Mali Conflict Insight
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JPC.CCP Bureau Du Prdsident
Onchoccrciasis Control Programmc in the Volta Rivcr Basin arca Programme de Lutte contre I'Onchocercose dans la R6gion du Bassin de la Volta JOIN'T PROCRAMME COMMITTEE COMITE CONJOINT DU PROCRAMME Officc of the Chuirrrran JPC.CCP Bureau du Prdsident JOINT PROGRAII"IE COMMITTEE JPC3.6 Third session ORIGINAL: ENGLISH L Bamako 7-10 December 1982 October 1982 Provisional Agenda item 8 The document entitled t'Proposals for a Western Extension of the Prograncne in Mali, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ssnegal and Sierra Leone" was reviewed by the Corrrittee of Sponsoring Agencies (CSA) and is now transmitted for the consideration of the Joint Prograurne Conrnittee (JPC) at its third sessior:. The CSA recalls that the JPC, at its second session, following its review of the Feasibility Study of the Senegal River Basin area entitled "Senegambia Project : Onchocerciasis Control in Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, l,la1i, Senegal and Sierra Leone", had asked the Prograrrne to prepare a Plan of Operations for implementing activities in this area. It notes that the Expert Advisory Conrnittee (EAC) recormnended an alternative strategy, emphasizing the need to focus, in the first instance, on those areas where onchocerciasis was hyperendemic and on those rivers which were sources of reinvasion of the present OCP area (Document JPC3.3). The CSA endorses the need for onchocerciasis control in the Western extension area. However, following informal consultations, and bearing in mind the prevailing financial situation, the CSA reconrnends that activities be implemented in the area on a scale that can be managed by the Prograrmne and at a pace concomitant with the availability of funds, in order to obtain the basic data which have been identified as missing by the proposed plan of operations. -
Mali: Éviter L'escalade
MALI : EVITER L’ESCALADE Rapport Afrique N°189 – 18 juillet 2012 TABLE DES MATIERES SYNTHESE ET RECOMMANDATIONS ............................................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. LES DETOURS OPAQUES DE LA POLITIQUE NORDISTE D’ATT ..................... 2 A. REBELLIONS TOUAREG, PACTE NATIONAL ET ACCORDS D’ALGER ................................................ 2 B. IMPLANTATION DURABLE D’AQMI AU NORD-MALI ................................................................... 5 C. LE DERNIER AVATAR DE LA POLITIQUE SECURITAIRE D’ATT : LE PROGRAMME SPECIAL POUR LA PAIX, LA SECURITE ET LE DEVELOPPEMENT AU NORD-MALI ....................................................... 6 D. DU MNA AU MNLA : LA GESTATION D’UNE REBELLION ............................................................. 7 III. MAINTENANT OU JAMAIS ? LA RESURGENCE DE LA REBELLION ............. 9 A. LE FACTEUR LIBYEN : KADHAFI ET LE NORD-MALI ..................................................................... 9 B. LA MONTEE EN PUISSANCE DU MNLA ....................................................................................... 11 C. IYAD AG GHALI, SES AMBITIONS PERSONNELLES CONTRARIEES ET L’AGENDA ISLAMISTE .......... 12 IV. UNE DYNAMIQUE REBELLE ECLATEE ET VOLATILE.................................... 14 A. LA CAMPAGNE MILITAIRE FULGURANTE DES GROUPES ARMES DU NORD .................................... 14 B. LES EVENEMENTS D’AGUELHOC ET LES -
World Bank Document
69972 Options for Preparing a Sustainable Land Management (SLM) Program in Mali Consistent with TerrAfrica for World Bank Engagement at the Country Level Introduction Public Disclosure Authorized 1. Background and rationale: 1. One of the most environmentally vulnerable areas of the world is the drylands of sub-Saharan Africa, particularly the Sahel, the Horn of Africa and Southeast Africa. Mali, as with other dryland areas in this category, suffers from droughts approximately every 30 years. These droughts triple the number of people exposed to severe water scarcity at least once in every generation, leading to major food and health crisis. In general, dryland populations lag far behind the rest of the world in human well-being and development indicators. Similarly, the average infant mortality rate for dryland developing countries exceeds that for non-dryland countries by 23% or more. The human causes of degradation1 and desertification2 include direct factors such as land use (agricultural expansion in marginal areas, deforestation, overgrazing) and indirect factors (policy failures, population pressure, land tenure). The biophysical impacts of dessertification are regional and global climate change, impairment of carbon sequestation capacity, dust storms, siltation into rivers, downstream flooding, erosion gullies and dune formation. The social impacts are devestating- increasing poverty, decreased agricultural and silvicultural production and sometimes Public Disclosure Authorized malnutrition and/or death. 2. There are clear links between land degradation and poverty. Poverty is both a cause and an effect of land degradation. Poverty drives populations to exploit their environment unsustainably because of limited resources, poorly defined property rights and limited access to credit, which prevents them from investing resources into environmental management. -
Between Islamization and Secession: the Contest for Northern Mali
JULY 2012 . VOL 5 . ISSUE 7 Contents Between Islamization and FEATURE ARTICLE 1 Between Islamization and Secession: Secession: The Contest for The Contest for Northern Mali By Derek Henry Flood Northern Mali REPORTS By Derek Henry Flood 6 A Profile of AQAP’s Upper Echelon By Gregory D. Johnsen 9 Taliban Recruiting and Fundraising in Karachi By Zia Ur Rehman 12 A Biography of Rashid Rauf: Al-Qa`ida’s British Operative By Raffaello Pantucci 16 Mexican DTO Influence Extends Deep into United States By Sylvia Longmire 19 Information Wars: Assessing the Social Media Battlefield in Syria By Chris Zambelis 22 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity 24 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts An Islamist fighter from the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa in the city of Gao on July 16, 2012. - AFP/Getty Images n january 17, 2012, a rebellion 22, disgruntled Malian soldiers upset began in Mali when ethnic about their lack of support staged a coup Tuareg fighters attacked a d’état, overthrowing the democratically Malian army garrison in the elected government of President Amadou Oeastern town of Menaka near the border Toumani Touré. with Niger.1 In the conflict’s early weeks, the ethno-nationalist rebels of the By April 1, all Malian security forces had National Movement for the Liberation evacuated the three northern regions of of Azawad (MNLA)2 cooperated and Kidal, Gao and Timbuktu. They relocated About the CTC Sentinel sometimes collaborated with Islamist to the garrisons of Sévaré, Ségou, and The Combating Terrorism Center is an fighters of Ansar Eddine for as long as as far south as Bamako.4 In response, independent educational and research the divergent movements had a common Ansar Eddine began to aggressively institution based in the Department of Social enemy in the Malian state.3 On March assert itself and allow jihadists from Sciences at the United States Military Academy, regional Islamist organizations to West Point. -
Mapping Ethnic Violence in Mali From
RISIS IN THE ENTER MAPPING ETHNIC VIOLENCE C C IN MALI FROM 2012 TO 2018 BACKGROUND RESULTS This project’s purpose is to analyze where ethnic violence is taking place in Mali since The population maps showed a higher density of people and set- the Tuareg insurgency in January 2012. Chaos from the insurgency created a power tlement in the South, with minimal activity in the North; this is vacuum in the North, facilitating growing control by Islamic militants (“Africa: Mali — consistent with relevant research and presents the divide be- The World Factbook” 2019). While a French-led operation reclaimed the North in tween the two, fueled by imbalances in government resources. 2013, Islamic militant groups have gained control of rural areas in the Center (“Africa: The age of this data (2013) is a potential source of error. The spatial Mali — The World Factbook” 2019). These groups exploited and encouraged ethnic analysis shows that ethnic violence is concentrated in the center of rivalries in Central Mali, stirring up intercommunal violence. Mali’s central and north- Mali, particularly Mopti and along that area of the Burkina Faso border. Conflict ern regions have faced lacking government resources and management, creating events near the border in Burkina Faso were not recorded, but could have aided in grievances between ethnic groups that rely on clashing livelihoods. Two of the key the analysis. There are two clear changes demonstrated by mapping kernel density of ethnic groups forming militias and using violence are the Dogon and Fulani. The vio- individual incidents from the beginning of the Malian crisis (2012-2015) and those lence between these groups is exacerbated by some of the Islamic militant groups from more recent years (2016-2018). -
Adhésion 2019
Adhésion 2019 Archipel des Sciences vous invite à adhérer pour l’année 2019. La cotisation est de 30 €, 10 € pour les étudiants et 100 € pour les personnes morales. Vous avez désormais la possibilité d' adhérer en ligne sur le site d' Archipel des Sciences . Vous pouvez également télécharger le formulaire d’adhésion ici . Archipel des Sciences vous remercie de l’intérêt que vous porter à la culture scientifique, technique et industrielle. Demandez le catalogue ! Archipel des Sciences vous présente son catalogue d'outils pédagogiques et ses possibilités d'animations à destination du public scolaire. Depuis de nombreuses années, le Centre de Culture Scientifique, Technique et Industrielle (CCSTI) de Guadeloupe n'a cessé d'œuvrer dans le domaine de la culture scientifique. Les diverses thématiques qui sous- Le scientifique du mois Cheick Modibo Diarra Modibo Diarra est le fils d'un commis de l’administration coloniale ; ce dernier a quatre femmes et trois enfants. Après l'indépendance du Mali, il est déporté pour des motifs politiques. Le jeune Modibo grandit donc sans son père, où il alterne ses études à l'école et les travaux des champs. Il exerce plusieurs « petits métiers », comme vendeur de colliers dans la rue ou encore gérant de boîte de nuit. Après avoir obtenu son baccalauréat au Mali au lycée technique de Bamako, Modibo Diarra étudie les mathématiques, la physique et la mécanique analytique à Paris à l’université Pierre-et-Marie-Curie (grâce à une bourse), à l'École centrale, puis l’ingénierie aérospatiale aux États-Unis à l'université Howard (Washington D.C.). Débarqué en 1979, c'est par hasard qu'il intègre cette dernière université : plus jeune, Modibo s'était juré de ne jamais mettre les pieds dans l'Amérique de la ségrégation raciale. -
The Force of Action: Legitimizing the Coup in Bamako, Mali Bruce Whitehouse
● ● ● ● Africa Spectrum 2-3/2012: 93-110 The Force of Action: Legitimizing the Coup in Bamako, Mali Bruce Whitehouse Abstract: The coup d’état that occurred in Bamako in March 2012 brought a previously unknown army captain named Amadou Sanogo to power. This paper analyses Malian media reports to explore how Sanogo and his associ- ates sought to legitimize their takeover with reference to local conceptions of heroism, power and destiny, and how Sanogo’s public image resonated with time-honoured narratives about heroic figures in Malian culture. This case demonstrates that understanding religious worldviews is essential for understanding the workings of political power. Manuscript received 2 October 2012; accepted 7 October 2012 Keywords: Mali, coup d’état/military insurrection, political culture Bruce Whitehouse is an assistant professor of Anthropology at Lehigh University in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where he also teaches courses in global studies and Africana studies. From August 2011 until May 2012 he was a Fulbright Scholar in Bamako, Mali, where he lectured at the Université des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines de Bamako. 94 Bruce Whitehouse When a coup d’état toppled Mali’s President Amadou Toumani Touré two months before the end of his second and final term of office, the man who led the putsch became the object of intense scrutiny by Malians and outside observers alike. This young army officer achieved overnight celebrity status in Bamako in the early morning of 22 March, when in his initial appearance on Mali’s ORTM state television, wearing camouflage fatigues and a cap pulled low over his forehead, he hoarsely read a terse appeal for calm. -
La Lutte Pour L'azawad: MNLA Public Relations Responses to Conflict In
LA LUTTE POUR L’AZAWAD: MNLA PUBLIC RELATIONS RESPONSES TO CONFLICT IN NORTHERN MALI, 2011-2014 SEAN NEIL CURTIS Intelligence and National Security Studies Program APPROVED: Damien Van Puyvelde, Ph.D., Chair Larry Valero, Ph.D. Jean-Philippe Peltier, Ph.D. Charles Ambler, Ph.D. Dean of the Graduate School Copyright © by Sean Neil Curtis 2015 LA LUTTE POUR L’AZAWAD: MNLA PUBLIC RELATIONS RESPONSES TO CONFLICT IN NORTHERN MALI, 2011-2014 By SEAN NEIL CURTIS THESIS Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at El Paso in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Intelligence and National Security Studies Program THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT EL PASO May 2015 Acknowledgements Thank you to my thesis committee, the faculty and staff of the University of Texas at El Paso’s National Security Studies Institute, my parents, my friends, Steven Seagal, and Jean- Claude Van Damme for all of their help and support during my graduate education. Thank you to Dr. Gerard Prunier and his work which was my introduction to the world of African studies. iv Abstract This thesis examines the Internet public relations content of Mali’s Tuareg rebel group, the Mouvement National de la Liberation de l’Azawad (MNLA). Content analysis grounded in speech act securitization theory is applied to the 259 posts on the MNLA’s primary French language website in order to determine if MNLA website posts correlate with the events occurring in the northern Mali conflict. The data reveals that various characteristics of MNLA statements do correlate with events in the conflict. -
Ibrahim Boubacar Keita
Ibrahim Boubacar Keita Malí, Presidente de la República Duración del mandato: 04 de Septiembre de 2013 - En funciones Nacimiento: Koutiala, región de Sikasso, 29 de Enero de 1945 Partido político: RPM Profesión : Politólogo y consultor ResumenLas elecciones celebradas en Malí en julio y agosto de 2013, tras año y medio de gravísima crisis nacional, sentaron en la Presidencia de la República a Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, veterano dirigente político que ya había intentado ganar el mandato en las votaciones de 2002 y 2007. El respetado Keita, un experto en cuestiones del desarrollo y con buenas conexiones en el exterior, se distinguió en la oposición a la dictadura de Moussa Traoré (1968-1991) y luego fue uno de los pilares de la democracia malí, a la que sirvió como cofundador del partido ADEMA, primer ministro (1994-2000) con el presidente Alpha Oumar Konaré y jefe de la Asamblea Nacional (2002-2007) con Amadou Toumani Touré. Desde 2001 lidera una formación, el RPM, orientada al centro-izquierda.A los ojos de la comunidad internacional y de la gran mayoría de sus paisanos, Keita, llamado habitualmente IBK, con su reputación de hombre firme y a la vez pragmático, es la única figura capaz de asegurar la integridad de este empobrecido Estado del área sahelo-sahariana, que en enero de 2012 vio saltar por los aires dos décadas de estabilidad considerada modélica.La revuelta tuareg -la cuarta o quinta desde la independencia en 1960- en las vastas regiones desérticas del norte, el inicuo golpe del capitán Sanogo, que derrocó al presidente Touré, la proclamación por los rebeldes separatistas del Estado Independiente de Azawad y el auge espectacular de la subversión jihadista al socaire de todo lo anterior dibujaron un aciago escenario de guerra civil, usurpación castrense y partición territorial de facto que la intervención internacional por etapas, civil y militar, de los gobiernos de la región, de Francia y de la ONU pudo revertir en buena medida, aunque no del todo. -
Are We Asking for Too Much from Mali?
Are we asking for too much from Mali? By Christos N Kyrou, Ph.D. As the French and Chadian troops are withdrawing from Mali, from the surface, one can be optimistic. The French troops within a few months only, through Operation Serval, together with Malian, Chadian and other nations’ troops, saved the south from Islamic extremists. Repelled them to the north, destroyed their hideouts there, and killed and captured them in great numbers. Now France and Chad claim their job is done and are withdrawing, leaving behind 1,000 French soldiers together with 6,300 UN sanctioned African Peacekeepers from Nigeria, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Niger, Togo, Benin, Ghana, and Guinea. In the meantime the European Union has begun training 2,000 more Malian troops for patrolling duty. The operation is supported and sponsored by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the European Union (EU) and other entities and it appears that logistically they are on top of the situation. In fact general elections are scheduled for as early as this coming July… What could possibly go wrong? First: Mali is a nation in fear, brought down to ruins. The United Nations (UN) Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said that, at minimum, another 11,200 troops might be needed to stabilize Mali. In the United States the assistant secretary of defense for special operations Michael Sheehan told the Senate Armed Services subcommittee that the ECOWAS force “isn't capable at all.[1]” But it doesn't take an expert. The people of Mali, especially in the north, are growingly nervous, if not desperate, as the French and Chadians withdraw.[2] Mali is left in ruins with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHRC) projecting for December 2013 up to 540,000 refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) only 230,000 of whom can hope for assistance by UNHCR. -
2016 Country Review
Mali 2016 Country Review http://www.countrywatch.com Table of Contents Chapter 1 1 Country Overview 1 Country Overview 2 Key Data 5 Mali 6 Africa 7 Chapter 2 9 Political Overview 9 History 10 Political Conditions 12 Political Risk Index 66 Political Stability 81 Freedom Rankings 96 Human Rights 108 Government Functions 110 Government Structure 111 Principal Government Officials 121 Leader Biography 122 Leader Biography 122 Foreign Relations 131 National Security 143 Defense Forces 154 Chapter 3 156 Economic Overview 156 Economic Overview 157 Nominal GDP and Components 159 Population and GDP Per Capita 160 Real GDP and Inflation 161 Government Spending and Taxation 162 Money Supply, Interest Rates and Unemployment 163 Foreign Trade and the Exchange Rate 164 Data in US Dollars 165 Energy Consumption and Production Standard Units 166 Energy Consumption and Production QUADS 167 World Energy Price Summary 168 CO2 Emissions 169 Agriculture Consumption and Production 170 World Agriculture Pricing Summary 172 Metals Consumption and Production 173 World Metals Pricing Summary 175 Economic Performance Index 176 Chapter 4 188 Investment Overview 188 Foreign Investment Climate 189 Foreign Investment Index 193 Corruption Perceptions Index 206 Competitiveness Ranking 217 Taxation 226 Stock Market 227 Partner Links 227 Chapter 5 229 Social Overview 229 People 230 Human Development Index 232 Life Satisfaction Index 236 Happy Planet Index 247 Status of Women 256 Global Gender Gap Index 259 Culture and Arts 268 Etiquette 268 Travel Information 269 Diseases/Health Data 280 Chapter 6 287 Environmental Overview 287 Environmental Issues 288 Environmental Policy 288 Greenhouse Gas Ranking 290 Global Environmental Snapshot 301 Global Environmental Concepts 312 International Environmental Agreements and Associations 326 Appendices 350 Bibliography 351 Mali Chapter 1 Country Overview Mali Review 2016 Page 1 of 363 pages Mali Country Overview MALI Located in western Africa, the landlocked Mali is one of the poorest countries in the world. -
EU State Building Contracts Early Lessons from the EU’S New Budget Support Instrument for Fragile States
February 2015 Report EU State Building Contracts Early lessons from the EU’s new budget support instrument for fragile states Myra Bernardi, Tom Hart and Gideon Rabinowitz • Early experiences in Mali and South Sudan reveal that the EU’s State Building Key Contracts (SBCs) have proved to be flexible instruments for rapid support to fragile states. There are, however, a number of areas for improvement. messages • There exists a design tension in the SBCs between supporting short-term stabilisation or crisis management, and longer-term state-building objectives. This can be resolved by clarifying objectives, and tailoring the instrument to the objectives. • Volatility is a key characteristic of fragile states, requiring closer and more frequent risk monitoring. Risk management can be improved by ensuring risks are monitored more holistically and regularly, and by adopting a wider definition of political risk. • The political economy of fragile states – especially fragmented authority within government – can hinder effective political dialogue around budget support. There needs to be sufficient broad buy-in by the partner country, or alternatively, verification that any triggers or indicators are within the control of the main dialogue partner. • Accompanying SBCs with technical assistance (or complementary support) is a positive step. Nevertheless, a more strategic and flexible approach, which links technical assistance to objectives and which is responsive to changing government requirements, could increase the impact of SBCs. Shaping policy for development developmentprogress.orgodi.org Acknowledgments We thank officials from the Governments of Mali and South Sudan; bilateral and multilateral agency representatives involved in Mali and South Sudan; and EU officials in Bamako, Brussels and Juba for giving their time for interviews during this study.