An Update on Armed Group Integration and Proxy Force Activity
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Media Monitoring Report United Nations Mission in Sudan/ Public Information Office
27 April 2011 Media Monitoring Report www.unmissions.unmis.org United Nations Mission in Sudan/ Public Information Office Post-Referendum Headlines • Gadet prepares for major offensive to free South from SPLA domination (Al-Khartoum) • Commission of inquiry set up on Gabriel Tang and two aides (Al-Sahafa) • Official: Militia leader who clashed with Southern Sudan army surrenders (AP) • Sudan’s president Al-Bashir sacks his security adviser Salah Gosh (ST) • WFP cuts back operations in embattled south Sudan (AFP) • Southern political parties reject constitution (Al-Raed) • We would take the fight to Khartoum - Malik Aggar (Al-Sahafa) • North Sudan’s ruling party risks implosion as internal rifts come into view (ST) • 27,000 southern Sudanese in the open in Khartoum State (Al-Ayyam) Southern Kordofan Elections Focus • President Al-Bashir to visit Al-Mujlad today (Al-Khartoum) • Sudanese president says ready for new war with south (BBC News) Other Headlines • Journalists decide to boycott Foreign Ministry’s activities (Al-Akhbar) NOTE: Reproduction here does not mean that the UNMIS PIO can vouch for the accuracy or veracity of the contents, nor does this report reflect the views of the United Nations Mission in Sudan. Furthermore, international copyright exists on some materials and this summary should not be disseminated beyond the intended list of recipients. Address: UNMIS Headquarters, P.O. Box 69, Ibeid Khatim St, Khartoum 11111, SUDAN Phone: (+249-1) 8708 6000 - Fax: (+249-1) 8708 6200 UNMIS Media Monitoring Report 27 April 2011 Highlights Gadet prepares for major offensive to free South from SPLA domination A l-Khartoum 27/4/11 – rebel leader Peter Gadet has threatened a major offensive to free South Sudan from SPLA domination, saying his soldiers yesterday defeated the force rushed by Juba to retake fallen towns. -
1 AU Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan Addis Ababa, Ethiopia P. O
AU Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan Addis Ababa, Ethiopia P. O. Box 3243 Telephone: +251 11 551 7700 / +251 11 518 25 58/ Ext 2558 Website: http://www.au.int/en/auciss Original: English FINAL REPORT OF THE AFRICAN UNION COMMISSION OF INQUIRY ON SOUTH SUDAN ADDIS ABABA 15 OCTOBER 2014 1 Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................... 3 ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................... 5 CHAPTER I ..................................................................................................................... 7 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 8 CHAPTER II .................................................................................................................. 34 INSTITUTIONS IN SOUTH SUDAN .............................................................................. 34 CHAPTER III ............................................................................................................... 110 EXAMINATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS AND OTHER ABUSES DURING THE CONFLICT: ACCOUNTABILITY ......................................................................... 111 CHAPTER IV ............................................................................................................... 233 ISSUES ON HEALING AND RECONCILIATION ....................................................... -
Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: the Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan
Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: The Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan Nathaniel Allen National Defense University June 2019 1 Abstract African elites commonly recruit co-ethnic soldiers into state security institutions, a practice known as ethnic stacking. Ethnic stacking has recently received considerable attention from scholars and been linked to an array of outcomes, including repression, high levels of political violence and poor democratization outcomes. This article employs evidence from Sudan under Omar Al Bashir to argue that ethnic stacking is not one coherent tactic but several, and that its effects are mediated by the processes through which security force institutions are ethnically stacked. Within the leadership of state security institutions, ethnic stacking in Sudan served as a coup-proofing measure to ensure that leaders bound by ties of kinship and trust maintain oversight over the most sensitive functions of the security apparatus. In Sudan’s militia groups, ethnic stacking of militia groups and rank-and-file soldiers was used as a means of warfare and repression by altering overall composition of security forces with respect to the civilian population. The militia strategy itself was a product of the failure of the regime’s traditional security forces to function as effective counterinsurgents, and, by keeping the periphery of the country in a near-constant state of conflict, prolonged Bashir’s regime. World Count: 9,816 words Keywords: Ethnicity, Sudan, civil-military relations, civil wars, coups 2 Introduction For thirty years, Sudan was ruled by Al Bashir, an army officer who was the longest serving leader of the longest running regime in Sudanese history. -
South Sudan: Jonglei – “We Have Always Been at War”
South Sudan: Jonglei – “We Have Always Been at War” Africa Report N°221 | 22 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Jonglei’s Conflicts Before the Civil War ........................................................................... 3 A. Perpetual Armed Rebellion ....................................................................................... 3 B. The Politics of Inter-Communal Conflict .................................................................. 4 1. The communal is political .................................................................................... 4 2. Mixed messages: Government response to intercommunal violence ................. 7 3. Ethnically-targeted civilian disarmament ........................................................... 8 C. Region over Ethnicity? Shifting Alliances between the Bahr el Ghazal Dinka, Greater Bor Dinka and Nuer ...................................................................................... 9 III. South Sudan’s Civil War in Jonglei .................................................................................. 12 A. Armed Factions in Jonglei ........................................................................................ -
Allies and Defectors an Update on Armed Group Integration and Proxy Force Activity
sudanHuman Security Baseline Assessment issue brief Small Arms Survey Number 11 May 2008 Allies and defectors An update on armed group integration and proxy force activity ribal groups, pastoralists, para- Groups (OAGs) into the SPLA1 and This is likely to continue at least militaries, and SPLA splinter post-CPA violence between armed until the referendum on South Suda- factions, among other armed groups and SPLA forces during civilian nese independence in 2011. T 2 entities, were key combatants in the disarmament campaigns. The current second Sudanese civil war as allies of Brief updates the state of knowledge the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) or about the status of armed groups in ‘Other Armed Groups’ in the Sudan People’s Liberation Army South Sudan as of March 2008, and (SPLA). Under the terms of the Com- focuses on the lingering problems that context prehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of they pose, the challenges remaining to The term ‘armed group’ is considerably 2005, these groups, many of which their dissolution and demobilization, elastic in the Sudanese context. Through- had deep roots in local political, ethnic, and their possible impact on CPA imple- out the second Sudanese civil war and economic conflicts in South Sudan, mentation. It finds that: (1983–2005), tribal groups, pastoralists, were suddenly required to disband paramilitaries, and other collectives and their members to join the SAF, the The South Sudan Defence Forces played a significant role; many acted SPLA, or one of a small number of (SSDF), by far the most threatening as proxy forces and waged much of the government institutions. -
The War(S) in South Sudan: Local Dimensions of Conflict, Governance, and the Political Marketplace
Conflict Research Programme The War(s) in South Sudan: Local Dimensions of Conflict, Governance, and the Political Marketplace Flora McCrone in collaboration with the Bridge Network About the Authors Flora McCrone is an independent researcher based in East Africa. She has specialised in research on conflict, armed groups, and political transition across the Horn region for the past nine years. Flora holds a master’s degree in Human Rights from LSE and a bachelor’s degree in Anthropology from Durham University. The Bridge Network is a group of eight South Sudanese early career researchers based in Nimule, Gogrial, Yambio, Wau, Leer, Mayendit, Abyei, Juba PoC 1, and Malakal. The Bridge Network members are embedded in the communities in which they conduct research. The South Sudanese researchers formed the Bridge Network in November 2017. The team met annually for joint analysis between 2017-2020 in partnership with the Conflict Research Programme. About the Conflict Research Programme The Conflict Research Programme is a four-year research programme hosted by LSE IDEAS, the university’s foreign policy think tank. It is funded by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Our goal is to understand and analyse the nature of contemporary conflict and to identify international interventions that ‘work’ in the sense of reducing violence or contributing more broadly to the security of individuals and communities who experience conflict. © Flora McCrone and the Bridge Network, February 2021. This work is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. -
Field Dispatch: [TITLE]
Field Dispatch: Lessons from Upper Nile April 28, 2011 By Laura Jones Malakal, Upper Nile State, South Sudan – Just five days after the town of Malakal awoke in the middle of the night to the sounds of heavy gunfire last month, the capital of the volatile Upper Nile state was again bustling. Yet all was clearly not well. Men aligned with the state security forces could be seen roaming the town, seemingly ubiquitous, while soldiers with AK-47s manned the checkpoints in and out of town. The sense of paranoia and unease was almost palpable. While the Sudan People’s Liberation Army-affiliated forces eyed the people of the town with suspicion, the citizens of Malakal tried to keep their heads down as much as possible, for fear of harassment or worse. An increase in security presence is not new to the people of this area, and unfortunately, it rarely brings much of a sense of security. The March 12, 2011 incident which led to this state of disquiet was yet another militia- led assault, this time targeting a state capital. According to a U.N. report from mid-April, more than 800 people had died in South Sudan violence since the beginning of 2011, and almost 94,000 had been displaced.1 The attack on Malakal, which followed a botched attempt at integration as well as years of tension between the government and the citizens of the region, is in many ways illustrative of the weaknesses of the government approach to dealing not only with these militias but also with the concerns of its citizenry. -
Militant Leadership Monitor Is by Andrew Mcgregor
VOLUME 2 u ISSUE 5 u MAY 2011 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS.........................................................................................................................................1 A PROFILE OF TARKHAN GAZIEV: THE THIRD MAN IN CHECHNYA’s REBEL TROIKA By Mairbek Vatchagaev..............................................................................................................3 ABU MUHAMMAD AL-taHAWI: THE LEADER OF JORDAn’s jIHADI PROTESTORS By Murad Batal al-Shishani.......................................................................................................5 SMM Leader Nasser al-Nuba GENERAL gabrieL taNG: SOUTH SUDAn’s PRODigaL SON OR KHartOUM’s ageNT OF CHAOS? Militant Leadership Monitor is By Andrew McGregor.................................................................................................................7 a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. It is designed to be read by policy-makers and other SOUTH YEMEN’S PACIFIST GENERAL: A PORTRAIT OF BRIGADIER NASSER AL-NUBA specialists yet also be accessible By Michael Horton...................................................................................................................11 to the general public. In order to purchase a subscription, visit http://www.jamestown.org/ programs/mlm0/ and click on YEMENI TRIBAL CHIEF READY FOR “WAR” AGAINST PRESIDENT log-in. SALEH The opinions expressed within On May 23, forces loyal to Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh mounted an are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect assault on -
Gabriel Tang Gatwich Chan ('Tang-Ginye')
Gabriel Tang Gatwich Chan ('Tang-Ginye') Gabriel Tang Gatwich Chan (often referred to as 'Tang-Ginye', a nickname meaning ‘long pipe’), a Nuer from Fangak county in Jonglei state, is synonymous with a brutal chapter of the history of Sudan’s 1983–2005 North–South civil war. Deadly ‘South– South’ violence resulted in some of the worst atrocities committed during the war and deepened internal rifts among Southerners that have not been resolved in the six-year interim period that began with the 2005 signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Wartime roles Considered one of the first generation of Southern guerrillas, Tang-Ginye began his military career in a faction of the Anyanya movement during the first civil war (1956– 1972). Suspicious of the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement, he quickly rebelled again, joining one of the mainly Nuer militias known as Anyanya II. In 1984, together with other Anyanya II leaders such as Paulino Matiep and Gordon Kong, he formed an alliance with the government in Khartoum led at the time by Jaafar Nimeiri, hoping to create a Nuer army to fight the ‘Dinka’ Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). He and his Jebel forces remained allied to Khartoum in 1988, when a large number of Anyanya II defected to the SPLA, under the leadership of the late John Garang. His forces were aligned with Riek Machar’s Khartoum-backed Nasir faction following the SPLA split in 1991, and then became part of the South Sudan Defense Forces (SSDF) as part of the 1997 Khartoum Agreement, with direct links to Military Intelligence in Khartoum. -
Sudan's North
Concordis International Sudan Report September 2010 MORE THAN A LINE: SUDAN’S NORTH - SOUTH BORDER SEPTEMBER 2010 02 Concordis International Sudan Report Contents Contents 04 Acknowledgements 50 Abyei 1.1 Snapshot Summary 1.2 Conflict Drivers 05 Glossary 1.2.1 National Political Context 1.2.2 Border Demarcation and the 08 Executive Summary Abyei Referendum 1.1 General Findings 1.2.3 Physical Demarcation 1.2 Thematic Findings 1.2.4 Land 1.3 Conflict Prone Areas 1.2.5 Militarisation 14 Introduction 1.3.6 Additional Factors 1.1 General Findings 1.4 Conflict Management 1.2 Thematic Findings 1.3 Conflict Prone Areas 67 Southern Kordofan/Unity 1.1 Snapshot Summary 28 South Darfur-Western Bahr al Ghazal 1.2 Conflict Drivers 1.1 Snapshot Summary 1.2.1 Transhumance 1.2 Conflict Drivers 1.2.2 Political Marginalisation 1.2.1 Border demarcation 1.2.3 Hardening Conflict Memory 1.2.2 Militarisation 1.2.4 Land/Oil and Demarcation 1.2.3 SPLA-Rezeigat Clashes 1.2.5 Community Land 1.2.4 Other Armed Groups 1.2.6 Militarisation 1.2.5 Wider Regional Instability 1.2.7 Community Conflict Management 1.2.6 Conflict Trends 1.3 Conflict Trends and Mitigation 1.3 Conflict Mitigation 79 Southern Kordofan 38 South Darfur-Northern Bahr al Ghazal 1.1 Snapshot Summary 1.1 Snapshot Summary 1.2 Conflict Drivers 1.2 Conflict Drivers 1.2.1 National Political Context 1.2.1 Contested Rights Along the 1.2.2 Land Grazing Area 1.2.3 Socio-economic Underdevelopment 1.2.2 Transportation of Arms 1.2.4 Integration of Adminstration 1.2.3 Militarisation 1.2.5 Security Integration and -
South Sudan Monitor Considers Remaining Aspects of the CPA Were Virtually Set Some of the Key Issues and Trends That Have Aside
December 2011 Incumbent President Salva Kiir Myandit votes in the landmark referendum in January 2011 by Irina Mosel (UN), and the 54th member state of the African A year in review Union. While South Sudan set about preparing to become an independent and sovereign state, the This edition of the South Sudan Monitor considers remaining aspects of the CPA were virtually set some of the key issues and trends that have aside. The popular consultation process in Blue emerged in 2011. Nile stalled, and the election in Southern Kordofan was contested. Soon afterwards, conflict broke out Many CPA issues unresolved in Southern Kordofan, preventing the popular 2011 brought about the enormous political change consultations that were promised to the that the people of South Sudan had waited for populations of the transitional areas. The Abyei since 1955. The year kicked off with the long- referendum was permanently postponed before it awaited Southern Sudan referendum. In the started due to political deadlocks regarding who months leading up to the referendum there were would be eligible to vote and the composition of fears that it could trigger violence. However the the Abyei Referendum Commission. polling was peaceful with high voter turnout and Negotiations are still continuing between Sudan led to a landslide victory in favour of separation. and South Sudan to determine how the two While the referendum outcome clearly reflected the countries will move forward as two sovereign will of the people, becoming a separate state also countries with interlinked economies. Issues that has far-reaching political and economic still need to be resolved between Sudan and South consequences. -
MMR 07 Mar 11.Pdf
07 Mar 2011 Media Monitoring Report www.unmissions.unmis.org United Nations Mission in Sudan/ Public Information Office Post-Referendum Monitor • VP Taha calls for security in Abyei (Al-Sahafa) • GoSS criticises UNMIS’ performance on civilian protection (Al-Wifaq) • We have no right to use force in Abyei – UN (Al-Rai Al-Aam) • UNMIS welcomes Abyei Agreement (Al-Tayyar) • Misseriya warn against blocking movement of millions of cattle south (Al-Tayyar) • High security budget is paramount, says SSLA (Gurtong.org) • Machar opposes all-out war against forces of George Athor (Sudantribune.com) • South Sudan militia clashes kill at least 56-army (Reuters) • South Sudan army says it clashed with SPLM-DC militia (Sudantribune.com) • South Sudan sets conditions for north debt help (Reuters) Other Highlights • Central Bank Governor resigns (Reuters) • Sudan names new central bank governor: state media (Reuters) • Sudan rejects US Congress’ conditions for removal from terror list (Al-Sahafa) • Authorities warn against illegal marches (Al-Rai Al-Aam et al) • Police seize arms and munitions in Omdurman (Al-Sahafa) • Price of some bottled water doubles in Juba (Sudantribune.com) • Justice Chande starts visit to Sudan with questions on freedom of expression (Al-Sahafa et al) • Khartoum said committed to negotiate Darfur status in Doha – mediator (Sudantribune.com) NOTE: Reproduction here does not mean that the UNMIS PIO can vouch for the accuracy or veracity of the contents, nor does this report reflect the views of the United Nations Mission in Sudan. Furthermore, international copyright exists on some materials and this summary should not be disseminated beyond the intended list of recipients.