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Revue D'ethnoécologie, 15 | 2019 Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia: archaeological sources and historical implications Yvanez, Elsa Cécile Francine; Wozniak, Magdalena Published in: Revue d'Ethnoécologie DOI: 10.4000/ethnoecologie.4429 Publication date: 2019 Document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Document license: CC BY-NC-ND Citation for published version (APA): Yvanez, E. C. F., & Wozniak, M. (2019). Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia: archaeological sources and historical implications. Revue d'Ethnoécologie, 15. https://doi.org/10.4000/ethnoecologie.4429 Download date: 24. Sep. 2021 Revue d’ethnoécologie 15 | 2019 Cotton in the Old World Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia Archaeological sources and historical implications Le coton en Nubie et au Soudan anciens : sources archéologiques et implications historiques Elsa Yvanez and Magdalena M. Wozniak Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ethnoecologie/4429 DOI: 10.4000/ethnoecologie.4429 ISSN: 2267-2419 Publisher Laboratoire Eco-anthropologie et Ethnobiologie Electronic reference Elsa Yvanez and Magdalena M. Wozniak, « Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia », Revue d’ethnoécologie [Online], 15 | 2019, Online since 30 June 2019, connection on 10 December 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/ethnoecologie/4429 ; DOI : 10.4000/ethnoecologie.4429 This text was automatically generated on 10 December 2019. Revue d'ethnoécologie est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia 1 Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia Archaeological sources and historical implications Le coton en Nubie et au Soudan anciens : sources archéologiques et implications historiques Elsa Yvanez and Magdalena M. Wozniak Introduction 1 Cotton production was a well-known feature of Nubian agriculture as early as the end of the 1st century CE, when Pliny the Elder mentioned in his Natural History “the wool- bearing trees of Ethiopia” growing at the southern border of Egypt. “Ethiopia, which borders upon Egypt, has in general no remarkable trees, with the exception of the wool-bearing ones, of which we have had occasion to speak in our description of the trees of India and Arabia. However, the produce of the tree of Ethiopia bears much stronger resemblance to wool, and the follicle is much larger, being very similar in appearance to pomegranate; as for the trees they are otherwise similar in every respect”.1 Pliny the Elder, Natural History XIII, 28. 2 Later sources continued to mention the culture of cotton in the region until modern times. Never described on a very large scale, the production seems to have been quite limited. Writing in the 14th and 15th centuries, the medieval historian al-Maqrizi tells us that “there are a few cotton plantations in Nubia”, in the region of Qasr Ibrim, from which the inhabitants “make rough cotton material” (after Al-Uswani, Vantini 1975: 605). Together with dates, grain, dromedaries, iron tools, cattle and slaves, cotton was an important part of the local economy, maybe involved in exchanges and payments of customary dues at the Egyptian border (Vantini 1975: 645). 3 Despite these clear historical accounts, cotton wasn’t at first recognised in the archaeological assemblage by the first explorers of the Nubian past, more familiar as they were with the plentiful Egyptian linen textiles. Upon the discovery of the well preserved graves of Karanog in 1908, the archaeologists noted that “the bodies were wrapped in regular shrouds of rather heavy undyed linen cloth of a yellowish colour” Revue d’ethnoécologie, 15 | 2019 Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia 2 (Woolley & Maciver 1910: 27). Working in Sudan during the following years, Francis Ll. Griffith and Grace M. Crowfoot had the opportunity and acumen to recognise cotton in the very decayed textile samples found by Georges A. Reisner in Meroe. Following John W. Crowfoot’s early intuition that cotton had been an important source of wealth for the Meroitic kingdom (Crowfoot 1911: 37), Francis Ll. Griffith and Grace Crowfoot collected and sent textile samples from Karanog and Meroe to be tested in England2. Their joint investigation, published in 1934 in the Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, set the basis of textile research in ancient Sudan and Nubia (Griffith & Crowfoot 1934). Almost a century later, recent studies have confirmed Crowfoot’s hypotheses: “Meroe cotton was grown in the country – and woven there, then – of course” (ibid: 12) and “[it] goes far to explain the wealth of Meroe at this time” (Crowfoot 1911: 37). 4 In the dry regions of Central Sudan and Nubia, the discovery of cotton opened many questions, since it is a plant more often portrayed as a thirsty crop best suited to sub- tropical climates. Following Pliny’s description and his mention of Indian cotton, the origin of the Nubian products has been open to debate and constituted the heart of the research for several years (e.g. Watson 1977, Gervers 1990). Was cotton culture introduced in the Middle Nile valley from the Indian subcontinent or was it developed in Sudan itself from indigenous trees? Going further and acting upon Crowfoot’s proposition, it now becomes essential to also explore the relation between cotton production and its socio-economic environment to understand its impact on the Meroitic world. Consecutive to its introduction, what were the implications of such a demanding crop on the local economy? How did the weavers, more familiar with linen and wool, reacted to this new fibre? And what role did cotton play in a changing textile landscape from Late Antiquity to medieval times? 5 Many new data have come to light since these early pioneers: our textile corpus from Nubia and Sudan has grown to now count many thousands of fragments from diverse sites along the Nile, covering the periods from the first Kushite kingdom of Kerma (c. 2500-1500 BCE) to the Ottoman occupation of Nubia and modern days3. Our understanding of textile production has also branched out from the textiles themselves to incorporate the tools needed for their manufacture and the many representations of people wearing diverse garments. Indirect evidence as they may be, both tools and iconography can bring valuable information to our present research on cotton and are essential aspects of past textile production (Bouchaud et al. this volume). The study of ancient fibres has also seen the recent multiplication of archaeobotanical analyses, which brought answers to long lasting questions and deepened our knowledge of agricultural exploitation in ancient Sudan. This rich body of evidence naturally lends itself to a multidisciplinary approach, at the core of the recent methods developed by textiles studies. Cotton production is now the subject of a renewed interest in the archaeology of the ancient world, from India to Africa, and general trends are starting to emerge (Wild et al. 2008, Bouchaud et al. 2018). Opening new lines of enquiries, this present volume offers a perfect opportunity to define the present state of knowledge on ancient cotton production and its historical implications in Sudan and Nubia from the Meroitic to the medieval periods (Figure 1). Revue d’ethnoécologie, 15 | 2019 Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia 3 Figure 1: Map of Sudan showing the major archaeological sites with discoveries of cotton fabrics and textile tools. Map E. Yvanez/Google Earth Map E. Yvanez/Google Earth Meroitic period 6 The Meroitic kingdom developed from Central Sudan at the very beginning of the 3rd century BCE. Successors to the other Kushite kingdoms of Kerma (c. 2500-1500 BCE) and Napata (c. 760-300 BCE), the Meroitic kings and queens shifted the centre of power southward, from the Dongola Reach region to the “Island of Meroe” (actual Central Sudan). It was the location of the capital city of Meroe and was bordered by the Blue Nile, the main Nile, the Atbara river, and the many wadis of the Bayuda desert. During the following five centuries, they extended their power over a vast territory covering 1500 km of the Nile valley, from Northern Nubia to the fertile plains of the South in the Gezira region. The shifting borders of this empire included very diverse populations composed of sedentary, semi-nomads and nomadic groups, settling along the rivers and in the adjacent deserts4. The many monuments built by the Meroitic royal family, the nobles, and the elite show people dressed on the one hand in lavish costumes and adorned with elaborate jewellery, or on the other hand covered by simpler garments. Thanks to the hyper-arid climatic conditions of Nubia, hundreds of Meroitic graves and a few settlements have delivered a remarkably rich assemblage of archaeological textiles5, opening an interesting dialogue with the surrounding iconography. While textile finds are very rare for the Napatan period and scarce for the first phase of Meroitic history, their number increases dramatically from the 1st century CE onward. Coincidentally, this now plethoric material is overwhelmingly made of cotton fibre, in a clear demarcation from earlier textiles made of linen and wool. Meroitic textiles and Revue d’ethnoécologie, 15 | 2019 Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia 4 dress practices are therefore closely intertwined with cotton production, placing cotton at the heart of the economy and culture of this ancient African kingdom. Sources Archaeobotanical remains 7 In Sudan and Nubia, cotton is first attested from the very beginning of the textiles chaîne opératoire, from the cultivation of the plant itself and the following stages of the fibres’ preparation. The discovery of cotton remains at Afyeh, dated to 2600 – 2400 BCE (Chowdhury & Buth 1970, 1971, 2005), has clouded the history of Sudanese cotton for a long time. However, recent studies have undermined these results, stressing the inadequate sampling and dating processes behind this hypothetical early occurrence (Bouchaud et al. 2018: 386).
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