Die Genese Des „Kreisauer Kreises“
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1 Stephanie Zibell: Vor 80 Jahren: Als Die Hakenkreuzflagge Über
Stephanie Zibell: Vor 80 Jahren: Als die Hakenkreuzflagge über Darmstadt wehte. Kollegiengebäude und Landesverwaltung zwischen Machtergreifung und demokratischem Neubeginn. Vortrag aus Anlass der Gedenkveranstaltung zum 80. Jahrestag der „Machtergreifung“ durch die Nationalsozialisten. Einleitung Als mich Herr Regierungspräsident Baron im vergangenen Jahr ansprach und mich bat, am heutigen Tag einen Vortrag zu halten, habe ich dem Ansinnen insofern gerne entsprochen, als ich mich in meiner Dissertation mit dem in Darmstadt amtierenden hessischen Reichsstatthalter und Gauleiter Jakob Sprenger beschäftigt habe, von dem wir heute noch hören werden, und in meiner Habilitationsschrift mit Ludwig Bergsträsser, der hier in Darmstadt zwischen 1945 und 1948 als erster Regierungspräsident amtiert hat. Ihm, Ludwig Bergsträsser, ist heute eine ganz besondere Ehrung zuteil geworden, über die ich mich persönlich sehr freue: Der bisherige Sitzungssaal Süd ist in Ludwig-Bergsträsser-Saal umbenannt worden. Ich habe davon auch meinem Doktorvater, Prof. Dr. Hans Buchheim, berichtet, der Ludwig Bergsträsser noch persönlich gekannt hat und dafür verantwortlich zeichnet, dass ich mich so intensiv mit Bergsträsser beschäftigt habe. Auch Herr Buchheim, der heute hier anwesend ist, zeigte sich sehr erfreut. Doch wie der Titel meines Vortrags und der einleitende Hinweis auf den Nationalsozialisten Jakob Sprenger bereits andeutet: Es wird in der nächsten Stunde nicht nur Erfreuliches zu hören sein, sondern auch Tragisches und Betrübliches. Ich werde im Folgenden von den Ereignissen berichten, die die nationalsozialistische „Machtübernahme“ am 30. Januar 1933 in Darmstadt, damals Hauptstadt des Volksstaats Hessen, und in Wiesbaden, dem Sitz des Regierungspräsidiums des Regierungsbezirks Wiesbaden der preußischen Provinz Hessen-Nassau, nach sich zog. Das preußische Wiesbaden erwähne ich, weil es vor 1945 im Volksstaat Hessen kein Regierungspräsidium gab. -
Heft 2 / April 2014 ISSN 0042-5702 B 2176 F Die Anfänge Des Privatkundengeschäfts Der Grossbanken
62. Jahrgang / Heft 2 / April 2014 ISSN 0042-5702 B 2176 F Die Anfänge DeS PriVAtkunDengeSchäftS Der groSSBAnken Zeitgeschichte 2014 Zeitgeschichte für herausgegeben von Helmut Altrichter Horst Möller Andreas Wirsching Aus dem Inhalt Jenny Pleinen/Lutz Raphael Schriftenreihe der Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, Band 108 Vierteljahrshefte Zeithistoriker in den Archiven der Sozialwissenschaften 5 | 2014. ca. 272 Seiten Broschur 978-3-486-76462-8 € 24,95 Hajime Konno ebook 978-3-11-034525-4 € 24,95 print + eBook 978-3-11-036296-1 € 39,95 Die liberalen und konservativen Interpretationen der deutschen Politik an der Kaiserlichen Universität Tokio 1905–1933 Großbanken symbolisieren wie kaum eine andere Institution das kapitalistische Wirtschaftssystem. Hans Schafranek Um 1870 entstanden, erlangten sie in kürzester Zeit eine beherrschende Stellung in der deutschen NS-Fememorde in der Steiermark Wirtschaft. Für die breite Bevölkerung interessierten sie sich bis Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts aber nicht. Erst im Gefolge des Wirtschaftswunders, als der Durchschnittsbürger allmählich zu Sven Feyer einem Wirtschaftsfaktor wurde, bemühten sich die Deutsche Bank, die Dresdner Bank und die Otto Meyer: MAN-Vorstand im Dritten Reich Commerzbank mit neuen Finanzprodukten um das „gemeine Volk“ und seine Spargroschen. In seiner Studie, die 2013 den Preis für Unternehmensgeschichte erhalten hat, untersucht Simon Thorsten Holzhauser Gonser, wie die drei Kreditinstitute in den 1950er und 1960er Jahren die Basis für ihr heutiges „Niemals mit der PDS“? Privatkundengeschäft legten und welche wirtschaftlichen, gesellschaftlichen und sozialen Zum Umgang der SPD mit der SED-Nachfolgepartei zwischen Rahmenbedingungen dabei eine Rolle spielten. Ausgrenzungs- und Integrationsstrategie (1990–1998) Simon Gonser ist stellv. Leiter des Kreisarchivs Rems-Murr-Kreis in Waiblingen (Baden- Württemberg). -
Review Article Did Weimar Fail?*
Review Article Did Weimar Fail?* Peter Fritzsche University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign What is Weimar without the Republic? Not much, it seems, since for most German historians the plot that holds the story together has been fragile democracy and its demise. "Weimar" is, as numerous subtitles inform us, the "history of the first Ger- man Democracy," the site where democracy surrendered or failed.' The drama of twentieth-century Germany has largely turned on the failure of the Weimar Repub- lic. All the grand scholarly investments in the study of big-business relations, small- town clubs, East Elbian provinces, and a staggering variety of interest groups and political parties have been undertaken to explain more successfully the frailties of the Republic. This focus has been meritorious since it has guided political self- understandings in postwar Germany and indicated possible limits to the legitimacy of modem democracies generally. Even the notable political guru Kevin Phillips has invoked Weimar to warn his Republican clients not to forget "Middle Ameri~a."~ But preoccupation with the fate of the Republic has been so single-minded that it * I would like to thank Fred Jaher, Hany Liebersohn, Glenn Penny, and Joe Perry for their helpful readings of this article. The following books are under review: Frank Bajohr, Werner Johe, and Uwe Lohalm, eds., Zivilisation und Barbarei: Die widerspriichliche Potentiale der Moderne (Hamburg, 1991); Shelley Baranowski, The Sanctity of Rural Life: Nobility, Protestantism, and Nazism in Weimar Prussia -
Absolute Relativity: Weimar Cinema and the Crisis of Historicism By
Absolute Relativity: Weimar Cinema and the Crisis of Historicism by Nicholas Walter Baer A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Film and Media and the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Anton Kaes, Chair Professor Martin Jay Professor Linda Williams Fall 2015 Absolute Relativity: Weimar Cinema and the Crisis of Historicism © 2015 by Nicholas Walter Baer Abstract Absolute Relativity: Weimar Cinema and the Crisis of Historicism by Nicholas Walter Baer Doctor of Philosophy in Film and Media Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory University of California, Berkeley Professor Anton Kaes, Chair This dissertation intervenes in the extensive literature within Cinema and Media Studies on the relationship between film and history. Challenging apparatus theory of the 1970s, which had presumed a basic uniformity and historical continuity in cinematic style and spectatorship, the ‘historical turn’ of recent decades has prompted greater attention to transformations in technology and modes of sensory perception and experience. In my view, while film scholarship has subsequently emphasized the historicity of moving images, from their conditions of production to their contexts of reception, it has all too often left the very concept of history underexamined and insufficiently historicized. In my project, I propose a more reflexive model of historiography—one that acknowledges shifts in conceptions of time and history—as well as an approach to studying film in conjunction with historical-philosophical concerns. My project stages this intervention through a close examination of the ‘crisis of historicism,’ which was widely diagnosed by German-speaking intellectuals in the interwar period. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science «Les Belles Années du Plan»? Hendrik de Man and the Reinvention of Western European Socialism, 1914-36 ca. Tommaso Milani A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2017. 1 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgment is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,843 words. 2 ABSTRACT The thesis discusses the trajectory of the Belgian socialist thinker and activist Hendrik de Man (1885-1953) between 1914 and 1936 ca, with particular attention to his endeavours to renew Western European social democracy after the Great War. The first half of the thesis deals with de Man’s theoretical evolution. Having become convinced of the inadequacy of orthodox Marxism as a conceptual framework for the Left while serving as soldier and diplomat during WWI, de Man sought to overcome the split between reformism and revolutionary socialism by developing an ethical conception of socialism outlined in the book Zur Psychologie des Sozialismus (1926) and, subsequently, by elaborating planism, a democratic socialist ideology supposedly more in tune with the socio-economic conditions of the 1930s. -
Mommsen, Hans, Germans Against Hitler
GERMANS AGAINST HITLER HANS MOMMSEN GERMANSGERMANSGERMANS AGAINSTAGAINST HITLERHITLER THE STAUFFENBERG PLOT AND RESISTANCE UNDER THE THIRD REICH Translated and annotated by Angus McGeoch Introduction by Jeremy Noakes New paperback edition published in 2009 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd 6 Salem Road, London W2 4BU 175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010 www.ibtauris.com First published in hardback in 2003 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd as Alternatives to Hitler. Originally published in 2000 as Alternative zu Hitler – Studien zur Geschichte des deutschen Widerstandes. Copyright © Verlag C.H. Beck oHG, Munchen, 2000 Translation copyright © I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2003, 2009 The translation of this work has been supported by Inter Nationes, Bonn. The right of Hans Mommsen to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyrights, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. ISBN 978 1 84511 852 5 A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library Project management by Steve Tribe, Andover Printed and bound in India by Thomson Press India Ltd ContentsContentsContents Preface by Hans Mommsen vii Introduction by Jeremy Noakes 1 1. Carl von Ossietzky and the concept of a right to resist in Germany 9 2. German society and resistance to Hitler 23 3. -
New Perspectives on Democratic Breakdown Weimar's Youth
New Perspectives on Democratic Breakdown Weimar’s Youth: Mobilisation and Discourse Networks Abstract: Citizen involvement and the institutions of civil society can be decisive for the collapse of a democratic regime. Research on the Weimar Republic pointed to undemocratic mobilisation in this regime crisis. However, the specific profile of those who mobilised during Weimar’s breakdown has been ignored. The systematic analysis of primary sources underlines the prevalence of political youth mobilisation. Their political practice triggered controversial debates about the meaning of youth which shaped the way contemporaries made sense of their political reality. Youth encompassed debates beyond the social group and conflicts over the meaning of youth convey conflicts in Weimar’s democracy. My study examines a corpus of newspaper articles through a technique of discourse analysis that combines qualitative content analysis with network analysis. This is the first time this method is applied to regime change. This research allows, on a theoretical level, a reconceptualization of the political role of youth in democratic breakdowns. Keywords: discourse network analysis, youth mobilisation, democratic breakdown, Weimar Republic Word Count: 12,414 (including notes and references) Félix Krawatzek ([email protected]) Draft Paper: Comments Welcome! New Perspectives on Democratic Breakdown Weimar’s Youth: Mobilisation and Discourse Networks The collapse of the Weimar Republic has refined understandings of the processes leading to democratic breakdown (Lepsius 1978, Zimmermann 1993). However, in contrast to the historiography on the period (Ganyard 2008, Klönne 2008, Krabbe 1995, Peukert 1987b, Reulecke 2001, Stambolis 2003, Weinrich 2013), political scientists concentrating on “ordinary people” have undervalued the role of political youth mobilisation in this regime change (Berman 1997, Bermeo 2003). -
Democracy and Facism: from Europe to America Author(S): Peter Rutkoff and William B
Democracy and Facism: From Europe to America Author(s): Peter Rutkoff and William B. Scott Source: State, Culture, and Society, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Autumn, 1984), pp. 26-60 Published by: Springer Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20006792 Accessed: 13-02-2020 21:35 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to State, Culture, and Society This content downloaded from 149.31.21.88 on Thu, 13 Feb 2020 21:35:37 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Democracy and Facism: From Europe to America by Peter Rutkoff and William B. Scott War in Our Times, a study by European emigre scholars, was aimed at the tragedy of appeasement. Edited by Hans Speier, the volume examined the failure of parliamentary democracy during the Weimar Republic as an explanation for Munich.1 Its authors, the individuals who formed the Graduate Faculty at the New School, drew on their experiences in postwar European politics. As refugee intellec? tuals they believed that it was their duty to educate. Between 1933 and 1939 as sociologists, economists, and political scientists, these Euro? pean ?migr?s at the New School addressed the most important issue of their era: the nature of German and Italian fascism. -
HISTORISCH-POLITISCHE MITTEILUNGEN Archiv Für
Böhlau, Fr. Fichtner, Historisch-Politische-Mitteilungen, 1. AK, MS I 1 HISTORISCH-POLITISCHE 2 3 MITTEILUNGEN 4 5 6 Archiv für 7 8 Christlich-Demokratische Politik 9 10 11 12 13 Im Auftrag der 14 Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. 15 herausgegeben von 16 Günter Buchstab und Hans-Otto Kleinmann 17 18 19 20 21 22 10. Jahrgang 23 2003 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 BÖHLAU VERLAG KÖLN WEIMAR WIEN 42 Böhlau, Fr. Fichnter, Historisch-Politische-Mitteilungen, 1. AK, MS II 1 HISTORISCH-POLITISCHE MITTEILUNGEN 2 Archiv für Christlich-Demokratische Politik 3 4 10. Jahrgang 2003 5 Im Auftrag der 6 7 Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. 8 herausgegeben von 9 Dr. Günter Buchstab und Prof. Dr. Hans-Otto Kleinmann 10 Redaktion: Dr. Brigitte Kaff 11 Gedruckt mit finanzieller Unterstützung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 12 13 Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. 14 Wissenschaftliche Dienste 15 16 Archiv für Christlich-Demokratische Politik 17 Rathausallee 12 18 53757 Sankt Augustin bei Bonn 19 Tel 02241 / 246 210 20 Fax 02241 / 246 669 21 22 e-mail: [email protected] 23 internet: www.kas.de 24 25 Verlag: 26 Böhlau Verlag GmbH & Cie, Ursulaplatz 1, D-50668 Köln 27 e-mail: [email protected] 28 29 Die Zeitschrift »HISTORISCH-POLITISCHE MITTEILUNGEN/Archiv 30 für Christlich-Demokratische Politik« erscheint einmal jährlich mit einem 31 Heftumfang von ca. 260 Seiten. Der Preis beträgt € 19,50. Ein Abonnement 32 verlängert sich automatisch um ein Jahr, wenn die Kündigung nicht zum 33 1. Dezember erfolgt ist. -
Theodor Haubach (1896 – 1945)
Theodor Haubach (1896 – 1945). Eine politische Biographie Dissertation zur Erlangung der Würde des Doktors der Philosophie des Fachbereichs Geschichtswissenschaft der Universität Hamburg vorgelegt von Peter Zimmermann aus Hamburg Hamburg, im Mai 2002 2 Hauptgutachter: Prof. Dr. Klaus Saul Nebengutachter: Prof. Dr. Axel Schildt Datum der Disputation: 12.Juli 2002 3 Inhaltsverzeichnis Einleitung 6 1. Kindheit und Jugend: Elternhaus – Schule – ‚Wandervogel’ 19 2. Soldat und Literat 1914 - 1918 31 2.1 Soldat 31 2.1.1 Notreifeprüfung und Kriegsfreiwilliger 31 2.1.2 Äußerungen zum individuellen Kriegserleben 39 2.2 Literat 47 2.2.1 ‚Die Dachstube’: Gründung – Mitarbeiter – Funktion 47 2.2.2 Theodor Haubach – ein expressionistischer Autor? 50 2.3 Situation am Ende des Krieges 61 3. Zeit der Orientierung und der Entwicklung von Perspektiven (1918 – 1923) 64 3.1 Der Krieg ist aus: Stationen 64 3.2 Aktivitäten auf kulturellem Feld 72 3.3 Zwischen visionärem Aufbruch und Realpolitik: einen Ort suchen 91 3.3.1 Politisches Handeln (1918 – 1919) 91 3.3.2 Mitarbeit und politische Bekundungen im ‚Tribunal’ 104 3.3.3 Die akademischen Lehrer 116 3.3.4 Momentaufnahme I: Die politisch-ideologische Plattform 130 3.4 In einem ‚sozialen Feld’: Der Freundeskreis in Heidelberg 142 4. Aufbruch: Politiker und Journalist – Hamburg 1923/24 155 4.1 ‚Wissenschaftlicher Hilfsarbeiter’ im Institut für Auswärtige Politik: Interesse an Außen- und Wehrpolitik 157 4.2 Politisch aktiv in der ‚Vereinigung Republik’: Einsatz gegen die Kommunisten im ‚Hamburger Aufstand’ 167 4.3 ‚Klassenkampf oder Volksgemeinschaft?’ – Engagement bei den Jungsozialisten 180 4.3.1 Zur Struktur der jungsozialistischen Bewegung 180 4.3.2 ‚Ostertagung von Hofgeismar’: Die Hamburger inszenieren mit 186 4.3.3 Gegensätze brechen auf: „Höher als die Nation steht mir die Klasse.“ 196 4.3.4 Theodor Haubach – Gastspiel bei den Jungsozialisten 201 4.4 Momentaufnahme II: Agitation und Aktion – die Konturen werden schärfer 214 5. -
The Classic Years of European Marxism, 1887-1936
The Classic Years of European Marxism, 1887-1936 Gerd-Rainer Horn Stanley Pierson, Marxist Intellectuals and the Working-Class Mentality in Germany, 1887-1912 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1993). Donna Harsch, German Social Democracy and the Rise of Nazism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 1993). Stanley G. Payne, Spain's First Democracy: The Second Republic, 1931-1936 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1993). In the 1950s a host of western intellectuals eagerly announced The End of Ideology, a prediction in part based on a precipitous decline in the influence of Marxism in several advanced industrialized states. The world-wide instance and impact of 1968 quickly relegated such triumphant pronoucements to the (temporary) rubbish heap of history. The 1970s, in particular, saw a substan- tive and unexpected revival of the Marxist tradition in many corners of the globe. Yet the demise of the Portuguese Revolution and the slow extinction of Italy's 'creeping May' did much to dampen European Marxist spirits, leading many erstwhile Marxists to declare, in the course of the 1980s, their Adieux au prole'tariat. Finally, the recent implosion of most examples of 'actually exist- ing socialism' seems to have definitively moved back the clock to the 1950s again, with discussions of The End of History dominating the intellectuals' terrain. Was global 1968 the last gasp of a dying era rather than a portent of greater things to come? Regardless of the answer, a sober assessment of 1968 shows that the actual events associated with that year bear only limited corre- spondence with the predictions of the Marxist school. -
Politics of the Past: the Use and Abuse of History
Cover History and Politics:Mise en page 1 3/20/09 4:04 PM Page 1 Twenty years after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of communism the battles about the right interpretation of the twentieth century past are still being fought. In some countries even the courts have their say on what is or is not the historical truth. But primarily politicians have claimed a dominant role Politics of the Past: in these debates, often mixing history and politics in an irresponsible way. The European Parliament has become the arena where this culminates. Nevertheless, not every Member of Parliament wants to play historian. That is the The Use and Abuse of History background of Politics of the Past, in which historians take the floor to discuss the tense and ambivalent relationship between their profession and politics. Pierre Hassner: “Judges are no better placed than governments to replace open Edited by dialogue between historians, between historians and public opinion, between citizens and within and between democratic societies. That is why this book is Hannes Swoboda and such an important initiative.” Jan Marinus Wiersma Politics of the Past: The Use and Abuse of History The of the Past: Politics Cover picture: Reporters/AP 5 7 2 6 2 3 2 8 2 9 ISBN 92-823-2627-5 8 7 QA-80-09-552-EN-C ISBN 978-92-823-2627-5 9 Politics of the Past: The Use and Abuse of History Edited by Hannes Swoboda and Jan Marinus Wiersma Dedicated to Bronisław Geremek Bronisław Geremek, historian, former political dissident and our dear colleague, was one of the speakers at the event which we organized in Prague to commemorate the Spring of 1968.