during the long and turbulent period of his first exile. How did this specific network of friends operate in conjunction with each other? What was Matilda’s role in this coalition and what does her role say about her relationship with Anselm?

Anselm’s first exile occurred from 1097 to 1100 and was the result of a bitter struggle with King William Rufus of England, whose determination to enforce royal authority over episcopal affairs and refusal to recognize Urban II as pope would force

Anselm to renounce his allegiance and set out for Rome, dispossessed of his episcopal

26 Penco compared the Consuetudines Fructuarieses and Consuetudines Beccenses and indicated the widespread similarities between them, PENCO, Il movimento di Fruttuaria e la riforma Gregoriana, pp. 229– 39. 198 see and his tenures.27 Most of Anselm’s correspondence during these years is no longer extant. However, by comparing accounts of Anselm’s life with the movements of Matilda and members of her close circle, it is possible to reconstruct the countess’s role in Anselm’s life during these three turbulent years.

Before this relationship can be discussed, it is necessary to briefly consider the factors which drew the reform party to seek a coalition with the Anglo-Norman world. Certainly, since the papacy of Gregory VII, the reform’s relationship with the Anglo-Norman lands and, particularly, the English kingdom was a pressing concern. The reforming objectives were to bring this kingdom into the closest possible association to the apostolic see. In turn, William the Conqueror undertook the conquest of England with papal support and approval and organized the English church through Archbishop Lanfranc, also with the assistance of the papacy. This alliance was crucial in facing the threat of both Germany and France. Indeed, the newly elected pope, Urban II, attempting to preserve the same alliance, would write to

Lanfranc in 1088 to announce his accession.28 However, the imperial ambitions of William II

Rufus would endanger this coalition and the future of the reform papacy. He had obtained control over Normandy from his brother, Robert Curthose, who pawned to Rufus the entire region to raise funds to participate in the First Crusade. Rufus successfully acquired Wales and planned the annexation of Maine, Brittany, the French Vexin, and Aquitaine. Moreover, with Anselm’s exile, the king gained complete control over England as well as the right to choose between Pope Urban II and the antipope Clement III. Underlying Anselm’s exile and

27 For Anselm and his exile see: SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 277-304; VAUGHN, "Anselm in Italy, 1097–1100", Anglo-Norman Studies: XVI. Proceedings of the Battle Conference 1993, (1994), pp. 245- 270. 28 COWDREY, Popes, Monks and Crusaders, pp. 79-114; A. BECKER, Papst Urban II. (1088-1099): Tl. 3. (Hannover, 2012), pp. 169-187; LANFRANC, Letter to Urban II, PL 150, col. 548. 199 his conflict with the king was the survival of the reform papacy, which now faced two imperial menaces.29

In the midst of this tumultuous period, Matilda, having regained her power, aided the papacy in calling two important councils, Piacenza and Clermont, to which the entire

Christendom was summoned and subsequently encouraged to participate to the First

Crusade.30 Urban II was able to stand his ground as head of the Christian Society and, after

Clermont, he was able to enter Rome peacefully and in triumph, escorted by Matilda’s army.31 The countess remained in Rome to assist and facilitate the first Roman synod, held in

January 1097. She most likely stayed in Rome with the pope until October 1097.

Anselm left England in November 1097; he stopped by Ida’s important abbeys,

Wissant and St. Bertin, on his way to Rome. Ida had supported Anselm during his elevation to the archiepiscopal see of Canterbury in 1093 and, as Vaughn suggests, may have counseled him regarding this critical circumstance as well. From a thorough examination of

Eadmer’s Vita Anselmi and Anselm’s epistolary, Sally Vaughn suggests that Ida, after her journey to Germany, probably joined Anselm of Canterbury in his first exile and supported him on his way to Rome.32 It is possible that Ida of Boulogne and Matilda of Tuscany, sisters and staunch supporters of reform, may have worked together to assist the archbishop in his journey.

After stopping in Burgundy, Anselm reached Cluny in December of 1097. In his

Historia, Eadmer’s description of how the archbishop was welcomed and celebrated is good

29 VAUGHN, Archbishop Anselm, pp. 73-99; “Anselm in Italy”. 30 SOMERVILLE, Pope Urban II's Council of Piacenza, pp. 1-58. 31 HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 160-165. 32 VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 146-147; “Anselm in Italy”. 200 evidence of the close relationship he shared with the abbot Hugh of Cluny.33 Indeed, Eadmer states that this special treatment had never been shown to any other who visited Cluny.

Certainly, Abbot Hugh and Anselm celebrated Christmas together. Moreover, Eadmer observes that Hugh of Cluny was one of Anselm’s major counsellors on the difficult matter of his exile and his quarrel with the king.34

While in Cluny, Anselm was invited to Lyon by Archbishop Hugh of Die/ Lyon, another radical reformer who shared a long-lasting relationship with Anselm.35 Eadmer points out that the two archbishops loved each other very deeply. In fact, Anselm looked to

Hugh of Die/ Lyon for direction regarding the issues of lay investiture and England’s political situation.36 Eadmer notes that Anselm would “submit his whole case” to the

“consideration and judgment” of these two revered and highly esteemed friends. As Vaughan suggests, this trio of radical reformers would discuss the future of both England and the

Reform papacy.37 Interestingly, Matilda shared a lifelong and familiar relationship with both

Hugh of Cluny and Hugh of Die/Lyon and what at that point may have been a significant spiritual and political bond with Anselm of Canterbury; considering her profound involvement with the reform papacy, she was a likely person for them to consult in this crisis.

33 For this close friendship see ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 411, Anselm went to Marcigny to speak with Hugh of Cluny. Marcigny was a nunnery in which Hugh had a special interest. See also Ep. 328 to his nephew Anselm, the archbishop was concerned for his sister Richeza and asked Hugh of Cluny to welcome her in the nunnery of Marcigny. 34 EADMER, Historia Novorum, p. 90. See also ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 176 in which Anselm explains to Hugh his troubles during the aftermath of his appointment as Archbishop of Canterbury. 35 SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 285-289. 36 See Chapter Five. Hugh of Lyon will advise Anselm also for the publication of his Monologion and Proslogion. HEALY, The Chronicle of Hugh of Flavigny, pp. 209-211; SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 285-289; ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 100, ii, Anselm sending to Hugh his writing obeying his orders; ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 109, ii, Anselm his announcing his decision to Hugh to change his titles of the Monologion and Proslogion; for Gregory VII’s knowledge of Anselm’s work, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 102, ii. 37 VAUGHN, “Anselm in Italy”. 201

As discussed in Chapter Two, Matilda had known the abbot of Cluny for many years; he was clearly an important political and spiritual ally to Matilda. In October 1076, the countess, along with Empress Agnes and the abbot of Cluny, took part in the assembly of the German princes at Tribur in order to solve the conflict between Gregory VII and Henry IV.

Notoriously, the abbot and Matilda would play a major role in the famous encounter at

Canossa castle. The prominent role of the abbot and his deep bond with Matilda is immortalized by one of the miniatures of Vita Mathildis, where they are pictured together at

Canossa, counseling and instructing the emperor.38 Moreover, in 1077, the Monastery of

Polirone, which was the center of Canossa’s power, was placed under the rule and authority of the Abbey of Cluny at Matilda’s request. 39

In addition, the archbishop of Lyon’s two extant letters to Matilda show that the countess, at the center of the papal government, was a legitimate channel through which

Hugh could influence and appeal to the papacy.40 This is corroborated by Urban II’s letter to

Hugh of Lyon, written after the council of Clermont, in which the pope explains that he was able to enter Rome, where he celebrated the Lateran synod in 1097, peacefully, thanks to the assistance and support of the countess.41 Without Matilda’s assistance, it would have been far more difficult for these three churchmen to succeed in their plans. For this reason, they may well have discussed their strategies and judgments with the countess, who was at the center of the reforming activities, a channel of communication with Urban II, and able to provide military support against the reform’s enemies.

38 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, f. 49r. 39 See Chapter Two for more information. BELLOCCHI, GHIRARDINI, ...E fu Canossa la nuova Roma, p. 115-120; OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 65- 69; BARTOLINI, Bonifacio, marchese e duca di Toscana, p. 108. 40 HUGH OF FLAVIGNY, Chronicon, ed. G. H. PERTZ, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores (in Folio), 2, Hannover, 1848, 462-463. 41 OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa, p. 143. 202

The Journey from Lyon to Rome in God’s Protection

On March 16, 1098, Anselm left Lyon and set out for the Eternal City. We know from Vita Anselmi that Anselm traveled anonymously and arrived in St. Michael abbey, in

Chiusa, on March 28, 1098. Here the archbishop spent Easter with his nephew Anselm.42

Surprisingly, the narration informs us that, after this stop, his journey to the Eternal City proceeded safely. How exactly did Anselm get to Rome from St. Michael? As Eadmer notes several times in his narration, the path was perilous with both the Wibertine and the emperor’s troops everywhere. For the allies of Pope Urban II, the journey was extremely dangerous.43 Moreover, Eadmer’s accounts of Anselm’s life emphasize that the archbishop's popularity caused the news of his travels to spread quickly among the populace. Wherever he went, Anselm was acclaimed by a multitude of clergy, monks, and common people, rejoicing in his presence.44 How, given his popularity, did Anselm escape such thoroughly scattered threats?

Upon his arrival in Lyon, Anselm would write to Pope Urban II, explaining his situation and the reasons behind his forced exile. Anselm clearly articulated how Rufus’ determination to establish royal authority over England’s ecclesiastics was paving the way for new customs and laws in England, while threatening the very survival of the long relationship between the kingdom and the reform papacy. Anselm, convinced of his inability

42 EADMER, Vita Sancti Anselmi archiepiscopi, p. 104. He received assistance from Count Humbert of Savoy, see ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 262. 43 EADMER, Vita Sancti Anselmi archiepiscopi, pp. 103, 104, 116; EADMER, Historia Novorum, pp. 90, 91, 94, 95, 114. 44 EADMER, Historia Novorum, p. 94; EADMER, Vita Sancti Anselmi archiepiscopi, p. 102. 203 to assist the church in his position, would request to be released from the boredom of his episcopal office. Upon receiving his letter, the pope would invite Anselm to Rome. 45

Both Eadmer and Anselm’s epistles reveal that the journey to Rome was deeply perilous. Although Henry IV's influence was diminishing, while the successful call for the

Crusade had increased Urban’s prestige, the antipope and his troops would remain in Rome until August 23, 1098.46 However, while Vita Anselmi depicts an intrepid Anselm, ready to obey the papal order without fear of threat or death,47 Historia Novorum underlines that the archbishop made his advance prudently, for fear of his foes. Eadmer identifies Anselm’s principal enemies as the imperial forces and the anti-pope Clement III, still occupying

Sant’Angelo.48 These forces and their supporters were attempting to waylay reforming clergy and churchmen on their way to Rome. Consequently, Historia Novorum describes a cautious

Anselm, who, before he set out for Rome, sent pilgrims ahead on his path to spread the word that his journey was withheld by a serious illness which prevented him from travelling. A pious and clever subterfuge!

After his enemies had been persuaded to abandon their mission, Anselm proceeded on his journey, accompanied by Baldwin of Tournai and by Eadmer. On March 20 they stopped at Aspres-sur-Buëch, France, near Gap toward Susa, where they were hosted by the monks of the village. As Eadmer clarifies, the three churchmen traveled incognito, pretending to have come from France with the intent to reach Rome. As soon as the monks heard their intentions, they strongly advised the trio not to proceed on the way, explaining that no monk was allowed to walk that impervious path without being captured or killed.

45 EADMER, Historia Novorum, pp. 92-94. 46 HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 166-171 47 EADMER, Vita Sancti Anselmi archiepiscopi, p. 103. 48 EADMER, Historia Novorum, pp. 90-94. 204

Interestingly, without knowledge that the archbishop of Canterbury was among these churchmen, the monks specifically mentioned his case, saying that, due to great danger, his journey to Rome was interrupted in Piacenza and he was forced to make a tactical retreat to

Lyon.49

This story provides an important detail about Anselm’s itinerary. Indeed, we know how, during his second exile, Anselm travelled through the Alps with the protection of

Countess Matilda, passing through Piacenza and Florence. For his first exile, Eadmer’s accounts don’t provide specific information, however, the above-mentioned report of the monks of Aspres-sur-Buëch specifically names Piacenza when referring to Anselm’s journey. This evidence, providing additional proof that Anselm stopped in this city in his first exile, indicates that Anselm’s itinerary during his second exile was an approximate reiteration of his 1097 – 1100 travels. Furthermore, the city of Piacenza, chosen by both

Matilda and Urban as the site of the great Council, was under Matilda’s control – along with the territories between the Apennines of Parma and the Po Valley, down to Tuscany and

Latium – and would have been a highly improbable route, from France to Rome, without the protection of the countess.50

This would explain why, despite the great dangers that both Vita Anselmi and

Historia Novorum describe, Anselm’s journey from St. Michele della Chiusa to Rome progressed safely, without delay or problems. It can be inferred, from Eadmer’s narration, that they were securely escorted along their path by a powerful ally. Indeed, as seen, Historia

Novorum reports at multiple points that the archbishop was assisted by pilgrims who along the way, were disseminating false rumors in order to protect Anselm. At the same time, in

49 EADMER, Historia Novorum, pp. 94-95. 50 GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 89-96. 205 several passages of both Vita Anselmi and Historia Novorum, the narration relates that

Anselm was assisted by “God’s guidance” or “God’s protection” and implies that, thanks to this guidance and protection, the archbishop was able to reach his destination safely.51 This protection may be identified as the powerful army of Matilda of Tuscany. Her authority and extensive networks in both Germany and central Italy would have allowed her to provide a formidable escort at the appointed time and place and might have secured Anselm’s journey.

Finally, having considered this rich array of new information, Anselm’s words in his first letter to Matilda acquire a new meaning and provide my argument with additional proof, particularly when examined with the correct Latin translation. Anselm explains: “I realize that it was a great blessing that through you God delivered me not only once but in several circumstances from the power of my enemies just when they expected me to fall into their hands”52 Usually, historians translate the words non semel tantum, sed pluribus vicibus to

“not only once but many times,” but Golinelli’s more appropriate translation, “not only once but, in several circumstances,” implies greater involvement from Matilda in Anselm’s journey and suggests that the countess might have assisted the archbishop on multiple occasions – pluribus vicibus – throughout his entire journey, not only “many times” during his second exile.53

51 EADMER, Vita Sancti Anselmi archiepiscopi, p. 116; EADMER, Historia Novorum, pp. 89, 99, 115, 166. 52 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 325: “Quippe quod non semel tantum, sed pluribus vicibus me deus per vos liberavit de potestate inimicorum rneorum, exspectantium ut in manus illorum caderem, valde magnum beneficium cognosco.” 53 I am grateful to Paolo Golinelli for pointing out to me this more suitable translation of the Latin. 206

Another Evidence: Matilda’s Whereabouts

More evidence for a close connection between Matilda and Anselm may be provided by Matilda’s own documents, which can help us to pinpoint the countess’s whereabouts during Anselm’s journey. As seen, Matilda was working closely with Urban II throughout this period. She escorted the pope in Rome after Clermont and attended the Lateran synod in

January 1097. The pope was able to return to the city thanks to Matilda’s escort, however, the city was still dangerous. The Wibertine party caused violent disturbances. For this reason, we can assume that the countess remained at the pope’s side until October 1097.

After this time, she would set out for Lombardy, where she favored the election of the anti-imperial bishop of Milan, Anselm IV in December 1097. He received his pastoral staff from Matilda and his pallium from the pope. The church of Lombardy, which had been

Gregory’s major concern throughout his pontificate, was of strategic importance in the struggle with the emperor. Now Milan and Lombardy, thanks to Matilda, turned to the pope’s side.54 Significantly, this episode shows, once again, Matilda’s pivotal role and her great involvement in the appointment of bishops in both Italy and Germany.

The countess would remain in her domains in Lombardy in the following months. At the end of March 1098, she is documented in Piadena, north of Piacenza, where she rewarded the Commune, the bishop, and the people of Cremona with the Island of Fulcheria.55

54 This act performed by Matilda was certainly Lay Investiture, the very principle that the papacy was fighting. Even if, Matilda was acting in accordance with pope Urban II on the bishop to invest, this episode represents the paradox of the Investiture Controversy and shows that the ideals and principles for which the papacy fought was in contradiction with the actual system of power. Matilda, like the princes and dukes of Europe, needed to invest bishops to exercise power in her territory, RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 210-213; OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa, p. 144; COWDREY, "The Papacy, The Patarenes and the Church of Milan", pp. 25-48. 55 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 48, pp. 150-151. 207

Interestingly, Anselm and Matilda’s itinerary are strictly related in this period. As seen, precisely at the end of March 1098, Anselm began to travel from Chiusa to Rome, passing through Piacenza, where the countess and the archbishop would have had the opportunity to meet personally to discuss the delicate issues of the English church. Later, she may have escorted him to Rome, where he arrived by the end of April 1098, and perhaps remained with

Anselm during his sojourn in Rome, where, according to Eadmer, he was welcomed and treated as a “pope of another world.” While in Rome, Anselm learned that the pope had no intention to discharge him from his office, but promised to help him in his struggle with the king. Ultimately, Urban did not maintain his promise.56

As Eadmer’s account explains, Anselm accompanied the pope at the end of June of

1098, during Count Roger of Sicily’s siege of Capua, and helped the pope to strike a compromise which strengthened the papal authority in that region. After the siege, the pope and Anselm went to Bari for the Council, which took place in October 1098. There, the pope asked the archbishop to elucidate for the Greek legates the doctrine of the Procession of the

Holy Spirit.57

Anselm and the pope were back in Rome by December of 1098. Urban, about to pronounce King William II’s excommunication, was convinced to postpone Anselm’s issues until the next year to secure a favorable outcome for King William by one of the king’s clerks. The archbishop’s future, as well as the future of his episcopal office, depended on papal support. This support had been denied and Anselm’s hopes to return to England were

56 EADMER, Historia Novorum, pp. 96-98. 57 EADMER, Historia Novorum, pp. 110-112. Certainly, the countess did not follow him to Liberi, a village situated in the north of Capua, where the archbishop spent the summer. In this period Matilda is documented in Tuscany, MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 48, 49, 50, pp. 150-156. 208 shattered. Eadmer explains that Anselm, extremely offended and disappointed by the pope’s decision, wanted to leave immediately and considered their sojourn in Rome to have been useless. Urban compelled him to stay and attend the Easter synod of 1099.58

The sources are silent on Anselm’s long sojourn at the papal court. According to

Bernold’s Chronicle, the pope celebrated Christmas peacefully. He had reconciled with or coerced his opponents within the city and the antipope had lost Castel S. Angelo along with other important fortresses. The pope could dedicate himself entirely to the preparation of the

Easter synod, which would be celebrated at St. Peter. The Chronicle explains that to publicize the council accurately, which assembled April 24-30, the pope disseminated several letters throughout Europe.59

Rangerius of Lucca’s Outburst: Mirror of Matilda’s?

During these five months, from December 1098 to May 1099, the sources are silent on Matilda’s whereabouts and activities. She most likely visited Rome during this long period and may have been present during Urban’s last synod. Both Bernold’s Chronicle and

Eadmer’s account state that the council, held nearby the tomb of St. Peter, was very well attended by significant churchmen from both Italy and France.60 Though there is no direct evidence to indicate the countess’s position on Urban’s conduct towards Anselm, her view of the archbishop’s entire situation may be drawn from Eadmer’s revealing description of

Bishop Rangerius of Lucca’s violent outbursts during the synod. At the end of the

58 For more information regarding this episode see: SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 277-304; VAUGHN, “Anselm in Italy”, pp. 245-270; Archbishop Anselm, pp. 73-99. 59 SOMERVILLE, Pope Urban II's Council of Piacenza, pp. 1-58. 60 EADMER, Historia Novorum, pp. 112-114; BERNOLD OF ST. BLASIEN, Chronicle, pp. 334-337. 209 proceedings, Rangerius was asked to read the canons approved and, outraged by the unfair treatment given to Anselm’s case, openly confronted and opposed Pope Urban with great anger and violence:

“Alas, what should we do? The obedient we burden with commands; the wicked

cruelties of tyrants we do nothing to restrain. Acts of oppression which they inflict on

the churches by their tyranny and the despoiling of those who have been instituted to

watch over those Churches, are daily reported to this See. Advice and help are sought

as from the head of all Churches. But what result such appeals meet with in the end,

alas, all the world knows; and complains that it is so. And now, come from the

remotest parts of that world there sits on amongst us in unassuming silence,

uncomplaining, gentle, whose silence cries aloud, whose humility and patience, the

more lowly and the more mild it is, the more sublime before God and more glowing

an example to us. This man, this man I say, who has been most cruelly ill-used, most

unjustly robbed of all his possessions, has come here claiming for his case the

judgment and equity of the apostolic See. It is now more than a year since he came

here. But, alas, what help has he so far found? And if any of you do not know the man

of whom I am speaking about, it is Anselm, Archbishop of England.”61

Moreover, Eadmer explains that, having pronounced this fiery speech, Rangerius vehemently struck the “pastoral stuff he was holding three times upon the ground, shewing plainly to all present his indignation of spirit, as a cry burst forth through his elenched teeth and lips.” Eadmer continues, saying that Rangerius, not even after the pope’s promise to address Anselm’s case, could stay quiet and warned Urban that the Lord would not absolve

61 EADMER, Historia Novorum, pp. 113-114. 210 him if he abandoned Anselm.

What can explain this violent behavior, which Somerville62 describes as unparalleled in papal councils of the time? Rangerius was certainly a passionate reformer and the pope’s mistreatment of Anselm may have provoked anger in him. However, it is possible that he was acting and speaking on behalf of Matilda. Like his predecessor as bishop of Lucca,

Anselm II, Rangerius owed his bishopric to Matilda and was one of her closest collaborators.

Rangerius was a zealous reformer, eminent scholar, and a poet. He was appointed to the episcopal office of Lucca in 1096, when Matilda, after a long period of absence from

Tuscany, returned to welcome Pope Urban and the crusaders. There, the pope, at the request of the countess, named Rangerius bishop of the city.63

The bishop became part of Matilda’s entourage and the official biographer of Anselm

II of Lucca. He was educated at the cathedral school of Rheims, where he was a disciple of

Bruno of Cologne, as Urban II had been before him. As seen in the second chapter,

Rangerius composed the second Life of Anselm II – Vita metrica sancti Anselmi Lucensis episcopis, written in verse – some time between 1096 and 1099 and dedicated it to Matilda.

She holds a special place in his poem; he introduces Matilda as: “The sacred servant of the sacred religion…the terror of perfidy, defender of the faith, and solicitous nurturer of the pious pontiffs.”64 Matilda played an important role in Rangerius’s life and career. She not only installed him in the seat of Lucca, but also enhanced his position by rewarding

Rangerius with lands around his bishopric.65 Indeed, his allegiance to the countess suggests

62 SOMERVILLE, Pope Urban II's Council of Piacenza, pp. 127-134. 63 RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita metrica sancti, 1934, 1152-1307; Rangerius io. Il poema di Anselmo; SAVERINO, La “Vita Metrica” di Anselmo da Lucca, pp. 223-272; CORRADINI, “Matilde di Canossa e la Prima Crociata”, pp. 513-554. 64 “Sacrae sacra vernula religionis, Perfidiae terror, subsidium fidei, sedula pontificum nutrix...piorum”, RANGERIUS, Vita Metrica, vv. 953-955, 1177. 65 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 51, 52, pp. 157-161; 211 that she might have advised Rangerius to oppose unjust denial of assistance to the devout

Archbishop Anselm.

Significantly, Rangerius’s words of indignation during the papal synod resemble

Matilda’s arguments, found in a later letter of intercession in favour of Anselm to Paschal II, discussed below:

“It is indecent that such a prominent member of the holy Roman church should be

cast out as an exile like something putrid for such a long time, and not be able to

perform the office entrusted to him at all. We grieve therefore, that his ministry,

whose guidance we know to be necessary to the Church for everything and for

everybody, has, for the most part, been taken away from the body of the Church.”66

Rangerius’ protests may well have encouraged the pope to enunciate his last excommunications, which included precisely the arguments touched upon by the bishop of

Lucca in his complaint. Urban would excommunicate lay investiture of churches and churchmen who did homage to lay lords for ecclesiastical tenure. These two decrees, deemed ineffective by Eadmer, were crucial for Anselm’s case in later years.67

However, the most striking proof of Matilda’s involvement, during the synod’s proceeding and in Anselm’s journey back to Lyon, is found in her documents. The countess’s whereabouts and acts, together with Anselm and Rangerius of Lucca’s movements, show that they were working and acting together in service of Anselm’s case during this time. As stated by Eadmer in his Historia Novorum and Vita Anselmi, as soon as the Roman council was

58, 59, 60, pp. 181-186. 66 Indecens enim est tam praecipuum sanctae ecclesiae Romanae membrum tanto tempore exulatum iacere inter alia quasi putridum, et non agere sibi commissum incunctanter officium. Dolemus igitur corport ecclesiae ex maxima parte illius ministerium esse subtractum, cuius gubernaculum scimus esse sibi per omnia et prae omnibus necessarium, MATILDA OF TUSCANY, Ep. 350. 67 SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 280-284. 212 over, on May 1, 1099, they left Rome and set off for Lyon, presumably taking the Francigena and passing through Lucca and Florence.68 In 1099, from May to June, Matilda and

Rangerius met in Lucca. The bishop was probably returning from the council. Here the countess acted in favor of the bishopric of Lucca, donating lands to the monastery of St.

Ponziano to support the poor and the pilgrims’ hospital.69 In the same period, in the proximity of Lucca, Matilda rewarded Rangerius with the territory of Capannori, in the same bishopric.70 The countess may well have rewarded the bishop for his loyal service to the reform at the synod of Rome.

This evidence both suggests not only that Anselm might have been with them, but also that the countess may well have been present at the council and may have discussed and instructed Rangerius to provide assistance to Anselm during the synod. Finally, it is highly possible that the countess and Rangerius helped the archbishop of Canterbury on his way back to Lyon. They may have had the opportunity to spend time together and discuss

Anselm’s future on this occasion.

For these reasons, it is reasonable to think that Matilda had helped Anselm to travel across central Italy during his first exile. She was the only powerful lord who could have protected Anselm’s journey in these territories. By then, Matilda had recovered much of her land and status; she had forced Henry IV to depart from Italy; her pivotal position made her the center of resistance to imperialists. Moreover, as shown in previous chapters, the countess’s political view was farsighted and shrewd; she might have realized how serious the implications of Anselm’s political situation were for the reform papacy and acted

68 EADMER, Historia Novorum, pp. 114-115. 69 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 51, 52, pp. 157-161. 70 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 52, 53, pp. 158-164. 213 accordingly, instructing Rangerius to intervene and plead in Anselm’s favor. Matilda’s letter to Paschal II, during Anselm’s second exile, shows that the countess was seriously concerned and enraged for the archbishop’s difficult position and for what his struggle meant for the reforming objectives. Additionally, the countess was in close contact with both Hugh of

Lyon and Abbot Hugh of Cluny. They may have discussed Anselm’s case with her. As we will discuss below, their political friendship was profoundly tangled with the spiritual and personal dimensions. The close relationship between Anselm and Matilda, likely built upon an affinity of purpose, would have encouraged the countess to provide political and spiritual support throughout his journeys in Italy, during his first and second exile.

Intermezzo

Anselm would spend a long period, from June 1099 to August 1100, in Lyon with his friend Hugh. He visited Cluny in the spring of 1100, returning to England in September of

1100, after William Rufus’ death. In the meantime, the countess continued to recover control throughout Italy. As seen, Emperor Henry IV would leave Lombardy for good in 1097; having left, he would never challenge the countess again. His departure marked the end of the first phase of the Investiture Controversy. The countess continued to assiduously defend and protect reforming churchmen in her land whose authority and influence could be employed in the defense of the church. Thanks to this astute diplomacy and her thick web of relationships, Matilda and her allies were able to defeat the last bastion of the Wibertine resistance. Indeed a series of military successes throughout Italy would allow the countess to regain control over Tuscany, Lombardy, and Emilia and to stabilize political forces in Rome.

214

Urban crushed the antipope’s authority in Rome and Matilda drove his army out from northern Italy. After Urban’s death in 1099, Matilda and the new pope, Paschal II, resumed the struggle for reform; Donizo explains that the countess and Paschal II were extremely close.71

The advance of the reform is also evidenced by the fact that Matilda was, with the assistance of her loyal bishops, regaining the territories that she previously had lost in the war with Henry IV. A particularly important bishop in this recovery and the advancement of reform was Bonussenior bishop of Reggio. He was elected bishop of Reggio Emilia, most likely in 1098 as a result of Matilda’s influence. For a time, he was a chaplain of the countess and his close proximity to her is documented in Matilda’s charters.72

Most significantly, Paschal II entrusted Matilda with the care of Bernard degli Uberti in 1101. One of the most important and passionate reformers of his time, Bernard fervently assisted the countess and the papacy to reclaim the control of the imperial cities of northern

Italy between the eleventh and twelfth centuries. His career began as abbot of Vallombrosa

(1098-1099). Under his direction, the monastery was restored to its ancient splendor. Indeed, thanks to his outstanding abbacy, Bernard would be appointed cardinal legate to Lombardy by Urban II. The cardinal acted as a link between Matilda and the new pope, Paschal II, and helped Matilda to recover important bishoprics lost during the war with Henry IV. He assisted the countess in electing the new archbishop of Milan, Grossolanus, who succeeded

Anselm IV in 1102. At the same time, thanks to Matilda, Bernard was installed in the seat of

Parma, a city which, until then, had been one of the strongholds of Wibertine power. Donizo

71 GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 115-134; HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 160-197; SIMEONI, Il contributo della contessa Matilde, pp. 353-372. 72 GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, p. 25; HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, p. 179. 215 dedicates numerous passages to Bernard’s personality and his relationship with Matilda. This close friendship is also documented in Matilda’s charters, in which Bernard is a constant presence at her side.73

Second Exile and Matilda’s Support

Bonussenior of Reggio and Bernard of Vallombrosa benefitted from the protection of the countess. At the same time, they represented spiritual, religious, political and cultural enrichment for herself and the diffusion of the ideas of the Gregorian reform. In this context,

Matilda supported Anselm of Canterbury during his second exile, between 1103 and 1106, as he travelled to Rome and back throughout his less bitter struggle with Rufus’ successor,

Henry I of England. The new king summoned Anselm and reinstalled him in his see, mainly to cope with his elder brother’s claim to the throne.74

When Anselm returned to England from his first exile in 1100, he was greeted by the king with all the honors. However, the same political conflict was doomed to reemerge.

Anselm’s time in Rome and Lyon, largely spent in the company of strenuous defenders of the

Gregorian Reform, had changed his position on the notion of ecclesiastical liberties.

Moreover, he had participated in the synod of 1099 and witnessed the pope pronouncing and reconfirming the excommunication of lay investiture and the homage by clerics to laymen.

Anselm felt compelled to enforce the papal decrees in England and refused the customary

73 P. SILANOS, “La costruzione della memoria di Bernardo degli Uberti a Parma tra XII e XIII secolo”, Rivista Di Storia Della Chiesa in Italia, vol. 70, 2 (2016), pp. 365–394; M. P. ALBERZONI, C. ZEY, and P. SILANOS, Vice nostra. Vescovi di Parma con funzioni di legati e giudici delegati papali nei secoli XII e XIII, (Milano: 2012). 74 SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 289-291. 216 oath of fealty to the king. The consequent dispute between the archbishop and the king would result in Anselm’s second journey from England to Rome, with the goal of reaching a suitable agreement with Pope Paschal II on behalf of the crown. However, this agreement was not achieved and Anselm was forced to endure a second exile. 75

Anselm set out for Rome on April 27, 1103, spent the summer at Bec, and reached the eternal city in October. Upon his arrival, he found the messengers of the king were in

Rome as well. While both parties met with the pope and the Roman curia, they, apparently, were not able to reach a conclusive agreement. Moreover, Eadmer explains that, to Anselm’s bewilderment, most of the Roman officials took the king’s side. At the same time, the pope’s prohibition seemed to have been narrowed down to the sole issue of lay investiture, so the pope and the curia were preparing to make concessions to the king. The king’s emissary,

William Warelwast, remained in Rome after Anselm left, probably in order to strike a convenient deal for Henry I. Paschal would acknowledge the primacy of the archbishopric of

Canterbury, perhaps out of guilt for having yielded to the king’s requests or to show his benevolence toward Anselm. 76

Anselm left Rome on November 16, 1103. Eadmer, while narrating their return to

Lyon, states: “Meanwhile we travelled through the Apennines with an escort provided by the noble Countess Matilda.” The account of Historia Novorum, for the first and only time, would clearly mention the name of the countess as the source of Anselm’s protection throughout central Italy up to Piacenza.77 Significantly, without mentioning Matilda, Vita

Anselmi offers a further detail, indicating that, during the same journey, the archbishop

75 SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 294-298. 76 EADMER, Historia Novorum, p. 155 77 EADMER, Historia Novorum, p. 155 217 stopped in Florence for a night. Florence was the secure domain of Countess Matilda and the source explains the presence of the archbishop would leave a profound impact on the city’s citizens. After his departure, Anselm’s host, in a dream, received three warnings from a mysterious figure, signaling him to stay away from the bed in which such a saintly man had slept. As Eadmer’s account explains, the miraculous event was reported to the bishop of

Florence, who: “had long been familiar with Anselm’s sanctity by report, and he had just had some experience of it in talking to him…..he ordered that the bed should be reverently preserved from then onwards and that no-one should henceforth presume to lie on it.”78

As the account reports, this order had been imparted by the bishop in the presence of many witnesses and it was still observed at the time in which Eadmer was writing. Matilda’s domains encompassed the city of Florence and it’s bishop, Ranieri, had been installed in his see by Beatrice in 1072. Since then, he had remained faithful to the Canossa family and to the reform papacy.79 Anselm’s letter to the countess, written from Lyon, probably in 1104, provides further evidence concerning the archbishop’s sojourn in Florence. In this epistle,

Anselm conveys his gratitude for the countess’s support and describes how she welcomed him into her domains and arranged for her people to both receive him in her territories and escort him in his long journey, saving him from his enemies when traveling between Rome and Lyons. Significantly, the archbishop continues by saying:

“I cannot forget with what anxious prayer and entreaty you instructed me through our

brother and son Alexander not to expose my body to any danger at all, and with what

zeal you instructed your people to receive me with not less care, indeed if possible

with even more, than your own person, telling them not to lead me by the shorter but

78 EADMER, Vita Sancti Anselmi archiepiscopi, pp. 128-129. 79 RONZANI, “Matilde e le Citta Toscane”, pp. 61-73 218

by the safer route to a place of safety.”80

Matilda had, in fact, chosen the safer journey for Anselm, making him travel to Florence and not to Lucca, which was the usual route of the Francigena. Moreover, given the close connection between Matilda and Bishop Ranieri, we may assume that she had not only

“instructed” him to receive Anselm with all the honors on her behalf, but pressed the bishop to spread word of Anselm’s sanctity and the events that had happened after his visit to

Florence.

In Piacenza, the king’s messenger met with Anselm, showing him a letter for the king, entrusted to him by the pope. In this dispatch, Paschal was clearly disposed to compromise with the king. At the same time, William Warelwast let Anselm know that he could return to England as long as he was willing to comply with the king’s requests to accept the “custom of the kingdom.” Clearly, Anselm rejected these harsh terms, once again, and was forced to remain in Lyon, deprived of his lands and income, relying on the generosity of his great friend Hugh of Lyon.81

However, Anselm did not remain inactive during his long sojourn in Lyon, from

December 1103 to April 1105. On the contrary, unless the king reestablished Anselm’s possessions, he decided to begin the process of excommunication for Henry. He was compelled to justify his decision among his friends and fellow churchmen in England during his exile. They were, at the time, imploring him to return and blamed him for the neglect of

80 Non enim oblivisci possum quam sollicita prece et obsecratione mihi per fratrem et filium nostrum Alexandrum mandastis, ut nullo modo corpus meum ulli exponerem periculo, et quanto studio hominibus vestris mandastis ut me non minori, immo, si fieri posset, maiori cura quam vestram personam susciperent, et non per breviorem, sed per tutiorem viam usque ad securitatem deducerent. Quod illi quidem fideliter effecerunt, secundum quod vestram voluntatem cognoverunt. Cordis quidem mei affectus ad agendum gratias non deficit; sed os et stilus ad proferendum quod cor sentit non sufficit. Quod ergo ego non possum, deum oro ut ipse vobis retribuat, et vos ab omnibus inimicis corporis et animae defendens ad beatam et aeternam securitatem perducat, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 325. 81 SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, p. 297. 219 his duties as a primate and the father of the church of England. However, Anselm’s reply to these pleas and accusations was adamant and consistent: he would have died and endured every kind of adversity for the triumph of the truth. Therefore, he was not willing to abandon his principle to compromise with the king.82

In the meantime, Anselm would send, through the loyal monk Baldwin of Tournai, several missives to Rome for both the pope and for members of the papal curia.83

Interestingly, as Southern remarks, the concepts expressed in these letters were highly influenced by the theological views of his friend and the radical reformer, Hugh of Lyon.

While asking for assistance, Anselm emphasized that the very reasons for his exile and deprivation were to be ascribed to his personal obedience to the church and its liberty from secular interference.84 On the other hand, the pope, as revealed in a letter sent to the king on

December 23, 1104, was clearly trying to exclude Anselm from his negotiations with Henry; the pope showed himself to be more than willing to confer with the king over the issue of lay investiture, in much more accommodating tones. He also promised to maintain the king’s prerogatives and his power, suggesting that Anselm had been too harsh in his treatment of this subject-matter with the king.85

“It is Indecent that Such a Prominent Member of the Holy Roman Church should be Cast Out”: Matilda’s Vigorous Defense of Anselm

Matilda took a completely different position, siding with intransigence with Anselm’s

82 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Eps. 326, 327, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333,334, 335, 336, 337. 83 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 338, Ep. 339 84 SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 285-289 85 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 348. 220 motivations. Baldwin, on a mission in Italy on behalf of the archbishop, likely informed the countess of the negligence and mistreatment Anselm had received from the papal curia. She would intervene in his favor in 1105, writing a passionate letter to Pope Paschal in which, though demonstrating respect and deference for the pope, she strongly remonstrates her indignation on the papal desertion of Anselm’s case:

“To the most holy and venerable father and lord in Christ, Paschal, Bishop of the

prime see: from Matilda, by the grace of God marchioness, sending if it is worth

anything, the allegiance of total subjection, as much due as it is faithful.

Among other things which we presume to ask of your paternity we particularly

entreat your clemency with regard to the expulsion of our father and lord Anselm, the

venerable archbishop of Canterbury. Therefore, following the due judgement of your

see, may you as a pious father and lord faithfully take heed of the tribulations and

wretchedness which that holy and reverend father bears for the catholic faith and the

holy Roman church. May you have pity on this lamentable complaint, and by your

holy activities may you most kindly stretch out the hand of your advice and help. It is

indecent that such a prominent member of the holy Roman church should be cast out

as an exile like something putrid for such a long time, and not be able to perform the

office entrusted to him at all. We grieve therefore, that his ministry, whose guidance

we know to be necessary to the Church for everything and for everybody, has, for the

most part, been taken away from the body of the Church. For this reason, on bended

knee, we implore your clemency for him since we believe without any doubt that his

sole allegiance after God belongs to you, and we desire that through our services on

221

his behalf your clemency may increase and not diminish.”86

This letter exceptionally documents Matilda’s ideology as well as her profound spiritual and political affinities with Anselm of Canterbury. The passionate and unconditional support she offers to the archbishop shows that the countess truly supported Anselm’s position, unlike his friends in England who turned to blaming the archbishop for his own inflexibility. It has been argued that Hugh of Lyon might have influenced Anselm and his thought regarding Libertas Ecclesiae. However, this letter shows that Matilda may have also helped the archbishop to elaborate these notions, first conceived and upheld by her spiritual father and friend, Gregory VII.87 Certainly, though the countess does not openly enter into the details of lay investiture and homage in her letter, she clearly affirms that Anselm’s afflictions were being suffered for the triumph of the “catholic faith and the holy Roman church.”

Significantly, these words echo Gregory’s words to Matilda: “If you suffer anything for righteousness’s sake, you are blessed.”88 Indeed, Anselm’s struggle may have reminded

Matilda of Gregory’s ideas regarding righteousness, which she had so fervently sought to promote throughout her life. Consequently, Matilda appeals to the papal “due judgement” in

86 Sanctissimo et Venerabili in Christo patri ac domino Paschali, primae sedis antistiti: Mathildis marcisae dei gratia, si quid est, tam debitum quam fidele totius subiectionis obsequium. Inter alia ex quibus paternitatem vestram rogare praesumimus, de patris ac domini nostri Anselmi, Cantuariensis venerabilis archiepiscopi, expulsione clementiam vestram singulariter postulamus. Quatenus iuxta debitum vestrae sedis iudicium tam sancti ac reverendi patris tribulationes et miserias, quas pro fide catholica et sanctae Romanae ecclesiae tolerat, tamquam pius pater ac dominus fideliter attendatis, eiusque lacrimabilem querimoniam condoleatis, atque sanctis negotiis manum consilii et auxilii clementius porrigatis. Indecens enim est tam praecipuum sanctae ecclesiae Romanae membrum tanto tempore exulatum iacere inter alia quasi putridum, et non agere sibi commissum incunctanter officium. Dolemus igitur corport ecclesiae ex maxima parte illius ministerium eSSe subtractum, cuius gubernaculum scimus esse sibi per omnia et prae omnibus necessarium. Unde flexis genibus de eo vestram clementiam postulamus, cuius singularem post deum fiduciam vos esse procul dubio credimus, quam nostris etiam meritis circa eum augeri, non minui desideramus, MATILDA OF TUSCANY, Ep. 350. 87 See Chapter Two. 88 Sed et si quid patimini propter iusti tiam , beati, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 11, p. 18; COWDREY, The Register of Pope Gregory VII, p. 11.

222 her letter and implores him to pay attention to Anselm’s “tribulations” and “wretchedness”, implying that his case was improperly neglected. As Golinelli remarks, the alliance against lay investiture and homage between Anselm of Canterbury, Hugh of Lyon, and Matilda of

Tuscany echoed the previous alliance between the countess, Anselm of Lucca, Hugh of

Lyon, and Gregory VII.89

Conclusion

The examination of the broad cultural setting in which Matilda and Anselm lived and developed their social, political, and spiritual relationship, along with the investigation of a wide variety of sources, shows that the countess and the archbishop were not only associated by common backgrounds, friendship networks, and family connections, but also established the fundamental role Matilda played in both Anselm’s first and second exile. Matilda and

Hugh of Lyon, two of the few figures who would have been able to fully comprehend and support Anselm’s political struggle, would influence the archbishop’s position regarding the notion of Libertas Ecclesiae. At the same time, as we will see in the next chapter, Anselm acted as Matilda’s spiritual advisor; he knew her inner thoughts and desires, understood her aspirations, and, consequently, instructed her in how to nurture her intimate longing for contemplative life.

89 GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 89-96. 223

Chapter Five

The Friendship Between Anselm of Canterbury and Matilda of Tuscany:

A Spiritual Model

As seen in the previous chapter, Matilda and Anselm were involved in an intense political partnership. However, the political aspects of this friendship were deeply intertwined with the spiritual dimension.1 This chapter presents a new investigation of the personal relationship between Anselm of Canterbury and Matilda of Tuscany and suggests that their exceptional example not only contributed to the creation of the new model of friendship but was instrumental to the emergence of a new affective spirituality and language of prayers. In the important letter addressed to Matilda, mentioned above, Anselm expresses both his gratitude for the countess’s assistance during his difficult journey and conveys his admiration for her urgent desire to become a nun; he encourages Matilda to carry the veil in order to wear it in the case of sudden death;2 he also promised to send her his Prayers and

Meditations. Indeed, soon after, she received a second letter which included the complete collection of the archbishop’s prayers.3

A re-examination of the extant sources and an evaluation of a new and wide variety of data – mainly the correspondence between the archbishop and the countess, Anselm’s

1 On Anselm’s spiritual relationship with Matilda see: GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro; P. GOLINELLI, “Non semel tantum sed pluribus vicibus”, pp. 89-96; VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159; A. MERCATI, Frammenti matildici, pp. 19-22; MACCARINI, Diplomazia autonoma di Matilde di Canossa, pp. 251-266; PETRUCCI , BAMBINO, “Anselmo d'Aosta e Matilde di Canossa”, pp. 18-22; MACCARINI, Anselme de Canterbury et Mathilda, pp. 331-40; A. WILMART, “Les prières envoyées par S. Anselme à la Comtesse Mathilde, pp. 35-45. 2 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 325. 3 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 350, Preface to the Prayers and Meditations. 224 devotional writing,4 and the splendid illuminated manuscript of Anselm’s Prayers and

Meditations,5– allow new aspects of the intense familiarity between the saint and the countess to be uncovered. Additionally, while disclosing new personal elements of their spirituality and devotional piety, the nature and scope of their relationship is further clarified.

These sources indicate a reciprocal and preferential friendship, subordinated to a common spiritual and political goal. Anselm addressed the countess with extreme respect and reverence. In turn, Matilda refers to the archbishop as a venerable and reverend father in her letter, as well as a crucial ally in the realization of the political and spiritual agenda of church reform.6

In addition, the evidence provided by the illuminations suggests that Anselm and

Matilda’s relationship was a real and intimate experience, based on constant dialogues, common ideals, and opportunities to spend and share time together; indeed, they may have been accustomed to praying and meditating together. Finally, a close examination of Anselm and Matilda’s correspondence, juxtaposed with different spiritual writings dedicated to and commissioned by the countess, allows us to pinpoint the trajectory of the countess’s inner beliefs and personal desires, while extra visual meanings, expressed through key symbols and metaphors in the illuminations, permit us to pinpoint Matilda’s own interests and ideology through her self-representation.

4 As mentioned above, the sources for Matilda’s and Anselm’s relationship are: EADMER, Historia Novorum; ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 325; Ep. 350; Admont MS. 289 Stiftsbibliothek, Austria. 5 Admont MS. 289 Stiftsbibliothek, Austria. 6 Sally Vaughn uncovering of Anselm’s friendships with and veneration of married aristocratic women, whom he finds even more important than nuns because of their crucial role in “taming” and converting their “barbarian” husbands, and raising healthy, well-trained Christian children, VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God.

225

Reciprocal Relationship: a Spiritual Father and Loving Mother

Anselm and Matilda’s political alliance was cemented by a spiritual and personal relationship. In a passage of the above-cited letter to Paschal II, the countess identifies the archbishop as spiritual father:

“Among other things which we presume to ask of your paternity we particularly

entreat your clemency with regard to the expulsion of our father and lord Anselm, the

venerable Archbishop of Canterbury. Therefore, following the due judgement of your

see, may you as a pious father and lord faithfully take heed of the tribulations and

wretchedness which that holy and reverend father bears for the catholic faith and the

holy Roman church.”7

Matilda refers to Anselm as “father and lord” and “holy and reverend father,” remarkably, utilizing the same paternal language to address the pope himself. Certainly, the image of the bishop had been associated with the image of the spiritual father since antiquity.8 However, Matilda’s affectionate language, while revealing the profound and reverential respect she felt towards Anselm, indicates their deep spiritual bond. As seen in the previous chapter, the same language of respect is used by Anselm in his correspondence to

Countess Matilda. In a letter written following his arrival in Lyon, he conveys his gratitude for her escort. He explains that his words are unable to fully express his appreciation for her great merits and assistance, carried out on God’s behalf “not only once but in several

7 Inter alia ex quibus paternitatem vestram rogare praesumimus, de patris ac domini nostri Anselmi, Cantuariensis venerabilis archiepiscopi, expulsione clementiam vestram singulariter postulamus. Quatenus iuxta debitum vestrae sedis iudicium tam sancti ac reverendi patris tribulationes et miserias, quas pro fide catholica et sanctae Romanae ecclesiae tolerat, tamquam pius pater ac dominus fideliter attendatis, eiusque lacrimabilem querimoniam condoleatis, atque sanctis negotiis manum consilii et auxilii clementius porrigatis, MATILDA OF TUSCANY, Ep. 350. 8 MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority, p. 188. 226 circumstances” during his difficult journey:

“Anselm, servant of the church of Canterbury to his lady and mother in God, the truly

beloved and reverend Countess Matilda, wishing her to rejoice in continued and long-

lasting prosperity in this life and eternal felicity in the life to come.

I wish to give thanks to your highness but I cannot find words to write worthy of your

merit. I realize that it was a great blessing that through you God delivered me not

only once but in several circumstances from the power of my enemies just when they

expected me to fall into their hands. But when I consider with what kind, loving and

maternal affection this was carried out I realize that it is much more than I can

express.”9

As seen in the previous chapter, this passage implies that the countess had probably helped and escorted the archbishop during his first and second exiles. At the same time, it reveals a significant aspect of their intimate friendship; in the letter, Anselm refers to Matilda by identifying her with a mother. The maternal language Anselm uses throughout the letter shows his intense respect and esteem for Matilda. The archbishop addresses the countess as

“his lady and mother in God” and later portrays her as imbued by “loving maternal affection” to describe the way in which she assisted him.

This appellation is even more remarkable in light of Anselm’s high regard for the role of the mother, that he saw as responsible for the child’s vocation and education. 10 In his

9 Anselmus, servus ecclesiae Cantuariensis: dominae et matri in deo, vere dilectae reverendae comitissae Mathildi, praesentis vitae continua et diuturna laetari prosperitate et futurae perenni gaudere felicitate. Celsitudini vestrae gratias agere volo, sed condignas meritis eius scribere non valeo. Quippe quod non semel tantum, sed pluribus vicibus me deus per vos liberavit de potestate inimicorum rneorum, exspectantium ut in manus illorum caderem, valde magnum beneficium cognosco; sed cum intueor quam benigno, quam pio, quam materno affectu factum sit, multo maius illud quam proferre possim intelligo, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 325. 10 VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 80-89. 227

Prayers and Meditations, Anselm refers to the role of St. Paul and Jesus as mothers, as Sally

Vaughn has noted.11 In this prayer, he addresses St. Paul as the “O St. Paul, where is he that was called the nurse of the faithful, caressing his sons? Who is that affectionate mother, who declares everywhere that she is giving birth12 once again to her children? Sweet nurse, sweet mother, who are the sons who you gave birth to?”;13 in the same prayer, he describes the saint as an affectionate mother who “is in labor for her sons.” Remarkably, Anselm explains that Paul’s affectionate love for his spiritual children, born from faith and not from his own flesh, would make Paul a greater mother than a biological one. Paul, the spiritual mother, offered his children a second life in Christ, “for you have labored and done more than all in this; so if they are our mothers, you are our greatest mother.”14 Anselm continues to expand the notion of motherhood, describing Jesus as a mother: “And you, Jesus, good Lord, are you not also like a mother? Are you not the mother who, like a hen, gathers her chickens under her wings?”15

By now, Matilda was fifty-eight years old, a fairly advanced age; though she had

11 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations, pp. 135-156; VAUGHN, “Saint Anselm and His Students Writing about Love: A Theological Foundation for the Rise of Romantic Love in Europe”, Journal of the History of Sexuality, 19 (1): 54-73. 12 For my translation I followed mostly the edition of Ward. However, I think that “give birth” is the right translation of the Latin “parturire” and not “labor” as Ward translated it, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations, pp. 152-153; 13 Nutrix fidelium, fovens filios suos? Quae est illa affectuosa mater, quae se ubique praedictat filios suos iterum parturire? Dulcis nutrix, dulcis mater, quos filios parturis aut nutris, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations, pp. 152-153; Anselmo d’Aosta, p. 274; SCHMITT, 3, p. 39. Reference to 1 Corinthians 15:10, 1 Thessalonians 2, 7-8. 14 Utique magis a te, quia plus omnibus in hoc laborasti et effecisti. Cum ergo illi sint nobis matres, tu magis nostra mater, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations, pp. 152-153; Anselmo d’Aosta, p. 274; SCHMITT, 3, p. 39. Reference to 1 Corinthians 15:10 15 Sed et Iesu, bone Domine, nonne et tu mater? An non est mater, qui tamquam gallina congregat sub alas pullos suos? ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations, pp. 152-153; Anselmo d’Aosta, p. 278; SCHMITT, 3, p. 40. Jesus as a mother is a reference to the Gospel of Matthew 23:37 and Luke 13:34. As Ward explains, the reference to Jesus as a mother goes back to the Old Testament, in particular Isaiah 49, 15 and 66, 13, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations, p. 66. On God as a mother see BYNUM, Jesus as mother, pp. 110-146, she explains that Anseelm was the first to expand this comparison. However, as seen in Chapter Two, Gregory VII in his letter to Matilda Registrum, I, 47, had also compared Jesus to a mother. 228 given birth to a child, she, like St. Paul, had never experienced motherliness or child caring and was not a religious figure. Therefore, this idea of motherhood appears to have been suggested by the life and personality of the countess, whose caring role and piety encouraged

Anselm to associate her responsibility with that of a mother. Interestingly, Anselm praises her precisely for this characteristic, referring to how she had protected him throughout his journey, with the affection of a mother.

As seen before, the polemicists at Matilda’s court had also described her as a mother.

The anonymous author of the life of Anselm of Lucca explains that “[Matilda] was inspired by a mother’s piety”.16 Likewise, in his Vita Mathildis, Donizo, likely thinking about Anselm of Canterbury’s dispossession as well, states that the countess became the protector of all persecuted Christians, :

Only Matilda’s spacious home was pure./This [home] was truly a safe place, a harbor

for believers:/The ones that the king condemned, expelled or stripped/bishops,

monks, clerics, Italians and even French people/ They all ran, confident, to the living

fountain,/To the Lady of benevolent mind./They found near her all they were longing

for […].17

Anselm’s high respect for motherhood can help to better identify his extreme admiration for the countess, whose crucial role of intercessor, protector of all persecuted Christians, and tireless defender of the church could be easily associated with the role of a compassionate and caring mother.

16 Vita Anselmi Episcopi Lucensi, c. 20, 19. 17 Munda domus sola Mathildis erat spaciosa.Catholicis prorsus fuit haec tutus quasi portus:Nam quos dampnabat rex, pellebat, spoliabat Pontefices, monachos, clericos, Italos quoque Gallos,Ad vivum fontem currebant funditus omnes,Scilicet ad dictam dominam iam, mente benignam. Quaeque requirebant, apud ipsam repperiebant […], DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 269-275. 229

Contemplative Life: a Trajectory

The archbishop’s letter allows us to identify Matilda and Anselm’s intense personal friendship and examine Matilda’s spiritual inner life. Indeed, Matilda’s life was dominated by her own internal conflict; she yearned for the contemplative life but was called to the active life by necessity. Anselm’s letter to Matilda shows that the countess maintained her aspiration to asceticism throughout her life, but had never been able to follow it or solve this internal conflict.

As seen in Chapter Two, after the failure of her first marriage with Godfrey the

Hunchback, the countess had resolved to take the veil and devote herself to God. This drastic resolution was likely the result of her difficult relationship with her husband. The countess may well have confided the nature of her existential dismay to Rangerius, as well as her ardent aspiration to withdraw from the world. Indeed, in Vita Metrica, the bishop of Lucca explains:

“As soon as Matilda became acquainted with the evil pleasure of the flesh, she was

horrified and instantly felt ashamed of herself. At the beginning she could not act as

desired, and, still a girl, she served closely her husband. The power of the maternal

admonition and of the illustrious lineage restrained her from the pious desire; freed at

last from both her mother and her husband, according to God’s will, she disposed to

devote herself to God alone. But since evil was increasing, [Matilda] is forced to

defend the church.”18

18 Ut primum miserae didicit atque sua. Horruit et sese protinus erubuit. Non potuit primo se, sicut vellet, habere Servivitque suo pene puella viro. Materni monitus generisque potencia clari A desiderio 230

Significantly, the same horror and unhappiness at having experienced physical love is expressed by Anselm of Canterbury in his second Meditation on the loss of virginity:

“Unhappy man, turn your thoughts to the horror of your wickedness, and turn yourself to horrible terror and terrible grief.”19

When Matilda first disclosed her desire to embrace the monastic life to Gregory VII, her friend and foremost spiritual advisor, the pope vehemently opposed this request and asked

Matilda to renounce it and serve God’s church in the active life. The apex of caritas for

Gregory VII was to serve the Church and its mission in the world. Matilda obeyed this principle and, with the assistance of Anselm of Lucca, sacrificed everything for the triumph of the church and righteousness. As seen, Anselm of Lucca's sermon De Caritate mentions that the climax of love and virtue is a personal involvement in the defense of the papacy and the church through warfare.20

In spite of Gregory’s words, the countess’s existential quandary persisted. She requested another intellectual at her court, John of Mantua, to expand the notion of charity and dissolve the conflict between the contemplative and active lives to help with her distress.

Between 1081-1084, a difficult moment in the war with Henry IV, John would compose his commentary on the Song of Songs at Matilda’s behest.21 The Song of Songs is a dialogue between a Bride and God; significantly, in John’s commentary, Matilda is identified with the

Bride. Following the prayers of Anselm of Lucca, John refers to Matilda as “beata sponsa”:

detinuere pio: Matre viroque Dei nutu quandoque solute Disposuit soli sola vacare Deo, RANGERIUS OF LUCCA Vita Metrica, vv. 3557-3564. 19 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations, pp. 225-229. 20 See Chapter Two and Chapter Three. 21 JOHN OF MANTUA, In Cantica canticorum. 231

“So, o true spouse of God, you sought to know your beloved in multiple ways and

went around the city in love of him…Compelled by this need, admonished by his

love, you deigned to come to me who also does not abhor the wheel of the world, and

you think somehow to find your love who dwells so much in pure minds through me

who is quite experienced in such business. Therefore, you asked me to expound the

Song of Songs which is the doctrine of contemplation, hoping to hear something from

me that might advance your love. Which work I undertake with pleasure, except that I

am afraid to write of such a thing; but what is not sufficient of my own merits, your

intention may deserve, so that with the holy spirit granting what I do not perceive I

may be of help to your intention in some way. For the love of God is the spirit and it

does not leave your love/charity a widow. I do not thus write, blessed soul, what

appears to the teaching of human learning, but what is perceived with the help of the

holy spirit. Protected therefore by that hope, I hand over most willingly to your

charity/love what with God granting I can.”22

Here, John expands and completes Gregory VII’s directions to Matilda about Caritas, which, as John explains, first presents itself as Amor Dei, a profound knowledge of Christ in pure contemplation, by recognizing Christ above everything and everyone, dilectio. However, if

22 Quae igitur, o vere Dei sponsa, dilectum cognoscere multipliciter quaeristi, et cuius dilectione civitatem circuisti et per vicos quaerens non satis invenisti, ad plateas idest ad activae vitae homines coacta es redire sperans quemlibet plus te eum invenisse. Hac compulsa necessitate, illius admonita caritate ad me etiam rotam mundi non abhorrentem dignata es accedere, et dilectum tuum in puris tantum mentibus habitantem per me talis negotii satis expertem aliquo modo putas invenire. Quapropter Cantica Canticorum, qui est doctrina contemplationis, me rogaasti exponere sperans aliquid a me audire, quod tuae dilectioni possit proficere. Quod opus gratanter suscipio, nisi quia de tanta re scribere formido; sed quod meis meritis non sufficio, hoc tua promereatur intentio, ut spiritu sancto donante, quae non sentio, tuae intentioni aliquo modo sim auxilio. Amor enim Dei spiritus est nec tuam caritatem viduam derelinquet. Nec ideo haec, beata anima, scribo, quod umquam humanae doctrinae parentur magisterio, sed spiritus sancti sentiuntur auxilio. Illius igitur spe protectus tuae caritati libentissime trado, quod Deo dante dicere potero, JOHN OF MANTUA, In Cantica canticorum, pp. 25-26, 154-55, translation in J. FERRANTE, ‘A letter from John of Mantua to Matilda of Tuscany, duchess of Lotharingia, https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/229.html, date accessed March 27, 2020. 232 this desire to know Jesus is nurtured and encouraged, it will lead the Bride to perceive the very essence of his being; from this new spiritual maturity, the Bride discerns a more complete form of dilectio, being: dilectio Dei et proximi. The same concept was first introduced to the countess by Gregory VII. John, like the pope before him, encourages

Matilda to imitate Christ, who, for Caritas, came down from Heaven and sacrificed himself for humanity. Therefore, the apex of Caritas was the imitation of Christ and the acceptance of the active life to serve God and the church.23 The countess did not come to this recognition without serious doubts, sadness, or distress. John refers to Matilda’s internal conflict in the

Commentary: “You have often felt this struggle, glorious woman, and in this contest, you live and from it you increase.”24

The countess commissioned another commentary from John, focusing on the

Annunciation-Visitation-Magnificat sequence in the Gospel of Luke (Lk 1:26-55). John directly addresses Matilda at the beginning of his Commentary and praises her “holy” desire to follow the Virgin’s example, which was certainly inspired by Gregory and Anselm of

Lucca’s guidance:

“The zeal of your caritas has often admonished me and having admonished impelled

me to enter where otherwise I should greatly fear to go. For it is not the regulation of

my life that would have persuaded my spirit so much if I were not helped by your

merit. But, satisfying your love, with it admonishing me so greatly, I dared to begin, I

am called to boldness from what I fear than that I fear; but your pure intention and the

23 For more information regarding John of Mantua and his works see: S. CANTELLI, “Il Commentario al Cantico, pp. 101-184. 24 For the internal conflict regarding both Action and Contemplation see Vita Herluini, in PL cols. 695- 696; J. A. ROBINSON, Gilbert Crispin, Abbot of Westminster: a study of the Abbey under Norman rule (Cambridge, 2010); The works of Gilbert Crispin, abbot of Westminster, ed. G. R., EVANS, & A. S. ABULAFIA (London, 1986); VAUGHN The Abbey of Bec and the Anglo-Norman state: 1034-1136, (Woodbridge,1981), pp. 67-86. 233

caritas which I love in you and your holy request compels me to hope. I confess, I

say, that I am amazed by my wondrous temerity, who presume to relieve your desire,

which is holy, and explicate what is written in the gospels about blessed Mary”.25

Matilda’s life is offered as model to be imitated. The countess, in force of her proclaimed caritas, is able to act as spiritual guide and advisor for John of Mantua. In his correspondence with Matilda, John’s intent was probably to publicize her, not only as a model of caritas, but also as a new virgin or Sponsa Christi, dedicated to ascetic and contemplative life and an example and leader for her contemporaries.

Anselm of Canterbury Resolution on Contemplative Life

These sources reveal the countess’s urgent need to know “her beloved” and comprehend the doctrine of contemplation. John, in the same vein as both Gregory and

Anselm of Lucca, would encourage Matilda to become involved in the active life in order to perform her duties of charity and the protection of the Church. More than ten years later,

Anselm of Canterbury would attempt to solve the same dilemma for Matilda:

“I always preserve in my heart the memory of your holy desire through which your

heart yearns to hold the world in contempt; but the holy and unwavering love which

you have for mother Church lovingly holds you back. From this it is evident that your

25 Tuae caritatis studium saepe me monuit et admonitum impulit quaedam ingredi, quae aliter maximae deberent esse formidini. Non enim meae vitae moderatio tanta meo persuasisset animo, nisi tuo iuvarer merito. Sed, qui tuae satisfaciens dilectioni eadem admonente maxima ausus fui incipere, ad temeritatem vocor, de qua timeo, quam vereor; sed cogit me sperare tua munda intentio et caritas, quam in te diligo, et tua sancta petitio. Fateor, inquam, me mirabilem et meam admiror temeritatem, qui praesumo desiderio tuo, quod sanctum est, subvenire et de beata Maria, quae apud evangelia scripta sunt, explicare, JOHN OF MANTUA, In Cantica canticorum, p. 156, translation in J. FERRANTE, ‘A letter from John of Mantua to Matilda of Tuscany, duchess of Lotharingia, https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/230.html, date accessed March 27, 2020. 234

reverence is pleasing to God in every way and therefore, while calmly awaiting a

definite sign from God, you should patiently bear the burden which you are carrying

in tribulation with good hope. Nevertheless I presume to give you a word of advice: if

you see yourself threatened by certain danger of death — which God avert! — give

yourself totally to God before you leave this life, and for this purpose you should

always have secretly in your possession a veil which you have prepared. Whatever I

may say, I pray and desire for you that God may entrust you to nothing save his

providence and advice.”26

This passage, along with the abovementioned sources, is extraordinary evidence of the intensity of Matilda’s inner conflict and how this conflict would accompany her throughout her life. Additionally, it provides proof of Anselm and Matilda’s intimate relationship. At the same time, it shows similarities between the spiritual language of Anselm of Canterbury and the intellectuals at Matilda’s court. The archbishop of Canterbury defines Matilda’s desire to live a contemplative life as “holy,” “Sancti desiderii." The same definition was utilized by

John of Mantua in the abovementioned passage: “desiderio tuo…sanctum.”

Anselm explains that the countess’s great affection and concern for the church hindered this urgent desire: “the holy and unwavering love which you have for mother

Church lovingly holds you back”, “sancta et necessaria, quam erga matrem ecclesiam habetis, dilectio pie retardant”. In this passage, Anselm utilizes the same word, dilectio, to

26 Sancti desiderii vestri in corde meo semper servo memoriam, quo ad contemptum mundi cor vestrum anhelat; sed illud sancta et necessaria, quam erga matrem ecclesiam habetis, dilectio pie retardat. In quo intelligitur reverentia vestra ex utraque parte deo placere, et ideo debetis, aequo animo certum dei consilium exspectando, onus quod portatis in angaria cum bona spe patienter sustinere. Hoc tamen praesumo consulere ut, si certum mortis periculum interim — quod deus avertat ! — senseritis imminere, prius vos deo omnino reddatis, quam de hac vita exeatis; et ad hoc velum semper paratum secrete penes vos habeatis. Quidquid dicam: hoc oro, hoc desidero, ut deus nulli vos nisi suae committat dispositioni et consilio, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 325. 235 convey the love for the church. This passage expresses the same concern that Gregory VII,

Anselm of Lucca, and John of Mantua had expressed toward Matilda’s desire; the highpoint of Caritas or dilectio proximi was the acceptance of the active life to serve God and the church: “From this it is evident that your reverence is pleasing to God in every way”, “deo placere.”

However, Anselm of Canterbury mitigated and softened Gregory's rigid, anti- contemplative position, devoted to political action.27 Matilda and the archbishop most likely discussed this issue intimately and at length: “I always preserve in my heart the memory of your holy desire through which your heart yearns to hold the world in contempt”. Anselm was certainly able to comprehend the countess’s difficult decision to continue to fight for the defense of the church and for her authority over her domains in the active life, though she desired to withdraw from the world. Anselm desired the same thing and certainly understood her struggle as he too faced a painful crisis before his elevation to the archiepiscopal see in

1093. Indeed, the archbishop suggests to the countess: “you should patiently bear the burden which you are carrying in tribulation with good hope.”

For both Matilda and Anselm, the choice to withdraw to the peace of the monastery would lead to a life of sacrifice and, indubitably, this common struggle would have united them. Anselm, unlike Gregory, not only expresses his profound respect for her urgent desire to become a nun, but also attempts to solve her quandary by encouraging her to carry a veil to wear in the case of sudden death.28 Anselm’s knowledge of Matilda’s inner life offers evidence of the familiarity and intimacy between them. At the same time, it allows us to

27 On this comparison see also: MACCARINI, Aspetti della religiosità di Matilde di Canossa, pp. 57- 59. 28 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 325. 236 identify the trajectory of Matilda’s intimate and urgent desire to withdraw from the world and better grasp her piety. Indeed, the countess disclosed this intimate desire to her most important advisors and friends.

Matilda died ten years later on July 24, 1115, in the village of Bondeno at sixty-nine years old and likely kept the suggestion of her spiritual advisor in mind. Donizo explains that in the last year of her life, when Matilda was extremely ill and near to death, she ordered the construction of a small chapel dedicated to God and St. James in front of her room, so that she would have been able to attend mass and the liturgy of the hours by her bed. Donizo also portrays the countess’s holy death with the crucifix in her hands in complete abandonment to

God:

“While kissing the cross of Christ she said: «It is You that I have always honored,

purify my sins», and receiving the sacred body of Christ: «As long as I lived, I have

always trusted in You, o Lord, now as I come to the end of my life, I beseech You,

welcome me in Your sure salvation»”.29

We will never know for certain if the countess observed Anselm’s recommendation, however, the description of the countess’s final days and her death in the heartfelt epilogue composed by Donizo in Vita Mathildis suggests that she may have.

The Illustrations of Adamont’s Manuscript and Anselm’s and Matilda’s

Friendship

29 In cruce nam Christi sua figens oscula, dixit: ‘Te colui semper, mea nunc rogo mea crimina terge. Accipiens Christi corpus venerabile, dixit: ‘Semper dum vixi, Deus hoc scis spem tibi fixi, Nunc in fine meo me salvans suscipe quaeso, DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 1506-1510. 237

Toward the end of the just discussed letter the archbishop provides further evidence of his close relationship with Matilda:

“Your Highness has informed me through our aforesaid son Alexander that you do

not have the Prayers and Meditations which I myself wrote and which I thought you

had, so I am sending them to you. May almighty God rule and protect you always

with his blessing.”30

The renowned Prayers and Meditations of Anselm of Canterbury, sent to Matilda in

1104, consisted of nineteen prayers and three meditations. Anselm wrote the first grouping between 1070 and 1075 and sent them to Adelaide, the younger daughter of William the

Conqueror. Anselm probably composed the three Marian prayers for his friend Gundulf between 1072-1073. By 1085 the corpus was almost complete, with the exception of the

Prayer to God, the Prayer to Christ, and the Prayer to the Holy Cross, which were composed later on.31 These prayers were added, for the first time, to the collection sent to the countess.

This corpus was regarded by Anselm as the definitive expression of his devotional compositions and will be examined at length in Chapter Seven. As Shepard has pointed out, this precise set of prayers, in this order, and with this same preface, is replicated in at least eight manuscripts and considered to be part of the Matildan recension. 32

The original manuscript of Anselm’s Prayers and Meditations, sent to Matilda in

1104, is not extant, however, its immediate copy survives and is conserved in the Admont

30 Mandavit mihi vestra celsitudo per praedictum filium nostrum Alexandrum quia Orationes sine meditationes, quas ego dictavi et putabam vos habere, non habebatis, et ideo mitto eas vobis. Omnipotens deus sua vos semper benedictione regat et protegat, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 325. 31 FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 91-112. 32 D. M. SHEPARD, “Conventual Use of the St. Anselm’s Prayers and Meditations”, in Rutgers Art Review, 9, 1988, pp. 1-16. For an analysis of the Prayers and Meditations of Anselm of Canterbury: The Prayers and Meditations of St. Anselm, tr. WARD; Anselmo d’Aosta, pp. 91-112; FULTON, From Judgment to Passion. 238

Stiftsbibliothek in Austria.33 The prologue at the beginning of the codex is addressed to the countess and the full page of the frontispiece depicts Matilda donating the manuscript to

Anselm. Significantly, the illuminations reveal new aspects of Anselm and Matilda’s relationship. Their investigation is essential to better understand the nature and impact this friendship had in the social, political, and spiritual sphere.

Remarkably, in the passage of the letter mentioned above, Anselm informs Matilda that he believed she already owned his Prayers and Meditations. Once he learned, from the monk Alexander, that the countess did not have a copy, he arranged for her to receive the manuscript immediately. The archbishop’s certainty that Matilda already possessed the

Prayers recalls the possibility of regular encounters prior to the letter, where they may well have had the opportunity to discuss the content of the Prayers and possibly even pray together. Consequently, these discussions may well have led the countess to request a copy of

Anselm’s collection. As already seen, Matilda was an eager reader and consistently commissioned spiritual works. Moreover, she was accustomed to this style of meditation and used this precise devotion; as seen, Matilda had received, two decades earlier, another collection from another Anselm, the bishop of Lucca, one of her most important spiritual

33 For an analysis of the Admont MS. 289 see: O. PÄCHT, “The Illustrations of the St. Anselm's prayers and meditations”, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, ed. E. H. Gombrich, 19, 1/2 (1956), pp. 68-83; this article represents the first interpretation on the illuminated manuscripts of Anselm’s Prayers, Pächt argued that the Admont derived from an archetype from which two other codices have been copied in England in the twelve century: the ms. Auct. D.2.6 of the Bodleian Library of Littlemore, and the manuscript 70 of the Bibliothèque Municipale of Verdun of St. Albans. Shepard demonstrated that the manuscripts are not derived by a common archetype but that were illuminated separately. SHEPARD, “Conventual Use of the St. Anselm’s Prayers”, 9, 1988, pp. 1-16; R. FULTON, “Praying with Anselm at Admont: A Meditation on Practice”, Speculum, 81, 3 (2006), pp.700-733; T.A. HESLOP, “Two Pictures Cycles in Early Manuscripts of St. Anselm’s Prayers” in ed.: J. LOWDEN, L. CLEAVER, A. BOVEY, L. DONKIN, Illuminating the Middle Ages: tributes to Prof. John Lowden from his students, friends and colleagues (Boston, 2020), pp. 94-108; G. ZANICHELLI, in L’abbazia di Matilde. Arte e storia in un grande monastero dell’Europa benedettina [San Benedetto Po 1007-2007], ed. P. GOLINELLI (Bologna, 2008), 18, pp. 112-113; FRUGONI, Per la gloria di Matilde, pp. 53-54. 239 advisors.34

Anselm fulfilled his promise, and soon after Matilda received another letter which accompanied the entire corpus of the Prayers and Meditations and served as an introduction to the texts. Later collections would include these same directions as their preface:

“Anselm, unworthy bishop of the church of Canterbury: to Countess Matilda, worthy

of reverence, greetings. It has seemed good to your Highness that I should send you

these prayers, which I edited at the request of several brothers. Some of them are not

appropriate to your person, but I wanted to send them all so that, if you like them you

may be able to compose/copy others from this exemplar. They are arranged so that by

reading them the mind may be stirred up either to love or fear God, or to the

consideration of both; they should not be read swiftly or skimmed, but little by little,

with attention and deep meditation. Nor should the reader attempt to read the whole,

but only as much as will stir up the affections to prayer; so, as much as does that,

think it to be sufficient for you.”35

In the first line Anselm, again, clarifies that he is sending the prayers to satisfy a wish of the countess. The repetition of this formula in both letters implies that Matilda, probably eager to read and meditate on these texts, had asked insistently for them.

The feeling of urgency dominating Anselm’s letter and Matilda’s likely enthusiasm to

34 See Chapter Three. 35 Anselmus, indignus Cantuariensis ecclesiae episcopus: reverendae comitissae Mathildi salutem. Placuit celsitudini vestrae ut Orationes, quas diversis fratribus secundum singulorum petitionem edidi, sibi mitterem. In quibus quamvis quaedam sint quae ad vestram personam non pertinent, omnes tamen volui mittere, ut, si cui placuerint, de hoc exemplari eas possit accipere. Quae quoniam ad excitandam legentis mentem ad Dei amorem vel timorem seu ad suimet discussionem sunt editae, non sunt legendae cursim vel velociter, sed paulatim cum itenta et morosa meditatione. Nec debet intendere lector quamlibet earum totam legere, sed tantum quantum ad excitandum affectum orandi, ad quod factae sunt, sentit sibi sufficere, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Preface to the Prayers and Meditations to Matilda of Tuscany; tr. in J. FERRANTE, ‘A letter from Anselm of Canterbury to Matilda of Tuscany, duchess of Lotharingia, https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/236.html, date accessed March 27, 2020. 240 receive it made Wilmart, who discovered the Mathildan edition of the Prayers and

Meditations, argue that Anselm would not have had time to manufacture a luxurious and fully illuminated copy of his collection; Wilmart suggests that the original, from which the

Admont codex derived, might have been a luxurious reproduction commissioned by Matilda herself and executed in Italy.36 This argument assumes that Matilda was the donor of the codex and it is corroborated by both the theme and style of the iconographic compositions.

The manuscript 289 of the Admont Library belonged to a community of nuns of the monastery of Nonnberg in Salzburg and was produced between 1117-1139 for its abbess,

Diemut, depicted in the illustration for the prayer to St. Paul.37 The codex presents twelve miniatures produced in different styles. Most of the frames and ichnographic programs depict the saints through sketched and elongated figures, placed over green and blue background, in landscapes or architectural settings, and were probably produced in a Salzburg scriptoria, while the first three miniatures, utterly different, seem to have been fashioned in a Mathildan atelier.38

Although Anselm is the author of the collection and the author of the prefatory letter, the arrangement of the frontispiece seems to portray Matilda as the donor and patron of the manuscript (Figure 8).39 Anselm sits on a modest throne, equipped with a comfortable cushion and decorated with a red-checkered pattern. His feet rest on a stool enriched by canine heads (a symbol of a person of authority) and he holds a pastoral staff, wearing the mitre and the sacred vestments of his office. In addition, the deep blue of the background underlines his superior status. The archbishop is depicted in the act of accepting the elegantly

36 WILMART, “Les prières envoyées”. 37 Admont MS. 289 Stiftsbibliothek, Austria, (f. 44v). 38 SHEPARD, “Conventual Use”, p. 4; ZANICHELLI, L’Abbazia. 39 Admont MS. 289 Stiftsbibliothek, Austria, (f. 1v). 241 bound volume, whose cover is adorned by precious gemstones. Matilda, on the other hand, is standing modestly in front of Anselm. She offers the book, raising both hands in praise and supplication. She is depicted with a graceful but humble long-sleeved dress, lightly decorated on her shoulder; her head is covered by a light-colored hood, while a light blue mantle falls over her shoulder gently down to her knees.

Figure 8 Matilda hands over the Prayers and Meditations to Anselm of Canterbury From Austria, Admont MS, 289 Stiftsbibliothek, f. 1v.

This miniature raises a number of questions about patronage, authorship, and

242 prototype; usually, scholars have seen Matilda as the receiver and not the donor of the book and have argued for a northern authorship of the miniatures. Chiara Frugoni and Giuseppa

Zanichelli, following Wilmart’s argument,40 have challenged this interpretation, asserting that the iconography of the presentation miniature suggests Matilda is the patron of the codex, a copy of which she gifts to Anselm. Frugoni and Zanichelli also suggest that the artist of the first three miniatures might have been of Italian origin. They support this argument by comparing the Admont frontispiece with other representations of the countess, found in the Canossan scriptoria, and with other renowned miniatures which reproduce this exact archetype. I would expand this argument by presenting another Italian iconographic model that might have been the inspiration for the opening miniatures of the Admont frontispiece. This possibility would not only shed more light on the origin and nature of this miniature, but would also allow us to understand new aspects of Anselm and Matilda’s relationship.

As Chiara Frugoni states, this argument is corroborated by a series of other examples which reproduce this exact ichnographic model. According to Frugoni, the most significant of these is a miniature of the eleventh century conserved in the Vatican Library, depicting St.

Benedict receiving the manuscript of his Rule from abbot Desiderius of Monte Cassino.

Benedict, like Anselm, sits on a throne and accepts the splendid codex, decorated precisely like the manuscript of the Prayers and Meditations, given by Matilda to Anselm.

Interestingly, in this miniature, Abbot Desiderius, the future pope, Victor III, is standing in front of St. Benedict and, by donating the precious codex, is drawing attention to his own

40 ZANICHELLI, in L’abbazia di Matilde,18, pp. 112-113; FRUGONI, Per la gloria di Matilde, pp. 53- 54.

243 contribution to Monte Cassino’s artistic splendor (figure 9).41

Figure 9 The Abbot of Monte Cassino offering codices and possessions to Saint Benedict From Rome, Biblioteca Vaticana, codex. Lat. Casin. 1202, f. 17v.

Likewise, Matilda is proudly presenting the book and its luxury to her spiritual friend

Anselm. Interestingly, in his prefatory letter, Anselm observes: “Some of them [prayers] are not appropriate to your person, but I wanted to send them all so that, if you like them you may be able to compose/copy others from this exemplar,”42 clarifying that the corpus of these

41 The Abbot of Montecassino offering codices and possessions to Saint Benedict. Rome, Biblioteca Vaticana, ms. Lat. Casin. 1202, f.. 17v. 42 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Preface to the Prayers and Meditations to Matilda of Tuscany. 244 prayers was not composed expressly for her. At the same time, Anselm hoped that Matilda’s passion and knowledge for the “written word” would encourage these texts to be copied and circulated among her network of churchmen and nobles. Significantly, the miniature seems to reveal Matilda’s delight in showing her spiritual advisor how closely she was following his suggestion, reproducing and divulgating his texts. Indeed, as Pächt explains, it was precisely an Italian edition of the Mathildan model that made the Anselm cycle known in Italy.43

Moreover, the frontispiece appears to repeat a model in which the lower status figure offers a gift to the higher status figure, confirming the patronage.44 Matilda, being the patron of the volume, prefers to be depicted as a humble and devoted woman, not as a duchess and marchioness with all the symbols of her power and authority. At the same time, the proportions of the two figures are equal; their heads reach the same height, though the archbishop is lifted by a throne, probably suggesting the equal status of both figures and the mutuality of their friendship.

An earlier illuminated manuscript depicts Abbot John offering the original manuscript of Paul the Deacon’s 10th-century Commentary upon the rule of St Benedict (Commentarius in Regulam sancti Benedicti) to St. Benedict;45 this manuscript may have been the archetype for the Admont miniature, a possibility that would both reinforce Frugoni’s argument for

Matilda’s patronage of the illuminated codex and, at the same time, strengthen my interpretation of the Admont frontispiece. In the earlier Monte Cassino miniature, John is offering the book to St. Benedict, who appears to return it to the abbot, by blessing John and

43 PÄCHT, “The Illustrations”, p. 77; see also MCNAMER, Affective Meditation, p. 81. 44 A. SAND, Vision, Devotion, and Self-Representation in Late Medieval Art (Cambridge, 2014), p. 112. 45 PAUL DEACON, Commentary to the Rule of St. Benedict, codex 175, From Codex 175, Montecassino, Archivio dell'Abbazia, cod. 175, f. 2. 245 by indicating the intrinsic value of the codex. The two figures, much as in the Admont manuscript, are holding the book and exchange intense gazes. They stand before round- headed arches supported by a marble column with a Corinthian capital. The volume, strategically placed directly in front of the column, becomes the focal point for the viewer

(figure 10).

246

Figure 10 Abbot John offering the original manuscript of the Commentary upon the rule of St Benedict to St Benedict From Codex 175, Monte Cassino, Archivio dell'Abbazia, cod. 175, f. 2.

Intriguingly, both miniatures express a dynamic reciprocity. The same reciprocity and

247 iconographic arrangement in this Monte Cassino miniature are reproduced and conveyed in the Admont Frontispiece, suggesting that its author not only might have been inspired by its illustrious antecedent, but also wanted to reproduce the same idea of mutuality. This parallel is truly remarkable and is an important piece of evidence of Anselm and Matilda’s friendship. Both the hand gestures and the intense exchange of glances between Matilda and

Anselm show their profound intimacy and affinity. This empathy between the two friends, based on their devotion to God, as expressed by the book of Prayers and Meditations.

Indeed, Anselm, like St. Benedict in the earlier Monte Cassino miniature, is pointing toward the manuscript. Moreover, the countess and the archbishop are framed by a round arch supported by three Corinthian capitals in the Adamont miniature. The intersection of the two arches is adorned by a capital and, as in the earlier Monte Cassino codex, this is the point to which the beholder’s attention is drawn. This point also coincides, like in the Monte Cassino codex, with the illuminated manuscript held by Anselm and Matilda, whose hands nearly touch. The book, the central point of the composition, whose purpose was, as Anselm affirms, to stimulate the mind to the love of God, is indicated here not only as a powerful link between Anselm and Matilda, but also as the origin and purpose of their relationship.

The Majestas Domini of the Monte Cassino codex presents a beardless Christ, typical of the Italian Bibles of the twelfth century, within a Mandorla, flanked by angels (Figure

11).46

46 PAUL DEACON, Commentary to the Rule of St. Benedict, codex 175, From Codex 175, Montecassino, Archivio dell'Abbazia, cod. 175, f. 3.

248

Figure 11 Majestas Domini From Codex 175, Monte Cassino, Archivio dell'Abbazia, cod. 175, f. 2.

The same compositional motifs are replicated in the Admont manuscript; in the third miniature, Anselm and Matilda are united in prayer in front of a vision of Jesus in Majesty, within a Mandorla and flanked by two angels (figure 12).47

47 Admont MS. 289 Stiftsbibliothek, Austria, (f. 2v). 249

Figure 12 Christ Enthroned between Anselm and Matilda From Austria, Admont, MS. 289, Stiftsbibliothek f. 2v.

This image is further evidence of the nature of Anselm and Matilda’s relationship and suggests that they might have been accustomed to praying and meditating together. At the same time, as Heslop explains, they may well have given permission to the author of the miniature to be depicted in such an intense and intimate act of devotion, which, otherwise, would have been offensive and irreverent.48 Consequently, we can assume that this image clarifies the nature and goal of this friendship in the protagonists’ own voice.

In the image, Anselm has his head lifted up. His eyes are fixed in direct contemplation of Jesus’s face, while Matilda does not gaze at the Lord directly but looks more generally in His direction. Significantly, the archbishop and the countess are each

48 HESLOP, Two Pictures Cycles. 250 holding scrolls, which read “Meditatio cordis mei in conspectus similitudinis Dei.” This passage refers to the words of Psalm 19:14, “meditatio cordis mei in conspectu tuo Domine,” but is not included in the prayer which follows this miniature. It was probably added to assist the reader in more fully visualizing the sense of the image and comprehending the intrinsic meanings of the prefatory letter, which precedes the miniature, and the Prayer to God, which immediately follows it. Both texts are concerned with meditation before God. In the prayer,

Anselm affirms: “Give me heart-piercing goodness and humility; discerning abstinence and mortification of flesh. Help me to love you and pray to you, praise you and meditate upon you”.49 In the prefatory letter, mentioned above, the archbishop remarks that Matilda is supposed to read the prayers slowly, “with attention and deep meditation,” so they will stimulate devotion for God through the love for prayers and contemplation. This passage, together with the prayer and the image, show that Matilda was held in high consideration by

Anselm, who deemed her suited for deep meditation in the monastic vein.

At the same time, the illustration is probably a personal reference to the countess’s struggle between the contemplative and the active life, discussed above. Significantly, the miniature can clarify and expand the extent of Anselm’s assistance with this issue. From the archbishop’s letter, cited above, we know Anselm and Matilda had discussed this matter at length and Anselm had been impressed by her urgent desire to withdraw from the world. The illustration suggests that Anselm helped the countess to solve this existential dilemma and to comprehend the doctrine of contemplation, praying and meditating with her.

Moreover, Alexa Sand, in her book Vision, Devotion, and Self-Representation in Late

Medieval Art, explains that this visual formula, as well as the passionate atmosphere of

49 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations, p. 91-92. 251 contemplation inspired by the miniature, can be associated with the famous iconography in which the figure of Christ is flanked by the apostle John and the Virgin Mary.50 This association is even more significant when juxtaposed with Matilda’s experience. As seen in

Chapter Three, Matilda was often compared to the Virgin Mary and her previous spiritual advisor, Anselm of Lucca, was associated with the apostle John for his virginity and his special friendship with Jesus. 51 Anselm of Canterbury also considered the evangelist as the highest example of friendship and love for God. In force of this, Jesus, dying on the cross, had entrusted his mother to John.52 Therefore, this image is charged with immense meaning.

Matilda and Anselm, two influential figures, wanted to be seen as the living embodiments of the Virgin and the apostle John for the way they lived, for their profound devotion, and for their spiritual relationship.

Not by chance, the Marian theme is very strong in the Admont manuscript. In the miniature depicting the Virgin Mary, which serves to present Anselm’s three prayers to

Matilda, the image is equipped with extra meanings in respect to the texts and assists in pinpointing Matilda’s special concern and attachment to Mary (Figure 13).53

50 SAND, Vision, Devotion, and Self-Representation, pp. 117-119. 51 Vita Anselmi; DONIZO, Vita Mathildis. 52 As already discussed, Brian McGuire explains that in the eleventh and twelfth centuries John acquired a prominent role due to his exceptional friendship with Christ, MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, pp. xxviii, 208-209, 219-220. 53 Admont MS. 289 Stiftsbibliothek, Austria, (f. 21v). 252

Figure 13 The Virgin From Austria, Admont, MS. 289, Stiftsbibliothek f. 21v.

As Shepard explains, Mary is portrayed as the God-bearer in the manuscript; the author of the miniature, in order to emphasize this concept, inscribed the name Theotokos on

253 her halo.54 This image reiterates the notions expressed by Anselm in his prayers to Mary, in which he describes her active role in the mystery of incarnation. At the same time, the author of the illumination reinterprets these notions, adding a new motive to the composition.

Indeed, the Virgin is boldly showing the beholder the host, which she is holding with her right hand. As Shepard pointed out: “the artist has gone beyond Anselm’s texts to respond to a current theological interest”.55 However, this addition reveals something more. As seen in

Chapter Three, Matilda and the intellectuals at her court were personally involved in the debate over the Eucharistic Controversy. In particular, Anselm of Lucca contributed to powerfully reaffirming the notion of the presence of God in the Host and the mystery of the

Eucharistic phenomenon. By inserting the Host in the miniature, the artist was elaborating and reinterpreting the notions expressed by Anselm of Canterbury in his prayers to the Virgin

Mary, not only to respond to a theological concern, but to satisfy the concerns of Matilda, his patron.

As seen, the miniatures in the Admont manuscript typically accompany the text and, at times, complete and reinterpret the composition by adding ideas. However, in two miniatures depicting St. Peter56 and St. Benedict,57 the illuminations are not related to the texts they precede (figures 14 and 15).

54 SHEPARD, “Conventual Use”, p. 12-14. 55 SHEPARD, “Conventual Use”, p. 12. 56 Admont MS. 289 Stiftsbibliothek, Austria, (fol. 40r) 57 Admont MS. 289 Stiftsbibliothek, Austria, (fol. 80v) 254

Figure 14 St. Peter Delivered from Prison From Austria, Admont, MS. 289, Stiftsbibliothek, f. 40r.

For St. Peter, the miniaturist depicts his delivery from prison. Although, the prayer that corresponds to this miniature actually does not mention this episode in the life of the saint. Likewise, in the illumination of St. Benedict, the saint is depicted in contemplation in the grotto of Subiuaco, where he notoriously withdrew from the world to live as a hermit. On the right of the miniature, the monk Romanus is providing food for Benedict and has tied bread to a rope and lowered it into the cave to reach the saint.58 As the Gregorian Dialogue

58 See also HESLOP, Two Pictures. 255 recounts, the devil, annoyed by Romanus’ assistance to St. Benedict, broke the bell attached to the basket; this scene shows the devil about to destroy the bell. On the left, another important episode in the saint’s life is depicted. The raven who saves St. Benedict’s life is shown taking the poisoned bread from him. Moreover, the shape of the cave is reminiscent of the womb, whose umbilical cord, represented by Romanus’ rope, offers food and whose protection and warmth keeps the saint safe from external dangers.

Figure 15 Legend of St. Benedict From Austria, Admont, MS. 289, Stiftsbibliothek, f. 80v.

The artist wanted to convey the notion of deliverance from evil and salvation through

256 the benevolent intervention of God in both miniatures. Certainly, as Heslop argues, there is a very strong personal element to the miniatures, the reference to Anselm’s dangerous journey and Matilda’s maternal assistance are evident. 59 In this case, we can assume that the artist utilized the visual device to add specific details referring to Anselm and Matilda’s personal experiences. By doing so he appeared to be following the instruction of his Patron and not the texts, conveying not only the pivotal role of Matilda during Anselm’s exile, but also the exceptionality of the friendship between the countess and the archbishop, which would appear to have been granted and willed by God.

Another illustration with clear allusions to personal elements in the lives of both

Anselm and Matilda – this time, inspired by Anselm’s text – is the miniature for the prayer to

St. John the Evangelist (figure 16).60

59 See also HESLOP, Two Pictures. 60 Admont MS. 289 Stiftsbibliothek, Austria, (fol. 56r). 257

Figure 16 St. John Leaving his Wife From Austria, Admont, MS. 289, Stiftsbibliothek, f. 56r.

One of the opening passages of the prayer reads: “John, who reclined familiarly on the glorious breast of the Most High.” On the left, the miniature depicts St John as he leaves his wife, who appears to be in extreme dismay at this decision; on the right, John utterly abandons himself to the arms of Jesus. As Pächt explains, this illustration represents the earliest instance of this iconographic composition, which would come to be one of the most widespread devotional subjects.61

As Pächt clarifies, the image’s inscription emphasizes the ascetic type of the apostle’s love for Christ, and reads: “You repudiated the gentle breast of your wife and will rest over the breast of the Lord Jesus.”62 Significantly, the major concern of the miniature is to

61 PÄCHT, “The Illustrations”, p. 78. 62 PÄCHT, “The Illustrations”, p. 78.

258 emphasize the intrinsic value of the contemplative life, a theme, as seen before, held most dear by both Anselm and Matilda. Even more significant is the allusion to the refutation of the spouse, which seems not only to refer to the personal experience of Matilda, but also to utterly endorse her decision to leave her two husbands, justifying these actions by juxtaposing the love of God with the earthly love of a spouse.

Conclusion

The exceptional relationship between Matilda and Anselm contributed to the creation of a new model of friendship and consequently was part of the new revolution which, in the second half of the eleventh century, transformed the language of prayers, and set in motion a change in religious sentiments. The correspondence between Anselm and Matilda provides key evidence of the nature and purpose of Anselm and Matilda’s relationship. Its tone and language reveal the reciprocal aspect of this friendship. The countess acts as a benevolent and affectionate mother, protecting and delivering him from his enemies. In turn, Anselm plays the role of a spiritual father, whose unique devotion offers a means of reaching the

Divine.

Anselm’s Prayers and Meditations and the illustrations of the Admont manuscript reveal new aspects of the intense familiarity between the saint and the countess and disclose new personal elements of their spirituality and devotional piety. At the same, visual connotations, conveyed with key symbols and metaphors in the miniatures of the Admont manuscript, allow us to identify Matilda’s own concerns and motivations suggested in her self-representation. In the illuminations the countess is portrayed as an authoritative

259 benefactor, politically powerful and devoted to ascetic spiritualism.

We have now explored Matilda’s friendship with her most important spiritual advisor in Northern Europe. As we have seen, it may be possible that Matilda and Anselm had the opportunity to meet and become acquainted during Anselm’s years as prior at Bec when living in neighboring provinces. We have also seen that Matilda’s stepsister, Ida of

Boulogne, who lived nearby, was in close relationship with Anselm and the Abbey of Bec.

Ida might have introduced Anselm to Matilda during her long sojourn in Lotharingia between

1069 and 1071. To understand better Matilda’s connection with the world of Northern

Europe, let us now turn to the investigation of Matilda’s links with both her stepsister Ida of

Boulogne and with her domains in Lotharingia.

260

Chapter Six

Reconstructing Matilda’s Relationship with Countess Ida of Boulogne, Lotharingia,

and the World of Northern Europe

As Thomas Gross stated, Matilda of Tuscany was certainly Italian. She considered herself Italian and was considered Italian by her German relatives. Indeed, Henry IV refers to her as “Mathilda Italica nostra neptis”. However, Matilda may also be regarded as

Lotharingian, because of both her maternal ancestry and her first marriage with Godfrey the

Hunchback.1

Beatrice’s new marriage with her cousin Godfrey the Bearded duke of Lotharingia

(1054) would change her daughter’s life and bring new kindred bonds into being. Matilda

(1046-1115) spent part of her childhood and adolescence with her stepsister Ida of Boulogne

(1040-1113), daughter of Godfrey the Bearded and sister of Godfrey the Hunchback, whose strong piety and charitable nature may well have played an important role in Matilda’s spiritual devotion. However, no one has ever investigated the relationship between these two remarkable women.2 Certainly, at first glance, Ida’s life as wife, mother, grandmother, and saint would appear substantially different from Matilda’s solitary existence. However, a close examination of their ideology, activities, and religious piety reveals that these two women had much in common.

1 GROSS, Le relazioni di Matilde, pp. 335-343. 2 Sally Vaughn is the only scholar who discussed this relationship in her book: VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159. 261

Exploring Matilda’s connections with Countess Ida of Boulogne and the world of northern Europe, her profound links to her domains in Lotharingia, and her association with the house of Ardennes-Bouillon allows us to shed new light on Matilda’s political, spiritual, and ideological program, including her decision not to participate in the First Crusade. This exploration also shows the impact of Lotharingia’s political upheaval on the Investiture

Controversy.

The New Canossa-Lotharingia Dynasty and the Strong Connection with the

World Beyond the Alps.

Matilda of Tuscany was six years younger than Ida of Boulogne,3 but outlived Ida by two years. Ida and Godfrey the Hunchback were the offspring of Godfrey the Bearded’s first marriage with Doda. Godfrey the Bearded played a central role in advancing the prestige of the house of Ardennes-Bouillon in Lotharingia and in the expansion of the house of

Canossa.4 By marrying his cousin Beatrice, Matilda’s mother and a part of his noble

Lotharingian family, Godfrey the Bearded would become the most powerful secular figure in

Europe, whose role would impact not only Matilda’s future power in central Italy and

3 On Ida of Boulogne: Vita b. Idae comitissae viduae, by a monk of Vaast, ed. G. HENSCHENIUS and D. PAPEBROCHIUS in: Acta Sanctorum, Apr. II (Antwerp, 1645), pp. 139-145; and MIGNE, PL, vol. 155, 437-466; N. HUYGHEBAERT, ‘La mère de Godefroid de Bouillon: La comtesse Ide de Boulogne’, in Publications de la section historique de l’Institut grand-ducal del Luxembourg, 95 (1981), pp. 43–63; RENÉE NIP, ‘Godelieve of Gistel and Ida of Boulogne’, in Sanctity and Motherhood: Essays on Holy Mothers in the Middle Ages ed. A. B. MULDER-BAKKER (London, 1995), pp. 191–223; J.P. DICKÈS, Sainte Ide de Boulogne: mère de Godefroy de Bouillon, (Paris: 2004); VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159; H. J. TANNER, Families, friends and allies: Boulogne and politics in northern France and England, c. 879-1160, (Leiden: 2004), pp. 120-180. 4 On Godfrey the Bearded’s list of primary sources see: M. MARROCCHI, Goffredo il Barbuto, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, LVII, (Rome, 2001), pp. 533-539; For the scholarship: D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 135-142; S. JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon: duke of Lower Lotharingia, ruler of Latin Jerusalem, c.1060-1100 (London, 2019), pp. 18-31; C. J. ANDRESSOHN, The Ancestry and Life of Godfrey of Bouillon (Bloomington: 1947), pp. 9-26. 262 northern Europe, but also would have profound repercussions over the fate of both the papacy and the Holy Roman Empire. 5 For Matilda and the papal reform party the loyalty of the ecclesiastical provinces of Lotharingia was absolutely crucial. A brief survey of Matilda’s ancestors in Lotharingia and the importance of this region to her authority will help to contextualize and to clarify Matilda’s strong connections with the world beyond the Alps.6

In the eleventh century, Lotharingia was a vast region bordered, to the north, by Frisia and the North Sea and confined by the kingdom of Burgundy to the South. To the west, it was bordered by the neighboring kingdom of France and the county of Flanders and, to the east, the German duchies. The duchy of Upper Lotharingia included the ecclesiastical provinces of Trier, Metz, Toul, and Verdun while Lower Lotharingia comprised the provinces of Cologne, Utrecht, and Liège, with the important castle of Bouillon.7

5 See Chapter One, Beatrice was daughter of Matilda of Swabia and Frederick II, duke of Upper Lotharingia, after the loss of both parents Beatrice was raised by her aunt Empress Gisela and her husband emperor Conrad II. On the marriage between Godfrey and Beatrice see: LAZZARI, Goffredo di Lorena, pp. 225-242; “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”; “I Poteri Delle Donne Al Tempo Di Matilde”. In Matilde di Canossa e il suo tempo : atti del XXI Congresso internazionale di studio sull'alto Medioevo in occasione del IX centenario della morte (1115-2015) : San Benedetto Po - Revere - Mantova - Quattro Castella, 20-24 ottobre 2015, 2 (Mantova, 2016), pp. 35–56. 6 For Matilda and her relationship with her domains in Lotharingia see: GROSS, Le relazioni di Matilde; GOLINELLI, ‘Mathilde de Toscane’; OVERMANN, La contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp. 176-179; JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon. 7 JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp. 14-55; GROSS, Le relazioni di Matilde. 263

Map 2 Lotharingia and the Western Empire

This area came into being in 843 when the sons of Louis the Pious split the empire into three kingdoms: West Francia, East Francia, and Middle Francia. The latter was assigned to Lothar I and his heirs and took the name of Lotharingia. The Ottonian emperors divided this large territory into Upper Lotharingia and Lower Lotharingia and, in 919, assigned to count Frederic I of Bar, Beatrice of Canossa’s great grandfather Upper Lotharingia and

Lower Lotharingia they gave to Gozelo. Gozelo’s son, Godfrey of Verdon, founded the prestigious house of Ardennes-Bouillon and owed the title of duke to Emperor Henry II, who rewarded his loyalty by gifting Godfrey I the duchy of Lower Lotharingia. After his death in

1023, his brother Gozelo, count of Antwerp, inherited the duchy. Beatrice’s father, Frederik

II count of Bar, brother of Bishop Adalberon of Metz, held the duchy of Upper Lotharingia.

At his death in 1027 Gozelo was able to reunite the two duchies and place them under his

264 authority.8

During this period Godfrey the Bearded, who was exceptionally experienced in both military activities and politics, assisted his father in the government of the entire region, certainly expecting to succeed him in the future. However, his hope was not satisfied. Likely fearing a mighty duke, Emperor Henry III decided to divide the vast duchy between Gozelo’s two sons after his death; Upper Lotharingia was assigned to Godfrey the Bearded and Gozelo

II was given Lower Lotharingia. The emperor’s order enraged the proud and resolute

Godfrey the Bearded, who involved the king of France and nobles of Burgundy in a treacherous revolt against the emperor in 1044. Godfrey’s defeat and imprisonment in 1045, and the consequent loss of Upper Lotharingia, appeared to put the issue to rest. When Gozelo

II died in 1046, Lower Lotharingia was given to Frederic of Luxembourg, while Henry III liberated and forgave Godfrey the Bearded and reassigned him with his duchy of Upper

Lotharingia after an apparent reconciliation. However, Godfrey the Bearded’s latent determination to possess the entire duchy resulted in another violent rebellion, during which he burned the castle of Nijmegen and destroyed the cathedral of Verdun. During this revolt

Godfrey sought the alliance of the counts of Flanders and Holland together with Count

Eustace II of Boulogne, Ida’s future husband. Godfrey was defeated by the emperor for the second time and was forced to humble himself by relinquishing his duchy. Later, in 1051, he was again pardoned and allowed to hold small fiefs in his region. Godfrey’s failed attempts to regain his domains did not stop the indomitable duke, who secretly departed for Italy after

8 JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp. 17-18; LAZZARI, Goffredo di Lorena; ANDRESSOHN, The Ancestry and Life, 9-26. 265 the death of his first wife, Doda,9 to seek new alliances beyond the Lotharingian territories.10

Meanwhile, Beatrice of Canossa-Lotharingia, widow of the powerful margrave

Bonifacio of Canossa (assassinated by a poisoned spear while hunting), was deprived of her first-born Frederik and her homonymous daughter Beatrice. The children were brutally murdered, probably by the emperor, who feared the threat posed by another powerful margrave of Canossa coming of age.11 Matilda was left alive, perhaps because of her young age. The sudden and violent death of Beatrice’s two children led her to seek the assistance of a powerful man in the government of her vast domains; she found this man in the emperor’s greatest enemy, Godfrey the Bearded. The two cousins married the same year. By marrying

Beatrice, Godfrey not only assumed the title of margrave of Tuscany, but also could assert his right to Lotharingia, considering that his wife, Beatrice, was the daughter of the late duke of Upper Lotharingia and owned several allodial territories in that region. This union was declared illegal for both consanguinity and the lack of the emperor’s legal permission.12

This powerful new alliance triggered a violent reaction from Henry III, who, anxious to eliminate the menace of the new dynasty, prepared an expedition to Italy to put an end to this offence. Consequently, Godfrey the Bearded escaped to Lotharingia, leaving Beatrice to the mercy of the emperor. Once in Florence, Henry abducted both Beatrice and nine years

9 Godfrey’s first wife’s life and family are almost entirely unknown. We know that she was of a noble and distinguished family and that she was, like her daughter, a patron of the church. For her life see: DUPRÉEL, Histoire critique de Godefroid le Barbu, pp. 18-19. 10 JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp. 18-28; LAZZARI, Goffredo di Lorena; ANDRESSOHN, The Ancestry and Life, 9-26; MARROCCHI, Goffredo il Barbuto; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 135-142. 11 BONIZO, Liber ad amicum, p. 590; BONIZO OF SUTRI, Book to a Friend, p. 195; LANDULF SENIOR, Historia Mediolanensis, p. 97; BERTHOLD OF REICHENAU, Annales, p. 269; tr. in ROBINSON, Eleventh-century Germany, p. 100; LAZZARI, Goffredo di Lorena; GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, pp. 127-134. 12 The marriage was opposed by Henry III, but it was also considered illegal under Canon Law. The two spouses were cousins. The Lateran Council of 1059 had declared illegitimate unions up to the 7th degree. LAZZARI, Goffredo di Lorena; D’ACUNTO, I Laici nella Chiesa, pp. 264-275. See also above Chapter One. 266 old Matilda, taking them to Germany at the end of the fall of 1055. However, in June 1056

Emperor Henry III, near death, would pardon Godfrey and Beatrice and acknowledging

Godfrey as margrave of Tuscany, though he would not recognize him as duke of Lotharingia.

The powerful margrave would be given the title of duke of Lower Lotharingia only in 1065 by Henry IV. 13

Table 4 Genealogy of the House of Ardennes-Bouillons and connections with the House of Canossa.

13 LAZZARI, Goffredo di Lorena; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 264-275. 267

Matilda and Ida: A Common Destiny

This series of overwhelming and negative events certainly caused a lasting impact on both Matilda and her step siblings. Unfortunately, during this turbulent period there is no record of the whereabouts of Godfrey the Bearded’s children. At the time Ida was fourteen years old and Godfrey the Hunchback was only ten. However, we can surmise that both

Matilda and Ida may well have gone through the same transition, living with a new family and a new stepparent, as well as experiencing the traumatic and forced separation of their new parents. Matilda was also likely still mourning the premature death of her father and siblings. After the family was finally reunited, the two young women may well have spent part of their childhood and adolescence together, attended each other’s weddings, and gone through the same painful circumstance of the extended illness and death of their father and step father.

Matilda probably had the opportunity to meet her stepsiblings Ida and Godfrey the

Hunchback in 1054. They would have traveled to Italy for their father’s wedding and, perhaps, fled with him to Lotharingia one year later in 1055. Matilda would later cross the

Alps to be conducted to Germany by force. However, after her mother and step-father were reconciled with the emperor, Matilda would travel with them to Lotharingia and sojourn there for the first part of the year 1057, and probably lived at court with her step siblings. In this period Matilda was also betrothed to her stepbrother Godfrey.14 Evidence of Matilda’s

14 For Emperor Henry III’s reconciliation with Godfrey the Bearded see: BONIZO, Liber ad amicum, p. 590; BONIZO OF SUTRI, Book to a Friend, p. 195; see also JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, p. 23. On Matilda’s engagement with Godfrey the Hunchback see OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp.105-106. 268 familiarity with the world beyond the Alps is provided by Donizo, who explains: “She knows very well the German language, and also knows how to speak the joyful language of the

French”.15 As Riversi pointed out, this fluency in German was probably not purely the result of a good education, given by her mother, but came as the result of her long sojourn in

Lotharingia and Germany.16

In the same year Matilda probably assisted in the sumptuous and fabulous wedding between Ida and the powerful Count Eustace II of Boulogne, whose authority in northern

France and ties with England gave him a prominent role in the politics of northern Europe.17

Since the time of Godfrey the Bearded’s rebellion against Henry III, Eustace had been a loyal ally. According to Vita Idae, written between 1130 and 1135 by a monk of the monastery of

St. Waast, Eustace chose Ida because of her noble birth but most of all for her stunning beauty and exceptional pious virtues. Interestingly, according to the hagiographer, during the time preceding the marriage, supposedly when the entire family was reunited in Lotharingia,

Eustace sent several messages to Godfrey the Bearded asking for his daughter’s hand in marriage. From the account’s description it can be inferred that Beatrice and Godfrey

“parentes,” after a cautious reflection, took the decision to accept Eustace’s offer together.

Furthermore, the account also explains that this union fortified the bond between these two families forever.18 It is very plausible that Matilda attended Ida’s magnificent wedding before

15 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II vv. 42-43. 16 RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, p. 98. 17 Eustace II’s ties with England were mainly due to his first marriage with Goda in 1036. She was the daughter of king Æthelred of England (978-1013, 1014-1016), and she was also the sister of Edward the Confessor who reigned in England from 1042 to 1066. For this and for the marriage between Ida and Eustace see: Vita Idae; JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp. 38-42; HUYGHEBAERT, ‘La mère de Godefroid de Bouillon’; RENÉE, ‘Godelieve of Gistel and Ida of Boulogne’, pp. 191–223; DICKÈS, Sainte Ide de Boulogne; VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159; On Eustace’s career: TANNER, Families, friends and allies, pp. 129-180. 18 Vita Idae, PL, Col. 437. 269 returning to Italy in the Spring of the same year with Beatrice and Godfrey the Bearded; it is likely that Godfrey would not have left Lotharingia without attending his daughter’s wedding.

After Ida’s marriage, the lives of these stepsisters probably separated; however, their contacts may well have been fairly regular. Presumably, Matilda accompanied her step-father in his usual expeditions beyond the Alps. As previously noted, from 1057 to his death in

1069, Godfrey the Bearded was used to traveling between Germany and Italy to administrate his large territory.19 In this period Godfrey assumed guardianship over Matilda, who probably assisted him in the governance of Lotharingia. Bonizo’s account reports that

Matilda was in Germany with Godfrey the Bearded in 1067, when she was only twenty years of age, and that they both returned to Italy later in the year to take part in the expedition in favor of Pope Alexander II against the Normans who had invaded Campania and the area around Rome.20 Though Bonizo’s account cannot be taken at face value, given that it is the only evidence for these events, the statement is significant because it indicates that Matilda was used to being involved with her stepfather in the politics of both northern Europe and

Italy. Matilda’s involvement with her stepfather’s affairs and the politics of Lotharingia would have given her several opportunities to visit Ida of Boulogne in the nearby province.

Ida was also deeply involved with her husband’s and her father’s politics. At the same time, as Simon John explains in his book, Godfrey of Bouillon: Duke of Lower Lotharingia, Ruler of Latin Jerusalem, the borders between Lotharingia and France were extremely blurred and permeable at that time, the constant intermingling of culture, language, economy, and politics

19 D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, 266. 20 BONIZO, Book to a Friend, pp. 215-216; on this source see JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp 25-26; DUPRÉEL, Histoire critique de Godefroid le Barbu, pp. 115-123. 270 served as a strong link between these two regions.21

Moreover, as seen in Chapter Two, Matilda would sojourn in Lotharingia for two years, from 1069 to 1071, and certainly would have had the opportunity to spend time with

Ida. In 1069 Godfrey the Bearded became extremely ill. He made the decision to return to his homeland in Lotharingia. Matilda and Beatrice followed him in the spring of 1069. During this time, Godfrey dedicated himself to charitable work and acted in favor of several monasteries and churches.22 We may perhaps assume that in this delicate moment he acted with the support and assistance of his close family members. At the end of the year, near death, Godfrey was brought to Bouillon. Godfrey the Hunchback, Beatrice, and certainly Ida convened at his deathbed to assist the duke during the last phase of his illness. At the same time, Godfrey requested the presence of Abbot Thierry of St Hubert. Later, Godfrey’s friends and family carried the duke from Bouillon to the priory of St. Peter. Here the sick duke placed the ivory casket that had belonged to Boniface of Canossa on the altar of St. Peter and donated the priory of St. Peter to the monastery of St. Hubert. After this, Godfrey the

Bearded was taken to Verdun where, on December 24, 1069, he died. It would be reasonable to assume that Ida and Matilda had shared this extended and intense period and were probably brought together by the painful circumstance of the illness and subsequent loss of their father.23

Their connection probably grew stronger with Matilda’s marriage to Ida’s brother,

Godfrey the Hunchback. The two stepsiblings married during Godfrey the Bearded’s illness

21 JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp. 17-18. 22 BENZO OF ALBA, Ad Heinricum IV, pp. 298-300. 23 For the detailed narration of Godfrey’s illness and death: Chronicon Sancti Huberti Andaginensis, pp. 580-582. 271 in 1069,24 and presumably Ida attended the wedding. Unfortunately, evidence of Matilda’s sojourn in Lotharingia at the side of her husband is scant. One of the few sources documenting Matilda’s activity is her first wax seal, issued during this time and discovered by Paolo Golinelli at the British Library. The seal’s image shows Matilda standing, holding a book in her right hand and a flower in her left. The seal’s legend reads: “Uxor Gotfridi

Mathildi(s)” – Matilda wife of Godfrey.25 Seals were usually attached to charters, a symbol of the power and the authority of the sealer. Interestingly, as Creber explains in her article

Making an Impression: Imperial Iconography on the Seals of Beatrice of Tuscany (c.1020-

1076) and Matilda of Tuscany (1046-1115), Matilda and her mother Beatrice were the first women in the eleventh century to issue seals. Women’s seals would only appear later in

1120s.26 As Golinelli explains, this seal is important evidence that Matilda, during the two years she spent in Lotharingia, was active and involved in the government of the region with her husband. Moreover, the seal shows Matilda’s intention to attach her status and her authority to her husband’s prestigious lineage. In her charters the countess declares that, because of her union with Godfrey the Hunchback, she would no longer follow the Lombard

Law, but was subjected to the Salian law, the code of her husband’s ancestry.27 Another significant sign of Matilda’s public involvement with Lotharingia is the foundation of the

Abbey of Orval in 1070 in the territory of her vassals the counts of Chiny. This monastery was located in Belgium at the border with France, in the province of Luxemburg. This region

24 On Matilda’s marriage see Chapter Two note 35. 25 GOLINELLI, ‘Mathilde de Toscane’. 26 A. CREBER, “Making an Impression: Imperial Iconography on the Seals of Beatrice of Tuscany (c.1020-1076) and Matilda of Tuscany (1046-1115)”, Unpublished Conference Paper, Gender, Identity, Iconography, Gender and Medieval Studies Conference, Corpus Christi College, University of Oxford, January 8-10, (Oxford, 2018). See also, S. JOHNS, “Seals”, in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth- century Anglo-Norman realm (Manchester, 2003), pp. 122-151. 27 GOLINELLI, ‘Mathilde de Toscane’. 272 was governed, on Matilda’s behalf, by the counts of Chiny even after the death of her husband. Arnulf of Chiny, who controlled the domain between 1065 to 1109, would take part in the foundation of the Abbey. In a charter, dated 1124 and enacted by Otto of Chiny, Otto confirms his father’s donation on Matilda’s account.28 Additionally, a legend confirms

Matilda’s involvement in the abbey’s foundation. It states that the countess, already a widow of Godfrey the Hunchback, stopped at a nearby fountain to drink its refreshing water while visiting the Abbey and lost her wedding ring. In vain, she searched for it and, in desolation, the countess appealed to the Virgin Mary for assistance and immediately a trout jumped out from the water and returned the ring to Matilda. According to the myth, the countess cried out, proclaiming the valley was truly a “golden valley” “val d’or” in French, from which the name Orval originated. This legend is found in different versions in the Abbey’s tradition and, though the most ancient account goes back to 1549, it is significant that a ring, clearly referring to the legend, has been portrayed in the insignia of the monastery since thirteen hundred.29

However, as seen in the previous chapter, Matilda’s sojourn in Lotharingia was particularly difficult due to the death of her infant daughter and her illness afterwards. The countess of Boulogne was the only female of the family living in the vicinity and she might have assisted Matilda during this difficult time. Although no real proof of this assertion exists, the evidence of contact and collaboration among the two families during this period

28 Thomas Gross explains that a group of Benedictine monks from Calabria had settled at Orval with the blessing of the countess and at the invitation of the count Arnolf of Chiny, they also began the construction of the monastery. They were replaced by a community of Cistercian monks in 1124, GROSS, Le relazioni di Matilde. Golinelli thinks that it is possible that the monks were not from Calabria but from Camaldoli, GOLINELLI, ‘Mathilde de Toscane’. 29 A. STALPAER, “La légende d'Orval, ses attestations, son origine et ses attaches avec d'autres legends”, Cîteaux in de Nederlanden, VII, Abdij Westmalle (Citeaux, 1957), pp. 132-138; GROSS, Le relazioni di Matilde; GOLINELLI, ‘Mathilde de Toscane’. 273 supports this assumption. Indeed, during Matilda’s sojourn in Lotharingia, Eustace, Ida’s husband, and Godfrey the Hunchback took part in the struggle for succession after the death of Count Baldwin VI of Flanders in 1070. They both supported Arnulf III against Robert the

Frisian. 30 As Tanner suggests, kinship, politics, and friendly relations with the house of

Lotharingia had helped the house of Boulogne and its counts in the 11th century to transform from local vassals to independent and powerful lords who played a central role in French and

English politics.31

Saint Ida of Boulogne: A Model for Matilda?

There is no direct evidence of a relationship between Ida and Matilda, however, there is plenty of circumstantial evidence. Their close family connections, their similar friendship networks, and spiritual devotion argue for a strong connection and cannot be overlooked. By reconstructing Ida and Matilda’s movements and family associations we may argue that the two sisters spent part of their childhood together and may well have had opportunities throughout their adult lives for frequent encounters.

This suggests that Ida, Matilda’s elder sister, might have served as an example and model for Matilda. As seen in Chapter One, Matilda’s personal relationship with her family and her kindred, during her childhood and adolescence, would set the stage for and give direction to the countess’s ideological program. It would be reasonable to argue that Ida, well known and acclaimed by her contemporaries as a saintly woman, tirelessly devoted to God, could have been another model of friendship and piety for Matilda. Furthermore, Ida’s

30 JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, p. 41. 31 TANNER, Families, friends and allies, pp. 69-128. 274 lifestyle and her spiritual relationships with significant churchmen could have defined and directed Matilda’s future ideals and her own network of relationships.

According to Tanner, Ida, like Matilda, had an active role in developing of the power of her lineage.32 Ida’s life and role as Countess of Boulogne differed greatly from Matilda’s experiences; Ida distinguished herself as a mother. However, looking more closely at Ida’s life and deeds, it would seem that these extraordinary women had much in common. Ida and her stepsister belonged to the same circle of radical reformers, they were both highly educated, and, throughout their lives, were associated with a wide network of friends, involving the most prominent churchmen of western Europe. Ida was particularly attached to

Abbot Hugh of Cluny, who was also very close to Matilda of Tuscany. In 1096 Ida solicited

Abbot Hugh to send monks from Cluny to her most important foundation, St. Waast.33 The countess of Boulogne’s lifestyle and spiritual relationships argue for a strong affinity with

Matilda of Tuscany. Ida, like Beatrice and Matilda, enhanced and expanded her family power through ecclesiastical patronage. During her life she acted as a patron of the Abbey of Bec, she reformed St. Wulmer at Samer in the county of Boulogne, and she founded the Abby of

St Wulmer at Boulogne, Capella, and St. Waast; indeed, it was an anonymous monk of the latter monastery who wrote her Vita. 34

The account of Ida’s life is, unfortunately, quite succinct in the narration of her childhood and married life. Its concern was in proving her holiness, encouraging the official church to acknowledge her sainthood. The author describes Ida’s aspiration to experience

32 TANNER, Families, friends, pp. 123-124. 33 Vita Idae, PL, 155, col. 440-443. 34 Vita Idae, PL, 155, col. 440-443; HUYGHEBAERT, ‘La mère de Godefroid de Bouillon’, pp. 43– 63; RENÉE, ‘Godelieve of Gistel and Ida of Boulogne’, pp. 191–223; DICKÈS, Sainte Ide de Boulogne; VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159; TANNER, Families, friends, pp. 120-180; DUBY, The Knight, the Lady, and the Priest, pp. 135-138. 275 divine love, rather than worldly glory, and how she was compelled to abandon this desire to follow God’s will. The Lord revealed her vocation as a mother to her in a dream in which a bright sun, descending from heaven and resting on her lap, revealed that her offspring would glorify God with their deeds.35 Indeed, Ida and Eustace II had three sons: Eustace III, who would succeed his father as count of Boulogne, Godfrey of Bouillon, who would distinguish himself as the leader of the First Crusade and king of Jerusalem, and Baldwin, who would become king of Jerusalem after his brother.36 The Life underlines her special gifts as a mother. At the same time, the account underlines her deeds as a noble and pious woman, devoted to the care of the sick, the orphans, the poor, the elderly, servants, and, most of all, the church. Because of her compassionate and humble nature, Ida was a model for her community and her example reinforced everyone’s faith even after the death of her husband in 1086/1087.37

Ida was particularly devoted to the Virgin, dedicating one of her foundations, the monastery of Capella, to her. Furthermore, not only had Ida provided the monastery with funds and goods from her own possessions, but also had given the monks important relics, including a number of hairs of the Virgin Mary.38 In the Vita it can be inferred that her life and devotion were compared to the mother of God. For example, Ida’s childhood vision of a sun descending from heaven, a prophecy of her blessed maternity, appeared to be linked to the annunciation. Furthermore, the account infers a parallel between the Virgin, who was the mother of the savior, and Ida, who was the mother of the saviors of Christianity. Moreover,

35 RENÉE, ‘Godelieve of Gistel and Ida of Boulogne’. 36 JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon; ANDRESSOHN, The Ancestry and Life; VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159; TANNER, Families, friends. 37 Vita Idae, PL, 155, col. 440-443. 38 Vita Idae, PL, 155, col. 443. 276 according to the Life, after the death of her husband, the heavenly bridegroom replaced the embrace of her earthly husband.39 This concept clearly alludes to the idea of Sponsa Christi, previously applied to Empress Agnes by Peter Damian and John of Fécamp, which, as seen, would become a common appellative for Matilda as well.40

Anselm of Canterbury’s correspondence with Ida confirms she was a truly admirable, devoted, and charitable woman.41 The lifelong spiritual friendship between the archbishop and Ida, characterized by mutual esteem and love, probably began as soon as Ida arrived at

Boulogne and strengthened during the years of Anselm’s archbishopric. Anselm of

Canterbury’s epistolary includes six letters42 addressed to Ida. The first epistle is the only one written during the years of Anselm’s priorate. As Vaughn suggests, it was probably composed in the 1060s and its familiar tone and references show that Ida and Anselm, at that time, may well have known each other for a significant amount of time. Interestingly, Ida’s links with Bec during Anselm’s priorate were particularly strong, so much so that, on his way to England in the 1070s, Abbot Herluin stopped to visit Countess Ida and, in Boulogne, performed his only miracle. This episode, along with Anselm’s letters, shows the deep and well-established relationship the countess had with the monastery.43

His correspondence shows Anselm's profound esteem for Ida in both her noble birth and pious life. In the first letter the archbishop expresses his appreciation for her persistent

39 RENÉE, ‘Godelieve of Gistel and Ida of Boulogne’. 40 See Chapter One. 41 Another evidence of Ida’s life is in Guibert of Nogent’s account, Gesta Dei per Francos, in which he refers to Ida as “learned Lotharingian aristocrat” and praises her for her devotion to God and profound spiritual faith, Guibert of Nogent, Dei Gesta per Francos, ed. R. B. C. HUYGENS (Turnhout, 1996), tr. in GUIBERT OF NOGENT, The Deeds of God Through the Franks, tr. Robert Levine (Woodbridge: 1997). For Ida and Anselm of Canterbury see: VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159; CANATELLA, Scripsit Amica Manus, pp. 96-105. 42 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Eps. 82, 114, 131, 167, 244, 247. 43 TANNER, Families, Friends and Allies, p. 123. The miracle is described in Herliun's vita: The Life of Herluin, in VAUGHN, The Abbey of Bec and the Anglo-Norman State, 1034-1136, 79. 277 assistance in the affairs of the monastery of Bec, and in particular he thanks her for having protected and saved a monk of the monastery who, forsaken by his family and friends, was welcomed by Ida and sent to Bec where he had found a safe refuge and a home.44 In another letter Anselm expresses his deep respect for Ida’s wisdom by appealing to her ability as spiritual advisor and guide and by beseeching her to succor Dom Richard, the carrier of the letter, by fortifying his faith and helping him in his path of life.45 In the letters that follow he continues to praise her devotion and amiable role of spiritual teacher. At the same time, the archbishop valued her as counselor and teacher. Ida supported Anselm during his elevation to the archiepiscopal see of Canterbury in 1093, and, as Vaughn suggests, she might have been the only friend to whom Anselm admitted his position regarding his appointment. Indeed, from his fourth letter, written after Anselm’s appointment to the archbishopric of Canterbury, it can be inferred that Ida was informed of every aspect of Anselm’s life and was familiar with his inner desires.46

Significantly, as we have seen in the previous chapter, Matilda of Tuscany also developed a deep and personal relationship with Anselm of Canterbury. This friendship is documented mainly in three letters, written at the time of Anselm’s second exile; two letters are composed by Anselm and addressed to Matilda and the other is written by Matilda to

Pope Paschal II, exhorting him to intercede on behalf of the archbishop with the king. The tone and intimacy of Anselm’ letters and Matilda’s passionate appeal to the pope reveal a profound friendship. Anselm may have first become acquainted with Matilda and the powerful Canossa-Lotharingia family during his youth in Italy (1054-1056).47 This

44 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 82. 45 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 114. 46 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 167. 47 See Chapter Five. 278 possibility would have encouraged Matilda and Anselm to frequently seek each other’s company during Anselm’s priority at Bec. Matilda of Tuscany was often in Lotharingia at the time of Anselm’s priorate.48 For this reason, it is highly possible that, during this period,

Ida’s strong relationship with Bec and Anselm encouraged encounters between the archbishop and Matilda. 49

While the evidence fails to provide an exact connection between Ida of Boulogne and

Matilda of Tuscany, from their strong family connections and the evidence of contact and collaboration between the Ardennes-Boulogne families during the period in which Matilda was in Lotharingia, we may assert that a familiar friendship existed between the two women.

In addition, Ida’s role as spiritual teacher, her tireless and charitable generosity toward the less fortunate, and her devotion for the Virgin Mary suggest she could have been a model for

Matilda, who could have been helped by her sister in the most difficult moment of her life, the loss of her child. Furthermore, the countess of Boulogne and Matilda were united by their common friendship with Anselm of Canterbury. It is entirely possible that Ida introduced the archbishop to Matilda. Ida’s three sons, Matilda’s nephews, would figure importantly in

Matilda’s life.

48 As seen above, Matilda was used to travel to Lotharingia with her stepfather Godfrey the Bearded in the 1060s. She will live in Lotharingia with her first husband Godfrey the Hunchback from 1069 to 1071. 49 See Chapter Five. 279

Map 3 Matilda’s Network in Northern Europe

Matilda’s Domains in Lotharingia and the Issue of the Inheritance

After Matilda’s abrupt separation from Godfrey the Hunchback and the bitter dispute over his inheritance, which would involve Matilda, her nephew Godfrey of Bouillon, Ida’s second son, and Ida herself, the two sisters’ relationship may well have grown cold. As discussed in the second chapter, Godfrey the Hunchback adopted Ida’s son, Godfrey of

280

Bouillon, on his deathbed and appointed him as the beneficiary of his legacy in Lower

Lotharingia. In turn, Matilda was determined to reclaim the territories in Lotharingia for herself.50 This issue resulted in a protracted struggle which lasted over twenty years. In this conflict much was at stake for the major claimants. For Matilda, maintaining the authority over this region was absolutely crucial; if the countess prevailed in expanding her holdings from northern Europe to Rome, she would have been able to counterbalance the power of the

German emperor and facilitate the position of the papacy in the Investiture Controversy. If, on the other hand, her nephew Godfrey succeeded, he might aspire, as his grandfather before him, to the career of a mighty duke, counting on the authority of a vast territory extending from France and Lotharingia to central Italy. Consequently, the emperor would have acquired a powerful ally in his conflict with Gregory VII. For this reason, both Godfrey of Bouillon and Matilda were determined to preserve their territorial claims. What was the extent of

Godfrey the Hunchback’s inheritance? What territories did Matilda claim? How did the countess exercise her authority over these distant holdings?

50 For Godfrey the Hunchback and the dispute with Matilda over Lotharingia see: OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp.175-192; JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon; ANDRESSOHN, The Ancestry and Life; VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159; TANNER, Families, friends; GROSS, Le relazioni di Matilde di Canossa con la Lorena. 281

Map 4 Area of Matilda's Domains in Lotharingia

282

Godfrey the Hunchback’s inheritance consisted of the duchy of Lower Lotharingia, the march of Antwerp, the duchy of Verdun, and the allodial territories including Mosey and

Stenay, located on the Meuse, nearby Verdun and Bouillon. At her husband’s death, Matilda claimed mainly Mosey and Stenay, which were part of Beatrice of Canossa’s dowry and consequently passed to Godfrey the Bearded with their marriage. The countess also claimed the county of Verdun; this county had belonged to the house of the Ardennes since the time of its first ancestors – and the forest of Woëvre and the castle of Murvaux – which Godfrey the Bearded and Beatrice had donated to the church of Verdun.51

Controlling these domains in Lotharingia would have been crucial to Matilda’s power and to the fate of the papal cause. For this reason the countess and Gregory VII requested the assistance of Bishop Thierry of Verdun, Bishop Manasses of Rheims52, and her vassal Albert of Namur. A letter from Manasses to Gregory dated 1078 confirms the great extent of the archbishop’s involvement in Matilda’s inheritance:

“At your request and by your intervention, my lord, I relayed to the lady marquess

M[atilda of Tuscany] everything which her predecessor had believed about me; and to

51 OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp.175-192; JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, p. 63. 52 Archbishop Manasses I of Rheims was appointed to his seat from 1069-1080. Little is known about the churchman’s early life. He received his education at the school of Bec and was a student of Lanfranc. He owed his archbishopric to the friendship with pope Alexander II (1061-1073) and to archdeacon Hildebrand, then-Pope Gregory VII. He was one of the most brilliant and powerful churchmen in France. At the beginning of his career Archbishop Manasses was a supporter of reform and loyal ally of Gregory VII. However, when he refused to participate in the Fall synod, summoned by Hugh of Die and urged by Gregory, on September 1077, he not only was excommunicated by Hugh of Die, but also fell out with all the clerics in his diocese of Rheims. This harsh punishment was revoked by Gregory in 1078 in exchange for military assistance in Lotharingia on behalf of Matilda. Manasses wrote a letter to Gregory in August 1078 in which he asserted the right not to obey the papal legate. This enraged Gregory. Meanwhile the churchmen of Rheims were accusing the archbishop of appropriate territories in his diocese for personal gain. Manasses also continued to refuse to attend the councils summoned by Hugh of Die. He refused to apologize for this and ultimately, he was deposed and removed from office. See J. S. OTT, "‘Reims and Rome are Equals’: Archbishop Manasses I (c. 1069–80), Pope Gregory VII, and the Fortunes of Historical Exceptionalism Images and the Episcopacy in the Middle Ages", in S. DANIELSON, E. A. GATTI, Envisioning the bishop: images and the episcopacy in the Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2014), pp. 275-302; Letters of Manasses I, Archbishop of Reims, and Hugh, bishop of Die, to Pope Gregory VII (1077-1080) Translated from the Latin by John S. Ott: http://www.web.pdx.edu/~ott/manasses/index.html. See also CANTARELLA, Gregorio VII, pp. 205-233. 283

defend her I promise and faithfully promised my counsel and aid, which she accepted.

On the matter of opposing G[odfrey of Bouillon] and receiving Count A[rnulf of

Chiny], I am prepared to carry out whatever she asks. To confirm all these things,

during the holy days of Pentecost I was with our brother and your faithful bishop

Thierry at his city of Verdun, having put off all my pressing business for her sake

during that sacrosanct time.”53

This powerful group represented a real challenge for fifteen-year-old Godfrey of

Bouillon, who went to Lotharingia with his mother Ida in order to assert the will of his uncle and claim the territory.54 It is not certain whether Matilda also went to Lotharingia in 1076 to personally secure her inheritance or simply delegated the task to her powerful allies.55

However, it is plausible that this bitter dispute complicated the relationship between Ida and

Matilda.

Between the years 1076 and 1080 Matilda secured her domains. Albert of Namur and

Thierry of Verdun fought fiercely for both the duchy of Verdun and the city and the castle of

Bouillon. They were never able to acquire the latter, however, they succeeded in maintaining possession of Stenay and Mosay. Moreover, before May 1078, Gregory instructed

Archbishop Manasses of Rheims to direct the army designated for the papacy in Lotharingia to assist Countess Matilda with the issue of her inheritance and pro Albert of Namur.56

53 ARCHBISHOP MANASSES, Letter to Pope Gregory VII, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, ed. Joannes Dominicus Mansi, 35 vols. (Florence and Venice: Zatta, 1759-98), 20:486-88, Translated from the Latin by John S. Ott: http://www.web.pdx.edu/~ott/manasses/index.html. 54 OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp.175-192; JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon; GROSS, Le relazioni di Matilde. 55 Between May 1076 and June 1077, the sources are silent, this could be evidence that Matilda might have been in Lotharingia. She could have gone to Lotharingia at the end of the summer of 1076 and from there at Tribur, October 1076 August 1076, see MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, pp. 80-81; OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, 119-120. 56 OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp.175-192. 284

Thanks to this powerful support Matilda was able to hold her claimed territories. Indeed, in this period she acted in favor of the monastery of St. Airy at Verdun and made arrangements to assist the entire county of Verdun and another area nearby, Bellau, by investing her loyal vassal, Albert, with them.57

Matilda’s territories in Lotharingia were not limited to her husband’s legacy, they included significant allodial lands inherited from her mother Beatrice as well. It is most likely that Matilda and Beatrice discussed the fate of their family’s domains in Lotharingia before Beatrice’s death on April 1076, shortly after Godfrey the Hunchback’s. Matilda’s allodial territories in Lotharingia encompassed the county of Briey, northwest of Metz, and several territories in Luxemburg in the area of Hasbania. Her allodial territories on the

German side included Kaiserslautern and Deidessheim, along the Rhine river, situated in the district of Speyer. This area was distant from her domains in Upper Lotharingia. Later,

Matilda would donate these domains to the monastery of St. Guido of Pomposa in Speyer.

However, the countess revoked the donation in 1093.58

In order to govern these vast, distant territories Matilda relied on several devoted vassals. First of all, the counts of Briey, whose castle was situated nearby the county of Metz, remained loyal to the countess throughout her life and aided her in the struggle for her husband’s inheritance. The relationship between this family and the countess was not merely political. On the contrary, it was based on a great esteem, trust, mutual dependency, and respect.59 In the region of Briey, Matilda also patronized the Abbey of Juvigny, between

Stenay and Montmedey. The countess, probably to reward Thierry of Verdon for his faithful

57 OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp. 35-36. 58 OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp. 35-36. For the reason of Matilda’s revocation see below. 59 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 47, pp. 148-150. 285 service to her cause, donated this monastery to him. However, she would later revoke this disposition and place the religious house under the jurisdiction of Rome.60

The countess possessed other scattered territories in Luxembourg, where she founded the Abbey of Orval. Here, the counts of Chiny were Matilda’s vassals.61 This territory, neighboring Bouillon, belonged to the possessions of the archbishop of Rheims and had been previously given in fief to the Canossa family. In 1079 Matilda renewed this land with the count Arnulf of Chiny. This occurrence is mentioned in a letter which archbishop Manasses wrote to Gregory VII in 1078, in which he promises to help Matilda with her inheritance and mentions that Arnulf of Chiny was administrating some of the lands of his archbishopric on the countess’s behalf.62

Nevertheless, Matilda’s grip on Lotharingia was threatened after 1080, as a repercussion of the war with emperor Henry IV.63 As a result, in 1081 Thierry of Verdun abandoned Matilda and reconnected with the emperor64 and Archbishop Manasses was deposed. At the same time, Godfrey of Bouillon supported Henry IV, participating in the emperor’s military campaign in Italy between 1081–1084, against his aunt Matilda and the papacy.65

Significantly, despite her deposition and dispossession, Matilda was still disposing of her territories in Lotharingia. She maintained a close relationship with the counts of Briey

60 OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp. 35-36. For the reason of Matilda’s revocation see below. 61 R. D. BRIEY, H. GRÉGOIRE, C. TERLINDEN, Mathilde, duchesse de Toscane, comtesse de Briey, fondatrice de l'abbaye d'Orval (1046-1115): une Jeanne d'Arc italienne (Gembloux, 1934); GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 193-194. 62 As explained above, the reason of archbishop’s Manasses involvement in the inheritance settlement was his difficult situation with his diocese. See above note 52 and GROSS, Le relazioni di Matilde, p. 339. 63 See Chapter Two. 64 OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp. 175-192. 65 JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp. 68-81. 286 and her ecclesiastical patronage continued.66 In a letter dated 1083, addressed to Bishop

Henry of Liège, Matilda confirmed the donation of her territory in the area of Hasabania,

Belgium to the monastery of St. James of Liège.67 This transaction was drafted through her loyal vassal the count of Briey. This letter is also remarkable evidence of Matilda’s relationship with Henry of Liège, a fervent supporter of the emperor, and profoundly linked with the house of the Ardennes-Bouillon. The bishop of Liège was a kinsman of Matilda’s sister Ida and her husband Godfrey the Hunchback.68 He owed his bishopric to duke Godfrey the Hunchback. After Godfrey’s death in February 1076, his nephew Godfrey of Bouillon spent some time at St. Hubert with Bishop Henry of Liège to be instructed in both spiritual and material matters, the latter including the directions for the arrangement of his uncle’s inheritance. In about 1082, while the conflict between Albert of Namur and Godfrey of

Bouillon was ongoing, the future leader of the First Crusade supported Henry of Liège in his determination to institute the Peace of God in his diocese.69 However, Matilda’s letter, composed in the same period, indicates that the countess also supported the bishop’s efforts to establish the Peace in Germany. This connection shows that the countess, to cope with the difficult task of administrating her diverse and unstable territory, was attempting to nurture her relationships among the emperor’s supporters. Moreover, despite the ongoing struggle for the inheritance, the special relationship with the monastery of St. Hubert, which both Matilda and Ida’s family relied on, was still a strong point of contact between the house of the

Ardennes, the house of Boulogne, and Matilda.70

66 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 46, pp. 145-148; 47, pp. 148-150; 94, pp. 260-263; 100, pp. 274-276. 67 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 46, pp. 129-130. 68 LAMPERT OF HERSFELD, Annales, p. 270. 69 Chronicon Sancti Huberti, p. 588; JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp. 58-68. 70 Interestingly, Arnulf was also in close connection with Albert of Namur, Godfrey of Bouillon, and the monastery of St. Hubert. The Chronicle of the monastery recounts that at the death of Abbot Thierry on 287

On July 1084 the countess’s army imposed a humiliating defeat on the emperor’s troops, in the battle of Sorbora.71 The emperor had left Italy to return to Germany before the battle. He and his allies had not predicted that the countess could turn the course of events in her favor. With Henry’s absence from Italy, Matilda’s position certainly improved, and even though her situation in Lotharingia was still precarious, she continued to exercise her authority in this region through her faithful vassals and persevered in her fight against her nephew. The fervent Gregorian Bishop Herman of Metz replaced her previous supporter,

Thierry of Verdun.72 Anselm of Lucca’s letter to Bishop Herman, dated 1084, is a vital source to understand Matilda’s change of alliances.73 Anselm of Lucca writes to Herman on behalf of Matilda, requesting him to provide her with the supply of tax collection for the region of Briey, and asking him to take care of Matilda’s interests in that province, which was conveniently located at the borders of his dioceses.

Remarkably, Anselm of Lucca’s tone and affectionate language suggests not only a great familiarity between the two churchmen, but also reveals the spiritual and political nature of the relationship they both established with the countess:

“Matilda, whose ever growing sincerity and love towards you is reinforced by the

perseverance of faith, greets you in sincere love, and appeals to you suppliantly so

August 25, 1086, Godfrey, Albert of Namur and Arnulf of Chiny, attended the funeral. The following day, they probably participated in the election and consecration by Bishop Henry of Liège, of his successor Thierry II. Moreover, later in the 1090s, Godfrey, Albert and Arnulf allied against the successor of Bishop Henry of Liège Otbert. JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, p. 68 71 HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 59-117. 72 OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp. 175-192. 73As seen in the previous chapter, Herman had always been a great ally of Matilda, previously he had been involved with the Abbot of St. Hubert in the lawsuit against Godfrey the Hunchback, Matilda facilitated the solution of this issue by recommending the abbot to Gregory VII. See Chronicon sancti Huberti Andaginensis, p. 583; LAZZARI “Matilda of Tuscany: New Perspectives”. RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, pp. 129-133; CECCARELLI LEMUT, “La dimensione marittima della marca di Tuscia”, pp. 323-355. 288

that you stand firm to the end. Indeed, the one who endures to the end will be saved.74

At the same time, the letter is filled with political allegories, i.e., the interpretation of the

Scriptures by referring to current political events and by associating their protagonists with scriptural characters, which Anselm of Lucca, as seen in the previous chapter, applied to all his writings:

“Does it not seem to you that those who are rebelling against Christ’s inheritance, the

vineyard of the Lord of armies (Isaiah 5:7), Peter’s Universal Church, are the very

ones who are crucifying and have Christ in contempt?”75

Anselm of Lucca’s reference to Christ’s inheritance is a clear allusion to Matilda’s struggle for her Lotharingian inheritance and suggests that those who were contesting her authority in that region were actually rebelling against “Peter’s Universal Church.” This allusion shows the challenges Matilda faced after the death of her husband. Most importantly, by showing the extent of Matilda’s involvement with a diverse array of powerful advisers and friends, the letter reveals the importance of this region in the outcome of the Investiture Controversy. As seen in the previous chapter, historians have argued that Matilda donated her domains both in

Italy and in Lotharingia to the papacy during the 1070s.76 This comparison between

Matilda’s inheritance and St. Peter’s is a significant piece of evidence in favor of this argument. Finally, Anselm of Lucca’s portrayal of contemporary political events as parallels or even reenactments of Biblical events suggests an extraordinary new interpretation of seminal religious events. Hence, Matilda herself is portrayed as a reenactment of the Virgin

Mary.

74 ANSELM OF LUCCA, Letter to Herman of Metz, pp. 50-51. 75 Ibd. 76 See Chapter Two. On the donation see: GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 135-157. 289

In 1086 Henry IV personally visited Lotharingia and, to assert his authority in the region, assigned the duchy of Verdun to Godfrey of Bouillon and the territories of Stenay and

Mosey to bishop Thierry. Despite the emperor’s decree, peace was not achieved; Godfrey continued to fight for his castle of Stenay. The war was protracted, and Herman of Metz was forced to take refuge at Matilda’s court in Italy. He would not be able to return to his bishopric until 1089, the year of Bishop Thierry’s death. Godfrey of Bouillon would eventually acquire the county of Verdun and became, thanks to a charter issued by the emperor in 1088, the official duke of Verdun. 77

However, the foundation of the monastery of Saint Pierremont provides evidence of

Matilda’s activity in Lotharingia, despite the decree of the emperor, and shows how she attempted to exercise her power through ecclesiastical patronage. The countess would write a passionate letter to Albert of Briey and his wife Ida in 1095 to thank them for their devotion and assistance and to ask them to support the foundation of the monastery of Saint-

Pierremont in the county of Stenay.78 The first two monks of the monastery, Gozelin and

Lubric, fled from Metz, thinking to settle in a secure area under the protection of the countess and the counts of Briey. Later, in 1106, Gozelin and other Lotharingian representatives, including the counts of Briey, would request to ratify the donation to the monastery at the countess' court in Guastalla.79 Matilda continued to dispose of Mosey and Stenay up to 1107, when the countess sold these territories to the church of Verdun.80 With this donation Matilda would definitively renounce her inheritance in Lotharingia on condition that, every year, the

77 Die Urkunden Heinrichs IV, MGH, n. 373, pp. 496-497; OVERMANN, La Contessa Matilde di Canossa, pp.175-192; JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, p. 67-68. 78 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 47, pp. 148-150. 79 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 94, pp. 260-263. 80 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 100, pp. 274-276. 290 church of Verdun would pay tribute to Rome. The Gesta Episcoporum Virdunensium reports that the countess, during the synod of Guastalla, sold Stenay and Mosey to Bishop Richer of

Verdun (1089-1107), who purchased them at a very high price. Interestingly, the author clarifies that Bishop Richer had, in the past, bought these territories from Godfrey of

Bouillon to support his journey to the Holy Land. However, the countess had not recognized the act. Consequently, he had been compelled to purchase the property again from Matilda, in order to ensure this property.81 Despite Henry’s dispositions, Matilda continued to control her allodial territories in Lotharingia through her extensive network of friendship, ties of dependence, and her ecclesiastical patronage.

Matilda’s Implication in Launching the First Crusade, Godfrey of Bouillon and his Mother Ida: A New Perspective

In 1096 Ida and Matilda were still profoundly involved in the conflict over Godfrey the Hunchback’s inheritance. At the same time, the two sisters were passionate supporters of

Church Reform and of the papacy and were closely connected with reformers such as

Anselm of Canterbury and Hugh of Cluny. Indeed, Matilda played an important role in the proceedings of the council of Piacenza and in the launch of the First Crusade. Curiously, she did not participate in the expedition. Meanwhile, Ida was deeply involved with this enterprise; she persuaded her son to participate. Godfrey’s departure would have been advantageous for Ida and the house of Ardennes-Boulogne, they would have been able to

81 LAURENCE OF LIÈGE, Gesta episcoporum Virdunensium, ed. in: G. WAITZ, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, MGH, Scriptores (in Folio), 10 (Hannover, 1870), p. 498; BLUMENTHAL, The Early Councils, pp. 32-74. 291 enhance their prestige and regain their relationship with the reform papacy.

Scholars have speculated about the reasons behind Matilda’s failure to respond to the

Crusade appeal, despite her profound involvement, and have argued that both her quarrel with Godfrey of Bouillon and her political situation in Italy prevented her from embarking.82

Offering a different interpretation, I would suggest that historians have overlooked the possibility that Matilda may have renounced her place in the Crusade to allow her nephew to participate. She certainly would have benefited from Godfrey’s departure and, consequently, may have played a role, along with her sister Ida, in Godfrey’s decision to embark on the

Crusade.

David Hay has argued that political necessity hindered Matilda from participating in the Crusade. Certainly, the troubled alliance with her second husband Welf and the threat of

Henry’s cumbersome presence in northern Italy were menacing to the stability of her domains and the reform papacy.83 However, from 1092 the countess began to recover her power after the tumultuous years following her deposition. By 1085 Gregory VII had died and the countess, the heart and the core of his reforming ideals, was left with the arduous duty of both directing the election and supporting his successors. Matilda tenaciously took the lead and arranged, after the death of Victor III (1086-1087), for the Roman clergy to meet and proceed to the election of the new pope.84 The countess’s legates intervened in the appointment of Urban II on March 2, 1088.85 Again, a difficult situation in Rome forced the new pope to travel away from the city, between southern Italy and France. He would be able

82 GOLINELLI, Matilde e i Canossa, p. 313; HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 160-169. The different arguments regarding Matilda’s choice are summarized thoroughly by CORRADINI, “Matilde di Canossa e la Prima Crociata”, pp. 513-554. 83 HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 160-169. 84 HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 120-121. 85 Chronicon of Monte Cassino, p. 760. 292 to return to his See only after six years of absence. Meanwhile, Matilda regained the majority of her territories and stood her ground as a powerful supporter of the papacy. During the pope’s absence, Matilda offered tireless support. This is testified to by Donizo, who refers to a close correspondence between Urban and Matilda in this period, and praises the countess’s vital assistance and guidance.86

Indeed, Henry’s resilient position in both Italy and Germany encouraged Matilda and

Urban to act quickly and arrange for Matilda’s marriage with the young Welf V of Bavaria.

Contemporary accounts and some modern scholars have assumed that Matilda’s decision was only made in compliance with the papal order.87 Yet, the choice was strategically advantageous for the countess; for this reason it was probably reached by mutual agreement.

This union, combining Matilda’s domains with the house of Bavaria’s extensive territories in southern Germany and Lombardy, would have countered the emperor’s authority and undermined his power by blocking his passage over the Alps and encouraging his enemies in

Germany to rebel. The countess ultimately defeated Henry IV in 1092 at the castle walls of

Canossa, eventually regaining control of her territories.88 In 1093, thanks to Matilda and

Urban’s exhortations, Conrad, Henry IV’s son, abandoned his father to join the papal party, with the promise to be crowned in Lombardy. At the same time, Milan, Cremona, Lodi, and

Piacenza took an oath to fight with Matilda and Welf against the emperor. In1094 Matilda welcomed Empress Praxedis, Henry’s wife, who, because she had been mistreated by him, escaped from her husband, according to several sources.89

86 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, 2, vv. 304-334; HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 120-121; D. B. ZEMA, “The Houses of Tuscany and of Pierleone in the Crisis of Rome in the Eleventh Century”, Traditio. 2, (1944), pp. 155-175. 87 HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, p. 126. 88 HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp.160-197; EADS, Mighty in War, pp. 171- 203. 89 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II. 8, vv. 735-775; BERNOLD OF ST. BLASIEN, Chronicle, p. 317. 293

Matilda’s success would clear the way for Urban’s journey to Piacenza. The countess played an important role in the proceedings of this important synod and in launching the First

Crusade. Matilda welcomed Urban in Lombardy at the beginning of 1095 and escorted him to Piacenza. She participated at the synod, where Emperor Alexios Komnenos’ legates requested support against the Turks in Asia Minor, a prelude to the armed expedition launched at Clermont.90 Donizo’s account goes so far as to say that it was specifically

Matilda who persuaded the pope to move from Rome into Piacenza: “The good leader

Urban… on Matilda’s advice, left Rome and headed toward the Lombard’s lands, [the countess] welcomed him as it he was St. Peter himself. This powerful woman was blessed by the right hand of the pope. Therefore, the holy Shepard held a synod.”91 Moreover, it seems possible that, after the synod, Matilda remained in Piacenza with the pope for a month. Here, they most likely spent Easter together.92 During this time, Urban began his preparation for the launch of the First Crusade, which he announced from Clermont eight months later, in

November 1095.93 Soon after, in the summer of 1096, Godfrey of Bouillon set out for the

Holy Land, leading a significant army.94

Returning from his long journey to France, the pope met Matilda and the French

Crusaders in Lucca in October-November in 1096.95 As Donizo explains, the pope discussed

90 K. J. V. HEFELE, J. HERGENRÖTHER, Histoire des conciles d'après les documents originaux, vol. 5, (Paris:1912), pp. 388-445; SOMERVILLE, Pope Urban II's Council of Piacenza, pp. 127-134; HAY, The Military Leadership of Matilda of Canossa, pp. 160-163. 91 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II. 8, vv. 756-761. 92 Matilda in April and May remain nearby Piacenza, Piadena: MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 45, 143-145; 46, 145-148; 47, 148-150. 93 HEFELE, HERGENRÖTHER, Histoire des conciles, pp. 388-445; SOMERVILLE, Pope Urban II's Council of Piacenza, p. 11. 94 In 1096, he set out at the head of a large army on the First Crusade, and, after its forces captured Jerusalem in July 1099, he was selected as the ruler of the Holy City. Godfrey ruled in Jerusalem for a year, before dying after a brief illness on July 18, 1100; JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, p. 1. 95 F. CARDINI, “La città nella storia: Lucca e la prima crociata”, in Il patrimonio documentario della chiesa di Lucca: prospettive di ricerca, ed. S. M. PAGANO e P. PIATTI (Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Lucca, 14-15 novembre 2008), (Firenze, 2010). 294 his crusade with Matilda, who embraced his plans: “After two years the pope went back to

Italy, and discussed with the gentle Matilda, who benevolently welcomed the words of the eminent prelate, Lord and teacher.” Indeed, during this sojourn in Lucca, Urban and Matilda met with the Crusade’s leaders Hugh of Vermandois, Philippe I, the king of France’s brother,

Robert of Normandy, and Robert count of Flanders. Then they were escorted to Rome by

Matilda’s army. Cardini clarifies that this encounter, together with the fact that several pilgrims from Lucca began their journey to the Holy Land between 1096 and 1099, both indicate, on Matilda’s part, a strong involvement with the Crusade.96

Despite her deep involvement with the planning of the expedition, when the

Crusaders set out for Jerusalem in the autumn 1096, neither Matilda nor her loyal vassals joined them on the journey.97 What was the reason for this choice?98 We can assume that, before he crossed into France, Urban most likely discussed his plans with the countess, who, in 1074, was prepared to follow Gregory VII’s plans for an armed expedition to Jerusalem.99

Historians have overlooked the possibility that Matilda and Urban may have also discussed

Godfrey of Bouillon and the situation in Lotharingia.

Matilda and Urban could have had Godfrey in mind as a possible participant, considering that Gregory VII wished that Godfrey of Bouillon’s uncle would have participated in this great enterprise. In a letter addressed to Alexios Komnenos dated 1096

Urban informs the emperor that a large number of armies were heading towards

Constantinople. He explains that Peter the Hermit had left with thousands of men and that

96 CARDINI, “La città nella storia”; CORRADINI, “Matilde di Canossa e la Prima Crociata”. 97 CARDINI, “La città nella storia”; CORRADINI, “Matilde di Canossa e la Prima Crociata”. 98 Cardini and Corradini explain that even if she didn’t participate in the expedition directly, the participation of her close collaborators, Daimbert of Pisa and Anselm IV of Milan, show her deep involvement; Ibid. 99 See Chapter Two. 295

Godfrey, Eustace, and Baldwin, Ida’s sons, Matilda’s nephews, and counts of Boulogne, joined him at the head of a large army. Interestingly, the pope attributes to all the brothers the title of count, probably purposely omitting Godfrey of Bouillon’s ducal title. At the same time, it appears that Godfrey was part of the pope’s plan for the Crusade from the beginning.100

In addition, Matilda’s charter and letter following the council of Piacenza show that the countess’s confidence in her authority in Lotharingia was growing. Indeed, as seen above,

Matilda on April-May 1095 drafted a document concerning the foundation of the monastery of Pierremont in Lotharingia. The charter was attended by a large number of Lotharingian collaborators, who might have attended the council of Piacenza. In the same day, the countess wrote a letter to Albert of Briey and his wife Ida to support the same foundation.101

It seems probable that Matilda and Ida were involved in Godfrey of Bouillon’s decision to embark on the Crusade. We know Ida influenced her son’s decision and assisted in selling his possessions to raise funds for the journey to Jerusalem.102 In 1096 she traveled to Bouillon and, as reported in the Chronicle of St. Hubert, when she reached the province she was greatly dismayed to know, from Abbot Thierry II of St. Hubert, that her son, like her brother before him, had deprived the monastery of St. Hubert of the priory of St. Peter, the foundation of her father. Thierry explained to Ida that Pope Alexander II had placed the monastery under the protection of the church and had arranged excommunication for anyone who endangered its wellbeing. After receiving this news from the abbot of the monastery, Ida was extremely concerned for the salvation of the souls of both her brother and her son and

100 URBAN II, Letter to Alexios Komnenos, PL 151, col. 485; JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, p. 96. 101 MATILDA, Die Urkunden und Briefe der Markgräfin Mathilde von Tuszien, 46, 145-148; 47, 148- 150. 102 VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159. 296 swayed her son to restore the monastery’s possessions in order to recover the relationship with the church and be absolved from excommunication.103 By appealing to Godfrey’s piety and conscience, Ida might have persuaded her son to both reconcile with the church and pushed him towards Crusade.104

Similarly, two decades earlier in 1074, when Godfrey the Hunchback failed to observe the testament of his father in favor of the monastery of St. Hubert, Abbot Thierry I of

St. Hubert and Herman of Metz traveled to Rome to discuss the issue with Pope Gregory VII and Matilda. This encounter was facilitated by Matilda, who afterward welcomed the two prelates to celebrate Easter together in Pisa.105 Given the close connection between Matilda and the monastery and the fact that she had assisted its abbot in the past, we may assume that she, once again, intervened in favor of the monastery by communicating with Ida. Indeed,

Godfrey of Bouillon not only made restitution to the monastery, but he and his mother made several donations to this ecclesiastical institution.106

It is very probable that Matilda and her step sister Ida of Boulogne worked together to succeed in this endeavor. As explained before, Ida and Matilda were not only step sisters but they shared the same ideals and attachment to the reform papacy; the two women were especially close to the abbots of the monastery of St. Hubert, who Matilda had significantly assisted in the past, and whose influence on the members of the house of the Ardennes was substantial. The chronicle of the monastery of St. Hubert reports that Godfrey of Bouillon decided to participate in the expedition to Jerusalem as soon he heard the papal message.

103 Chronicon Sancti Huberti, p. 615 104 VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159; JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp. 93-103. 105 GOLINELLI, “Frassinoro”, 2, pp. 417-434. See also Chapter Two. 106 Chronicon Sancti Huberti, p. 615 297

News of Urban’s crusade probably came to Godfrey through Lotharingian churchmen, who were in close contact with Matilda and the pope and attended both the synod of Piacenza and

Clermont.107

At the same time, Anselm of Canterbury would have applied his own pressure to participate. It is possible that Anselm himself advised Ida and her son about the papal enterprise. Indeed, his correspondence with Ida suggests that he not only cared about her piety and spiritual wellbeing, but that he was deeply involved in the political affairs of the house of Boulogne and greatly concerned for the future of her sons. The archbishop, writing to Ida in 1093, asked her to greet her husband and her sons on his behalf.108 In another letter written in 1101 Anselm of Canterbury explains to the countess of Boulogne that he had persuaded one of her sons to comply with her will. Several other letters deal with her sons.109

Anselm likely knew about the bitter struggle for succession between Godfrey and Matilda.

He may have discussed this issue with both Matilda and Ida. Consequently, is it possible that he intervened in Godfrey of Bouillon’s decision to take part in the Crusade. There is no real evidence for this, but the close relationship between Anselm of Canterbury and the two stepsisters Ida and Matilda and his own close connections with Ida’s sons would argue for the archbishop’s possible involvement.

Godfrey of Bouillon’s departure would have been beneficial for both Matilda and the house of Boulogne/Ardennes. Indeed, due to Matilda’s stern opposition, Godfrey’s successes in the duchy were extremely limited. Even if Godfrey acquired in 1088 the title of Duke of

107 HEFELE, HERGENRÖTHER, Histoire des conciles, pp. 388-445; SOMERVILLE, Pope Urban II's Council of Piacenza, p. 11. 108 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 114. 109 ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Ep. 244; see on this VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, p. 116. 298

Lotharingia, the authority associated with this office was declining, so much so that Matilda was still disposing of the duke’s allodial territories.110 The prospect of his involvement in the

First Crusade could prove advantageous for both his political career and for his spiritual readmission into the grace of the reform papacy, which his mother passionately supported.

Consequently, this move would have been convenient for both Ida and Matilda. The latter would be able to dispose of her Lotharingia domains without Godfrey of Bouillon’s interference and the house of the Ardennes could enhance its prestige and regain its relationship with the reform papacy.

Before his departure, Godfrey of Bouillon made substantial bequests to St. Hubert, probably with the purpose of pacifying the monastery; he had incurred the monastery’s wrath when, to raise funds for the Eastern expedition, Godfrey had, with his mother’s agreement, sold the entire county of Bouillon to Bishop Otbert and the county of Verdun to Bishop

Richer, staunch supporters of Emperor Henry IV. Godfrey’s departure would create a political void in the region of Lotharingia, which would, in turn, be filled by these imperial bishops.111 Paradoxically, this power vacuum would have benefitted the papal party and

Matilda’s authority over her territories in Lotharingia. Indeed, by supporting Godfrey’s

Crusade, the countess was indirectly endorsing the advancement of the imperial bishops. This move, apparently contradictory to her ideology and policy, would have, in actuality, prevented her nephew from becoming a powerful duke in Lotharingia, like his uncle and stepfather before him. The countess’s choice to support the imperial bishops benefitted her authority and would have served as leverage upon these bishops, who now owed their power

110 JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp. 72-81. 111 JOHN, Godfrey of Bouillon, pp. 103-108. VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, p. 151.

299 to the papacy and to the countess. She maintained the same approach in 1107 when she donated the territories of Staney and Mosay to the church of Verdun.

After a close look at the evidence and at Matilda’s political strategies in Lotharingia throughout these twenty years of bitter strife, it is evident that her concern was to weaken ducal power and strengthen episcopal authority. To succeed in this intent, she was prepared to endorse staunch imperial bishops, explaining her support of Bishop Thierry of Verdun in

1076. The countess continued this strategical pattern when she endorsed the bishop of

Liège’s Peace of God, as a way to reduce temporal power in the region. Moreover, in 1095 she supported the foundation of the monastery of Saint-Pierremont in the county of Stenay.

This foundation is also significant evidence of Matilda’s growing power and activities in

Lotharingia. Later in 1106, at her court in Guastalla, she and several Lotharingia representatives would ratify the donation to the monastery.

Conclusion

Matilda’s strong connections with the house of Ardennes-Bouillon in Lotharingia and her authority in the region would impact not only her own power in central Italy and northern

Europe, but also would have a profound repercussion over the fate of both the papacy and the

Holy Roman Empire. At the same time, theses kindred bonds would lead Matilda into her relationship with Ida of Boulogne.

Direct evidence fails to provide concrete evidence of a correlation between Ida of

Boulogne and Matilda of Tuscany. However, an investigation of the sources of their strong familial connections and of the circumstantial evidence showing close collaboration between

300 the Ardennes-Boulogne families while Matilda was in Lotharingia reveals a probable friendship. Matilda and Ida may well have gone through the transition of living with a new family and a new stepparent, while Matilda was probably still mourning the premature death of her father and siblings. The two sisters had to experience the traumatic forced separation of their new parents. When the family was finally reunited, the two young women may well have spent part of their childhood and adolescence together, may have attended each other's weddings, and may have shared the experience of the painful, extended illness and death of their father and step father.

The fact that Ida, the eldest of her siblings, was renowned as a pious spiritual teacher, as well as for her tireless generosity and her devotion to the Virgin Mary, suggests that she could have been one of Matilda’s first models. It also suggests Matilda may have been assisted by her sister in the most difficult moment of her life, the loss of her child.

Furthermore, the two women were united in their common friendship with Anselm of

Canterbury; it seems likely that Ida introduced the archbishop to her sister.

They entered a new phase of their relationship after Matilda’s abrupt separation from

Godfrey the Hunchback in 1072, and, later, the bitter dispute over the succession of his inheritance in Lotharingia, which involved Ida’s son Godfrey of Bouillon, Matilda, and Ida herself. Twenty years later, in 1096, they were still profoundly implicated in this bitter strife.

At the same time, Ida and Matilda were passionate supporters of Church Reform and of the papacy. In that period Matilda played an important role in the proceedings of the council of

Piacenza and in launching the First Crusade, and Ida would encourage her son to embark on this enterprise, probably in cooperation with Matilda.

Interestingly, Godfrey’s departure would have been advantageous for both Ida and

301

Matilda. The latter would have been able to dispose of her Lotharingia domains without

Godfrey’s interference, and the house of the Ardennes would have been able to enhance its prestige and regain its relationship with the reform papacy. Godfrey’s decision to embark on the armed expedition may well have been shaped and influenced by both his mother Ida and his aunt Matilda. The two women and their respective houses would have benefited from the enterprise. If these political considerations indicated a path to Matilda and Ida, their decisions were certainly strongly reinforced by a lively religious piety. Both were passionate supporters of Church Reform and of the papacy, and both were closely connected with another reformer, Anselm of Canterbury; the archbishop might have assisted both women in this enterprise.

302

Chapter Seven

A New Perspective on Human Bonds and the Language of Prayers:

Matilda of Tuscany, Peter Damian, John of Fécamp, Anselm of Lucca, and Anselm of

Canterbury

Throughout this work I have shown how human relationships were at the center of

Matilda’s existence. Friendship was an essential way to gain political alliances, to advance

the ideals of reform, and to access the Divine. We have seen how John of Fécamp and Peter

Damian anticipated a new way of expressing friendship and how their models influenced

Matilda’s relationships with Gregory VII, Anselm of Lucca, and Anselm of Canterbury.

Remarkably, these churchmen belonged to the same monastic tradition; their devotional

writings provide important signs of a renewal of religious language and have widespread

similarities. The literary evidence examined in this chapter is additional proof of friendship

and friendship networks in connection to Matilda and her extended family.

Anselm of Canterbury’s Prayers and Meditations has, until recently, been thought to

have pioneered a new spirituality and a new devotion to Christ and the Virgin. However,

recent scholarship suggests that Anselm of Canterbury might have found inspiration in the

writings of John of Fécamp.1 As seen, the life of John of Fécamp was intriguingly related to

the life of one of the most important reformers and writers of the eleventh century, Peter

Damian, who was closely linked with the Canossa family, and whose passionate and personal

1 For the change in religious sentiments and emotional attitudes see: FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex; JAEGER, Ennobling Love; FULTON, From Judgment to Passion; MCNAMER, Affective Meditation; MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority; MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, and “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”; SOUTHERN, Saint Anselm and His Biographer, and St. Anselm: Portrait. 303 prayers to Christ and the Virgin have been almost entirely ignored by the scholarship.2 A close investigation of linguistic parallels indicates that Anselm of Canterbury’s prayers were influenced not only by John’s writings, but also by Peter Damian’s experience. In addition, this analysis has revealed that the prayer collection of Anselm of Lucca can be traced to the same predecessors, and that its style and thematic choice are strikingly similar to the prayer collection of Anselm of Canterbury, so much so that the bishop of Lucca’s Five Prayers, written for Matilda of Tuscany, had been previously credited to Anselm of Canterbury. The correspondences and connections between the two churchmen have been entirely overlooked by scholars. An investigation of these connections is crucial not only for the understanding of the origin of this new spirituality and its connection with the experience of friendship, but also to comprehend the role of Matilda, the members of her extended family, her friendship network, and the Italian tradition of church reform in this historical change.

The precedents: John of Fécamp and Peter Damian

Benedicta Ward, Rachel Fulton, and Brian Patrick McGuire have suggested that John of Fécamp and Anselm of Canterbury were the main agents of the change of religious sentiments in the eleventh century.3 McGuire’s contribution illuminates with great precision the extensive similarities between John and Anselm of Canterbury’s prayers and argues that

Anselm may have found inspiration in John’s work. Finally, in her book Emotional

2 See Chapter One. 3 FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 146-170; ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations; MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”, pp. 153-166. For the Italian influence on the Anglo-Norman world see: J. F. DUBOST, “La Normandie italienne à l'époque moderne, XVIe et XVIIe siècles”, in ed. Cahier des Annales de Normandie, 29, 2000. Les Italiens en Normandie, de l'étranger à l'immigré: Actes du colloque de Cerisy-la-Salle (8-11 octobre 1998) pp. 163-177. 304

Monasticism, Mancia shows how several passages of John’s devotional writings had been influenced by the piety of the Vita of Romuald of Ravenna (951-1027), written by Peter

Damian.4 However, her account does not consider Peter Damian’s prayers to be possible inspiration for John’s Confessio Theologica. These studies have disregarded not only the significant contribution brought by Peter Damian’s passionate and personal prayers to Christ and Mary, but also his connections to John of Fécamp, Anselm of Lucca, and Anselm of

Canterbury.

Were there any correlations in the lives and prayers of John and Peter? What was their contribution to the shift in sensibility? We have established that John was a model for

Anselm of Canterbury; could he have been a model for Anselm of Lucca as well? Could

Peter Damian have been a model for both Anselms and, if so, to what extent? Here, I will briefly look at the ways Peter Damian and John of Fécamp approached the figures of Jesus and Mary in their texts. This analysis is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather an initial inquiry in order to shed light on the development of compassion in the eleventh century and its connection with these spiritual men.

As seen, Peter Damian (1007-1072) and John of Fécamp (990/995-1078) were both born in Ravenna, in Northern Italy, in approximately the same period. John left Italy with his teacher, William of Volpiano, who arrived in Normandy in 1002. John became prior of the monastery of the Holy Trinity at Fécamp in 1017 and subsequently succeeded William as abbot of the monastery from 1028 until his death in 1078.5 Along with Peter Damian, John of

4 Peter Damian wrote in 1042 the first and most important hagiography of Saint Romuald, PETER DAMIAN, Vita Romualdi, ed. G. TABACCO, Fonti per la storia d’Italia 94 (Rome, 1957). MANCIA, Emotional Monasticism, pp. 54-57. 5 For John of Fécamp’s life and his relationship with Agnes see: FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 155-170; MCNAMER, Affective Meditation, pp. 62-67; MASCHIO, Pregare nel medioevo, pp., 9-16; WILMART, “Deux Préfaces Spirituelles”, pp. 32-33; MANCIA, Emotional Monasticism, pp.19-29; 305

Fécamp became a spiritual guide to Empress Agnes after her husband’s death in 1056.6 John maintained a close connection with his birthplace, especially with the monastery where he was oblate in Ravenna, St. Apollinare in Classe. At the same time, the abbot of Fécamp was particularly close to the Monastery of Fruttuaria, so much so that the monastery of Fécamp’s customs and liturgy were styled according to those of Fruttuaria, which had been founded by

William of Volpiano.7 The same customs were also adopted by the Abbey of Bec during the years of Anselm of Canterbury’s priorate. Significantly, as seen, Fruttuaria was also profoundly related to the reform papacy, especially to Peter Damian, Empress Agnes, and later to Gregory VII.8

Peter Damian joined the monastery of Fonte Avellana in the march of Spoleto in

1035. He was appointed abbot of the same monastery in 1043 and in 1057 he became cardinal bishop of Ostia. Peter’s staunch support for reform and the papacy, together with his great abilities as a rhetorician and his knowledge in Canon Law, led Popes Nicholas II and

Alexander II to appoint him as legate in numerous missions in Italy and Europe. Damian’s journey to France from 1063 to 1064 was a watershed for the reforming papacy. During this mission he was able to defend Cluny’s libertas by granting papal privileges of exemption from the authority of the local bishop.9 John of Fécamp, and also Anselm of Canterbury, just nominated prior of Bec, were both involved in and supported the Cluniac monastic reform,

MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”; T. DI CARPEGNA FALCONIERI, Giovanni di Fécamp, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, 56 (Rome, 2001), pp. 22-25. 6 See Chapter One. 7 MANCIA, Emotional Monasticism, pp. 66-106. 8 PENCO, Il movimento di Fruttuaria e la riforma Gregoriana, pp. 229–39. 9 For the life and work of Peter Damian see: D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa; JASPER, “Mapping a Monastic Network, pp. 56-58; “Peter Damian and the Communication of Local Reform”, pp. 197–222; CUSHING, “Of Locustae and Dangerous Men”, pp. 740-757; GLEDHILL, Peter Damian and “the World”; FORNASARI, Medioevo riformato del secolo XI; RANFT, The Theology of Peter Damian; FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 89-118; BLUM, St. Peter Damian; MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, pp. 204- 210. 306 and certainly knew about Peter Damian’s essential contribution to the cause of reform and were familiar with his writing.10 Moreover, Peter Damian’s letter to John, written in 1067, in which Damian explains his view regarding the hermitic life, reveals a certain familiarity between the two churchmen.11

Finally, Peter and John were also connected to Anselm of Lucca, Anselm of

Canterbury, and the Canossa family. Alexander II, who received his education at Bec and was Anselm of Lucca’s uncle and mentor, had also a close relationship with Peter Damian and Beatrice of Tuscany, Matilda’s mother. At the same time, Damian’s personal involvement with Beatrice is attested by the numerous letters he sent her and her husband

Godfrey the Bearded. Certainly, Matilda was not only familiar with the passionate reformer during her youth but was also acquainted with his correspondence and writing. In addition,

Empress Agnes was a member of Matilda’s extended family; she developed a real and intense friendship with the countess. It is highly possible that Matilda, Anselm of Lucca, and

Anselm of Canterbury were familiar with the Libellus John sent to Agnes.12

Indeed, the worlds of these four churchmen were intriguingly intertwined and these connections are reflected in their writings.13 The above-mentioned scholars have shown that

John’s work is extraordinary evidence of an intense, personal, and self-reflective relationship with Jesus. John of Fécamp wrote, before 1028, the Confessio Theologica, a long-form

10 R. L. BENSON, Viator: Medieval and Renaissance Studies, vol. 18, (London, 1987), p. 121. 11 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 152. 12 For these connections see Chapter One. 13 For an in-depth stylistic analysis and comparison of the prayers of Peter Damian, Jon of Fécamp and Anselm of Canterbury see: G. BOTTURI, I Synonyma di Isidoro di Siviglia e lo stilus isidorianus: interpretazione letteraria e studio dello stile con riferimento alle meditazioni di Pier Damiani, Giovanni di Fécamp e Anselmo d’Aosta (Berne, 2017). Botturi is the only scholar that recognizes in the writings of Peter Damian the features of the new devotion to Christ. He compares these authors; however, he does not take in consideration the notion of Mary and has not analyzed the subject and the texts on the passion. In addition, he has not considered the parallels with Anselm of Lucca. 307 prayer divided in three parts. Later, John would revise the prayer; calling it Libellus, he sent the work to Empress Agnes. As seen in Chapter One, the Confessio Theologica was designed to foster the empress’s devotion for God and to guide her soul. 14 In this work John portrays

Christ as an “incomparably beautiful husband,” the only suitable husband for a widow. The love between a man and a woman represents, for John, the emblem of God’s love for the soul.15 Similarly, in a letter to Agnes, Peter Damian proposed the same images suggested by

John of Fécamp. Peter defines the relationship with Christ through the analogy of marital love; in this parallel, he depicts the love for Jesus as passionate and familiar.16

Moreover, specific passages, some of them never cited by the aforementioned scholars, show important similarities between Peter and John’s devotional writings. In several sections of the Confessio John expresses, through the language of human love, his intense desire to identify with Jesus:

“I like to contemplate your splendor; I like immensely to turn my pure spiritual gaze

and my pious and sweet feeling of love upon the place of my pilgrimage

[Jerusalem]… I truly have been wounded by the spear of your love. I burn with your

desire so vehemently: I desire to come to you: I desire to see you. I like, therefore, I

like to lift up the eyes of faith to you, to conform my spirit to you, to lift up the love

of the heart to you. I flee hovering to you anxious and thirsty.”17

14 JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Libellus, chapter 35 (PL 40, cols, 929-930), translation in FULTON, From Judgement to Passion, pp. 163-164. 15 For this notion see FULTON, From Judgement to Passion, pp. 163-164. 16 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 104. 17 Libet mihi tuae intendere claritati; Oblectat me valde bona tua puro mentis inuitu, et dulcissimo pii amoris affect in loco peregrinationis meae…Tuae enim caritatis iaculo vulneratus sum. Tuo vehementer desiderio flagro: ad te pervenire cupio: te videre desidero. Libet itaque, libet oculos fidei in te attollere, statum mentis conformare, affectum cordis erigere. Anxius et sitibundus ad te volando curro, JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Confessio Theologica, in ed. G. MASCHIO, Pregare nel medioevo: la Confessione teologica e altre opere (Milan, 2010), pp. 230-231. 308

Using present tense verbs and passionate imagery, such as “libet,” “oblectat”, “intuit,”

“videre desidero,” “Libet oculos fidei,” and “Anxius et sitibundus ad te volando curro,” John shows his personal attachment to a present and carnal Christ.

In a similar fashion, in his Prayer to Christ, Peter Damian conveys his efforts to empathize with Christ’s suffering at the moment of passion, to express the notion of the contemporaneity of the Christian event:

“I like to see you, merciful Lord, hanging in agony on the cross, as if at the very

moment of your passion. I like to receive in my mouth the dropping of your most

precious blood….My Redeemer, I see you with my internal eyes, affixed with nails to

the Cross, I see you injured by new wounds, I hear you speak with a clear voice to the

thief…may I bear here the marks of the nails and be conformed to the sufferings of

the Crucified, so that I may deserve to come to Him to the resurrection in glory”18

Like John of Fécamp, Peter uses the expression: “Video te interioribus oculi,” and the repetition of the verbs “videre”, “Libet,” and “audio.” However, John is not able to achieve

Peter’s intensity; for the hermit of Fonte Avellana, the event of the Calvary is no longer a fact of the past but something happening in his present, through “new wounds.” Anselm of Lucca and Anselm of Canterbury, we will later see, portray this episode and their relationship with

Jesus with the same intensity and involvement found in Peter Damian’s writings.

As mentioned above, this new spirituality changed the image of Mary as well. Once a

18 Libet piissime Domine tamquam sub recenti tuae passionis articulo, te in crucis suplicio videre pendentem, libet pretiosissimum sanguinem in ore meo suscipere distillantem. O beata scilicet hostia, quae et tartarea septa dirumpit, et caelestis regni ianum fidelibus aperit. O pretii nostri pondus in crucis statera liberatum, quo debiti nostril cyrographum antiquus exactor deplorat excisum. Video te interioribus oculi redemptor meus cruci clavis affixum, video te novis vulneribus sauciatum. Audio te latroni clara voce dicentem…ego hoc stigmate signatus inveniar. Ut crucifix configuratus in poena, consors fieri merear resurgentis in gloria, Orationes ante crucem, PETER DAMIAN, Prayer before the Cross, in PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, 132, p. 264. 309 distant queen of heaven, she became a passionate and affectionate mother, private protector, and an intercessor for sinners. Southern has attributed this transformation to Anselm of

Canterbury.19 However, recent scholarship has argued that Anselm’s revolution developed from an old tradition and that his work was the product of this tradition rather than the creator.20 While John of Fécamp did not expand the new notion of the Virgin Mary, in Peter

Damian’s experience and work the Virgin acquired a central role and the Marian cult was fervently promoted.21 In a letter dated 1045 Peter reminded a noble man of Ravenna,

“whoever strives to recite these hours daily in her [the Virgin Mary] honor will have the mother of the Judge as his helper and advocate in his day of need;”22 in another letter, towards the end of his life, Peter recommends the daily prayer of Mary’s Office to the monk

Stephen.23 Furthermore, in addition to the daily recitation of the Marian Office, Peter promoted and recommended both the daily prayer of the Angelus and of the Gaude Dei genitrix. The latter was composed in the late tenth century, but it became known in Europe thanks to the writing of Peter Damian.24 As John of Lodi affirms in his Vita of Peter Damian, the passionate reformer promoted the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary, among several ecclesiastical communities. In his hermitage of Fonte Avellana the whole Saturday was dedicated to the devotion of the Virgin, in her honor the hermits fasted, celebrated mass, and recited the Little Office.25 This fervent devotion is evident in Peter’s prayers. There, he praises the Virgin Mary whose womb has been able to enclose the unfathomable mystery,

19 SOUTHERN, Saint Anselm and His Biographer, pp. 287-298; St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 91-109. 20 FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 146-170; IHNAT, Mother of Mercy, pp. 32-41; MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”, pp. 153-166. 21 BLUM, St. Peter Damian, pp. 37-71; 135-168; PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, pp. 42-46. 22 PETER DAMIAN, Ep. 17. 23 PETER DAMIAN, Ep.166. 24 IHNAT, Mother of Mercy, pp. 32-33, 38, 112. 25 PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, pp. 42-46. 310 which, through her, became a tender and familiar infant. In generating God, she had taken part in the salvation of humanity. Below, I will discuss how this same concept is developed in the prayers of Anselm of Lucca and Anselm of Canterbury.

“Joy of creation, new star of heaven,/[You] generate the sun, and give birth to your

Father,/ offer your hand to the fallen, help who is in danger, O Virgin Mary./Clearly,

You were created as a living ladder, by which the Most High, who holds the

firmament, descended to earth. Make us return to the highest peak of heaven…./The

one that the world can’t contain,/ [your] womb entirely enclosed it;/ The one for

whom the heaven tremble, the abyss fear, the water of the rivers and the storms of the

sea, the one that the sunset praises, the sunrise venerates, you [Mary] hold it in your

arms./ The one who is food for the angels, feeds on milk, the one who sustains the

weight of the vast dominion of the earth, is carried in the womb of a young

handmaiden.”26

The Virgin’s active role in the mystery of redemption transformed her into an intercessor, protector, and loving mother: “Virgin of virgins, plead your son for us; He took up what is ours through you, and offered what is his to us.”27

Fulton has emphasized the negative aspects of Peter’s texts and argued his prayers are merely attempts to bear the wounds of Christ, in order to pay one’s debt;28 in the same vein,

Gillian Evans claims that Peter Damian’s work is closer to the old Carolingian tradition than

26 Gaudium mundi, nova stella caeli, Procreans solem, pariens parentem, da manum lapsis, fer opem caducis, Virgo Maria. Te Deo factam liquet esse scalam, Qua tenens summa petit altus ima. Nos ad excelsi remeare caeli Culmina dona… Quem nequit totus cohibere mundus, Claudis in alvo. Quem tremunt caeli, metuunt abyssi, fluminum guttae maris et procellae, Laudat occasus, veneratur ortus, Stringis in ulnis. Lacte nutritur cibus angelorum, Fertur innuptae gremio puellae, Qui sua latae dicione terrae Pondera librat, PETER DAMIAN, Himi in Assumptione Sanctae Mariae, in PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, 132, p. 264. 27 Pro nobis, Virgo virginum, tuum deposce Filium, per quam nostra susceperat, ut sua nobis praebeat, PETER DAMIAN, Himi in Assumptione Sanctae Mariae, in PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, 51, p. 196. 28 FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 104, 143, 146. 311 to that of John and Anselm of Canterbury.29 However, from an investigation of the entirety of

Peter’s prayers, sermons, and letters, it is evident this claim offers an incomplete view of his work. Damian’s texts show not only a new way of practicing devotion to Christ and his suffering, but also an attention to the fundamental role of His compassionate mother. This analysis confirms that not only John of Fécamp’s but also Peter Damian’s prayers can be considered pioneers of the new spirituality. Peter’s strong emotional involvement with the evangelical narration and his personal relationship with Jesus and Mary are expressed through passionate and vivid language. Remarkably, these stylistic and thematic features reappear in the collections of Anselm of Lucca and Anselm of Canterbury.

A Friendship Network

Before turning to Anselm of Lucca and Anselm of Canterbury’s devotional works, it is important to establish their connections and common friendships. The Anglo-Norman archbishop of Canterbury and the Italian bishop of Lucca were certainly very close in time, background, and style. Most importantly, they were united by their common friendship with

Hugh of Die/Lyon, and by their mutual relationship with Matilda of Tuscany. They both offered the countess their prayers and they both received her political support.

Though the evidence is not definite, geography and chronology argue for a possible link between Anselm of Lucca and Anselm of Canterbury. Both were born in northern Italy in the 1030s; as seen in Chapter Three, they had probably been in contact through Lanfranc of Pavia and the school of Bec. Interestingly, they belonged to the same radical “Gregorian

29 G. R. EVANS, “Mens Devota: The Literary Community Of The Devotional Works Of John Of Fécamp And St. Anselm” Medium Ævum 43 (1974), p. 114. 312 circle,” clustered around the zealous Hugh of Die/Lyon and Matilda of Tuscany. As already noticed, the relationship between Hugh of Die and Anselm of Lucca developed through their shared obedience to Pope Gregory VII, while they both resided, from 1073 to 1074, at the

Lateran Palace, where they received the episcopal consecration.30 Hugh of Flavigny’s account portrays the intimate and familiar friendship between Anselm of Lucca and Hugh of

Die while they resided together at the Lateran Palace:

“The bond of love between these two churchmen was so intimate, and their life so

inseparable, that the zealous Prefect of Rome, called one the day and the other the

light, because he said that “we never see the day without the light, so we never see

Hugh without Anselm.”31

The account continues, stating that the two bishops were linked by a long-lasting friendship, (amicizia) fostered by the practice of justice, piety, and honor. The chronicle clarifies that the two friends were not only equal in age but also in their charity and love.

Hugh of Flavigny’s description implies that this intense friendship was based on a mutuality of goals and on an obedience to the pope. Evidence of their life-long friendship is found in a letter to Matilda, written by Hugh of Die/Lyon more than ten years later, in which Hugh explains to the countess that he had travelled to Rome for the election of the new pope after

Gregory’s death, compelled by her letters and the letters of Anselm of Lucca.32 These two sources provide substantial evidence that the relationship between Hugh and Anselm of

30 HUGH OF FLAVIGNY, Chronicon, pp. 411-412; HEALY, The Chronicle of Hugh of Flavigny, pp. 100-129; RENNIE, “Extending Gregory VII's ‘Friendship Network’”, pp. 480-481. 31 Cum hoc itaque tanto familiaritatis et dilectionis vinculo connexus est, et ita sibi licet divisa haberent hospicia, in palatio Lateranensi individui adherebant, utu num videri sine altero mirum videretur his qui eorum noverant unanimitatem. Ade out Urbis praefectus quodam Veritatis praesagio alterum horum diem, alterum vocaret Lucem: quod dies non sit sine luce et lucem dies comitetur. Lucebat enim in eorum moribus iustitiae et pietatis decus, praeponderabat amicitial constans, mutabilitatis nescia, HUGH OF FLAVIGNY, Chronicon, pp. 411. 32 HUGH OF FLAVIGNY, Chronicon, pp. 462-463. 313

Lucca not only lasted for their entire life but that it was based on constant connections, and probably several opportunities for encounters and discussions.

As Cushing explains, Anselm of Lucca’s investiture crisis was a prototype, as it showed to his fellow clergy the error of royal investiture.33 As seen in Chapter Three, after

Anselm of Lucca’s sojourn in the Lateran Palace he was granted permission from Pope

Gregory VII to accept royal investiture from the hands of the emperor.34 Soon thereafter,

Gregory VII prohibited lay investitures during the Lenten Synod of 1075. Subsequently, in

May of the same year, probably influenced by Hugh of Die,35 Anselm of Lucca regretted his imperial obedience and faced a painful crisis which led him to withdraw from the world in the abbey of St. Gilles.36 Similarly, Anselm of Canterbury’s elevation to the archiepiscopal see in 1093 in many ways parallels the elections of Anselm of Lucca and Hugh of Die.

Remarkably, Hugh of Die/Lyon also shared a long-lasting relationship with Anselm of

Canterbury.37 Anselm of Canterbury’s friendship with Hugh began in the 1070s and lasted throughout their lives; as seen, Anselm of Canterbury took refuge at Lyons when exiled by the kings of England between 1097-1100 and 1103-1106. He looked to Hugh of Die for direction regarding the issue of lay investiture and for the publication of his Monologion and

Proslogion.38

Another member of this circle of reformers was Matilda of Tuscany, who had also

33 CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 55. 34 Vita Anselmi, c. 3, p. 14; CUSHING, Papacy and law, pp. 49-52. 35 HEALY, The Chronicle of Hugh of Flavigny, pp.186-188. 36 RANGERIUS OF LUCCA, Vita Metrica, vv. 1443-1446, p. 1187. 37 SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 285-289. 38 Hugh of Lyon will advise Anselm also for the publication of his Monologion and Proslogion. HEALY, The Chronicle of Hugh of Flavigny, pp. 209-211; SOUTHERN, St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 285-289; ANSELM OF BE/CANTERBURY, Ep. 100, ii, Anselm sending to Hugh his writing obeying his orders; Ep. 109, ii, Anselm his announcing his decision to Hugh to change his titles of the Monologion and Proslogion; for Gregory VII’s knowledge of Anselm’s work, Ep. 102, ii. 314 been in close contact with Hugh of Die for some time and, significantly, had personal relationships with the two Anselms. I have already described how both men, in different periods, looked after the countess’s spiritual guidance and were the recipients of her political support. As seen, the relationship between Anselm of Lucca and Matilda began and developed during the critical period of open conflict between Emperor Henry IV and Pope

Gregory VII (1073-1086). The bishop of Lucca benefited from the protection of the countess; at the same time, he represented a spiritual, religious, and political enrichment for her and for the diffusion of the ideas of the Gregorian reform.39 Countess Matilda’s assistance had been crucial during Anselm of Canterbury’s exile as well. Not only did the countess welcome the archbishop in her domains but she also arranged for her people to escort him on his long journey, protecting him from enemies when traveling between Rome and Lyons.40 His life- long friendship with her sister Ida may well have provided opportunities for Matilda to work with Anselm of Canterbury, especially in preparation for the First Crusade.41

This strong coalition against lay investiture, including Anselm of Canterbury, Hugh of Die, and Matilda of Tuscany, echoed the previous alliance between the countess, Anselm of Lucca, and Hugh of Die. In both cases, Matilda provided military and economic resources to save the two spiritual men from the grip of the secular authorities.42

Anselm of Lucca’s and Anselm of Canterbury’s Prayers: A Comparison

Evidence hints at a familiarity between Anselm of Lucca and the archbishop of

39 See Chapter Three. 40 See Chapter Four and Chapter Five. 41 See Chapter Six. 42 GOLINELLI, L'Ancella di San Pietro, pp. 89-97. 315

Canterbury, which becomes clearer through comparison of their prayer collections and expressions of a new language of prayers. As seen, Peter Damian and John of Fécamp’s lives were interestingly related. This connection is reflected in the passionate language used in their prayers. Furthermore, their widespread networks of friendship both extended into the worlds of Anselm of Canterbury and Anselm of Lucca. It has already been proven that John served as a model for Anselm of Canterbury – could he have been a model for Anselm of

Lucca as well? Furthermore, to what extent were Peter Damian’s personal contributions to the spread of the cult of the Virgin and desire to identify with Christ a source of inspiration for both Anselms and their future development of the language of prayers?

In this section I will compare themes and the language in the two Anselms’ prayer collections, taking into consideration the entire corpus of Anselm of Lucca and the prayer to

Christ and three Marian prayers of Anselm of Canterbury. While comparing the two churchmen’s notions of Christ and of the Virgin, I will try to understand both the extent of correspondence between the two authors and any similarities with their precedents, Peter

Damian and John of Fécamp.

Anselm of Lucca’s Prayers were designed specifically for Matilda of Tuscany, as an expression of the bishop’s fatherly direction. As seen in Chapter Three, he wrote three of the

Prayers to prepare the soul to receive Holy Communion, and the other two to foster devotion to the Virgin Mary.43 We have already noted that Anselm of Lucca, with these prayers, intended to reinforce the indications Gregory VII’s spelled out in his letter to Matilda, where the pope recommend the regular reception of the body of the Lord, the only “medicine” able to cure the “wounds of sin” and where he encouraged Matilda to entrust herself to Mary’s

43 ANSELM OF LUCCA, Five Prayers, 19, pp. 23-72. 316 motherly love. 44

“We should, O daughter, take refuge in this unique sacrament and desire this unique

medicament.” […] Regarding the Mother of the true Lord, to whom I have principally

commended you, and do commend you, and should never cease to commend

you…She is higher and better and more holy than every mother…You will find her, I

confidently promise, more responsive, than a natural mother and more mild in her

love for you”45

Not by chance, Anselm of Lucca expresses in his prayers an intense attachment to the

Eucharist, which is not found in the prayers of Anselm of Canterbury or of Peter Damian.

Interestingly, this concept appears to be unique for this early period; this devotion did not become dominant until after the twelfth century.46 Furthermore, the entire corpus of Anselm of Lucca’s prayers focused on the fundamental role played by Mary as a compassionate and grieving mother for all persecuted and abandoned Christians. In several passages the Italian bishop reflects Gregory’s imagery of motherly love:

“I have believed Your words and to the assertions of your servants, which claim that

no love of mother surpasses Your piety, nor any natural affection can be equal to your

goodness.”47

“My soul was married with the eternal king, who has loved me more than a mother

44 GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. 45 De Matre vero Domini, cui te principaliter commisi et committo et nunquam committere…quanto altior et meliora ac sanctior est omni matre…invenies illam, indubitanter promitto, promptiorem carnali matre ac mitioremin tui dilectione, GREGORY VII, Registrum, I, 47. This passage was already quoted in Chapter Two, however, here I utilize it to express a different concept. 46 MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”, pp. 153-166. 47 Credidi sermonibus tuis et Servorum tuorum assertionibus, qui asseverant…quod nullius matris caritas superat pietatem tuam, nec mortalis alicuius affectus possit equiparare bonitatem tuam” Oratio Venerabilis Anselmi Episcopi ad Santcta Mariam, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 4, To Blessed Mary, p. 67. 317

can love her only child”48

“Mary made herself incline more to benevolence toward us, as much as the depth of

the love of a mother surpasses, in richness of piety, every other human sentiment.”49

From the verbal and thematic similarities between Anselm of Lucca’s Prayers and the directions given by the pope,50 it is possible Anselm of Lucca compiled these texts to reinforce the pope’s tenets. For this reason, I believe the collection was probably compiled in the second half of the 1070s and not in the 1080s, as has been suggested.51

Around the same time Anselm of Canterbury compiled his Prayers and Meditations.52

As noted, that entire corpus consists of nineteen texts. He wrote the first grouping between

1070 and 1075, and sent them to Adelaide, the younger daughter of William the Conqueror.

Probably between 1072-1073 Anselm of Canterbury composed the three Marian prayers for his friend Gundolf. By 1085 the corpus was almost completed, except for the Prayer to God, the Prayer to Christ, and the Prayer to the Holy Cross, which were probably composed later on. These prayers appeared in the collection sent to Matilda of Tuscany in 1104.53

The collections of the two churchmen are both intimate and personal dialogues between the soul and God; they begin with the recognition of the power and greatness of God

48 Sponsa erat anima mea regis eterni…qui dilexit me plus quam mater possit unicum diligere filium”, Oratio venerabilis Anselmi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 1, Before Communion, p. 50. 49 Ut tanto proclivior fieret ad indulgentiam quanto materne caritatis viscera super omnem carnis affectum habundantia pietatis exuberant…”, Oratio Venerabilis Anselmi Episcopi ad Santcta Mariam, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 3, To Blessed Mary, p. 61. 50 “Materne caritatis”, “super omne carni affectus”, “dilexit me plus quam mater possit unicum diligere filium”, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 3, To Blessed Mary, p. 61. 51 RIVERSI, Matilde di Canossa, p. 253. 52 For the editions of the Prayers and Meditations of Anselm of Canterbury: Orationes sive meditations, ed. F.S. SCHMITT, S. Anselmi opera, 3, pp. 3-91; ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations; Anselmo d’Aosta. 53 For an analysis of the Prayers and Meditations of Anselm of Canterbury: FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 146-170; ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, The Prayers and Meditations; ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Sancti Anselmi, pp. 3-91; Anselmo d’Aosta; MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”, pp. 153-166; SOUTHERN, Saint Anselm and His Biographer, pp. 287-298; St. Anselm: Portrait, pp. 91-109. 318 and the personal human horror of sin. This condition creates distress for the consequent alienation from Christ. This pain and sorrow, condition sine qua non to reconcile with Christ, are expressed with tears. At the same time, there is the firm certainty in the overwhelming goodness of the Lord who, through the intercession of Mary, will show his mercy, nullifying the tremendous debt of every human being. Fulton and McGuire argue that an absolute novelty in Anselm of Canterbury’s work is the perception that the disproportion between the sinner’s debt and what men can actually give is completed by God.54 Significantly, this concept is found in the prayers of both Peter Damian and the bishop of Lucca:

CANTERBURY: “help of my weakness, by your powerful kindness complete what in

my powerless weakness I attempt”55

LUCCA: “You did not come to judge but to save the world. What is missing in me I

believe and trust to find it in you Lord, you who is all compassionate and the very

essence of piety.”56

DAMIAN: “I hope in You, for by myself I am powerless…who was able himself,

without your help, to reach the peak of perfection? What good can you expect from

me … if You are not the one who grants it?”57

Salvation cannot be reached by man’s own strength, it can only be granted by God; this is the

54 FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, pp. 142-146; MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”, pp. 153-166. 55 auxilium infirmitatis meae, compleat tua potentissima benignitas quod conatur mea tepidissima imbecillitas, Oratio ad Christum cum Mens Vult Eius Amore Fervere, Oratio ad Christum cum Mens Vult Eius Amore Gervere, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Prayer to Christ, Prayers and Meditations; Anselmo d’Aosta, Orazioni e Meditazioni, ed. MARABELLI, MASCHIO, p. 130; The Prayers and Meditations of St. Anselm, tr. WARD, p. 93. 56 Non enim venisti ut iudices mundum, sed ut miserearis mundo. Quod deest in me, puto et confide invenire in te, qui totus es pius et pietas in ipso esse, Oratio Beati Anselmi ad Corpus Christi Quam Dicta Domina Dicebat Quando Communicare Debebat, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 5, Before Communion, p. 72. 57 Sed quia nequo ex me spero in te. Quis per se sine tuo auxilio perfectionis culmen ascendit? Qui ergo boni a me potes expectare…nisi quod ipse digneris infundere?”Oratio ad Patrem, PETER DAMIAN, Prayer to God, in PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, 135, p. 268. 319 main argument of the three dialogues. At the same time, in these passages God is addressed as a friend; the utilization of the second person pronoun “te,” “tua,”, and “tuo” emphasize the familiar tone between the supplicant and God.

Another important characteristic, attributed exclusively to the archbishop of

Canterbury, is the notion that the Virgin Mary, as mother of God the Creator, takes part with her son in the salvation of the world. This concept is found in the bishop of Lucca’s texts and, as we have seen before, in Peter Damian’s as well:

CANTERBURY “All nature is created by God and God is born of Mary. God created

all things, and Mary gave birth to God.”58

LUCCA “The king, the creator of all living things, […] had wanted to have on earth a

mother, the one who created the universe in her and from her decided to be born.”59

DAMIAN “[You Mary] conceived the Immense/ you gave birth to thy father;/ [in

you] the Maker became its making/ the Creator was born from its creature./ The one

that the world can’t contain,/ [your] womb entirely conceived;/ the one that embraces

the entire universe, a maiden’s venter enclosed it.”60

The three passages share a very similar structure; the authors first describe the immeasurable greatness of God. Canterbury writes: “Omnis natura a Deo est create,” “Deus

58 Omnis natura a Deo est creata, et Deus ex Maria est natus. Deus omnia creavit, et Maria Deum generavit, Oratio ad Sanctam Mariam pro Impetrando Eius et Christi Amore, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Prayer to St. Mary, 3, Prayers and Meditations, Anselmo d’Aosta, Orazioni e Meditazioni, ed. MARABELLI, MASCHIO, p. 202; The Prayers and Meditations of St. Anselm, tr. WARD, p. 120. 59 Quod creator omnium rex, […] matrem in terra habere voluit, ut in ea et ex ea fieret qui cuncta creauit Cuius lacte pastus est, cuius minibus gestates et inter ipsa humani exordia indumenta nostre nature legi subditus, Oratio Venerabilis Anselmi episcopi ad Sanctam Mariam, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 3, To Blessed Mary, p. 61. 60 Immensum concepisti,/ Parentem reperisti;/ Fit Factor ex factura, Creans ex creatura. Quem mundus ferre nequit,/ Totum vulva concepit;/ Quo circuitur aether,/ Puellae clausit venter.”Peter Damian, Ufficium Parvum Beatae Virginis Mariae, PETER DAMIAN, Little Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary, in PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, 121, p. 255. 320 omnia creavit.” Lucca writes: “quod creator omnum rex,” “qui cuncta creauit.” Damian, for his part, writes: “Quem mundus ferre nequit,” “Quo circuitur aether.” These appellatives are employed to express the paradox that the creator, God, was born from its creature: in

Canterbury’s work “ex Maria est natu,” in Lucca’s “ex ea fieret,” and in Peter Damian’s beautiful expression: “Fit Factor ex factura, Creans ex creatura.” At the same time, the authors express the mysterious analogy between “creatura” and “creator,” to underline both the miraculous nature of the birth of God, and to emphasize the significance of the role of the

Virgin Mary in this event: Canterbury writes “Maria Deum generavit,” while Lucca writes

“matrem in terra habere voluit,” and Damian, “Immensum concepisti,” “Parentem reperisti.”

These passages are an extraordinary example of the similarities in both theme and language among the authors; their mastery of Latin allows them to utilize literary devices to convey fervent passion and a cogent argument.

In the prayer for Mary, the two Anselms, juxtapose their praise of the great purity and splendor of the Virgin with the ulcers and wounds of sin:

CANTERBURY “You are blessed above all women,/ in purity surpassing the

angels,…/already dying, my soul desires to be gazed upon by such benevolence,/ but

I blush before the gaze of such purity./ What I want to ask you, Lady, is that by a

glance from your mercy/ you will cure the sickness and ulcers of my sins/ but before

you I am ashamed…/ Lady, I desire to come to you and be cured”61

LUCCA “When I compare your immaculate purity and simplicity with my most

61 O tu benedicta super mulieres, quae angelos vincis puritate,… anhelat moribundus spiritus meus ad tantae benignitatis respectum, sed erubescit ad tanti nitoris conspectum. rogare enim te, domina, desidero, ut miserationis tuae respect cures plagas et ulcera peccatorum meorum, sed confundor coram te” Oratio ad Sanctam Mariam cum mens gravatur torpor, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Prayer to St. Mary, 1, Prayers and Meditations; Anselmo d’Aosta, Orazioni e Meditazioni, ed. MARABELLI, MASCHIO, p. 166; The Prayers and Meditations of St. Anselm, tr. WARD, p. 108. 321

pernicious corruption, I am ashamed to lift up my face to you;* However, the Son of

God elected you as mother, precisely to grant sinners forgiveness, through you …

Therefore, think how you may help me, I am filled with a myriad of ulcers, oppressed

by great bitterness, precipitated in a profound vortex…” 62

In these passages the authors utilize the words “puritatem, “puritate,” to describe the

Virgin and, in contrast, employ lowly terms to express the disgust of sin: “plagas et ulcera”

“ulceribus plene”. The wounds of sins create a state of mortification in the supplicant:

Canterbury writes “sed confundor coram te,” while Lucca writes “faciem meam ad te levare confundor.”

Awareness of sin creates a fear of “Judgment” and of the “stern Judge.” For both

Anselms the remedy for the sinful state of the soul is a passionate appeal to the Virgin.

CANTERBURY “Lady, it seems to me as if I were already/ before the all powerful

justice of the stern judge facing the intolerable vehemence of his wrath,/while

hanging over me is the enormity of my sins,/ and the huge torments they

deserve.…/Most gentle Lady,/whose intercession should I implore/ when I am

troubled with horror, and shake with fear,/ But hers, whose womb/ embraced the

reconciliation of the world…who can more easily gain pardon for the accused/ by her

intercession/ than she who gave milk to him?…/Most gentle Lady, it is not/ credible

that you should not have mercy on/ such miserable suppliants”63

62 Cum tue quidem munditie puritatem et simplicitatis integritatem mee nefandissime corruptioni confero, faciem meam ad te levare confundor; sed quia ad hoc elegit te dei filius matrem, ut per te peccatoribus veniam daret.…Cogita itaque qualiter subvenias tot ulceribus plene, tot amaritudinibus oppresse, tam praecipiti profundo demerse, Oratio Venerabilis Anselmi episcopi ad Sanctam Mariam, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 3, To Blessed Mary, p. 62. 63 Videns enim me, Domina, Ante districti iudicis omnipotentem iustitiam, Et considerans irae eius intolerabilem vehementiam, perpendo peccatorum meorum enormitatem et condignam tormentorum immanitatem.…Tanto igitur, Domina clementissima, horror turbatus, tanto pavore perterritus: cuius enixius implorabo interventionem, quam cuius uterus mundi fovit reconciliationem?... Aut cuius intercessio facilius reo 322

LUCCA When I face the King of Heaven’s powerfulness, and I remember the stern

judge’s vehemence, the awareness of my crimes torments me and I despise what I

have become. …we have been given a unique remedy to our infirmity,… [God] had

wanted to have on earth a mother,… in her and from her decided to be born, he was

nourished from her milk, he was cuddled from her hands… It is impossible [to the

Father] to negate what the mother requests.…Therefore, let’s cling to the throne of

the full of grace, our Lady and mother. She could not bear to look at her glorious son

nailed to the cross: so she can’t tolerate our misery and tribulation.64

In both passages the two spiritual men describe fear for the Judge with vivid and intense language, the terms they use impel both horror and reverence. Significantly, they utilize the same words: Canterbury, “Ante districti iudicis omnipotentem iustitiam, Et considerans irae eius intolerabilem vehementiam, perpendo peccatorum meorum enormitatem et condignam tormentorum immanitatem”; Lucca, “superni regis potenciam considero et districti iudicis severitatem ad memoriam reduce, conscientia torqueor delictorum et me ipsam quale me feci abhorreo.” At the same time, the horrific, stern judge is immediately juxtaposed with the mercy of Mary. Mary gave birth to Jesus and nurtured him, thus she became the gentle and affectionate mother for every sinner, her maternal love unable

veniam impetrabit, quam quae illum generalem et singularem iustum ultorem et misericordem indultorem lactavit? … Sic, mitissima Incredibile est ut supplicantibus miseris non miserearis”, Oratio ad Sanctam Mariam cum mens est sollicita timore, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Prayer to St. Mary, 2, Prayers and Meditations; Anselmo d’Aosta, Orazioni e Meditazioni, ed. MARABELLI, MASCHIO, p. 176; The Prayers and Meditations of St. Anselm, tr. WARD, p. 110. 64 Cum superni regis potenciam considero et districti iudicis severitatem ad memoriam reduce, conscientia torqueor delictorum et me ipsam quale me feci abhorreo. Singolare remedium nostre infermitatis occurrit,…matrem in terra habere voluit, ut in ea et ex ea fieret, cuius minibus gestates…cui impossibile est matri negare quod postulat. Accedamus itaque cum fiducia ad thronum gratia plene et matris et domine nostre, que, sicut non potuit sine incomparabili dolore videre in crucis patibulo gloriosissimum filium clavis affixum, sic nec potest ferre miseriam et tribulationem nostrum…..”, Oratio Venerabilis Anselmi episcopi ad Sanctam Mariam, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 3, To Blessed Mary, pp. 60-61.

323 to reject her children’s appeal or tolerate their suffering: Canterbury, “Incredibile est ut supplicantibus miseris non miserearis”; Lucca, “nec potest ferre miseriam et tribulationem nostrum.” This merciful intercession of the Virgin Mary, whose intercession grants forgiveness to every sinner, allows the supplicant to address God and Mary with a great familiarity and affection.

Another important feature shared in the prayers of the two Anselms is an expressed desire to identify with the evangelical narration, in order to convey the idea of the contemporaneity of the event of Christ. In the first prayer for communion, Anselm of Lucca, in a unique way, encourages Matilda, the suppliant, to become one with the Virgin; through an exercise of identification, Anselm of Lucca leads Matilda through the most important events in the life of Mary and Jesus:

LUCCA “I like to see with the eye of the soul the angel Gabriel proffering his most

kind greeting and announcing to you [Mary] the forthcoming of the Holy Infant; [I

like] to hear the admirable response of your humility… [I like to admire] the first

manifestations of the baby […] lying in a manger, wailing in the cradle; wrapped in

swaddling clothes; carried in the mother womb, breastfed, kissed; who cries, sleeps,

and submits to all necessities of human life […]. Likewise, [I like to admire] him at

the holy banquet, in which he renews us, converting the water of our ignorance into

the good wine of divine knowledge […] [Jesus] induces the mother to intervene to

rescue us: and she - something that is not granted to others – presses her reluctant son,

so that he would feed our souls perpetually. Finally, the mother sees the son crowned

with thorns, covered in spits, mocked, hung on the cross, affixed with nails; she sees

him with open arms […] Jesus recommended his blessed mother to his disciple and

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his disciple to his mother – Mary, he says, here is your son; apostle, here is your

mother – so that the glorious mother, should intercede with such great and merciful

affection for all true believers and guard with special protection the redeemed slaves

adopted as her children… […].”65

The “interior eye” is the means by which the supplicant, transported in front of the evangelical scene, is able to see and experience the Gospel’s events. As seen above, the same literary device is used by Peter Damian and John of Fécamp. Lucca writes “Delectat me videre interior oculo,” while Damian writes “Video te interioribus oculi”66 and Fécamp, the following: libet oculos fidei in te attollere, statum mentis conformare”.67 Anselm of Lucca, just like Peter Damian and John of Fécamp before him, utilized present tense verbs, such as

“videre,” “Libet,” and “audio,” to express the contemporaneity of the event of Christ.

Nevertheless, John is not able to reach Peter’s and Anselm of Lucca’s intensity. Both Peter and Anselm of Lucca express the desire to be with Christ and suffer with him at the very moment of passion, to express this desire they utilize the same terms and the same technique of identification; Damian: “Libet piissime Domine… te in crucis suplicio videre pendentem redemptor meus cruci clavis affixum… ego hoc stigmate signatus inveniar. Ut crucifix

65 Delectat me videre interior oculo Gabrielem angelum te officiosissime salutantem et santum nasciturum annuntiatem - audire admirabile responsum tue humilitatis […] [Libet admirari] paruli rudimenta […] in presepio iacentem, in cunis vagirntem; pannis obsitum, fascia involutum; matris gremio gestatum, lactatum, osculatum; clamantem, dormientem et omnibus vite necessitatibus subiacentem […]itemque, inter sanctas epulas quibus nos reficit, aquam insipientie nostre in saporem [et vinum] celestis sapientie convertentem […] matrem ad subveniendi beneficia compellentem, ut sola quod aliis datum non est filium cogeret, quasi denegantem, ad nostrarum animarum perpetuam refectionem; postremo cernere eumdem ipsum spinis coronatum, sputis illitum, cesum, illusum, in cruce pendentem, clavis affixum et, manibus expansis […] et beatam matrem discipulo et discipulum matri commendantem – Maria, inquid, en Filius Tuus, apostole, Ecce Mater Tua – ut tanto pietatis affectu pro omnibus recte credentibus mater gloriosa intercederet, et adoptatos in filios, redemptos captivos, singulari patrocinio custodiret, et miseris omnem metum desperationis auferret, quibus tribuit de tanta consolatione gaudere. Oratio venerabilis Anselmi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 1, Before Communion, pp. 51-53. 66 PETER DAMIAN, Prayer before the Cross, in PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, 132, p. 264. 67 JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Confessio Theologica, p. 230. 325 configuratus in poena”;68 Lucca: “Libet admirari… in cruce pendentem, clavis affixum et, manibus expansis.”

As seen in Chapter Three, in the bishop of Lucca’s third prayer, the supplicant is even more intensely involved in Calvary than in the first – under the cross of Jesus he takes part in

Mary and John’s suffering for the redemption of humanity:

LUCCA “I look to that time when you [Mary] will come to the cross of your Son, that

when you and the holy women are given over to John’s custody, suffering with you I

may console you in your immense grief, until you forgive me and pardon my

iniquities.”69

This familiarity with Christ and his mother is an important notion in the Prayers of

Anselm of Canterbury as well. For him the Judge becomes “brother, “iudex noster est frater noster,” consequently the salvation of humankind is in the hands of a loving brother and an affectionate mother; this notion generates certainty and hope in their great mercy for the destiny of the sinners. To convey this notion Anselm of Canterbury, especially in the third prayer to St. Mary, utilizes the same images as Anselm of Lucca, by describing human beings as adopted children.

CANTERBURY: “For he was born of a mother to take our nature,/ And to make us,

by restoring our life, sons of his mother…/She pleads with the son on behalf of the

sons,/The only-begotten for the adopted. The good son hears the mother on behalf of

his brothers,/ The only-begotten for those he has adopted.”70

68 PETER DAMIAN, Prayer before the Cross, in PETER DAMIAN, Poesie e preghiere, 132, p. 264. 69 […]expecto donec venias ad crucem filii tui, ut cum Iohanne custode et sanctis mulieribus vociferetur tecum, et compaciens immenso dolori consoler te donec ignoscas mihi et iniquitates meas condonas, Oratio Venerabilis Anselmi, Episcopi ad Santcta Mariam, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 3, To Blessed Mary, pp. 63-64, translation in FULTON, From Judgment to Passion, p. 226. 70 Qui enim fecit ut ipse per maternam generationem/ esset naturae nostrae,/et nos per vitae restitutionen/ essemus filii matris eius…/Ipsa roget filium pro filiis,/Unigenitum pro adoptatis…/Bonus filius 326

For Anselm of Canterbury the moment of the Calvary in the prayer to Christ is also crucial.

He longs to be present at the moment of Calvary, through the repetition of the word “memor” he conveys the desire to relive the passion of Christ.

CANTERBURY:“I remember of your passion, I remember your buffeting, I

remember your scourging, I remember your cross, I remember your wounds, I

remember how you were slain for me, how you were prepared for burial and buried;

and I also remember your glorious resurrection and ascension.”71

Anselm of Canterbury continues to describe the scene of Calvary, placing himself at the center of the evangelical narration by expressing his affliction for not being present at the moment of Christ’s agony. He depicts this event with the same intensity and involvement found in the prayers of the bishop of Lucca:

CANTERBURY: “Why, O my soul, were you not there to be pierced by a sword of

bitter sorrow when you could not bear the piercing of the side of your Savior with a

lance?”.72

Moreover, in the same passage, Anselm of Canterbury, like the bishop of Lucca, expresses the desire to identify with Mary and feel what the Virgin felt at the moment of

audiat matrem pro fratribus,/Unigenitus pro iis quos adoptavit, Oratio ad Sanctam Mariam pro Impetrando Eius et Christi Amore, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Prayer to St. Mary, 2, Prayers and Meditations; Anselmo d’Aosta, Orazioni e Meditazioni, ed. MARABELLI, MASCHIO, p. 208; The Prayers and Meditations of St. Anselm, tr. WARD, p. 123. 71 Memor passionis tuae, memor alaparum tuarum,/ Memor flagellorum, memor crucis, memor vulnerrum tuorum, memor qualiter pro me occisus es, qualiter conditus, qualiter sepultus,/ simul memor gloriosae resurrectionis et admirabilis ascensionis.” Oratio ad Christum cum Mens Vult Eius Amore Fervere, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Prayer to Christ, Prayers and Meditations; Anselmo d’Aosta, Orazioni e Meditazioni, ed. MARABELLI, MASCHIO, p. 134; The Prayers and Meditations of St. Anselm, tr. WARD, p. 95. 72 Cur, o anima mea, te praesentem non transfixit gladius doloris acutissimi, cum ferre non posses vulnerary lancea latus tui salvatoris? Oratio ad Christum cum Mens Vult Eius Amore Fervere, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Prayer to Christ, Prayers and Meditations; Anselmo d’Aosta, Orazioni e Meditazioni, ed. MARABELLI, MASCHIO, p. 134; The Prayers and Meditations of St. Anselm, tr. WARD, p. 95. 327

Calvary:

CANTERBURY: “Why did you not share the sufferings of the most pure Virgin, his

worthy mother and your gentle lady? […] How can I judge what sobs troubled your

most pure breast when you heard, ‘Woman behold your son’ and the disciple,

‘Behold your mother’, when you received as a son the disciple in place of the master,

the servant for the lord?”73

Both Anselms use the same verb – compatior, “to suffer with” – to describe the desire to

“share” Jesus’ suffering. Also, they depict the same scene of Calvary, in which Jesus addresses his mother for the last time, commending her to John and the disciple to her.

Differences

As seen, both Anselms recall the event of the passion and place themselves at the heart of the experience, expressing the desire to share in the Virgin’s suffering. However, there is a fundamental difference: while Anselm of Canterbury lives this identification with the passion and his spirituality, for the most part, from Christ’s perspective, in Anselm of

Lucca’s prayers the passion and the Christian event are seen from Mary’s perspective.

Indeed, for Anselm of Lucca, Mary has a crucial role; even in his two prayers written for the reception of the Eucharist, the attention of the suppliant is constantly placed on the Virgin.74

Mary, for Anselm of Lucca, is the only one able to lead the soul to God. The bishop

73 Cur non es compassa castissimae Virgini, dignissimae dominae tuae? […] Quibus singultibus aestimabo purissimum pectus vexatum esse, cum tu audires: “mulier, ecce filius tuus”, et discipulus: “ecce mater tua?” Cum acciperes in filium discipulum pro magistri, servum pro domino?, Oratio ad Christum cum Mens Vult Eius Amore Fervere, ANSELM OF BEC/CANTERBURY, Prayer to Christ, Prayers and Meditations; Anselmo d’Aosta, Orazioni e Meditazioni, ed. MARABELLI, MASCHIO, p. 136; The Prayers and Meditations of St. Anselm, tr. WARD, p. 96. 74 CANTELLI, “Le preghiere a Maria di Anselmo da Lucca”, p. 292. 328 expresses this concept by frequently referring to the Biblical Song of Songs, as do Peter

Damian and John of Fécamp.75 Anselm of Lucca uses the term “sponsa” to denote the soul of the suppliant Matilda:

LUCCA: “You will introduce me in my groom’s chamber, bringing me with you

[Mary], you will show me the One, whom my soul yearned for and I will deserve to

hear His beloved voice that will say: Come, my bride, my beloved, my dove; he will

kiss me with the kiss of His mouth, and I will be full of grace, [I will be] imbued with

sweetness.”76

Significantly, the bishop proposes the same images of the Song of Songs as those suggested by John and Peter, defining the relationship with Christ through the analogy of conjugal love, and describing the love of Jesus as passionate, intimate, and affectionate.

As seen, the novelty of Anselm of Lucca’s devotion is in his understanding of the motherhood of Mary, a concept that appears to have been suggested by the life and personality of Matilda of Tuscany. Indeed, he wrote his prayers to inspire the countess to emulate the Virgin. At the same time, Anselm of Lucca’s compassion and personal devotion to Christ was probably inspired, as seen in Chapter Three, by his involvement with the

Eucharistic Controversy.77 Anselm of Canterbury also addressed this notion in his prayer on the Reception of the Body and the Blood of Christ, however, this text is brief and lacks the depth and the passion of his other prayers. McGuire, commenting on this prayer, is justifying this lack of fervor by saying that the devotion to the Eucharist, not yet developed at the

75 Song of Songs, 1, 3; 2, 8; 5. 76 In cubiculum sponsi mei, post te trahens, introducas et ostendas mihi quem concupivit anima mea, ut desideratam vocem ejus audire merear. Veni sponsa mea, dilecta mea, columba mea, et osculetur me osculo oris sui, gratia plena, suavitate inclita, Oratio venerabilis Anselmi, ANSELM OF LUCCA, Prayers, 1, Before Communion, p. 54; Reference to Song of Songs, 1, 3. 77 See Chapter Three. 329 beginning of the eleventh century, became crucial only after the twelfth century. McGuire continues his argument, clarifying that John of Fécamp can be considered the precursor of the devotion to this sacrament.78 Indeed, in his Confessio Theologica79 John appeals several times to the Eucharist. However, his texts have little of the heartfelt intensity expressed by

Anselm of Lucca toward the blood and the body of Christ. It is evident that, for Anselm of

Lucca, this debate played an important role as a trigger of a new spirituality and orientation toward Christ and the Virgin. As discussed, in Anselm of Lucca’s prayers the primary issue was to recognize the mysterious event of transubstantiation, not with reason and intellect but with faith, the only way to access God’s presence in this life. However, Anselm of Lucca’s method to access the Divine was always the appeal to the Virgin. Mary gave birth to Jesus and, for this reason, she was the way through which humanity could recover a true relationship with God.80

Conclusion

In conclusion, we have seen how the renowned prayer collection of Anselm of

Canterbury and the less popular prayers of Anselm of Lucca would not have been possible without the Confessio Theologica of John of Fécamp and the letters and devotional writings of Peter Damian. At the same time, we have seen how friendship and spiritual bonds represented a point of departure for this new spiritual experience. The worlds of these four

78 MCGUIRE, “John of Fécamp and Anselm of Bec”, pp. 153-166. 79 Magnum quippe et ineffabile constat esse sacramentum, in quo tua caro in veritate editor, et sanguinis tuus in veritate bibitur…Per ipsum sacrosantum et vivificum misterium corporis et sanguinis tui, humili prece clementiam tuam deposco rex Christe, JOHN OF FÉCAMP, Confessio Theologica, p. 240. 80 The same concept is expressed by Lanfranc in, On the body and blood of the Lord, in Villancourt 2009, 66-71. 330 churchmen were intriguingly intertwined and these connections are reflected in their writings.

This analysis has shown that both the famous archbishop of Canterbury and the

Italian bishop of Lucca were very close in time, background, and style. It is impossible conclusively to say what Anselm of Canterbury knew of his Italian contemporary and vice versa, however, the similarities of their prayers cannot be disregarded. In their prayers, both men show an intense human affection for Christ, who is addressed as a friend. For both

Anselms Christ is no longer the triumphant and distant God of the Last Judgment; on the contrary, he is perceived both as the tender baby of the nativity, and as the most compassionate and merciful father and brother. Similarly, the image of Mary, as envisioned by the two spiritual men, is no longer that of the detached Queen of Heaven but a compassionate mother. This new spirituality is conveyed through a vibrant and powerful language, the product of a personal elaboration of the biblical scripture and the examples of illustrious predecessors. Indeed, in this tradition of renewal of spiritual thought, John of

Fécamp and Peter Damian can be considered a point of departure. Remarkably, Peter

Damian’s strong emotional involvement with the evangelical narration and his personal relationship with Jesus and Mary shows even more affinities with the new emotional spirituality than the contemporaneous John of Fécamp.

Furthermore, this analysis enables us to shed light on the understanding of the origins of this change of spirituality, challenging the recent paradigm which places Anselm of

Canterbury and the Anglo-Norman world as the sole agents of this transformation. Finally, this examination is additional proof of the ways in which friendship and friendship networks, in connection with Matilda and her extended family, were instrumental to this process.

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Conclusion

This explanation of the friendship network of Matilda of Tuscany has illuminated a completely new way of expressing friendship in Europe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

The copious letters, prayers, and vitae I have examined are the evidence of a spiritual, public, and political friendship between men and women, exemplified by Countess Matilda’s spiritual and political allies and mentors. The rediscovery of the mystery of the Incarnation and the new attention toward the humanity of God are at the origin of the new value placed on friendship. These new spiritual ideas stem from the perception that, if God became a man, then the relationship with the Divine coincides with the relationships among a companionship of brothers and sisters who share the desire to experience and follow Him in every aspect of reality. Medieval writers who renewed and revitalized the idea of friendship looked at and absorbed both the classical as well the Bible traditions but were able to surpass them by expressing a new mode to seek the Divine and conceive human bonds in a new style of familiar intimacy.1 A definition by Gregory the Great, which McGuire records in his book,

Friendship and Community, perfectly summarizes the meaning and scope of this rediscovered friendship. By this definition, a friend is a custos animi, responsible for his friend’s happiness and salvation.2 Matilda was at the center of this process.

Circles and friendship networks are being recognized increasingly by historians as crucial to medieval political and spiritual configurations. Indeed, historians recently have

1 See above Introduction for the complete scholarship on friendship. MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community; VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God; CANATELLA, Scripsit Amica Manus; CANATELLA, "Loving Friendship”, pp. 5-42. 2 MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, p. XV. 332 been focused on the understanding of the associations between friendship, social networks, political and spiritual actions. The English scholarship has generally contended that this new way of expressing friendship, both in the context of male-male and male-female relationships, was first conceived and expanded by churchmen of Northern Europe.

However, their arguments rest mainly upon evidence originated in this specific region.

This study, however, has demonstrated not only that Matilda and her large friendship network, both Italian and northern European, were catalysts and contributors to the flourishing of friendship in the eleventh and twelfth centuries but also that the countess was an instrument of the change of spirituality that transformed the image of women, and set in motion a new, compassionate piety. Thus, this study challenges the recent paradigm which places Anselm of Canterbury and the Anglo-Norman world as the sole originators of this revolution.

Moreover, Countess Matilda governed her large domain in her own right. This study shows the extent of Matilda’s political and spiritual agency. Her unique position of power and authority and her significant friendship networks allowed the countess to exercise power and gain a great influence in both the secular and ecclesiastical milieu. The examination of the relationships between Matilda and her most important advisors has proved not only that the countess was highly revered by these distinguished spiritual men, but that her role in these friendships was mostly dominant; she often acted as teacher, spiritual guide, and political patroness.

We have seen how the ideal and practice of friendship was at the center of Matilda of

Tuscany’s life. Matilda’s multi-dimensional views of friendship served to satisfy a great range of needs: political advantage, advancement of reforming ideals, and spiritual and

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Divine enrichment. My investigation has identified the origin of this new trend of friendship by analyzing Matilda’s extended family and its historical context. As we have seen, for the countess, friendship was based upon a family standard, upon the model provided by exemplary ancestors and close friends.3

Certainly, a specific political and social milieu influenced Matilda and her attitude toward spiritual and political friendship. The countess was profoundly connected, by blood bonds and ties of friendship, with a significant network stretching from Italy to northern

Europe. Matilda’s maternal ancestry was linked with the Saxon imperial house: the women of this illustrious lineage were powerful models in virtue of their celebrated authority and their relationship with the church. It was precisely through their ecclesiastical connections that these women were able to hold public positions and overcome the weakness of their sex.4

During the tenth century the women in the Ottonian court were highly influential.

They played a significant role in secular matters and held a significant amount of power, in the political, spiritual, and cultural spheres. In her book Empress Adelheid and Countess

Matilda: Medieval Female Rulership and the Foundations of European Society, Penelope

Nash emphasizes the importance of human interactions among the members of Matilda’s family and identifies Adelaide of Burgundy (912-999) as an important example for Matilda.5

Adelaide was the wife of Otto I; she co-ruled with her husband for twenty-two years. At the premature death of her son in 983, Adelaide, together with her daughter in law Theophanu

3 For this concept see also FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex; "Women's Role in Latin Letters", pp. 73-104; See also the biographies of the important women of power in the tenth and eleventh century: STAFFORD, Queen Emma and Queen Edith; CHIBNALL, The Empress Matilda: Queen Consort; LOPRETE, Adela of Blois; A. WEIR, J. TANNER, Eleanor of Aquitaine; NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda; GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro. 4 FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex, pp. 68-106; "Women's Role in Latin Letters.”, pp. 73-104. 5 NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda. 334 and her daughter Abbess Matilda of Quedlingbur, acted as regent, exercising her authority autonomously in Italy, Burgundy, and Germany. Like Matilda, Adelaide was a devoted supporter of the church; she developed a profound relationship with the monastery of Cluny and its abbot Odilo, who wrote an important Epitaph to celebrate her and her honorable life.

Another important religious member of the empress’s entourage was Ekkeman of the monastery of Selz, who also acted as her confessor and chaplain. Adelaide’s spiritual advisors not only assisted Adelaide during her regency but also advocated for her canonization after her death, which would be rectified by Urban II one hundred years later.

The women of the Ottonian court were also deeply involved, like Matilda, in the commission of the history of their lineage, in which they were portrayed as models of power, action, and devotion. The first account of the Ottonian lineage was commissioned by

Gerberga, Abbess of Grandersheim (940-1001) and niece of Emperor Otto I. The author was one of her nuns, Hrotsvit, who wrote the Gesta Ottonis, in which she recounts the story of the

Ottonian emperors, paying particular attention to the women of the family. Later, in 968,

Matilda, abbess of Quedlingburg (955-999), commissioned the Res Gestae Saxonicae from the monk Widukind of Corvey. This account exalts both the abbess and her ancestors. In the prologue the author praises Matilda of Quedlingburg’s ability to reign and her spiritual virtues. He describes her as the lady of Europe. The account also exalts the most important women of her lineage.6

The role of female regents came to be seen as something of crucial importance in

Anglo-Saxon England, so this model may as well have been an example for Matilda.7 Emma of Normandy, who distinguished herself as a mother, supporting and ensuring the throne for

6 FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex, pp. 68-106; "Women's Role in Latin Letters, pp. 73-104. 7 STAFFORD, Queen Emma and Queen Edith. 335 her three sons, had a substantially different existence from Matilda’s, who ruled alone and in her own right. However, Emma’s example of a strong female regent, celebrated throughout

Europe, could have been another strong role model for Matilda. Queen Emma (985-1052) became queen of England twice, through her marriage with Aethelred in 1002-1016 and her second union with Cnut 1017-1035. She acted as queen mother during the reigns of her sons

Harthacnut and Edward the Confessor; her life was characterized by her effort to secure the throne for her sons. Emma commissioned the account of the life of her second husband with the primary intent of legitimizing her authority and her active role in England’s political affairs. This work is known as Encomium Emmae Reginae, and the writer is an anonymous

Flemish monk whose efforts to convey the queen’s concerns are evident.8 The author declares that his account honors Emma by honoring Cnut, as Virgil honored Emperor

Augustus in the Aeneid. Just so, in Vita Mathildis Donizo compares Matilda’s power to

Augustus’s power.9 It is also very interesting, as Giusi Zanichelli points out, that Emma is the first queen of England of whom we have more than one representation. In the miniature of the Encomium she is represented enthroned between the author, who is offering the book to the queen, and her sons. This image is significantly similar to the image of Matilda in the dedication page of Vita Mathildis. Both Emma and Matilda are seated on a throne; they are depicted with analogous elements, which are intended to convey their regality. However, while Matilda is portrayed alone, Emma is flanked by her sons, who represent the legitimation and continuity of her lineage.

8 Encomium Emmae Reginae, ed. A. CAMPBELL CAMDEN, Ser 3, vol. 72 (London, 1949). 9 DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, Dedicatory Epistola. 336

Figure 17 Emma receiving the Encomium From The Encomium of Queen Emma, codex 22241, British Library.

Figure 18 Matilda of Tuscany From Vita Mathildis, Dedication Page, Vaticana: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4922, f. 7v.

Matilda certainly had these models in mind when she formed and developed her relationships. However, this study has shown that the countess’s attitude toward friendship was directly and significantly influenced by living examples, closely linked with Matilda by blood bonds and long-lasting relationships. From the 1060s through the first decades of the twelfth century Europe faced a biological vacuum of power created by minorities, deaths, and royal absences. This condition fostered the rise of essential female regents whose authority was needed to fill a void.10 At the same time, these circumstances overlapped with

10 See above Chapter One: LAZZARI, “I Poteri Delle Donne Al Tempo Di Matilde”, pp. 35–56; FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex, pp. 68-106; A. M. LOCKING, Act therefore to be a virago of the Lord, pp. 7-40; D’ACUNTO, I laici nella Chiesa, pp. 212-303. 337 the advancement of both the reforming ideals and the growing power of the papacy, which, in order to promote their political agenda, empowered women as vigorous agents of the church. First and foremost, the papacy depended on Agnes of Poitou, Adelaide of Susa, and, most of all, on the Tuscan Countess Beatrice, mother of Matilda.11

This particular group of pious and aristocratic women were closely related to the countess through blood bonds and friendship. They, before Matilda, assisted the reform papacy’s political objectives and were involved in deep relationships with eminent reformers.

Reformers such as Peter Damian, John of Fécamp, and Gregory VII sought relationships with these pious and powerful women for political support and patronage. They believed that female power was crucial for the advancement of reform. At the same time, these spiritual men valued these women’s piety, considering their companionship an essential way of enhancing their spiritual experience of the Divine. Indeed, these churchmen, while offering through prayers, vitae, chronicles, and letters, spiritual guidance, envisaged a new and ideal type of woman, embodied in these extraordinary female figures, whose lives were presented as an example to follow not only for other women but also for men.12 The analysis of the correspondence between these exceptional women and their spiritual advisors and friends provides evidence of a growing attention to spiritual friendship lived as an intimate experience.

At the same time, another important relationship may have exercised a great influence over Matilda, the one with her stepsister, St. Ida of Boulogne, who shared an intimate friendship with Anselm of Canterbury. No one has ever investigated the relationship between

11 See above Chapter One. COWDREY, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 75-100; CREBER, “Women at Canossa”, pp. 1-44. 12 HEALY, Merito nominetur virago; MCLAUGHLIN, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority, pp. 117-121; CREBER, “Mirrors for Margraves”, 8–20. 338 these two remarkable women.13 This exploration allows us to better understand not only

Matilda’s profound relationship with the world of northern Europe but also to shed more light on her link with Anselm of Canterbury. Moreover, this research clarified Matilda’s connections with her domains in Lotharingia, as well as the significant impact of these domains over the Investiture Controversy and the First Crusade.

These precedents were not only instrumental examples for Matilda’s future rulership but also a paradigm of a new concept of male-female friendship. This study has shown that

Matilda of Tuscany followed the tradition and practice of her predecessors’ friendship; however, she expanded and renewed it. Indeed, while these women were exceptional figures for their great authority, status, and deeds, they – except for Beatrice of Tuscany – never governed their domains in their own right. On the contrary, they acted as daughters, wives, mothers, and widows. Matilda’s life was substantially different from the lives of the women depicted above.14 The countess actually governed her domains in her own right. This unique circumstance required diverse and similarly unique ways to address her personality, her devotion, and her authority.

Matilda’s extraordinary life, position of power, remarkable devotion, and the particular political setting of the Investiture Controversy would lead the countess and her most important spiritual and political advisors to seek new approaches, prompting the redefinition of the meaning of political and spiritual friendship. Indeed, I have shown that

13 See above Chapter Six. Sally Vaughn is the only scholar who discussed this relationship in her book VAUGHN, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, pp. 116-159. 14 For this concept and a comparison with other medieval women contemporaneous to Matilda see: FERRANTE, To the Glory of Her Sex; "Women's Role in Latin Letters", pp. 73-104; See also the biographies of the important women of power in the tenth and eleventh century: STAFFORD, Queen Emma and Queen Edith; CHIBNALL, The Empress Matilda: Queen Consort; LOPRETE, Adela of Blois; A. WEIR, J. TANNER, Eleanor of Aquitaine; NASH, Empress Adelheid and Countess Matilda; GOLINELLI, L’Ancella di San Pietro.

339

Matilda’s intense relationships with the members of her entourage and, most of all, with Pope

Gregory VII, Anselm II bishop of Lucca, and Anselm of Bec and Canterbury served as significant triggers of the new language of friendship and of the new spiritual developments which transformed the image of women, renovated the language of prayers, and set in motion a change of religious sentiments.

We have seen that the friendships between Matilda of Tuscany and her spiritual advisors were born as a way to acquire allies and create strong political bonds in order to support the reforming agenda. As McGuire explains, the Gregorian reform fostered “the need to choose sides and find allies which encouraged communities and individual monks to seek each other out and to define what their bonds involved”.15 Indeed, the mutuality of goals between these illustrious participants provided the foundation for the development of human bonds, but also encouraged the articulation of the notion of friendship and fostered the growth of a new spiritual experience.

Scholars have argued that the charismatic and revolutionary figure of Pope Gregory

VII influenced and inspired Matilda, determining both her personal and political motivation.

Certainly, among Matilda’s passionate circle of friends and the seven popes whom she assisted, Gregory ranks as one of the most significant.16 However, in this study, a rather different interpretation of their friendship is offered.

Since Matilda’s lifetime, her friendship with Pope Gregory VII has been the subject of extensive discussion. Matilda has been praised by reformers as the devoted daughter of St.

Peter. Gregory VII’s epistolary, together with a wide variety of contemporary accounts describe this exceptional friendship, underlining both its spiritual and political features.

15 MCGUIRE, Friendship & Community, p. 228. 16 See above Chapter Two. 340

Donizo, in several passages of his Vita Mathildis, describes this relationship as a spiritual guardianship: “With great dignity the countess welcomed Peter’s vicar [Gregory VII], perceiving from his words the dew of salvation”.17 At the same time, the monk of Canossa depicts this bond as unique and generated by a special love of mystical nature: “Gregory, who [Matilda] served as another Marta…[Matilda] was able to grasp every statements of her father with the ear of her mind, just as Mary with Christ’s words.”18

In turn, Matilda’s opponents condemned this relationship; they accused Gregory of having brainwashed the countess by encouraging her to wage war against Emperor Henry IV in exchange for the remission of her sins. Furthermore, Matilda’s familiarity and close relationship with Gregory encouraged her adversaries to accuse them of a scandalous intimacy. However, despite modern scholarly attention to the revolutionary figure of Gregory

VII, the extensive studies of his vast friendship network, and the investigation on Matilda of

Tuscany and the famous encounter between Gregory VII and Henry IV at the countess’s castle of Canossa, this significant relationship has received little consideration from modern historians.19

This new investigation of Gregory’s letters to Matilda, together with a wide variety of sources, shows that the countess was not only Gregory’s major political supporter and advisor but also an intimate friend, capable of acting as an inspiration and example of piety.

Indeed, Matilda alone would receive a greater number of letters than anyone else from the

Pope. This dissertation has shown that the affectionate language of the pope’s letters to

17 Quem sancti Petri vice digniter illa receipt, Salvificum rorem quae papae sumpsit ab ore, DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, I, vv. 74-75 18 Gregorium papam, cui servit ut altera Martha; Auribus intenti capiebat sedula mentis Cuncta patris dicta, ceu Christi verba Maria” DONIZO, Vita Mathildis, II, vv. 167-172. 19 See above Chapter Two. 341

Matilda suggests a novel way to conceive friendship and reveals the first seeds of a new affective spirituality. However, the spiritual and political dimensions were profoundly interconnected. I have demonstrated how the countess not only supported the pope with his reforming goals, as historians have always argued, but, most importantly, how she played an active and prominent role in this relationship, influencing and guiding Gregory’s actions in the reorganization of the traditional structure of the Church. The countess and the pope passionately pursued the same goal of freeing the church from secular and episcopal power.

For Matilda, alliance and active involvement with the papal policy was not only ideological but also strategically political. Through this friendship Matilda gained influence and strengthened her power over the territories under her authority and beyond.

Historians have mostly underlined the political relationship between Anselm of Lucca and Matilda of Tuscany and have described the Gregorian bishop, principally, as a man of action. Indeed, during the Investiture Controversy, Matilda supported Anselm of Lucca’s career; she not only facilitated his election in the seat of Lucca but also strengthened his position by donating territories to reorganize and fortify his bishopric. In turn, Anselm had been a crucial ally for Matilda in the war against the imperial forces. Anselm’s support was also ideological. He played a significant role not only in the creation of the ideals and principles of the Gregorian Reform but also fought with Matilda for its diffusion and implementation. This close political alliance between the bishop and the countess fostered a familiar friendship based on encounters, common goals, and on opportunities to spend and share life together.20

Anselm of Lucca was certainly a man of action and a loyal partisan of Pope Gregory

20 See above Chapter Three. 342

VII. However, through a new examination of a rich array of sources, especially the bishop of

Lucca’s prayers, it became clear that the friendship between Matilda and Anselm of Lucca was not limited to the political sphere. On the contrary, its goal was deeply rooted in the pursuit of spiritual closeness to the Divine; this ideal intent reinforced their spiritual bonds and compelled Anselm of Lucca to seek and expand the vocabulary of spiritual experience.

Indeed, Anselm of Lucca’s Five Prayers reveals not only a new aspect of Anselm and Matilda’s relationship but also the bishop’s way of conceiving the historical presence of

God. In these prayers the figure of Mary is a compassionate mother and her role is prominent. The bishop’s intellectual development and education was linked with northern

Europe, connected with Anselm of Canterbury, Lanfranc, and the school of Bec. However, my dissertation has shown that Anselm of Lucca’s human description of the Virgin Mary and her loving mission was designed specifically for Matilda, who the bishop of Lucca saw as a living embodiment of God’s mother and bride. Anselm of Lucca instructed Matilda to live according to this image, teaching her to think about herself as Sponsa Dei, bride of Christ.

Matilda not only embraced these ideals but also fostered the diffusion of these new concepts, commissioning vitae, commentaries, and devotional writings to expand Anselm of Lucca’s vision.

The investigation of Matilda’s friendship with Anselm of Bec and Canterbury, which until now had been generally overlooked by scholars, provides new evidence and a new analysis of Matilda’s role during Anselm of Canterbury’s first and second exile. It explores, in depth, the political, social, and ideological implications of their relationship, suggesting that the countess might have impacted Anselm of Canterbury’s notion of Libertas Ecclesia.

At the same time, my analysis took into consideration the spiritual bond between the

343 archbishop of Canterbury and Matilda. A new variety of data, especially the illuminated manuscript of Anselm of Canterbury’s Prayers and Meditations and its comparison with other illuminated cycles, has been the source of new information and has yielded a wealth of new findings, especially where written sources are scant. These sources allowed me to uncover new aspects of the intense familiarity between the saint and the countess and, while disclosing new, personal elements of their spirituality and devotional piety, clarifies the nature and scope of their relationship.21

Finally, in my study I explored literary evidence as additional proof of friendship and friendship networks in connection with Matilda and her extended family. The comparison of the themes and the language of prayers, together with the investigation of the links between the careers and lives of Peter Damian, John of Fécamp, and the two most prominent spiritual advisors of Matilda of Tuscany, Anselm of Canterbury and Anselm of Lucca, provided new linguistic and intellectual evidence of the deep connections and intellectual exchanges between Italian and northern European churchmen.

A close investigation of the linguistic similarities between a rich array of devotional writings indicates that Anselm of Canterbury’s prayers were influenced not only by John of

Fécamp’s writings, as the scholarship rightly suggests, but, mostly, by Peter Damian’s prayers. In addition, this analysis has revealed that the prayer collection of the Italian bishop

Anselm of Lucca can also be traced to the same predecessors; its style and themes are strikingly similar to Anselm of Canterbury’s collection. For this reason, this study is a crucial addition to the understanding of the origin of the new spirituality and its connection with the experience of friendship. More importantly, my research has allowed us to comprehend the

21 See above Chapter Four and Five. 344 role of Matilda, the members of her extended family, her friendship network, and the Italian tradition in this historical change, thus challenging the common paradigm which places the

Anglo-Norman world as the exclusive vehicle of these transformations.22

At the same time, this investigation has allowed me to advance a different thesis in relation to the arguments of a general historiography, which contended that, between the eleventh and twelfth century, women’s power to inherit and act independently declined.

Finally, this work offers a new explanation of the well-established notion which sees reformers as misogynists. My research shows that, on the contrary, reformers not only encouraged women’s rulership but also highly valued female spirituality.

22 See above Chapter Seven. 345

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