University of Nevada, Reno

Text and Image in Ulrich Molitor’s De Lamiis et phitonicis mulieribus,1489-1669: A Bibliographic and Cultural Analysis

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History

by

Amy Ghilieri

Dr. Kevin Stevens/Dissertation Advisor

May, 2015

THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

We recommend that the dissertation prepared under our supervision by

AMY GHILIERI

Entitled

Text And Image In Ulrich Molitor's De Lamiis Et Pythonicis Mulieribus: A Bibliographic And Cultural Analysis

be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Kevin Stevens, Ph.D., Advisor

Jane Davidson, Ph.D., Committee Member

Dennis Dworkin, Ph.D., Committee Member

Edward Schoolman, Ph.D., Committee Member

Barbara Walker, Ph.D., Committee Member

Phillip Boardman, Ph.D., Graduate School Representative

David W. Zeh, Ph. D., Dean, Graduate School

May, 2015 !i

Abstract

In 1489 Ulrich Molitor wrote De Lamiis et phitonicis mulieribus at the request of

Sigismund, the Archduke of Austria, in order to explain the realities of witchcraft within the region of Tyrol. Published just two years after the infamous Malleus Maleficarum, De

Lamiis was meant to be an inexpensive publication that addressed Sigismund’s concerns regarding witchcraft, while appealing to a more general public. As the first printed manual on witchcraft activity that was illustrated, it became an instant success and was subsequently published more frequently than the Malleus between 1489 and 1669. In this study, I: (1) determine the nature of the text - number of editions, details of each edition, etc., and (2) identify the book’s legacy. Ultimately this study provides an analysis of the role that De lamiis played in the visual formation of the witch in Europe, from the late fifteenth-century to the seventeenth-century. Due to the wide dispersal of De lamiis between 1489 and 1669, the association of text and image within the book helped create what, by the mid sixteenth century, became the visual representation of the witch. !ii

Table of Contents

Chapter One - Introduction 1

Chapter Two - Literary Comparisons 36

Chapter Three - Beginnings, 1489-1510 92

Chapter Four - Innovation, 1544-1576 143

Chapter Five - Anthologies, 1580-1669 176

Chapter Six - Legacies, and Conclusion 207

Appendix A 230

Appendix B 260

Bibliography 286 !1

Chapter One - Introduction

In 1489 Ulrich Molitor wrote De Lamiis et phitonicis mulieribus at the request of

Sigismund, the Archduke of Austria, in order to explain the realities of witchcraft within the region of Tyrol. Published just two years after the infamous Malleus Maleficarum, De

Lamiis was meant to be an inexpensive publication that addressed Sigismund’s concerns regarding witchcraft,1 while appealing to a more general public. As the first printed manual on witchcraft activity that was illustrated, it became an instant success and was subsequently published more frequently than the Malleus between 1489 and 1669.2 In this dissertation I attempt to: (1) determine the nature of the text - number of editions, details of each edition, etc., and (2) identify the book’s legacy.3 Ultimately this study provides an analysis of the role that De lamiis played in the visual formation of the witch in Europe, from the late fifteenth-century to the seventeenth-century. Due to the wide dispersal of De lamiis between 1489 and 1669, the association of text and image within the book helped create what, by the mid sixteenth century, became the visual representation of the witch.

Given the significance of Molitor’s book, it is appropriate to conduct an in depth analysis of its publishing history. De lamiis is casually mentioned in most secondary

1 Sigismund, like most in the late fifteenth century, sought clarity regarding what witchcraft, or maleficia, actually entailed. Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe (Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2006), 4.

2 The Malleus was never illustrated in any edition during the early modern period.

3 This dissertation builds on the Master’s thesis that I completed in 2010, which focused on the reasons for the publication and success of De Lamiis. !2 literature on witchcraft in the early modern period, and yet there is no scholarly study of the text in English. Jörg Mauz, in his 1997 monograph Schriften, provides details regarding Ulrich Molitor and the five works for which he is responsible but there is no full-length study on De lamiis itself. Other authorities on the text, including Walter

Stephens and Charles Zika, admit that De lamiis deserves further scholarly attention.4

There are many methodological approaches that would be appropriate for such a study, but I have selected bibliographic history for much of this research.5 The unique bibliographic details of each copy suggest that interesting conclusions can be made as to how these different books were marketed, and for whom.6 Especially during the incunabular period, when publishing was in its infancy and publishers tended to be more conservative in book production with regard to layout, use of woodcuts, and typeface, such dramatic distinctions between editions is uncommon and merits analysis. The fact that such differences are found between copies of the same edition also creates a particularly unique research opportunity. I have located 328 copies of various editions that are currently catalogued, consulted 98 of those copies, and determined that 36 editions of De lamiis were published between 1489 and

4 Email correspondence with Charles Zika (March 16, 2014), personal conversation with Walter Stephens (October 2014).

5 Sixteenth Century Society Conference, 2014. Feedback suggested the importance of bibliographic details in order to determine edition specific information.

6 I use this term in light of textual and descriptive bibliography, rather than enumerative bibliography, which will be discussed below. !3

1669.7

Date Publisher Location Language

January 10, 1489 Johann Prüss Strasbourg Latin

1489 Johann Otmar Reutlingen Latin

After 1489 Johann Prüss Strasbourg German

After 1489 Michael Greyff Reutlingen German

After 1489 Johann Zainer Ulm German

After 1489 Conrad Hist Speyer Latin

After 1489 Michael Furter Basel Latin

After 1489 Johann Amerbach Basel Latin

After 1489 Johann Amerbach Basel Latin

7 There is a caveat to this list. There are numerous problems in cataloguing a book like De lamiis: 1) the dating is highly unreliable. Ten years ago the British Library claimed a 1488 edition, which was later determined to be a 1490 Zierkizee edition. Generally, the editions prior to 1544 are not dated, and no accompanying material is present to indicate either a legitimate date, or even publisher. The editions after 1544 are much easier to attribute, though a few of the seventeenth-century anthologies lack publisher information (they are, however, dated and printing convention makes it reasonably easy to attribute each edition to a publisher). There are five instances of editions attributed to Johann Knobloch and Marten Flach, but these are mismarked. The Flach is actually the 1489 Otmar edition, and the Knobloch (generally listed under Knoblochtzer, though is Heidelberg Knoblochtzer at Brandeis). Johann Prüss printed under Knobloch until 1480 and his name is usually not listed in his publications, making this mistake understandable. Harvard’s alleged Amerbach copy is most likely actually a Michael Furter (it is an exact match to the Furter held by Cambridge). The only edition not currently checked against other copies is held by the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek and listed as a 1489 edition by Johann Amerbach. This is a digital copy of a book held by the Bibliothek Otto Schäfer, though I was unable to cross reference this with the original library catalogue. Though OCLC numbers are also highly unreliable for De lamiis cataloging, this is the only OCLC copy of this book (number 854680497). The other issues surround the copies by Cornelius de Zierikzee. Four of the five editions can be grouped organically, but two contain discrepancies. I have not distinguished between Zierkizee edition in the list, as there is no way to ascertain which copy correlates to which edition without consulting them all. *These editions are not new editions. They are the 1595 and 1615 editions, with new title pages. !4

After 1489 Arnoldus de Colonia Leipzig Latin

After 1489 George Mittelhus Paris Latin

After 1489 Cornelius de Zierikzee Cologne Latin

After 1489 Cornelius de Zierikzee Cologne Latin

After 1489 Cornelius de Zierikzee Cologne Latin

After 1489 Cornelius de Zierikzee Cologne Latin

After 1489 Cornelius de Zierikzee Cologne Latin

1508 Johann Otmar Reutlingen German

1508 Johann Otmar Reutlingen German

1544 Jacob Cammerlander Strasbourg German

1545 Jacob Cammerlander Strasbourg German

1561 Giles Corrozet Paris Latin

1575 Christian Müller Strasbourg German

1576 Johann Gymnicus Frankfurt German

1576 Nicholas Basse Frankfurt German

1580 Nicholas Basse Frankfurt Latin

1582 Nicholas Basse Frankfurt Latin

1584 Jacob Juntae Lyon Latin

1586 Nicholas Basse Frankfurt German

1588 Nicholas Basse Frankfurt Latin

1595 Gerhard Gevenbroich Cologne Latin

1595 Pierre Landry Lyon Latin

1600 Nicholas Basse Frankfurt Latin

1604* Pierre Landry Lyon Latin

1614 Pierre Landry Lyon Latin

1615* Pierre Landry Lyon Latin

1620 Claude Landry Lyon Latin

1669 Claude Bourgeat Lyon Latin

!5

De Lamiis et phitonicis mulieribus

De lamiis is arguably one of the most significant works on demonological theory in the early modern period, both in its content and its visual appearance. Molitor creates a dialogue between himself, Sigismund (the Archduke of Austria), and Conrad Schatz, the chief magistrate of Constance and Molitor’s mentor. In twelve chapters they discuss what kind of maleficia witches are capable of committing, what powers are mere illusions, and what role God plays in the interaction between demons and mortals. Molitor was skeptical of some of the more extreme elements presented in the Malleus and took the opportunity to provide a more moderate approach to potential witch activity.8

Born in 1442 and enrolled at the University of Basel in 1465, Molitor studied church law and “Reich rechts” at the University of Padua. Upon graduation he gained a position with a practicing lawyer in Constance. His patron, Sigismund the Archduke of

Austria, promoted him in 1488 to a conciliar position, an advisory role he held during the time he wrote De lamiis. By 1494 he was counselor and chancellor at the Tyrolean court in Innsbruck; three years later he was an advisor to the court. Clearly he played an honorable and necessary role in the Archduke’s court throughout his career, suggesting that readers of De lamiis would have regarded him as an authority. According to Nicolaus

Equiamicus in his introduction to the German translation of the work, Molitor’s book

8 In particular, Molitor emphasizes the fact that witches and demons were unable to participate in any supernatural activity without the permission of God. !6 became the authoritative work on witches.9 His activities at the Court of Constance from

1481-1485 provided him with the experience to more accurately speak of these matters, as opposed to other authors on the topic who were largely armchair theorists. For example, he refused to accept confessions gained under torture, a method that was very common at the time.

In the introduction, Molitor mentions Archduke Sigismund’s need to commission the work, as heresy was rampant in the controlled territories. Given the contradictory responses of the magistrates of his court to the specific questions surrounding witchcraft, a final study by Molitor would be presented to the Archduke to clarify the issues. This was a dangerous undertaking, not without the risk of personal danger to Molitor himself.

Respect is paid to a number of magistrates of the court, including Molitor’s professor and mentor Conrad Schatz, general secretary to the court. Three individuals participate in the dialogue: Schatz, Sigismund, and Molitor. Perhaps the most interesting point is the declaration made by Sigismund’s role as censor of the final literary product: “[This work is] written in honor of said Prince and with the prior censorship of Your Highness.”10 The

Malleus would have carried the same assumption given the inclusion of Innocent VIII’s

Papal Bull in its publication. The issue would allow the censor to gain a certain amount of responsibility and credit that normally would have been reserved for the author. The

Malleus had already gained a strong affiliation with the head of the Catholic Church.

9 Nicolaus Equiamicus, Introduction to Von Unholden und Hexen (Diedorf: Ubooks- Verlag, 2002), 7.

10 Molitor, page one. !7

Heinrich Institoris and Jacob Sprenger, authors of the Malleus, would have been cognizant of their obligatory political role, and would have made their position clear in associating themselves with the Pope. Molitor’s motivation was similar. The city of

Constance had been affiliated with the Austrian court for nearly 200 years with the Treaty of Constance (1153), so any attempt to further the friendship with the Archduke would have been appropriate. Validation of his dialogue by the Holy Roman Emperor not only strengthened his position, but also provided the competing office of the Holy Roman

Emperor with increased authority. It may be assumed that given such a competition,

Sigismund would have wanted to commission an even more detailed work on witchcraft to overshadow the Malleus, but he would have been incapable of this task given the limited resources he had as the commissioner of the work. Perhaps, instead of attempting to overshadow the Malleus, (something that would have been increasingly difficult with each new edition of the work), he found it more expedient to take already established ideas and clarify them within his own territory. Maintenance of public order was not one of Sigismund’s strengths, and this work would have made a theologically popular but legally harsh sentiment clear to his people.

Early Modern Publishing

In early printing, text and image were often combined to emphasize the message of both author and publisher. In this dissertation, I trace the specific ways that the mixture of text and image altered the nature of witchcraft publishing. De lamiis, and all printed materials on witchcraft, were subject to the environment of early modern publishing, !8 specifically the markets for printed books, and the literature of the period. Fifteenth- century German literature was defined by dramatic changes in the way prose was marketed to and received by the public. While the Malleus gained unprecedented popularity during this time due to its legal and theological content, interest in De lamiis resulted from a different source, including new emphases in literature during the early modern period. The development of moveable type increased the production of books, which increased the number of books individuals owned. Prior to this development, individuals relied more on public performance of a text, due to lower literacy rates and fewer opportunities to own personal books.11 While religious and secular drama was already a popular form for displaying fictional works, the use of didactic drama for teaching nonfictional texts was entirely new. The advent of the Fastnachtspiele in

Germany during the middle ages led to an interest in didactic drama.12 This form of dialogue allowed educational material to be dispersed among the public without the lecture format that pervaded the traditional curriculum of the middle ages. Readers, and those participating in oral readership, required more options from their educators, culminating in the new marketing techniques of the late fifteenth century. If there was an opportunity for an individual to have access to a book, it was likely that the work was

11 Roger Chartier, “Reading Matter and ‘Popular’ Reading from the Renaissance to the Seventeenth Century,” in Roger Chartier and Guglielmo Cavallo, eds, A History of Reading in the West (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999), 269-83.

12 Fastnachtspiele were “little dramatic or semi dramatic pieces that were performed at Fastnacht, at the time of prelenten, prefasting boisterousness and extravaganza.” Wolfgang Michael, “Tradition and Originality in the Medieval Drama in Germany,” in The Medieval Drama, Sandro Sticca, ed. (Albany: SUNY Press, 1972), 37. !9 published in Latin, and that the person lacked the necessary literacy to read it. Due to the large distribution of materials, printing in the vernacular provided the public with access to information that would have been difficult to do fifty years before. Each of these new literary features provided a market where the De lamiis could be published and read by many members of society.

Prior to the advent of the printing press, and even during much of the incunabular period, books were just as likely to be read aloud as studied privately, limiting the options that a publisher had for putting ideas into print. Visual techniques such as printed marginalia and running headers would not have been effective for the oral reader. By the time De lamiis was published, literature was designed both for hearing and for private reading. By presenting the text together with woodblock engravings, the reader could fully engage with the ideas via three inter-related mediums: word, image, and sound. This would enable less-educated patrons with the opportunity to participate in the issues of the day. A common process for this was the use of didactic dialogue and allegory. Each of these was utilized by Sebastian Brant (1457-1521) of Strasbourg, who wrote Das

Narrenschiff in 1494 in the form of a didactic piece on behavior and morals.13 It was “the first German bestseller” and was translated into many other vernacular languages soon after its initial publication.14 (Incidentally, it was also printed by publishers of De

13 Ship of Fools

14 Watanabe-O’Kelly, Helen, The Cambridge History of German Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 72. !10 lamiis.)15 Without the use of narration, the reader was able to enjoy the virtuous suggestions made by Brant without the burden of speech and reprimand. The ideas presented in print were largely the same as those presented orally, such as human vices and the seven deadly sins, but the way in which they were discussed marks a progression in the new humanistic style that was becoming popular by the late fifteenth-century.

Albrecht Dürer provided the woodcuts for the work, further allowing for entertainment within education. Brant’s text, while coming after the publication of De lamiis, marks a shift in popular book publishing. Das Narrenschiff employs the same format as De lamiis does with its use of woodcuts and amusing verse; there is no austere language and block print.

While the value of Brant’s work on the development of literature is given much scholarly attention, scholars disagree as to whether the actual content of the text or the woodcuts themselves are responsible for its popularity. M. O’C. Walshe disagrees with

Helen Watanable-O’Kelly in his 1964 work Medieval German Literature, suggesting that

Brant’s colorless style is “thoroughly medieval.”16 He suggests instead that the woodcuts are the primary reason that Das Narrenschiff became and remained so popular. According to Walshe, “In Das Narrenschiff , Brant showed himself totally incapable of organizing a narrative even to the extent of maintaining the most elementary consistency in the

15 Johann Prüss, 1495; Michael Furter, 1490.

16 M.O’C. Walshe, Medieval German Literature: A Survey (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962), 288. !11 story.”17 While this may be attributed to earlier medieval styles rather than to the later literary movement of Renaissance humanism, Brant’s work takes place on the cusp of the literary transition in the German-speaking countries. Molitor is certainly guilty of the same folly. De lamiis lacks fluidity and a clear narrative prose and certainly does not follow a clear organization of content. Perhaps this was not the intent of either work.

Both were remarkably popular, so while they may be stylistically more “medieval” than

Renaissance, they serve their purpose. They educate the general population on specific issues (either human vices or the concerns of witchcraft) in a way that is entertaining and understandable to a marginally literate public. Brant published his text a mere five years after Molitor issued his witchcraft manual, providing momentum for the new literary methodologies that were employed within the pages of De lamiis.

Early modern publishing was bound by its own limitations and can be understood in the very simple terms of profitability. Perhaps the greatest absence within the historiography on De lamiis is the issue of affordability of the text. If the Malleus was a three-hundred plus page tome of erudite witchcraft theory, De lamiis was clearly meant as a cheap and accessible alternative. Between 1489 and 1510, it was typically published in a small (usually octavo) format of approximately 27 leaves, with six to eight illustrations depending on the edition.18 The cost of printing the work would have been

17 Walshe, p. 288.

18 Quire structures are quite inconsistent in most editions of De lamiis. Though I use the term octavo, often the gatherings contain a mixture of leaves. For example, the first edition is A-B8, C6, D8. !12 arguably one of the most significant elements both in the first edition, and in the subsequent printing of De lamiis. Scholars have all noted the influence of the woodcuts of the text, but none have mentioned the practical reasons for the publication of the work: cost. This dissertation fills this void and demonstrates that witchcraft publishing was bound by the same business limitations as other niche markets.

One of the most concise scholarly studies on the cost of cheap print is Peter

Stallybrass’ “Little Jobs: Broadsides and the Printing Revolution” (2007). He analyzes job printing, which was an inexpensive process that produced materials such as receipts, indulgences, and other quickly printed products for consumers. Job printing is particularly difficult to trace, given the low survival rates of inexpensively printed works.

While publishers enjoyed the notoriety of printing larger folios, job printing took precedent as it injected cash into their very precarious business plans. The larger job might lead to larger profits, but publishers bore the financial risk. Little jobs provided smaller but consistent income as well as steady work, but required little capital to print and were less risky. Interestingly, these little jobs allowed printing to be influential without a reading component. According to Stallybrass, “Job printing transformed daily life without necessarily having any connection to reading. An indulgence served its function (or did not) whether or not the recipient could read the Latin or vernacular !13 writing on it.”19 Often the goal of the publisher had nothing to do with an ideological message or the content of a printed work. It was simply about profit.

De lamiis was certainly an inexpensive publication in comparison to books such as the Malleus, but in order to determine contextualized affordability in late fifteenth- century Germany, one would need to locate the retail cost of De lamiis through further archival research. For this study I rely on Kevin Stevens and Paul Gehl’s detailed study regarding cheap printing in Milan.20 In their article, Stevens and Gehl analyze inventory lists from 1597 and 1613 of the Lucini/Sirtori stationery shop, which contained substantial holdings of cheaply printed books, all of them priced within the purchasing power of skilled and unskilled workers, much like De lamiis.21 They argue that cheap printing was essential to the publishing industry in Milan, as it provided much needed income for publishers and supplied cheap books to a growing market of readers.22

Stevens and Gehl examine the publishing industry at the turn of the seventeenth century

19 Peter Stallybrass, “Little Jobs: Broadsides and the Printing Revolution,” in Agent of Change: Print Culture Studies After Elizabeth L. Eisenstein. Sabrina Alcorn baron, Eric N. Lindquist, and Eleanor F. Shevlin, ed. Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007.

20 Kevin M. Stevens and Paul F. Gehl, “Cheap Print: A Look Inside the Lucini-Sirtori Stationery Shop at Milan (1597-1613)” in La Bibliofilia. 3 (2010): 281-327.

21 32%. These books include educational, devotional, and hagiographical works. Stevens and Gehl price cheap books at under 3 soldi.

22 “It satisfied the considerable demand among the city’s sizable educational and religious institutions for a steady stream of grammatical, catechetical, devotional, and hagiographical texts priced at a few soldi or less… Strong incentives, both financial and ideological, inspired authors, printers, and publishers to produce a variety of new ephemeral products.” Stevens and Gehl, 327. !14 in Milan, but this study is applicable to cities in the Northern Europe as well. Cheap printing allowed publishers to manufacture income-producing books that were generally safe investments, while providing readers with inexpensive materials for education and entertainment.

Methodology

This dissertation is a two part analysis of De lamiis: bibliographic and cultural. It is based upon the methodologies of the field of History of the Book through two steps:

(1) textual and descriptive bibliography, and (2) contextualizing the legacy of De lamiis within the development of witchcraft ideology, particularly visual representation.

Individual copies of De lamiis, which I consulted, are held at the following: the

Huntington Library, the Cornell Witchcraft Collection, the British Library, the

Bibliothèque nationale de France, the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, the University of

Glasgow, the Pierpont-Morgan Library, the Folger-Shakespeare Library, Oxford

University, the University of California Berkeley, Stanford University, the Folger-

Shakespeare Library, and the Wellcome Library. I have also consulted digital copies held at Yale University, the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, the Herzog August Bibliothek,

Cambridge University, the Newberry Library, Harvard University, the University of

Nebraska-Lincoln, and Michigan State University. In addition, I have inspected various editions and copies of contemporary works on witchcraft, which will provide the contextual relationship between early modern publishing and the development of witchcraft. Descriptive bibliography provides the foundation for a comparison between !15 copies. The similarity between certain editions requires a detailed analysis of what the books look like, in order to understand how many editions were actually printed. Even without a colophon or information on the title page indicating the publisher of the work, it is possible to reasonably speculate which editions were published by the same individual, based upon the book’s physical appearance. Often this can be taken further to understand the network of printers. For example, George Mittelhus published a fifteenth- century edition of De lamiis in Paris, which is inconsistent with the geographical limitations of the early publishing history of the book; however, upon closer examination, it became clear that Mittelhus was born in Strasbourg and brought a copy of the 1489

Prüss edition of De lamiis to Paris, where he published his own edition. From these details I am able to determine the legacy of this text, particularly its involvement in the visual formation of the witch in the early modern period. For this, the work of Gerard

Genette and Mikhail Bakhtin are particularly important, as I discuss below.

The “History of the Book,” as an academic field, developed under the Annales

School in France as Histoire du livre. According to Robert Darnton’s landmark, yet highly controversial essay, “What is the History of Books?,” this field can be defined as “the social and cultural history of communication by print…because its purpose is to understand how ideas were transmitted through print and how exposure to the printed word affected the thought and behavior of mankind during the last five hundred years.”23

23 “What is the History of Books?” Revisited, in Modern Intellectual History 4 (2007): 495-508.

Robert Darnton, “What is the History of Books? in Daedalus, 111 (1982), 65. !16

Though the field began with the centralized purpose of understanding the transmission of ideas, the methodological emphasis varies widely among scholars and over the course of the existence of the field. Initially based upon social history, the field underwent a transformation with much of the historical profession in the 1980s and 1990s, and now trends towards an understanding of the book in a cultural context.24 At that time, elements of social history, such as grand narratives, materialist approaches, and relationships between demographic groups, shifted towards an emphasis on representation and identity.

As described by Geoff Eley, in the shift to cultural studies, “it became important to concentrate on meaning and the forms of perception people make and display.”25 As it relates to De lamiis, this approach helps us understand how the text was conceived within the incunabular period, the author’s attempted meaning of witchcraft within contemporary politics, the publisher’s production of that attempted meaning, the reception of the text by the public, and the reciprocal relationship that developed between all of these participants in determining the meaning of witch, demon, and heretic over a two hundred year period, through the association of text and image.

Research for this dissertation is rooted in the traditional methods of textual and descriptive bibliography. There is a long-standing historiographical tradition for this of

24 Dennis Dworkin defines social history as the place “the aspiration to write ‘total history,’ based on the material understanding of society, [which] resulted in historical work emphasizing the discursive underpinnings of individual and groups practices.” Class Struggles (Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2007), 85.

25 Geoff Eley, A Crooked Line: From Cultural History to the History of Society (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005), 185. !17 this type of methodology, which is well articulated by Terry Belanger.26 Textual and descriptive bibliography together define analytical bibliography or, the study of the book as a physical object. Here, textual bibliography is the relationship between the actual printed text, and the intention of the author. During the incunabular period the publisher would have had ample control over the production of a text and, as such, could theoretically be seen as being nearly as significant as the author with regard to the published text. Descriptive bibliography is the full physical description of a printed text, and allows for distinctions between editions and variations among single editions of particular texts. This process allows for a model of change over time, which is precisely what this dissertation provides. De lamiis has been well documented in the first edition, but there is no study of how the text, or witchcraft publishing for that matter, developed over time, specifically for the period 1489-1689. Fredson Bowers, Philip Gaskell, and

D.C. Greetham have provided the detailed models of textual and descriptive bibliography, which I have followed for this dissertation.27

Publishing

26 Terry Belanger, “Descriptive Bibliography” in Jean Peters, ed., Book Collecting: A Modern Guide (New York and London: R. R. Bowker, 1977), 99.

27 Fredson Bowers, Bibliography and Textual Criticism. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964. Fredson Bowers, Principles of Bibliographical Description. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1949. D.C. Greetham, Textual Scholarship: An Introduction. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc, 1994. Philip Gaskell, A New Introduction to Bibliography. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972. !18

There are different analytical models for the study of early modern print. I have drawn on the work of Rosa Salzberg, Paul Grendler, and Tessa Watt.28 Each of these scholars has studied a variety of typographical print to provide insights into the social and cultural habits of both producers and readers. While it may seem commonsensical to base my methodology on studies of German publishing history for this dissertation, the seminal works in the field are on printing in Italy and England. Generally speaking, scholarship on German publishing is centered around Reformation studies, which do not apply as well for this project.29

Paul Grendler’s analysis of the popular book during the Italian Renaissance is an excellent example of how information provided by such physical objects lends insights into the nature of the target audience. His thesis, that “the physical appearance of books indicates purpose and intended readership,” indicates the close relationship between the way the physical book was presented and the content of its pages.30 The content of a printed work was considered the most significant element of publishing success or failure, but Grendler found more within the presentation of a particular text than in the

28 Rosa Salzberg. “In the Mouths of Charlatans. Street Performers and the Dissemination of pamphlets in Renaissance Italy,” Renaissance Studies 24 (2010): 638-653. Paul F. Grendler “Form and Function in Italian Renaissance Popular Books,” Renaissance Quarterly (46) 1993: 451-485. Tessa Watt. Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550-1640. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

29 The exception to this is the Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens (1956-present), an edited journal of the German book trade, and Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1926-present), a periodical on the early history of printing. German historiography on publishing tends to exist in article format, rather than monograph, making English and Italian studies more fruitful for this dissertation.

30 Grendler, 452. !19 content alone. His study is divided in three parts: the form of popular books, the role of convention, and typeface. In Italy, popular books were generally small (15x10cm), short in length (fewer than 200 pages), and often illustrated.31 He argues, “traditional form, rather than the preferences of individual printers and publishers, dominated in the printing of popular books.”32 This will be of particular interest for the German book market, where tradition and publishing convention were much more influential than in other geographical areas. Grendler, for example, found that gothic typeface was used most frequently in law, liturgy, and theology, but also noted its continued importance in sixteenth-century popular books as well, particularly in Germany, even when roman scripts had become popular in Italy.

The use of typeface as a marketing technique in both texts is worth considering, as the choice between a traditional heavy gothic or black letter type and a softer roman typeface would have radically altered the visual state of the page. Here, location was the critical element in determining which typeface was used. In Italy the publisher often aimed to imitate humanist script, so a softer font was favored. This lasted until italics were invented by Aldus Manutius, and the humanist tendency to use round script that took less space to print prevailed. As argued by Lucien Febvre (himself a founding member of the Annales School) and Henri Martin, in their magisterial work The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing 1450-1800, initially German printers attempted to

31 Grendler marks a short length book as containing fewer than 200 pages, though this number could be lowered to approximately 50 pages.

32 Grendler, 476. !20 imitate local scripts, as they traveled throughout Europe teaching their craft to other regions until the 1480s.33 After this, the regional styles began to disappear, eventually generalizing the way print was used. Humanist writings favored a roman font whereas black letter was still “beloved of theologians and university professors.”34 While this new roman font was well liked, “only a few books before 1480 were in roman, and in

Germany, for example, only ten roman founts are known before that date.”35

Overproduction resulted from the initial trend of printing in a roman type, and after the market became saturated, there was a return to gothic script. By the turn of the century, when Aldus Manutius offered his economical italic font (1501), the printing industry had returned to more humanistic publishing. The two continued to be linked. While the rest of

Europe participated in the development of the humanist tradition via printing in a roman font, German speaking regions remained alone in their printing approaches. As Febvre and Martin suggest, “but if [roman type] was quickly adopted for the publication of vernacular texts in Italy, and then, after much resistance, in France and Spain, and eventually in England, it never completely won over readers in the Germanic countries.”36 Here, most texts, particularly those in the vernacular, continued to be printed

33 Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing 1450-1800 (London: NLB, 1976), 88.

34 Febvre and Martin, 80.

35 Febvre and Martin, 78.

36 Febvre and Martin, 83. !21 in the traditional black letter format. Uniform printing methods took many years to cross the regional boundaries that initiated stylistic differences.

Rosa Salzberg takes Grendler’s premise further in her 2010 article on pamphlets in Renaissance Italy. What is particularly useful about her study is the inclusion of all elements of a printed text: text, image, and performance. She argues, “Interchange between various media contributed to an especially fertile moment of literary production in Italy, and to a high degree of circularity and exchange between elite and popular, literate and oral cultures.”37 De lamiis illustrates well Salzberg’s thesis. While not necessarily intended for performance, De lamiis was a highly successful mix of various media, which contributed to an exchange between a variety of binaries: elite and popular, reader and publisher, text and image, etc. This was possible due to De lamiis’ multifunctionality, which was demonstrated through its publishing success.

As one of the primary contributions of this dissertation is the explanation of the success of De lamiis as an inexpensively printed work, the model established by Tessa

Watt in her 1991 monograph, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550-1640, is also relevant to my project. Her work is on the relationship of printing to the English Reformation, but her thesis has implications for early modern witchcraft publishing as well. As she argues,

“the interweaving of printed materials with the existing, and continuing, oral and visual culture gradually modified the forms of traditional piety, resulting in the 1630s in a

37 Salzberg, 647. !22 distinctively reformed but not quite thoroughly Protestant culture.”38 As witchcraft theory was being developed during the publishing history of De lamiis, it both contributed to and was influenced by demonological theory. Watt’s study must be read in light of the influence of her advisor, Margaret Spufford, who argued for the “agent of continuity,” which reinforced conventional beliefs even as they were being altered by Protestantism.39

On a theoretical level this could be problematic, as it does not account for dissent, but given the nearly unified message of witchcraft theory that developed between 1484 and

1550, it fits well. Visual convention, established between the 1489 and 1544 editions of

De lamiis, as well as oral culture and text, were all integrated to form what would become witchcraft in the popular imagination.

Woodcuts

The woodcuts in De lamiis are certainly the most studied element of the text, which is not surprising given that it was the first printed illustrated witchcraft manual.

The work of Jane Davidson, Charles Zika, and Natalie Kwan provide useful models for the imagery in De lamiis. Davidson and Zika incorporate similar methodological approaches from both history and art history.40 Over the course of their careers they have contributed scholarly works to the field of witchcraft representation, but emphasize

38 Tessa Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550-1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 17.

39 Margaret Spufford, Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and its Readership in 17th Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 32.

40 Robert Scribner, in his 1981 publication, For the Sake of Simple Folk, also applies multiple methodologies in discussion of broadsides and imagery during the Protestant Reformation. !23 slightly different periods of time and different artists in their work. Davidson, in her 1987 monograph, The Witch in Northern European Art, 1470-1750, provides one of only a few complete studies of witchcraft representation in the early modern period. She provides contextual analysis of each woodcut from the first edition of De lamiis, which is overlooked in nearly every other study that cites the work. Her work is foundational to the contextualization of De lamiis in the larger scholarly discussion of witchcraft and imagery.

Charles Zika’s seminal contribution to scholarship on early modern witchcraft representation culminated in his 2007 publication, The Appearance of Witchcraft: Print and Visual culture in Sixteenth-Century Europe. This work makes two contributions to the historiography. First, it links witchcraft imagery in a logical way. For example, in the historiographical discussion surrounding Hans Baldung, other scholars have largely ignored any recognition of the blatant sexuality of the witches in his work.41 Zika clearly recognizes the shift to the sexualized witch in Baldung’s work and contextualizes it as such. His second contribution is a thorough analysis of the early representation of witches. Generally speaking, scholarship on the visual representation of witches is focused on the second half of the sixteenth century and beyond, possibly due to the lack

41 Linda C. Hults, “Dürer’s Four Witches Reconsidered in Saints, Sinners, and Sisters: Gender and Northern Art in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Jane L. Carroll and Alison G. Stewart, ed. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003, 100. Linda C. Hults, “Baldung and the Witches of Freiburg: The Evidence of Images” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18 (1987): 250. Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe (New York: Longman, Inc., 1997). Charles Zika, Demons: Magic, Witchcraft and Visual Culture in Early Modern Europe (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 242. !24 of a systematic approach to witchcraft imagery prior to this period. This ambiguous nature of the visual representation of witches at this time makes it more difficult to define. Zika's analysis is that of a historian, rather than a specialist in legal or art history, which have dominated the historiography. He contextualizes the images within the historical background, an approach which is often absent from other methodological approaches. His goal is to “understand witchcraft images in terms of cultural communication and meaning…how they succeed in making their content intelligible and recognizable by the use of visual cues and visual codes, how they establish and continue to reproduce these visual codes – in other words, how they succeed in communicating cultural meaning.”42 Often the link between historical analysis and art history is lost. Zika and Davidson are two of the exceptions who provide both methodologies in their work.

Even with these richly-detailed studies, there is much work to be done on the woodcuts found in De lamiis. Little is known about the progression of different images over its two-hundred year period in was in print, the influence it had on other images from the same period, and, strangely, the dearth of images in editions after 1575. As most analyses of De lamiis focus on the first edition, there is still work to be done on the imagery and visual layout of subsequent editions. Within four years of the first edition new woodcuts were being included and the number of images could vary from six to eight depending on the edition. By the seventeenth century, the nature of the woodcuts had changed considerably, based upon new conventions in witchcraft imagery.

42 Zika, Appearance, 4. !25

Natalie Kwan’s article, “Woodcuts and Witches: Ulrich Molitor’s De lamiis et phitonicis mulieribus, 1489-1669,” merits further analysis as it is the most recent publication on the text and utilizes a similar methodology as my own. Kwan analyzes various editions of De lamiis through its early modern publication history, and provides the only in-depth historiographical study on the progression of De lamiis woodcuts.

Interestingly, Kwan attempts to collate the various editions of De lamiis into a single list.

An incomplete list exists on historicum.com, but it only references twenty-four editions.

Kwan’s list includes thirty-nine. While I am indebted to Ms. Kwan for this list, as it provides a starting point for compiling editions, this list is inaccurate. In compiling my own list of De lamiis copies to consult I found many variations in cataloguing, particularly with respect to publication dates and publishers. Kwan consulted copies in a number of European archives, often digitally, yet she consulted no copies found in the

United States. The concern here is the exclusion of several copies held in the US. She includes other holdings in her article, but does not list copies held outside of Europe. As

Cornell and the Huntington alone hold fifteen copies of the work, this exclusion is problematic. For example: regarding the 1493 edition published in German by Johann

Prüss, Kwan overlooks copies held at the University of California Berkeley Law Library, the University of Nebraska, Cornell University Library, and Duke University. Even with the inclusion of catalogued copies, there are so many cataloguing errors that visits to !26 these libraries and comparison of each copy are critical for a conclusive study of De lamiis publishing history.43

While Kwan does provide fruitful analysis and a preliminary list of editions, her work contains several gaps that require further study. She argues, for example, that the woodcuts do not correspond to the text, while Davidson contends, “The anonymous artist of De lamiis closely followed Molitor’s text.”44 The issue here is the edition under examination. Davidson is absolutely correct in her conclusion, as she is referring to the first edition. Kwan is attempting to make this statement about all editions, which is incorrect. For example, the woodcut depicting Sigismund as a figure of authority is placed on Ai recto in several editions, but is found on Ci recto in others. Kwan spends much time determining how the placement of images may or may not convey the message of the text, but there is no way to make this conclusion for every edition, as the location of images changes over time. On the same point, Kwan mistakenly attributes rubrication to edition, rather than to copy. She states, “The images are also coloured in red: in the image of a man riding a wolf, there are marks around the man’s hat and the wolf’s mouth and eyes. This edition emphasizes the close relationship between the images and text despite their apparently incongruous connotations.”45 However, any after-print embellishment would be copy specific, and the inclusion of this design as an

43 These are catalogued copies of De lamiis. I located an additional nine copies at Cornell University, not listed under Molitor’s name in the catalogue.

44 Davidson, 15.

45 Kwan, 511. !27 edition-wide publishing decision creates a rather large misunderstanding of this early modern publishing practice.

Kwan also seems to de-contextualize the images in De lamiis when she suggests that, “Whereas earlier images drew on visual sources, in the sixteenth century, demonology became the guiding influence and refined the multivalent meanings of the witch.”46 This hypothesis is unconvincing insofar as the images in the later editions

(particularly those from 1544, 1545, and 1575) are responses to established visual representations of witches, most famously those of Albrecht Dürer and Hans Baldung.

Earlier editions betray no convention of visual representation, as the images were based upon demonological theory. Consequently, one can distinguish three distinct periods of publication of the text: the illustrated editions prior to 1510, which all share similar imagery, the editions between 1544 and 1580, which have very different images, and the editions after 1580, which do not contain woodcuts. Given the discrepancy in woodcuts over the course of the books publishing history, it is possible to trace how these conventions were established and the reciprocal nature of other witchcraft imagery.

Though there are these types of issues peppered throughout her study, Kwan provides the most recent and interesting scholarly contribution to the publishing history of De lamiis.

What is not discussed at all in the historiography is the lack of woodcuts in the last twelve editions of the text, dating from 1580 to 1669. If, as is consistently stated, De lamiis was so successful due to the images, why were later editions of the text published

46 Kwan, 510. !28 with such frequency, but without images? Due to the inclusion of multiple demonological treatises in a single anthology after 1561, De lamiis was being marketed to the educated few, rather than to a larger population as was the case in the early years of publication.

Additionally, once literacy rates had risen woodcuts became unnecessary and costly additions. Visual and demonological convention was well established by the second period of De lamiis publishing in 1544. Readers interested in anthologies would have wanted a complete textual representation of witchcraft treatises. Woodcuts were no longer necessary to educate the reader on what witches looked like, but they took up valuable space in the anthology. These anthologies included works by Johann Weyer, Jean Bodin,

Heinrich Institoris and Jacob Sprenger (the Malleus), Thomas Murner, Bartolomeo Spina,

Bernard Basin, and other contemporary works on witchcraft. By the late sixteenth century, these anthologies contained works by Italian authors. There was little to no distinction between Catholic and Protestant authors with the respect to witchcraft publication.

In addition to consulting witchcraft publications between 1480 and 1680 directly,

Richard Muther’s German Book Illustration of the Gothic Period and the Early

Renaissance (1460-1530) and Albert Schramm’s Der Bilderschmuck der Frühdrucke provide indispensable reference guides for early woodcuts.47 Muther’s work, published

47 Albert Schramm, Der Bilderschmuck der Frühdrucke (Leipzig: Deutsches Museum für Buch und Schrift, 1920-43).

Richard Muther, Die deutsche Bücherillustration der Gothik und Renaissance (Munich and Leipzig: George Hirth, 1884). !29 initially in 1884 and translated and reprinted in 1972, is broken into two sections. The first introduces the craft of the formschneider, while the second offers the most complete collection of illustrations in the field. Muther’s work makes clear how much popular imagery during this period was a result of convention in early printing. Similar motifs are often presented, even if the content of the material is vastly different. Schramm’s 23 volume set, published between 1920 and 1943, is the most complete collection of early woodcuts, with over 10,000 illustrations from the early modern period.

Theory

Many theoretical models could be used to analyze the texts that are the focus of this dissertation. I have selected two, working both in conjunction with one another. The first is Gerard Genette’s concept of paratexts. According to Genette, “Paratexts are those liminal devices and conventions, both within and outside the book, that form part of the complex mediation between book, author, publisher, and reader: titles, forewords, epigraphs, and publishers’ jacket copy are part of a book’s private and public history.”48

Paratexts assist the reader in a variety of decisions: how to read the book, what type of book is being presented, the nature of the book, the authority of the author, and if they will eventually purchase the book. In the early modern period, when books were bound by the buyer after purchase, the nature of the title page would have carried more weight than a current publication. The inclusion of an index would have allowed the reader greater flexibility in reading the text “out of order.” Elements such as printed page

48 Gerard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 1. !30 number, running headers, typeface, woodcuts, dedicatory epistles, and quotations from other sources would have all contributed to the reader’s understanding of the content of the book. Paratexts contextualize each edition within its particular time period and indicate the publisher’s intentions for the book.

Genette’s paratexts is an ideal way to analyze individual editions of De lamiis, but it is not a functional way to understand the development of De lamiis over time, or the ways De lamiis contributed to the visual representation of the witch in the early modern period. For this, Mikhail Bakhtin’s dialogism is more functional.49 For the early modern period, it is common in the historiography to view the production of meaning by juxtaposing binary oppositions, particularly those of dominant and popular cultural norms. The publication history of De lamiis does not conform to this mode of analysis, as it was marketable to all potential readers over the course of its publication history. If the

Malleus can be considered the product of the “dominant” culture, De lamiis is certainly its popular counterpart. Within such categorization the assumption generally held is that

49 Another theoretical model that could be used for this project is Roger Chartier’s reception theory; however, there are problems with his idea of cultural consumption. He does break down the elite/popular divide, but sets up an equally rigid urban/rural binary. Also, in The Order of Books he integrates reader, author, and physical book, but the material book is de-emphasized in The Cultural Uses of Print in Early Modern France, and Cultural History: Between Practices and Representations. According to Tessa Watt’s interpretation of Chartier, cultural consumption is “a form of production which manufactures no object, but which constitutes representations that are never identical to those that the producers (the authors or artists) have introduced into their works.”49 From a theoretical standpoint the message conveyed is certainly intangible, but here the representation is meaningful in that it is conveyed via physical means. De lamiis was significant specifically because it was reprinted with such frequency, regardless of the intent of the producer of the text. !31 the dominant has more control or power in shaping the ideological field. In the early modern period the Malleus was published only thirty times (1487-1669), while De lamiis saw thirty-six editions (1489-1669). As a result, De lamiis may have had more cultural impact than was previously understood.50

Bakhtin’s dialogism argues that meaning is produced in the relationship between binaries. For him, the national language, heteroglot, or “ideologically saturated language of a world view,” defends itself against a growing heteroglossia.51 Bakhtin is interested in the dialogue between two things, people, or “utterances,” during a particular historical epoch. Unlike other scholars of linguistics, Bakhtin is interested in the creation of meaning over time. There are a variety of ways in which this theory can be used to better understand De lamiis. The most conspicuous is by viewing publications of it in Latin as the heteroglot and vernacular publishing as the heteroglossia. De lamiis was published in both German and Latin at different times and in different places. This complex publishing history shaped both the intended and received meaning of the book. Bakhtin’s ideas can also be used to better understand the relationship between the reader and publisher. One could assume De lamiis was initially published due to the minimal expense of producing the book and political affiliation with the Holy Roman Emperor, but its success was dependent on whether it engaged the interest of the reader. The shift in imagery and

50 Clearly the Malleus would have had a much larger legal, theological, and intellectual impact. The issue under debate here is the cultural influence of De lamiis.

51 Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination (Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1981), 271. !32 layout of the book can be seen as a response to market demands, or the demands of the consumer. Bakhtin’s model also allows for problematizing what constitutes authority. The ideological production of texts is the work of multiples sources and distributed to a varied if subservient audience. Taken together, author, readers, publisher, and community of demonological theorists created the heteroglot of witchcraft discourse. This process can be used to explain images that were not associated with the supernatural in anyway came to be understood as witchcraft. For example, The Marriage at Cana, from the Spiegel menschlicher Behältnis (1476), documents a very similar illustration as the witches’ feast in De lamiis. The dialogic relationship is how the women in The Marriage at Cana could become witches in just thirteen short years.

Beginning in the 1980s, scholarship on the subject of witchcraft in the early modern period began to flourish. Detailed studies of specific witchcraft trials, demographic groups affected, geography, and gender have contributed to what has become a highly popular field of study. In addition, the field of History of the Book has also experienced a renewed interest, demonstrated by the number of books published in the field in recent years. Yet, these two fields have yet to be joined into a single study. The printed materials regarding witchcraft had a strong cultural contribution to the formation of what, by the seventeenth-century, constituted a witch. This was done through the content of these books certainly, but was also done by the way these books were presented to the public. In this dissertation I analyze how, over the course of two-hundred years, De lamiis contributed to the construction of the visual representation of witchcraft. !33

Ulrich Molitor’s book is an ideal text for this type of study due to the length of the work and the inclusion of imagery at a crucial time in the history of witchcraft publication.

Chapter Outline

Chapter Two – Contextual Analysis of the Content of the First Edition of De lamiis

While many scholars note the importance of De lamiis as a contributor to witchcraft theory, Molitor did not provide new information in his book. He simply revisited contemporary witchcraft issues and expressed a moderate approach to witch activity. This chapter establishes the content of the first edition of De lamiis as recycled information, primarily from the Malleus, though he did deviate in his rejection of confession under torture, his discussion regarding divination, and the inclusion of several trial accounts he attended during his employment in the court of Tyrol.

Chapter Three – Beginnings, 1489-1510

During this time 18 editions of De lamiis were produced, and all but one was illustrated. The concept of a witch was highly fluid, as indicated in the widely variable nature of the demonological treatises produced. Imagery was not directly connected with a particular social construct. These early editions were quickly produced and are representative of the incunabular period. They contain many errors and demonstrate the dispersal of De lamiis across Germany, Switzerland, and France.

Chapter Four – Innovation, 1544-1580

By the time the 1544 edition was published, connections between imagery, text, and behavior were already established. Publishers of the six editions produced between !34

1544 and 1580 altered their editions to reach different audiences or, to provide stylistically different books to readers already familiar with De lamiis. These editions are visually quite different from those of the early period of De lamiis, and demonstrate the creative ways familiar texts were redesigned for consumption.

Chapter Five – Anthologies, 1580-1669

All but one edition of De lamiis published between 1580 and 1669 was part of a larger anthology of witchcraft treatises. These editions did not contain illustrations, yet texts from a larger geographical area were included. Based upon these anthologies it becomes clear that De lamiis had become part of the canon of witchcraft materials by the late sixteenth century.

Chapter Six – Legacies of De lamiis/Conclusion

De lamiis was influential due to the illustrations in the early editions of the text; however, by the late sixteenth century only the text was included in collections of important witchcraft works. The wide popularity of the book assisted in the association of certain archetypal images with particular deeds done by witches, which culminated in the establishment of the visual witch by the early to mid sixteenth century. The process by which this transformation occurred was due to the ability of the book to sell. Thus, De lamiis contributed to visual imagery not as a result of an intentional creation of a message on part of the author or publisher, but on the market forces surrounding the consumption of the book. !35

Appendices

Appendix A

Appendix A is a list of all known copies of De lamiis. I have compiled this list via various catalogues, including WorldCat, OPAC, ISTC, and other european databases, such as VD 16/17 and the DNB. I cross referenced the listed copies of these catalogues with individual library catalogues, often locating discrepancies. This culled many possible editions of De lamiis. This list is certainly incomplete, as at Cornell University alone I located nine additional copies not located within the library catalogue under De lamiis.

Appendix B

Appendix B is a transcription of the first edition of De lamiis, published by

Johann Prüss in 1489. Jörg Mauz has provided a transcription of an early edition published by Cornelius de Zierikee and the 1508 edition published by Johann Otmar.

Maria Ahn is currently transcribing the 1489 edition by Johann Otmar, published in

Reutlingen, often regarded as the second edition of De lamiis. With the exception of

Mauz and Ahn, these editions were intended for a popular audience and contain several discrepancies with the original editions they attempt to transcribe. To date there is no transcription of the first edition of De lamiis in print.

!36 Chapter Two – Contextual Analysis of the Content of De lamiis

Scholars have consistently argued that De lamiis is important due to the information it presents regarding witchcraft activity. Comparing the content of the book to other witchcraft treatises of the fifteenth century, particularly the Malleus, it becomes clear that it was not intended as a revision of, or conveyer of, new demonological information. The content, less chapter eight, is a simple parroting of the Malleus. Even the few instances where Molitor deviates from the Malleus in an attempt to introduce a moderate approach to witch prosecution, he is repeating already established demonological theory.1 De lamiis demonstrates the way paratextual information guided a reader through a theological discussion, in this case a didactic dialogue. Molitor did not need to present new information to the reader.2 Rather, De lamiis had a different function: bolster the authority of Sigismund (theoretically), and create an association between text and image, which helped shape the visual representation of witches.

Preliminary Content of De lamiis3

1 In particular, Molitor rejects the legitimacy of confession under torture.

2 “Paratexts are those liminal devices and conventions, both within and outside the book, that form part of the complex mediation between book, author, publisher, and reader: titles, forewords, epigraphs, and publishers’ jacket copy are part of a book’s private and public history.” Genette, Paratexts,1.

3 For translations of the fifteenth century editions I have relied on those more qualified than myself, namely, Maria Ahn, a linguist from the University of Barcelona, who is completing a critical translation of the 1489 Otmar edition (Reutlingen), and Jeffrey Jowett, who has graciously provided translations for parts of the 1508 Otmar German edition.

!37 The content of De lamiis is certainly significant in its placement as an early modern demonological treatise, but the paratext is arguably more important.4 First, it establishes the relationship between publisher and author in the early years of printing.

Molitor would have been responsible for the twelve chapters within the book and the epistle at the beginning, but many of the decisions regarding the layout of the text would have been the responsibility of the publisher. Molitor likely had very little to do with these decisions in the first edition, and would have been even less involved in subsequent editions.5 The paratext not only engaged the reader to decide whether to purchase the book, but guided them through the reading process. This is arguably more important to

De lamiis than the material Molitor was actually presenting. With the exception of chapter eight, the issues Molitor presents were already discussed in the Malleus, making secondary content more important in the decision to reprint De lamiis. As we will see, this can be seen in the shift in title page content in each subsequent edition, even though the body content remains largely the same. Location of woodcuts, typeface, ornamentation, printed marginalia, etc. were all driving forces in the decision of how to market the book. Subsequent sales figures were determined based upon those visual

4 This is not to say the paratext is more important than the content of the book in conveying information. Genette clearly articulates the importance of the textual content over any paratextual elements: “A paratextual element is always subordinate to ‘its’ text, and this functionality determines the essentials of its aspect and of its existence.” Gerard Genette and Marie Maclean, “Introduction to the Paratext.” New Literary History, 1991, Vol 22, No.2 ,265. In the case of De lamiis, the paratext was more important in creating a market for the book, which is what made it so influential in the early modern period.

5 His death in 1507 eliminates any possibility of his influence in the 20 editions beginning with the German editions by Johann Otmar in 1508.

!38 marketing techniques. Thus, one must look at the paratext of De lamiis in order to understand its inclusion into the demonological canon. The content of the book is secondary, particularly because the paratext changes with each edition, sometimes dramatically, while the content does not.6

De lamiis follows a common dialogic treatise format of the fifteenth century. It begins with a title page, introductory woodcut, and a longer subtitle documenting the relationship between Sigismund and Molitor. After that, there is an epistle from Molitor to Sigismund explaining the reasons for publication and an introduction to the trialogue and Conrad Schatz. There follows a chapter outline of the twelve chapters in the first edition of De lamiis. In this preliminary content, Molitor introduces a few words that require definition. By the time Molitor wrote De lamiis, lamia (plural, lamiae) was a common term for witch; however, Molitor uses the term laniis, not lamiis, in the first edition of the work. Laniis was likely a printing error, though, by the Middle Ages, the

6 In 1575 De lamiis was translated into modern German. Otherwise the text remains the same in all 36 editions printed between 1489 and 1669.

!39 two verbs were associated with one another.7 Even with its particular origins in classical and medieval discourse, by the early modern period lamia came to mean a witch, though the nature of that witch meant very different things depending on the source of lamia. For

Johann Weyer, lamiae were the conduits for evil and demonic deeds. They had no hand in their doings and, as such, suffer from their actions as much as their victims.8 Weyer managed to identify lamia with strega and saga, which have very different origins and contexts. Most useful may be Martin Del Rio’s understanding of the terms for witchcraft.

By the fifteenth century, he suggested that these terms were no longer a useful distinction

7 “The word lamiae refers to blood sucking witches or their generality. The term will therefore be used indistinctively. In the title of the editio princeps the word appears as laniis, suggesting a printing error. However, mediaeval authors such as Isidore of Seville established a link between the term laniis and the verb laniare, meaning shredding or lacerating and which were precisely the main attributes of the lamiae that lacerated their victims to feed on their blood.” Maria Ahn, October 2014. P.G. Maxwell-Stuart concurs with Ahn in the assessment of laniis (butchers) as a misprint that was corrected in later editions. P.G. Maxwell-Stuart, “Lamia” in Encyclopedia of Witchcraft: The Western Tradition, edited by Richard M. Golden. According to Jonathan Durrant and Michael D. Bailey, “In classical mythology, Lamia was a queen of Libya whom Zeus, the king of the gods, loved. Hera, Zeus’s queen, took revenge on Lamia by killing her children. She in turn became a monster who roamed the night seeking to kill the children of others. Over time, the individual Lamia became a whole category of demons or monsters, called lamia, that preyed on children… They contributed to the medieval and early-modern image of the witch as a woman who performed evil at night and especially sought to harm babies and small children.” Jonathan Durrant and Michael D. Bailey, Historical Dictionary of Witchcraft.

8 As quoted by Christian Martin, “Weyer’s lamiae are not the devil’s clandestine agents, acting with intent to do harm, but rather patients, suffering from a debilitating condition. In contrast, Jean Bodin’s witch is a fully conscious agent who has freely entered into a pact with the devil and from this point on is actively pursuing an agenda on the devil’s behalf. Whether or not the witch actually succeeds in carrying out her designs is immaterial for Bodin. What matters is the conspiratorial intent.” Christian Martin, “Bodin’s Reception of Johann Weyer” in The Reception of Bodin.

!40 when determining the actions of witches.9 The nature of the witch was at the very center of the demonological argument at the time Molitor wrote De lamiis. He also argued for the victimhood of witches, which distinguished him as a political moderate in comparison to Institoris and Sprenger, who placed full culpability on the witches for their demonic activities, regardless of intent or free will.

Molitor’s title is often cited as Concerning Witches and Demons, though the translation of lamiae and phitonicis mulieribus are often translated with variation (the spelling changed with edition as well).10 Either term could mean demons or witches within the context of fifteenth-century Germany. Very early Latin editions include a

German subtitle of Von den Hexen und Unholden (with many spelling variations). Hexen and unholden carry the same translation issues as lamiae and phitonicis mulieribus. Used colloquially, demons and witches could be used interchangeably. The issue at stake here was less linguistic, given the target audience, and more contextual. Lamia may have meant one thing to one person and another thing to another person; it was not dependent on linguistic origin, but on the nature of the witch herself. That was the issue of demonological debate by the early modern period. The title lamia, hexen, or strega could mean the same thing if they were presented in a similar way. Lamia and pythonicis

9 He “mocked Weyer’s claim to distinguish among the various names given to workers of harmful magic on the grounds that what was important about such people were their deeds and not their names. By now, he asserted, it had become accepted custom to lump together the various magical practitioners, regardless of what they were called, and to treat them as though there were no difference among them.” Maxwell-Stuart, “Lamia.”

10 Maria Ahn translated the title as About Witches and Soothsayers, and Jeffrey Jowett translated the German as Of the Unholy or Witches.

!41 maintain gender neutrality, but Molitor makes a strong gender connection in both the

Latin and German titles of his book with the use of the terms mulieres and wyber. These are female witches and seers, though the content of the book does allow for male witches, particularly through woodcuts three and four.

The dedication of De lamiis documents the allegiance of Molitor to Sigismund, which carries political ramifications for the book. Association with a political authority would have been a concern on the part of the author and publisher in the early modern period, particularly for something as controversial as witchcraft. Heinrich Institoris and

Jacob Sprenger gained their authority through the Papal Bull and the Apology of the

Malleus (again, the paratextual information determines readership). Clearly the impact of the Malleus was widespread throughout the regions then under control of the Archduke of

Austria, who determined that further examination of the nature of witchcraft was necessary. The peculiar thing here is that Molitor recycles the same information found in the Malleus, instead of examining a new set of concerns. This would suggest that instead of providing the Archduke with a new set of evidence, political loyalties and authorial validity were the central concerns of both the author and commissioner. The Malleus contains two sections that illustrate its legitimacy: the Papal Bull and the Approbation of the faculty of the University of Cologne. The Papal Bull Summa desiderantes is not an introduction composed by Institoris and Sprenger, but a document providing the authors with jurisdictional authority over the Bishop of Strasburg. While the two were already granted de-facto power as inquisitors, there was often jurisdictional conflict between the

!42 two and the Bishop. There was no obvious disagreement between either Sprenger or

Institoris and the Bishop, but the specific language used in the document suggests that there was a history of discord between the two parties.11 In the Apostolic Bull, Innocent

VIII shares with the audience the need for such a treatise to be commissioned and accepted by the community as a result of the “heretical depravity” existing in Upper

Germany. Ultimately the document provides Institoris’ and Sprenger’s treatise with papal validity, which would have been essential given the previous instability in Institoris’ behavior and the rather absurd suggestion of the treatise itself.

The second section of the Malleus, the Approbation, validates the Apology from an entirely different source. While it was necessary to have public approval from the

Pope, he was not considered to be an authoritative, academic source. The tract required scholastic review and endorsement if it was to become a standard handbook for the

Inquisition.12 After the introduction the purpose of the Malleus is laid out followed by the signatures of the Faculty of Theology at the University of Cologne.13 By signing the document, the scholars were acknowledging that the Malleus conformed to Church

11 “We give to Our venerable brother, the Bishop of Strasburg [Albrecht of Bavaria], the written Apostolic order that he should, either personally or through another cleric or clerics, make the foregoing public when, where and as often as he will recognize this to be beneficial | and he will have been lawfully asked to do so by these Inquisitors or one of them.” Heinrich Institoris and Jacob Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, trans. Charles Mackay (1486), vol II, 21.

12 Institoris and Sprenger, 134.

13 Lambertus de Monte, Jacobus de Strahlen, Andreas de Ochsenfurt, Thomas de Scotia. Charles Mackay, Introduction to the Malleus Maleficarum (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 127.

!43 teachings. Within the Approbation, Institoris urges the Holy Roman Emperor, Maximilian

I, to cooperate with the activities of the Inquisition. Although this text obviously has

Papal affiliation, it may not have been formally recognized within the Holy Roman

Empire, an issue that aided in the publication of the De Lamiis.

The jurisdictional conflict between lay authorities and the Church over the control of book production would remain throughout the period, making the process of authorizing publication of inquisitorial handbooks increasingly important, if not problematic. For instance, whereas the Malleus was published with public Papal authority via the Papal Bull that introduced the work, De Lamiis was issued by consent of the Holy

Roman Emperor. Those responsible for commissioning these handbooks would have been readily aware of their political affiliation with either the Catholic Church or the

Holy Roman Empire.14 These loyalties provided a need for multiple works of the same composition, as both authorities would need separate documentation of legal belief.

The epistle introduces Sigismund to the witchcraft happenings in Tyrol. As a textual convention, the epistle was a common part of the paratext in the fifteenth century, with origins in classical antiquity.15 By the Middle Ages, “…dedications [had] become

14 “A treatise for the Illustrious Prince and Sire Sigismund; Archduke of Austria, Styria, Carinthia, etcetera. About Witches and Soothsayers by Ulrich Molitor of Constance, Bachelor and Doctor of Law from the Court of Constance, Defence Attorney before the Court, written in the honor of said Prince and with the prior censorship of Your Highness.” Ulrich Molitor, De lamiis et pythonicis mulieribus. Maria Ahn, trans. Page 1.

15 “...Ancient didactic treatises are almost naturally addressed to a person or a group of people (who also act as the dedicatees), whereas narrative genres, such as theatre, only seldom bear a dedication (in whatever form). Demmy Verbeke, “The Dedicatroy Epistle in a Historical Perspective,” 271.

!44 more and more formulaic as a means of communication in an established system of literary patronage.”16 This system of literary patronage did not change much during the

Middle Ages, and neither did the dedication. By the end of the fifteenth century, however, this literary convention began to change with the production of printed books. According to Karl Schottenloher, early incunabula did not contain the dedicatory epistle; it was not until humanists began to incorporate them when publishing their own editions.17 The controversial nature of witchcraft in the fifteenth century made Molitor’s dedication all the more critical. Literary convention led to the inclusion of the dedication, but the significance was greater than a simple homage to his patron.18 The reception and potential sale of De lamiis was at least partially based upon Sigismund’s approval and association with the text. The dedication allowed the reader a great deal of information about the text before opening the first page of the first chapter.

In contrast to the introduction of the Malleus, attributed to Pope Innocent VIII and the faculty of the University of Cologne, Molitor personally wrote the introduction to De lamiis. The Malleus had already raised the witchcraft issues three years earlier, so the task

16 “In effect, the tradition persisted without much change in either form or formulation: the uniformity even became so strict that it almost excluded a personal touch. Karl Julius Holzknecht observed that, as a result of this, ‘nothing is more like a dedication than another dedication’ during the Middle Ages.” Verbeke, 271.

17 By the sixteenth century, “…contemporaries considered publications without a dedication as ‘headless’ or ‘incomplete’ objects. Authors and publishers alike were aware of the impact of dedications and other paratexts, which served a purpose similar to the so- called blurbs on the back covers or dust jackets of today’s books.” Verbeke, 271.

18 “The name of a powerful patron could add considerable authority to a publication…” Verbeke, 272.

!45 of making a new argument was not part of Molitor’s concern. He instead shows his allegiance to Sigismund, the Archduke of Austria, the predecessor of Maximilian I who would become the Holy Roman Emperor. The Archduke was the first cousin of Frederick

III, the current Holy Roman Emperor. The Holy Roman Empire faced many problems in the decades prior to the Reformation, above all was the establishment of public peace in an attempt to protect law and order.19 This problem was particularly prevalent during the period 1450-1517, when both of these handbooks were published. As a competing office to the Papal States and head of specific nation states such as Germany, the office of the

Holy Roman Emperor provided a number of gatherings between influential members of the court. The “Imperial Diet” (Reichstag) did not gain formal approval until 1489 (the same year as the publication of the Molitor), but it managed to successfully meet at the court of the king. It was presided over by appropriate dukes and princes who wanted to establish public peace that had for so long interrupted the management of the territory.

Cities and towns would be divided into “free” and “controlled” states, something that was neither practical nor useful for the application of peace. Constance was, like Frankfurt, a free city and as such it reacted against the Imperial Diet by creating its own Urban Diet

(popular in the 1470s) to account for the needs of the city itself in a nonpolitical fashion.

Sigismund’s role in the growing discord between the Imperial Empire and each free city underwent somewhat undramatic changes during his rule as archduke from

1446-1490. He took office from his father, Frederick IV, known as “empty pockets.”

19 Thomas Brady, Turning Swiss: Cities and Empire, 1450-1550 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 89.

!46 Sigismund was not particularly well adapted to such conflict and managed to maintain his father’s ineptitude throughout his rule, which ended with the exchange of his territory to

Maximilian I. The specific arrangement that determined this alteration in ownership is unknown, but it would not be difficult to imagine Sigismund’s disdain when he learned that he would no longer carry the title of Archduke. He spent much of his time in that office acquiring territory, often unsuccessfully, and in 1487 he entered into a war with

Venice over silver mines that, while it ended with no definitive victory, led to the capture of 130 Venetian merchants who were separated from their goods. Sigismund appears to have had difficulty maintaining relationships with neighboring states and, as Thomas

Brady argues, in 1490 “the hour of the Bavarians seemed to strike.” Maximilian I was not without his own set of difficulties in this regard, the most extreme being the social unrest unleashed by the Reformation itself, but he was able to unify the territory that had outmaneuvered his predecessor for nearly 54 years.

Given Sigismund’s temperament as a ruler and the ease of those interested in his manipulation, there has been some discussion among scholars as to the reason he would

!47 commission a book such as De lamiis.20 He could have been responding to regional tensions, or he may have needed clarification regarding witchcraft for future witch trials in Tyrol. Lea suggests that the didactic format is evidence of Sigismund’s suspicion regarding the content of the Malleus, but this, as Davidson argues, is likely a literary convention. The “scholastic style question and answer session” had a strong history of literary convention by the time Molitor wrote De lamiis. Like the Malleus, it was formatted as a quaestio disputata, though the Malleus posed questions in the form of statements, rather than questions. The disputata was based upon medieval scholasticism, which, prior to the twelfth century, was based upon Augustine (particularly the City of

God) and, later, Boethius. Molitor references both of these works with frequency. It only takes a few pages of De lamiis for one to recognize the deductive reasoning style and

Aristotelian logic of scholasticism.21 There was a shift from Peter Lombard’s Sentences to Thomas Aquinas’ Summa theologica during this time, which certainly would have

20 “The commission was probably the result of regional tensions created in Innsbruck in 1485 by the Dominican inquisitor and author of the Malleus Maleficarum Heinrich Kramer, which led to strong opposition from Bishop Georg Golser of Brixen, and to Kramer’s eventual expulsion from Golser’s diocese in early 1486.” Zika, Appearance, 18. Charles Henry Lea suggested that he had a disagreement with the theories of Institoris and Sprenger. Davidson argues against this: “It seems more likely that Sigismund may have been concerned with the nature of witches in his territory rather than with an incipient witch hunt. Letters preserved in the Vatican Archives from Pope Innocent VIII to Sigismund and to Archbishop Berthold of Mainz (Constance was in his archdiocese) recommend that both pursue assiduously the matter of witchcraft in the Constance area. Since the frontispiece depicts not only Molitor, but the Archduke and Berthold of Mainz, I believe that the text was a preparatory legal brief for possible witch trials to follow.” Davidson, 14.

21 Mackay, 18.

!48 influenced Molitor’s education as a student of the University of Cologne.22 Beginning with the medieval disputatio and continuing with the dialogue format of the Renaissance, this didactic style was a natural selection for Molitor’s aim: to provide Sigismund with information regarding witchcraft in Tyrol in an accessible way.23

The dialogue format is critical in understanding the literary context of both the

Malleus and De lamiis.24 De lamiis, in all but one of its chapters, presents the information of the Malleus with few discrepancies, and the Malleus was in standard verse. The shift in textual style is essential to both the inception of De lamiis and the reception of the text.

The dialogue provided several benefits to both the Molitor, the publisher, and the reader.

First, Molitor would have been able to present varying perspectives and associate each of those with particular individuals, in this case Sigismund and Schatz.25 The reader would not have been bogged down in the trenches of a high linguistic style, and the publisher

22 “The scholasticism of the fifteenth century is not particularly characterized by originality of thought, and for the most part the large number of works written in this period were attempts at upholding the recognized scholastics of the past… A particularly notable bastion of Thomist orthodoxy was the University of Cologne, whose theologians issued an official declaration of the acceptability of the theological views laid out [in] the Malleus.” Mackay, 19.

23 Alex J. Novikoff, The Medieval Culture of Disputation. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013).

24 “…so widespread during the Renaissance that it seems to represent a fundamental and innovative aspect of its intellectual life.”Eva Kushner, “Renaissance Dialogue and Subjectivity,” in Printed Voices: The Renaissance Culture of Dialogue. Dorothea Heitsch and Jean-François Vallée, ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 229.

25 “Partly because of its dialogue form Molitor was able to express a range of viewpoints and considerable skepticism concerning various claims made for the powers and behaviour of witches.” Zika, Appearance, 18.

!49 could have presented the dialogue in many ways, depending on the desired outcome of textual layout. As Molitor made this decision conscientiously, his choice merits further analysis. Not only did he need to present the information from the Malleus in an understandable fashion, he also had to visualize the potential reception of both Sigismund and his readers.26

As Sigismund requested clarification of witchcraft practices in Tyrol, Molitor was sure to provide evidence for his patron’s concerns.27 Molitor validates Sigismund’s concerns regarding witchcraft and establishing maleficia as a very real problem in Tyrol; however, Molitor is clear to distance himself from the fanaticism of Institoris and

Sprenger, which becomes clear in how he responds to Sigismund’s questions within the text. In particular, within the body of the text, he disagrees with practice of confession extracted under torture. He maintains the reality of witchcraft, but takes a much more moderate approach than his predecessors.28 Before the dialogue even begins we see

26 “What has seldom been stressed but seems fundamental, is that as the importance of mimesis grows and replaces the formal rigidity of medieval disputatio the externalized representation of inner dialogue comes to play a major part among dialogical models.” Kushner, 229.

27 “…an epidemic of lamiae and witches has invaded the states of Your Excellency these past few years. And even when certain women of this species and suspects of heresy were captured under your mandate, they confessed amidst various tortures.” Molitor, 1.

28 “…the opinions of our counselors divided into two different sides inclining to one side as much as to the other. It was then that you had the clemency of considering me for satisfying your innate necessity for knowing the truth and solving the differences of those who honor the judicial power, and who asked me to apprise you of my feelings about this issue.” Molitor, 1.

!50 Molitor as “more liberal minded in his beliefs than some of his fellow clergy.”29 He is consistent with this approach throughout the book.

The third paragraph of the epistle demonstrates the circumstances surrounding

Molitor’s acceptance of the commission, and the potential consequences of his decision.

There was an inherent danger in Molitor’s quest for truth, for as Molitor himself acknowledges, “…this task is laborious and it is not exempt from danger. It is laborious because I am already dedicated to other tasks to ensure the victory of my clients, and it is dangerous due to the envious slanderers who call calumny to that which they cannot imitate or do because of their remissness, and will not stop tearing us apart with their venomous tooth like the hairy male goat.”30 The laborious nature of the task is sometimes disputed by scholars, as Molitor is unclear regarding his other professional commitments.31 Kwan, for one, suggests that Molitor was delayed in the completion of

De lamiis due to responsibilities to other clients, and suggests he may have been commissioned as early as 1484-85, and thus, before publication of the Malleus, to write the treatise. He mentions “unwinding himself from his own matters” in order to complete the book. This is certainly a reasonable speculation, but without archival documentation there is nothing within the epistle itself that would encourage this line of thought. Kwan’s assumption is also dubious given the very content of De lamiis. It addresses (with the exception of chapter eight) diverse issues raised in the Malleus. It is illogical to suggest

29 Davidson, 15.

30 Molitor, 1.

31 Kwan, 493.

!51 that De lamiis preceded the Malleus, or that Sigismund would have predated Innocent

VIII’s Papal Bull. Molitor’s fear for his own personal safety could be a combination of actual fear of potential demonic vengeance, or a way to embellish the entertainment factor in the preliminary remarks. It was, after all, a book on the dangers of witchcraft, and was marketed and sold as such. The remainder of the epistle is rather conventional and places Molitor as the loyal servant, one who is “feeble and simple,” of Sigismund.

Molitor’s mentor, Conrad Schatz, clearly had a great deal of influence on Molitor’s professional and educational development, and Molitor is keen to pay appropriate homage. Thus, Schatz appears as the third “interlocutor” in the trialogue, a didactic model of clarity stemming the classical tradition.

The last piece of preliminary content in De lamiis is the chapter outline, in which

Molitor presents nine chapters.32 They are as follows: 1) whether lamiae and enchantresses can cause hailstones, frost and rains to damage the soil with the devil aiding, 2) whether lamiae and witches can harm men and children with the devil aiding, giving them illnesses and compromising their health, 3) whether they can afflict a married man by causing him conjugal disability and making him impotent, 4) whether they can change the face and human figure into other shapes, 5) whether witches and lamiae can ride on a broomstick covered in ointment, on a wolf or any other animal, and whether they can be transported from place to place and to the sabbatical orgies where they drink, eat, and become acquainted with each other, 6) whether the devil can

32 Though Molitor presents nine chapters in the chapter outline, there are, in fact, twelve chapters in the text.

!52 negotiate with his women through their spells and join them in human form, 7) whether children can be born from such mating, 8) whether witches and soothsayers can know secrets, reveal the boards of the princes and predict future events with the devil aiding, 9) afterword and epilogue under the sign of the Cross.33

Body Analysis

Chapter One

Chapter one is a debate on the ability of witches to create storms; however, as it is the first chapter, Molitor begins the body of the text with basic introductions and comments of admiration and respect.34 Sigismund agrees with Molitor’s preliminary remarks and promptly poses the first question regarding storms, which was a very popular line of discussion in the late fifteenth century.35 The subsequent discussion is largely between Sigismund and Schatz. Molitor maintains a role of referee, and generally speaks only when Sigismund requires clarification of a definition or citation used by

Schatz. Schatz’s responses to Sigismund’s question fit well within the convention of a medieval disputatio. He cites the example of Socrates in that the only thing he is certain of is that he knows nothing, but will attempt to develop his ideas under Sigismund’s

33 Maria Ahn, October 2014.

34 “Ulrich – Most illustrious Prince, although finding me worthy of debating with you is a sign of your clemency towards myself here is Conrad Schatz, Major of our city, a man of exceptional genius, a sharp conversationalist and my friend. Please, let us recur to his previous experience on this matter.” Molitor, chapter 1.

35 Sigismund inquires, “…it must be asked whether in fact thunders, rain and frost can be caused by the atrocities committed by the lamiae and witches.” Molitor, chapter 1.

!53 orders.36 Molitor appropriately places this question in the first chapter, as it was one of the larger issues surrounding witchcraft concern during the early modern period. Often, scholars present geologic reasons for the increase in interest in witchcraft in the late fifteenth century.37 The 1480s were hit particularly hard by the beginnings of “the little ice age,” which is often cited as a reason for a shift towards witchcraft persecution.38

Thus, Molitor begins his book with weather making and clarifies his point in both chapters one and nine. He would not have gone to such lengths if storms were not a pressing concern in Tyrol.

While weather creation is mentioned by Institoris and Sprenger, Molitor places greater significance on the issue. The Malleus devotes only one chapter in its lengthy 300 pages, while Molitor devotes two chapters and several woodcuts to witches’ creation of

36 He states, “…the general opinion is that thunders and hailstones, and great damage to the harvest and men are caused by witches.” Molitor, chapter 1.

37 “Throughout Europe, however, witchcraft was traditionally associated with weather- making – the creation of thunderstorms, rain, hail, snow or frost... The emergence of the new crime of witchcraft was related to climatic deterioration from the very beginning, if we remember that the high Alpine valleys of the western Alps, where the new crime was first discovered in the 1420s, are particularly vulnerable to cooling.”Wolfgang Behringer, Witches and Witch-Hunts. (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004), 88. Charles Zika argues that the creation of storms, while not significant in the larger literature of witchcraft, was a cause for concern within Tyrol: “While weather sorcery was a relatively infrequent charge in fifteenth-century witchcraft trials, it was most commonly found in south German and Swiss territories, where there was also considerable concern about ecclesiastical weather blessings. This anxiety may have helped create a climate for viewing weather sorcery, a form of magic with communal rather than merely individual consequences, as an especially destructive and therefore evil form of magic.” Zika, Appearance, 20. Also, Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials.

38 “It was these Little Ice Age events that were perceived as being ‘unnatural’, prompting people to suspect witchcraft.” Behringer, 88.

!54 storms.39 Institoris and Sprenger are very clear that witches and demons create problems with the weather. They cite several classical and biblical sources for supernatural storms, including Job, Thomas Aquinas, Psalm 104, and the Formicarius, in addition to their own inquisitorial enquiries.40 Apparently lightning strikes function under a different category, which the authors discuss in a separate section at the end of the chapter.41 The logic of this seems odd, as hailstorms could also be created without supernatural involvement, but

Institoris and Sprenger are sure to distinguish them from one another. In either case, both exist with certainty and Molitor draws from this chapter in the creation of his own dialogue on the issue.

The central issue regarding storms appears to be not the actual storm, but how a demon or witch could possibly cause such problems when God’s omniscient power could simply disallow it. The implication is that only with God’s permission are any of these acts possible, and they are generally due to the sins of man. This is an important distinction, as both the witch and the demon were “still God’s agents in making the

39 One and thirteen.

Part two, question one, chapter fifteen.

40 “…That demons and their disciples can cause such acts of sorcery in stirring up lightning, hailstorms, and rainstorms (the demons receiving the power from God and the demon’s disciples receiving His permission)…” Part two, question, one, chapter fifteen. Page 332 in Mackey.

41 “As for lightning strikes, the fact that lightning bolts have very often consumed humans either alone or along with wild beasts or with houses and granaries seems to have a more hidden and uncertain cause, since they often take place otherwise, that it, without the co-operation of the sorceresses.” Part two, question, one, chapter fifteen.

!55 storms.”42 Sigismund explains that if witches were capable of doing these deeds via their own power, they would be able to conjure these storms at will and solve conflicts between territories.43 He then cites Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy, which argues that God was Aquinas’ unmoved mover as it were. Witches would be unable to invert order to accomplish anything, let alone hailstorms. The issue of divine permission, one of the larger theological concerns of the fifteenth century, also pervades De lamiis. Institoris and Sprenger devote their first two chapters to the issue, and continue to reference it throughout the Malleus.44 At this point they cite Artistotle’s unmoved mover, rather than

Aquinas’, (Aquinas is cited later). Molitor’s argument is nearly identical to that of

Institoris and Sprenger, except that it is substantially shorter and includes fewer citations.

He provides no new information in chapter one that was not already established, more thoroughly, in the Malleus.

The use of biblical and classical authority was a common convention at the time

Molitor wrote De lamiis.45 Schatz cites the plagues of Exodus and the Pharaoh’s sorcerers

42 Davidson, 15.

43 “…it can obviously be demonstrated that witches and other malefic women know noting; because the princes would not have the necessity of raising their troops and launching them in hostile territories with the intention of destroying the fields, burning houses, and setting the cities on fire during times of war if those evil women had effective powers.” Molitor, chapter 1.

44 “…sorcery has no effect in the world. This is demonstrated on the grounds that if it did, it would happen through the operation of demons, but to claim that demons are able to impede or bring about bodily changes seems not to be a Catholic proposition, because in that case they would be able to destroy the entire world.” Part one, question one.

45 Novikoff, Disputation.

!56 as examples of divine permission, and then continues with the Book of Revelation, which

Sigismund questions.46 Molitor’s use of Revelation provides not only another biblical reference from the New Testament in order to bolster the citations from the Hebrew Bible, but also reinforces his argument that any supernatural being is virtually the same for the purposes of his discussion. They are all under the employment of god and have no ability to act without the requisite permission. When Sigismund balks at Molitor’s use of

Revelation, Schatz responds by emphasizing the authority of scriptural sources.47 The combination of biblical, classical, and medieval authorities creates a rather unquestionable response. Thus, chapter one offers two central tenets: witches are able to create storms, and manage to go against nature in creating storms. Weather, in this case, is simply one part of a larger philosophical question that plagued legal and theological theorists in the fifteenth century.

A third issue mentioned briefly in chapter one merits further analysis: the legitimacy of confession extracted under torture. In Schatz’s initial response to

Sigismund’s question regarding weather, he states, “Now, it is certain that they have admitted having accomplished such misdeeds and revealed the way to provoke them

46 Sigismund responds with concern: “Is the devil referred to as an Angel now?” Molitor clarifies: “Yes they are the same, because the devil is also called an Angel since he was sent by god. It is simple etymology.” Molitor, chapter 1.

47 “Most respectable Prince, there is no need for images because the facts are exposed before our eyes, as you have seen from the spells performed in the Pharaoh’s presence and from his achievements over Job. Who would dare doubt the veracity of these facts if they are reported in the Holy Scriptures?” Molitor, chapter 1.

!57 while being tortured.”48 This was a common assumption held by many theorists in the fifteenth century, and Institoris and Sprenger clearly established the merits of torture in the Malleus, even though they are fully aware of the inaccuracies in confession as a result of torture. A primary concern seems to be the added challenge in utilizing torture.49

Institoris and Sprenger have, shockingly, created a logical inconsistency here. They argue that torture is more cumbersome and is often inaccurate, yet they insist on its merit. They allocate a substantial section of the third part of the Malleus on the ways torture should be used in order to gain a confession. They clearly would rather have a witch confess under different conditions, but are content to do whatever is necessary to gain the confession.

Perhaps this section of the Malleus is representative of Institoris’ and Sprenger’s personal issues, rather than the nature of legal proceedings in the fifteenth century. Molitor verifies, in De lamiis, much of the information contained in the Malleus, but differs on this point specifically. He, through the voice of Sigismund, answers Schatz by fully negating the validity of torture when questioning the accused.50 The Malleus was not the

48 Molitor, chapter 1.

49 “Let us conclude that since an equal or even greater amount of labor is presupposed in questioning a sorceress under torture to make her tell the truth than in exorcizing someone possessed by a demon, the judge ought to be neither willing nor inclined to such acts unless, as has been said, it is for the purpose of furthering the penalty of blood.” They also suggest that, “… questioning under torture is misleading and quite often… ineffective.” Part 3, question 14, page 497 in Mackay.

50 “As far as I am concerned, I do not listen to pubic rumours because the vulgar easily adopt what they are told. However, I cannot be satisfied with the confessions obtained with torture because the fear of torment leads to admitting even that which contradicts the nature of things. Although we would like having what we have seen with our own eyes being proved by the authority and the power of reason, since a properly sustained discussion must lead to a rational conclusion.” Molitor, chapter 1.

!58 only source that advocated using torture for illicit confession in the fifteenth century.

Johannes Nider also provides a foundation for Institoris and Sprenger in his Formicarius

(1437).

Chapter Two

Chapter two concerns whether witches can cause man harm or sickness to the extent that they cannot recover or be cured. This question is also covered in two separate dialogues.51 Shatz provides “eyewitness” accounts of some of these physical manifestations on children, such as a crooked nose, or a ripped out eye, both of which a witch confessed to causing while the children were sleeping.52 This resulted from the witch’s hatred of the parents and, of course, included the help of demons. Here

Sigismund again applies the issue of confession under torture, and asks Shatz for further evidence.53 Shatz responds with excerpts from the Book of Job and from Augustine’s City of God. The multiple references to the Book of Job generally begin with the ability of the devil to do harm to man, but ultimately suggest that it was God who allowed such acts to take place. Within the City of God, Augustine discusses the removal of children from their parents in order to baptize them in order to eliminate original sin, as many have been attacked by “the bad spirits.” He admits that these children can suffer the grip of the demons and, as such, require protection. A letter from Jerome to Paul also comments on

51 Two and Twelve.

52 Molitor, chapter 2.

53 “You have already heard that the confessions obtained under torture do not satisfy me. What other argument or source of authority can you adduce?” Molitor, chapter 2.

!59 this problem, suggesting that children two or three years old can be harmed by a demon, even if they are still nursing.54 Rather than provide a definitive answer to the question,

Sigismund requests that Molitor apply this evidence to adults and the elderly. Molitor argues that children, adults, and the elderly are at risk.55 Molitor concludes the chapter by telling Sigismund to leave the matter for now.

The Malleus answers this problem in part two, question one, chapters eleven and twelve. The Book of Job and the story of St. Jerome are both referenced, much in the same way as in the De Lamiis. There is a question of who is fundamentally responsible for evil deeds, other than the devil, which is missing from chapter two of De Lamiis. God obviously must give his permission, but aside from that “sorcerers can in every way cause varieties of injury in humans and their affairs when a demon works with them, and in all these things (property, reputation, body, the use of reason, and life) the demon can only harm or deceive.”56 While many individuals must participate in acts of sorcery, not everyone is capable of achieving the same level of disturbance.57 This is one of the more common inconsistencies in logic in both texts. God gives his permission, yet much discussion is set on how to further offend the deity. Many examples are given of how

54 According to Jerome, “Often, children of two and three years of age are infected by the devil, which is why they suckle the maternal breast.” Molitor, chapter 2.

55 He again references the Book of Job, and states, “As it turns out, demons have the power of harming the Saints as well.” Molitor, chapter 2.

56 Institoris and Sprenger, 306.

57 “In those things in which the demon could cause harm by himself without a sorceress, he can also do so with a sorceress, and indeed in that case he does so with greater ease because the majesty of God is more offended.” Institoris and Sprenger, 307.

!60 individuals have been harmed by this complex relationship in specific trials under

Inquisitorial guidance. No mention of Molitor’s problem with a confession extracted under torture is cited, as this methodology was a common and accepted practice within the pages of the Malleus. Chapter twelve expands on the question of chapter eleven and provides further examples of how women have perpetrated such disastrous deeds against men. It also includes a discussion of how these actions will affect the community and how eradicating such individuals is undoubtedly the correct course of action in order to protect the pious population.

Chapter Three

Question three addresses the issue of impeding procreation. Two dialogues within

De Lamiis and four sections of the Malleus deal with this problem, which is given a great deal of consequence in both texts. De Lamiis focuses more specifically on the issue of impotence and how a witch could cause such a disturbance in marital activities.

Sigismund is aware that such a problem could arise, but is hesitant to believe Shatz’ comment that this is always due to maleficium (the ability of a witch or sorcerer to do harm to people and animals through the influence of a demon or ultimately the devil):

“People gossip.”58 He asks for evidence. As is the usual method, Molitor references the canons and Aquinas. What is unique to chapter three (and chapter five) is the use of personal experience as evidence. Here Molitor cites his eighteen years of experience as a

58 Molitor, chapter 3.

!61 defense lawyer for the Court of Constance.59 Sigismund inquires as to the judge’s verdict.

The man would have to submit to a medical examination, and many were found to be affected by a spell, rather than natural causes. In these cases the couple would remain married and cohabiting.60 Molitor reserves his personal opinion for the end of the dialogue.

Impotence is one of the more frequently discussed issues in demonological treatises of the early modern period. The Malleus takes the issue quite seriously and discusses it in four sections.61 Ultimately, De Lamiis discloses the primary arguments of

Institoris and Sprenger, but the Malleus provides significant detail on the issue. This apparently was the cause for quite a bit of concern within secular and inquisitorial courts.

Not only is this act of sorcery possible, it can be manifested in four separate ways.62 A secondary issue is whether it is possible for this to happen to a married man, or only to a bachelor. It does not appear to be of great concern if this happens to an unmarried man and is assumed to happen from time to time as described by the Malleus (it is not mentioned in the De Lamiis). The problem is with the married man. In this case the act of

59 “I… have had many cases of spell-induced frigidity amongst my clientele in which women accused their husbands of impotence before the judge.” Molitor, chapter 3.

60 “the spouses should cohabit for three years and make the effort to execute the carnal act during that time. At the same time, they should practice ample fasting and give abundant alms so that God, who established the sacrament of matrimony, would deign to heal them from the spell.” Molitor, chapter 3.

61 Part one, questions eight and nine, and part two, question one, chapters five and six.

62 1) A demon may “interpose himself in an assumed body” in order to restrain a man, 2) make a man no longer attracted to a woman, 3) alter his imagination, and 4) “directly suppress the hardness of the member.” Institoris and Sprenger, 140.

!62 sorcery would go directly against the will of God, as the couple would not be able to conceive children. If this were possible then the devil would be able to destroy the entire world. This argument is eventually negated by a counter-argument that God would not allow the destruction of the world. The second section suggests that impotence may be caused by the removal of the penis by a witch.63 This is the same style of argument that

Molitor uses when discussing the transportation of witches and demons to a sabbat, viz., that they go there in their imaginations, not physically. The issue is again examined in the second question of the Malleus, along with other methods of inflicting sorcery, and the author comes to the same conclusions as stated in the first section.

Chapter Four

Question four takes up the issue of whether the forms and faces of men can be changed, most likely into those of animals. The concern of whether events actually occur or take place within the imagination is again at hand. Molitor cites the canon episcopi as evidence that these transformations are not possible. Schatz responds with a counter argument in Virgil’s tale of Ulysses’ exile with Circe. Sigismund refuses to accept Schatz’ evidence as fable, not truth, whereupon Schatz cites Boethius, who also speaks of Ulysses in the Consolation of Philosophy. Molitor provides the entire passage in a poetic form, taking up a full page within the text. Sigismund is impressed by the style of the poem, but

63 “It can be said that there is a true removal of the member from the point of view of the imagination of the person affected, though not from that of the thing itself.” Institoris and Sprenger, 147.

!63 questions the veracity of any facts regarding pagans.64 Thus, he breaks the question into two parts: the transformation of pagans and that of Christians. Schatz submits to

Sigimund’s request for further evidence for Christian transformation with the tale of

Simon Magus and Faust. Molitor allows for the tale, but finds classical authority to be more valid and references Augustine again as a source of evidentiary truth. An actual transformation is not possible, but one that takes place within the imagination of the transformed is. The individual, who is unaware that he is actually still a human being, takes on the characteristics, thoughts, and instincts of the new form.

The Malleus explains transformation in two sections.65 In the first, Institoris and

Sprenger reach the same conclusion as Molitor. This may be a controversial topic, but ultimately a witch cannot change the actual physical shape of an individual. Such people may appear to themselves and to others to have taken the shape of a “wild beast,” but this has not actually happened. In this regard, a supplementary section takes up the issue to describe the issue of wolves. If a child is removed from the home by a wolf and eaten, there are two possible explanations. One is that the wolf is a natural animal and is driven to take the child due to starvation. The second is the product of sorcery. There are stories of demons that possess wolves and go around devouring children, but this is not truth and

64 “It would be less surprising in any case if such things happened to pagans who venerated idols and worshipped statues of demons in a way that, to our understanding, the devil could exercise his great power. But it seems impossible that such things could get to us, who venerate God from heaven and believe in Christ who frees us from the devil’s endeavours.” Molitor, chapter 4.

65 Part one, question eleven, and part two, question one, chapter eight.

!64 is the belief of pagans. Instead it is through the work of demons under the permission of god.66 Again, the power of the imagination of the possessed is given credible weight, and explains much with regard to problems of sorcery.

Chapter Five

Question five asks whether a witch can travel to a sabbat on a horse, a wooden stick, or a wolf. This chapter is one of the more detailed in De lamiis, and addresses several concerns, such as, travel to a witches’ sabbat and riding wolves, other animals, or sticks. Molitor cites both classical authority and an actual trial he attended (via Schatz in the dialogue).67 Sigismund accepts it because there was no problem of confession under torture. Instead, the witness provided the evidence of maleficia, resulting in his death.

The inclusion of this particular case merits further analysis. Why would Molitor base his entire book on contents of the Malleus, yet also include one chapter on a trial he attended? Certainly he would have attended other trials, given his role within the court of

Tyrol. Why this case?

Davidson grounds the content of this image in both witchcraft treatises and popular culture, perhaps explaining Molitor’s use of additional trial material in his

66 “it is discerned that when they cannot be harmed or captured through any art or power, such situations result from the specific permission of God and the work of demons and not from some natural defect.” Institoris and Sprenger, 162.

67 “A witness testified that among his crimes the witch had ridden on a wolf en route to a sabbat. Molitor and Schatz attended this trial and execution… Molitor noted that the witch had claimed to be a victim of maleficia himself. Because of this he had been forced to ride the wolf. But, this did not convince the court.” Davidson, 16.

!65 explanation.68 The trial Molitor attended was not the only trial addressing lycanthropy.

Perhaps his use of the trial was to establish authority regarding a topic that was already being discussed among the populace. Gender appears to be central to the issue of the enchanted wolf.69 As we will see in the accompanying woodcut, the witch riding the wolf is, in fact, male. The gender discrepancy could be due to the many instances of wolves in fifteenth-century trials. Most of these accounts were formed by a peasant who saw a witch riding a wolf.70 Clearly these themes of witchcraft lump together in appropriate settings. As evidenced by woodcut three, enchanted dogs, roosters, and donkeys all cavorted together. Perhaps Else’s dog and wolf created an interchangeability of different acts of maleficia within the literature.

68 “This [story] he derived from local folk stories and trial accounts dating back to 1423 in an area about one hundred miles in diameter surrounding Zurich, Switzerland.” Davidson, Wolves, 48.

Petrus Mamoris’ Flagellum Maleficorum (1462), Johann Vincenti’s Liber de adversus magicas artes (1475), with substantial sections taken from the Malleus.

69 “While Molitor did not allude to other takes of enchanted wolves, it is certainly plausible that he had heard some of these earlier stories. They sometimes describe female enchanters of wolves, but one of the usual aspects of this admittedly unusual set of stories is that several of the witches who enchanted wolves were men.” Davidson, Wolves, 50.

70 In 1450, “Else von Miersburg, a witch from Lucerne, was accused of riding about not only on a wolf, but an enchanted dog as well… She was a notorious maker of bad weather, especially hailstorms… There does not seem to be any literal connection between the enchanting of wolves and the making of hail, other than that, such deeds are indigenous to a mountainous setting.” Davidson, Wolves, 50. Hansen, Quellen (1901, 529, item 30).

!66 There were additional fifteenth-century cases regarding wolves and weather as well, which also contribute to the discussion of gender.71 Molitor’s chapters do not clarify such unrelated issues as gender and the nature of enchanted dogs and wolves. Often, the activities of riding to sabbats, enchanting animals, and creating storms were included in the same trial documents, indicating that Molitor was attempting to clarify issues he saw, sometimes personally. The final set of trials including enchanted wolves occurred in

1459. Scholars often emphasize the social explanations of witch hysterias, which eventually were kept in local folkloric tradition.72 For the purposes of De lamiis, these folk tales contributed to a cultural amalgamation between folk tale and trial record. De lamiis furthered that amalgamation with imagery depicting these themes. Though there are few accounts of enchanted animals in Swiss trial records, the small number of surviving records of trials in the fifteenth century indicates that a statistically noteworthy number of individuals were thought to be involved in animal related witchcraft. Molitor

71 In 1459, Kattryna Simon of Steinbergen and Gret Schullin… “learned their witchcraft, their ‘Kunst,’ from a male witch named Jagil Jeger. Again, canine complications arise… Gret and her companion rode wolves, foxes and other animals… Kattryna’s witch friends specialized in causing avalanches and in enchanting wolves. For instance, the accounts of the trials tell of Gilly Schwitter who enchanted a wolf, rode off into the mountains, and created a great avalanche.” Davidson, Wolves, 50.

72 What probably happened with respect to these tales is that they reflect a localized case of witch hysteria. The hysteria may have been related to a series of natural disasters, such as severe storms or avalanches, with witches’ evil deeds or maleficia being the explanation. The witches were executed, perhaps the weather improved, and the hytseria gradually subsided. But the tales of wolf enchanters and wolf riders remained as a part of the local folk tradition. Witch trials were after all, quite sensational, even more so at this early date, and the stories must have been repeated for years. They resurfaced in the trial reported in De Lamiis. At this point, there was a definite connection between popular and learned cultures. Davidson, Wolves, 51.

!67 was a moderate on the topic of witchcraft in comparison to his contemporaries, but he did believe in witches. Thus, one must inquire whether he believed in enchanted animals and wolves.73 Whether Molitor personally believed these trial accounts or not, he emphasized the role of illusion, rather than physically altering bodily states. His inclusion of the image contributed a great deal to his work, as it was the first illustrated printed book on witchcraft.

At this point in the De lamiis, a clear theme emerges. Many of the concerns of sorcery are not actually taking place in a physical sense, but are taking place within the imaginations of those involved. This does not make them seem any less real to the afflicted.74 People who have been “transformed” into animals very much so believe that this is their reality. This is also the case with traveling to a sabbat. Tangible travel is not actually taking place and those who participate in the journey do so in their minds. Riding

73 “Since there had been so many accounts of witches enchanting wolves in his ‘backyard’ as it were, it seems possible that Molitor may have believed this story. This would help to explain why such an unusual illustration as that of an enchanted wolf appeared in De Lamiis.” Davidson, Wolves, 52.

74 Sigismund cites the Canon Episcopi, which states, “It is also not to be omitted that some wicked women, who have given themselves back to Satan and had been seduced by the delusions and phantasms of demons, believe and profess that, in the hours of night they ride upon certain beats with Diana, the goddess of pagans, and an innumerable multitude of women, and in the silence of the night traverse great spaces of the earth, and obey her commands as of their lady, and are summoned to her service on certain nights. but only if they alone perished in their faithlessness, without drawing many of other people with them into the destruction of infidelity. For an innumerable multitude, deceived by this false opinion, believe this to the true, and so believing, wander from the right faith and return to the error of the pagans when they think that there is anything of divinity or power except the one of God.” Alan Kors and Edward Peters, Witchcraft in Europe, 62.

!68 on any form, whether it be horse, stick, or wolf, is entirely imaginary, as is the participation in the activities of the sabbat.

The authors of the Malleus agree with this general principle, but, as is customary, they itemize the particular controversies of the matter. First, such transportation is not possible, as God would never provide permission for such an activity, as he would protect the innocent from complete control by the devil. Second, man’s soul would never submit to this.75 One method of transportation described in the text involves a paste made of the limbs of unbaptized children that is smeared on a piece of wood. This is feasible, but cannot involve the use of animals, which would be demons in the form of animals, and it would be done invisibly. Such a possibility is not described in the De Lamiis, nor is the real potential for transportation. The Malleus accounts for this opportunity and explains the circumstances that would have to take place in order for such a thing to occur, but the

De Lamiis merely suggests that such transportation is not possible in a physical sense.

This distinction is common between the two works. The Malleus specifies particular concerns and nuances, whereas De Lamiis finds the general purpose of the argument and provides a brief moment of verification for it. Generally this information is the same or very similar to what is provided within the Malleus.76

75 “Since matterless forms are absolute and intellectual, which results in them having a virtue that is absolute and more universal, the embodied soul cannot so suddenly transport its body in location or raise it up, but with God’s permission it would be able to do so readily, when disembodied.” Institoris and Sprenger, 249.

76 Scott E. Hendrix, “The Pursuit of Witches and the Sexual Discourse of the Sabbat,” in Antropologija 11, 2 (2011).

!69 Chapter five of De lamiis is also interesting in that it addresses the issue of witches’ salve or ointment, a common point of discussion in early modern demonological literature.77 Generally speaking, early modern scholars have assumed that witches used ointment in their practice of maleficia, often to attend a witches sabbat, but trial records indicate that this information is false. As argued by Michael Ostling, ointments were as illusive as witchcraft itself.78 Molitor’s inclusion of this chapter places De lamiis in the same category of demonological analysis as those of his contemporaries. Ointment was a frequent topic of conversation, though the ointment’s actual existence was as unnecessary in the discourse as the reality of causing storms or participating in demonic orgies.79

Rumor seems to be enough.

Chapter Six

Question six inquires into whether the devil is able to take human form and copulate with witches. De Lamiis is rather succinct on this issue. It begins with the proposition that there is no doubt that the devil is able to manifest itself in the human form, as established by the story of St. Martin. All three individuals agree that this would

77 Edward Bever, The Realities of Witchcraft and Popular Magic in Early Modern Europe. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2008.

78 Michael Ostling, “Babyfat and Belladonna: Flight Ointment and the Contestation of Reality,” Sixteenth Century Society Conference, October 16, 2014.

79 References to ointment or salve: Francis Bacon (Silva silvarum, 1626), Henri Boguet (Examen of Witches, 1602), Francesco Mario Guazzo (Compendium maleficarum, 1626), Johannes Nider (Formicarius, 1436), Heinrich Institoris (Malleus Maleficarum, 1486), Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola (Strix, 1523), Martin del Rio (Disquisitiones magicarum, 1608), Pierre de Lancre (Tableau de l’inconstance des mauvais anges, 1612).

!70 be one of the most deplorable actions that could take place, but that they do happen.80 As disconcerting as this was, the problem was less the witches’ ability to have sex with a demon, and more the possibility of children resulting from those unions, as discussed in chapter seven. Sex with a demon or devil, a common issue in early modern demonological literature, has been the focus of recent scholarship. Most notable is Walter

Stephens’ Demon Lovers: Witchcraft, Sex, and the Crisis of Belief (2002), which argues that this particular demonological issue was critical to witchcraft theory, because it provided the tangible reality of demons themselves.

The Malleus elaborates at length on this topic in two separate sections.81 Both sections are nearly identical and suggest that there are really six issues that must be taken into account to fully understand how problematic these actions are. This approach is widespread throughout the text and illustrates the specificity that Institoris and Sprenger require when speaking of even the most simple of concerns. Essentially demons are able to copulate with women, but only the lowest-ranking demons would participate in such repulsive behavior. There is a hierarchy among even the most evil, and participating in this type of conduct would solidify the position of those who partook in the lowest levels.82 Interestingly, the most difficult of these activities is speaking, as air must be

80 Schatz states, “Nonetheless these women confessed obstinately, even when they were taken to be executed and could not expect more than death as compensation.” Molitor, chapter 6.

81 Part one, question four, and part two, question one, chapter four.

82 “Demons can, in assumed bodies, speak with sorceresses, see them, hear them, eat with them, and beget with them.” Institoris and Sprenger, 256.

!71 expelled from the lungs and a voice produced, which would be extremely difficult in a body that is without a soul. As for the more carnal acts, these are due to the demon’s desire to corrupt the innocent rather than for any benefits of pleasure. The demon would of course be most aggressive towards the most innocent woman he could find. The text goes into rather specific detail as to how these proceedings would take place, something that is certainly lacking in De Lamiis.

Chapter Seven

Question seven furthers the inquiries of question six, and asks whether children can be produced from the union of a demon and a woman. After a brief description of how such a situation is possible, Sigismund reveals how shocked he is. Beginning with the story of Merlin, Molitor argues that not only is it possible that children can be produced, but that confirmation can be found in a number of sources including the

Hebrew Bible. These children would obviously not be the pious youth that the Church would hope for, and their descendants would be responsible for much of the heresy in the world. This is, like question six, a very concise description. When Molitor shifts to the next chapter, Sigismund demands that he will clear up all doubts by the end of the treatise.

Institoris and Sprenger are much more concerned with the minutiae of the question, and spend many pages discussing how such a result is possible. This is a unique query within the text, in that it is answered only in the first section, rather than the second

!72 as is the case with the other dialogues.83 This section, perhaps more than any other, uses the testimony of the medical profession in understanding how the begetting of children takes place between a mortal and a non-mortal being. The demon would take the form of a human and have intercourse with a woman.84 To combat this obstacle, the devil would provide the necessary “life force” that would enable the demon to procreate. The ultimate benefit of these unions would be an increase in the number of sorceresses, and the reasons are similar to those already established.85 Here the devil is quite specific in his requirements of his followers, and provides any necessary assistance to corrupt the innocent. The longer these actions are successful, the more evil beings will come into existence, and the greater the fear of the religious community will be.

Chapter Eight

Question eight takes a slightly different direction, and asks whether witches and demons can glimpse the future and reveal the strategy of princes. God is the only knower of future events, but “the devil is capable of predicting the future.”86 Often, however,

83 Part one, question three.

84 Sprenger and Institoris quote from Aristotle: “To beget a human is the act of a living body, but demons cannot give life when they have assumed bodies, because life flows in a formal sense only from the soul, and this is the act of a physical, organic body that has the power of life.” Institoris and Sprenger, 74.

85 “The reason why demons make themselves into incubi or succubi is not for the sake of pleasure, since a spirit does not have flesh and bones, but the strongest reason is that through the fault of debauchery they may harm the nature of both aspects of man (the body and the soul), so that humans will in this way become more inclined to all faults.” Institoris and Sprenger, 79.

86 Chapter 8.

!73 these demons would be inaccurate in their predictions. Augustinian tradition is provided to explain how this is achievable. As the demon would not be aware of the necessary context and bring with them certain prejudices, the events that they would see would be inaccurate and blurred by their vision. Thus, “And faith must never be placed upon their teachings, because they are not sincere.”87 This is the only reason why such an ability is not an immediate cause for concern for Sigismund: “I am satisfied with your arguments in clearing our doubts.”88 Question eight is the only question within the De Lamiis that is not found in the Malleus. The authority vested in the Malleus would certainly make its inclusion appropriate, yet it is missing. Perhaps Molitor felt it necessary to illuminate this issue for Sigismund, or perhaps Sigismund requested the inclusion of divination.

Chapters Nine - Twelve

Chapters nine through twelve are odd additions to De lamiis. They are not included in the chapter outline, and do not take up new questions. They present information already discussed by Molitor, but provide additional evidence and Moltior’s final conclusions, assuaging any doubts previously presented by Sigismund. Chapter nine, the longest chapter in De lamiis, elaborates on issues of storms, maleficia, and impotence. Molitor again emphasizes divine permission, underlining the fact that men are

87 Chapter 8.

88 Chapter 8.

!74 unable to know the will of god.89 Chapter ten reexamines the issue of transformation, particularly transformation into animals. Molitor emphasizes these transformations as existing only in the minds of those afflicted.90 The devil is able to create illusions, and people should be keenly aware of natural laws when accusing individuals of transformation. Chapter eleven provides Molitor’s final assessment on the witches’ sabbats. Again, these events only occur in the mind.91 Chapter twelve’s title suggests a discussion of transformation, copulation with the devil, and procreation, though it also includes a summary of previously articulated issues.92 Molitor, through himself in the

89 “Sigismund: Now I understand that the tempests, hailstones and bad airs are not the work of those women, but of the nature’s movement or the tolerance of the divine will that allows the demons to afflict us, be it to punish us or to gather merits before the ineffable piety.” Molitor, chapter 9.

90 “I believe I am able to establish how the devil is capable of fooling us from the inside through a delusion by raising before us many fantasies and similar things in virtue of the false appearances that act upon the organs of our external senses…I say that the devil can modify our abilities and make something seem as something else.” Molitor, chapter 10.

91 Those impressions are imaginary; they are representations of images produced by the devil, which makes us perceive that feeling of physical presence.” Molitor, chapter 11.

92 “Whether the devil can adopt the human shape and commend with the witches to couple with them, and if children can be procreated from such mating.” Moltior, chapter 12.

!75 dialogue, lists eight conclusions in summation of the first eleven chapters.93 He follows this with a warning to women specifically, negating the insistence of some scholars that men and women were targeted equally in his earlier discussions.94 Men may be depicted in illustrations but, like the utilization of terms such as wyber and mulieribus, women are clearly more closely connected with witchcraft activity than men. He concludes,

“Receive then, most glorious Prince, the treatise with our discussion… Your majesty’s most humble servant and counsellor, Ulrich Molitor of constance, Doctor of Law, etcetera.”95 These twelve chapters provided little new information to the late fifteenth- century reader. Only with the addition of the illustrations did the text become critical to the development of witchcraft.

93 1) The devil cannot harm elements, men and animals, and he cannon turn men impotent for procreating unless under God’s hidden reasons, 2) When God grants the devil with the license to harm, the devil cannot extend it beyond God’s initial permission, 3) They truly cannot transform into animals even though the devil could trick the sight or obstruct men’s senses, 4) These wicked women cannot transverse many miles of distance in the night to gather at their sabbatical meetings, for they are dreaming or have a strong imagination, 5) The devil, incubus and succubus cannot generate children in any way, 6) God is the true inspector of the future, and only he knows the thoughts of men, 7) That although those evil women cannot really perform maleficia, they can however do it under the devil’s investigation, and 8) They have repudiated God and dedicated themselves to the devil with such apostasies and their corrupt will, and it is fair that these wicked women are punished with death by the civil right. Molitor, chapter 12.

94 “Oh, women! Remember the promise you made during baptism and remain strong when the devil tempts you, and resist its suggestion…” Molitor, chapter 12.

95 Molitor, chapter 12.

!76 Woodcuts in the First Edition

The images in De lamiis remain the most-studied element of the text, particularly those of the first edition.96 In total, the 1489 Prüss edition contains seven woodcuts.97

Each image is placed strategically within the text to document a particular issue of late fifteenth-century witchcraft, whether it be the creation of storms, maleficia, or sabbats.

These images were created in the same era as such master illustrators as Albrecht Dürer and Hans Baldung Grien, yet they clearly demonstrate the different expectations of a cheap publication such as De lamiis. These illustrations are not caricatures of early modern witches. They represent actual individuals.98 Molitor was not attempting to create an inflammatory work; he was charged with detailing specific issues of witch activity for

96 Many scholars have referenced the images in De lamiis, but only three have contributed a detailed analysis of them: Jane Davidson, Charles Zika, and Natalie Kwan. Davidson’s 1987 monograph, The Witch in Northern European Art, 1470-1750, provides the foundation for De lamiis imagery. All subsequent publications have in some way responded to her work. Charles Zika’s research has filled many gaps in the historiography of witchcraft images in general, and his 2007 monograph, The Appearance of Witchcraft: Print and Visual Culture in Sixteenth-Century Europe, is the most detailed study of the relationship between text and image in De lamiis. Beginning with copies and locations provided by Albert Schramm in Der Bilderschmuck der Frühdrucke, Zika cross- referenced images with individual libraries and nineteenth-century bibliographic references. Such investigation has led to the most comprehensive analysis of the woodcuts within their cultural context, in addition to a very close estimation of the editions and places of publication of the book.

97 A1 verso, A5 verso, A7 recto, B3 verso, B5 verso, C1 recto, and D1 recto.

98 “While there may have been theological hairsplitting in the text, there was nothing like that in the woodcuts. The points are made with clarity and force. The witches depicted in De lamiis are real individuals in contemporary settings and costumes. The representations clearly indicate the fifteenth-century German beliefs that ordinary persons of both genders were apt to be witches.” Davidson, 98.

!77 his patron.99 Critics have suggested that Molitor was simply reporting journalistic events, as it does not apply to all witchcraft imagery of the early modern period. Some images, particularly those of Baldung, were certainly meant as inflammatory; however, when considering the images in De lamiis, the suggestion fits well.100 It was not until the sixteenth century that salacious witches became popular forms of visual imagery.

The woodcuts provide information to readers that would not be possible to get if the book was only text. Specifically, they depict what kinds of maleficia witches were responsible for. As the first widely distributed illustrated book on witchcraft, De lamiis influenced other fifteenth and sixteenth century artists, which ultimately helped create the visual image of the witch in the early modern period. However, without the inclusion of both text and image, these associations would be lost. Some scholars have suggested that the woodcuts could exist without the text and readers would be able to ascertain the same information.101 Regardless of the reader’s literacy, they would not be able to gain the

99 “They simply could not be inventive because in the main, they were acting as reporters. Their art was a part of a generally serious public response to a social phenomenon, witchcraft.” Davidson, 98.

100 “One must continually recall that the persons and acts which are shown in De lamiis had the same effect on the fifteenth-century reader as reading a modern new magazine would have on the twentieth-century reader. This was reality. Horrid physiognomy and unusual settings were not needed to make the obvious point that witches existed.” Davidson, 98.

101 “The woodcuts were something of a fourth voice within this meandering colloquy and communicated views which differed from those found in the literary text: They represented the powers of witchcraft not as diabolical illusion but as producing real effect in the everyday world. For that reason they could be understood and digested independently of the text.” Zika, Appearance, 18.

!78 same message without the textual component. It was the association of text and image that made De lamiis so popular and influential in the early modern period.

Woodcut One

The first woodcut illustrates Sigismund and, likely, the Archbishop Berthold of

Mainz.102 Such representation of individuals recalls Sigismund’s status as the patron of De lamiis, as well as the location of Constance in the archdiocese of the Archbishop of Mainz. The inclusion of this woodcut before the text even begins suggests that the book was intended to prepare Sigismund for future witch trials.103 There is some argument as to why Sigismund commissioned the work. If the 1489 Prüss edition has been correctly recognized as the editio princeps, the inclusion of the first woodcut alongside the dedicatory epistle indicates the book was a preparatory legal brief. If another edition bears this title, it would alter the potential purpose of the book, as the first woodcut does not exist in every early edition of De

102 Davidson, 14.

103 “The text was a preparatory legal brief for possible witch trials to follow.” Davidson, 14.

!79 lamiis. The presence of the first woodcut bolsters the authority of Molitor’s text. Its inclusion in later editions would be less critical because potential buyers would have been familiar with the association between Molitor and Sigismund. The book was printed 18 times over the first 19 years, in several different cities. The likelihood is that readers would have been familiar with it. Given the content of the work as a description of what witches are capable of, and the inclusion of the first woodcut, the most plausible explanation is Sigimund’s confusion regarding the very nature of witchcraft, not the legal ramifications of witch hunting.

The first image, located on A1 recto, of Sigismund, Molitor, and the Archbishop, et al. sits aside the first page of text – the longer subtitle and dedicatory epistle. Like each of the seven images in the first edition, this woodcut is a full page illustration, which is notable for the time of publication. Generally these images were smaller and incorporated into the text.104 Interestingly, while each of the subsequent six illustrations are discussed at length in the historiography, the first is only mentioned briefly by Davidson, and all scholars only refer to six images in the text. The first woodcut does not engage the material in the body chapters of the book, but it does represent the content of the subtitle and dedicatory letter. Also, it is the first image presented in the first illustrated book on witchcraft. This image would have garnered a great deal of attention by potential buyers who might have flipped through the pages of De lamiis. The dedication and accompanying illustration mark the “threshold” of the book. They are the point at which

104 Davidson, 14.

!80 the reader determines whether to purchase the book, or hand it back to the stationer, bookshop owner, or street peddler who is promoting it. As argued by Gerard Genette, it is a “’vestibule’ that offers the world at large the possibility of either stepping inside or turning back…a zone between text and off-text, a zone not only of transition but also transaction.”105 De lamiis was not intended to be a traditional legal treatise; one could select the Malleus for that. De lamiis’ success relied on the interplay of illustration and text. The dedicatory letter and woodcut would have made this clear to the potential reader. The paratext of De lamiis conveys not only the content of the book, but the way the reader was intended to engage with the material.

Woodcut Two

The second woodcut is strategically placed at the beginning of the second chapter, on A5 verso. Here a witch is shooting an arrow at a man in order to cause him pain (he has lost his shoe in the process). Archer witches were highly popular in the literature of the late fifteenth century, particularly in the Malleus, Question II, chapter 16. Maleficia,

105 Gérard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation. Translated by Jane E. Lewin. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. P. 2.

!81 or witches’ ability to do harm, was a central tenet of witchcraft discussion in the early modern period. This was, according to Molitor, done with the permission of God. The illustration follows Molitor’s point exactly.106 One could also argue that this image depicts the witch’s ability to hinder sexual relations.107 In either case, the image clearly associates the witch and her arrow with the intent and capability to do harm to her victim. One could make

106 “This woodcut of a laming witch primarily gives expression to the most common charge of malefic sorcery in later medieval Europe: the inflicting of physical harm, injury or sickness. Although the shooting of an arrow would not normally involve magic, the reversed arrow suggests it is not the weapon itself which will bring harm to the victim, but the poison or charm for which the arrow has become the means of contact… The shooting of bristles and other substances into an animal or human by means of an arrow was a common form of malefice in the fifteenth century and was also cited in the sixteenth century as the work of the devil. Smearing with unguents and hurling powders, offering poisoned food or drink, placing charms in a person’s proximity such as under a pillow or above a lintel, were all ways of doing harm to an enemy. The arrow sorcery represented here is a particular variant of bringing magical substances in contact with the bodies of those to be harmed.” Zika, Appearance, 21-2.

107 “It is possible that ‘foot’ is a synonym for ‘penis’, as it certainly is in ancient literature, in which case the picture would be illustrating magical interference with the sexual act.” P.G. Maxwell-Stuart, Witchcraft in Europe and the New World, 1400-1800. New York: Palgrave, 2001. 37.

!82 his or her own conclusion about the nature of the threat, depending on the source one referenced.

Woodcut Three

Woodcut 3, located on A7 recto, depicts three witches on a forked stick. They have transformed, or have been transformed, into animals. There is a storm in the background, recalling the issue presented in chapter one. Davidson suggests the content of the image comes from chapters three, four, five, and eight; however, I would argue it is based thoroughly on chapter five.108 There is some overlap in the topics of discussion in each chapter, but the fifth chapter is specifically about riding on a forked broom to a witches sabbat. Molitor argues that witches may look

108 Davdison, 15.

!83 like animals, but only do so in the minds of the participants.109 Like much of witchcraft activity, there is an issue of how literal these actions actually were. Generally, theorists did not think that witches could do these things physically, but instead either their spirit left their body or they created some kind of false visualization for themselves and others.

This pertains to flight to a witches’ sabbat as well.110

Interestingly, Davidson notes that this image “was repeated twice in the text!”

However, this happens only in the copy held by Cornell University.111 Other copies at the

University of Glasgow and the Huntington Library have a different woodcut on C1 recto, which, in the Cornell copy is a duplicate of the A7 recto image. Initially, upon consideration, I assumed the sheet of paper was damaged in the Cornell copy and replaced by another sheet from a different edition; however, upon closer inspection I do not believe this to be the case. The ink markings on the back page of the image of the

Cornell copy are identical to those of the Glasgow and Huntington copies. There is such similarity that I am convinced they are from the same print run, which raises the question

109 “Witches may appear to take on animal forms, but they do not literally do so. They delude persons into thinking that transformation has taken place. And, they likewise delude themselves.” Davidson, 15.

110 “The image represents the witches’ powers of metamorphosis and their capacity to traverse vast distances. The assumption of animal form is analogous to the devil’s assumption of human form.” Zika, Appearance, 24. Zika also suggests that one could “relate this image to the animal-masking traditions of carnival, for the ass was a figure resonant with folly, while the rooster and its bristling comb was employed to represent the exhibitionism transgression and sexual masquerading of carnival time. In this way witchcraft would allude to issues of moral order…”

111 BF 1569.A2 M72 1489

!84 of why the publisher would make such a decision. It was likely either an intentional selection, or there was a problem with the woodblock.

Woodcut Four

The third woodcut is located immediately after the title of chapter four (A7 verso), on A7 recto. Chapter five is located six pages after the woodcut that illustrates the content of the chapter,112 which might lead one to conclude that the images did not

“closely [follow] Molitor’s text.”113 This would be a hasty judgment, however. The fourth woodcut is located on B3 verso, immediately following the title of chapter five. This woodcut also illustrates information from chapter five of the text, making the placement of the third woodcut appropriate within chapter four. The content of chapter five is arguably more substantial than the other seven early chapters that address a single issue, and both woodcuts three and four illustrate important elements from it.

Woodcut four depicts a male witch

112 B2 recto.

113 Davidson, 15.

!85 riding a wolf.114 This woodcut is rather controversial, in that the witch is male, and the enchanted animal is rather ambiguous. Some argue that the image was intended to display moral inversion and the medieval wild ride, and does not depict an enchanted wolf.115

Woodcut three depicts three witches riding a forked stick, indicating an emphasis on riding something enchanted. The wolf is of secondary consideration.116 Moral inversion is commonly cited in discussion of witchcraft imagery. Woodcut four is located in the countryside, away from social regulation. This is a common approach to witchcraft imagery in the early modern period. Dürer’s Witch Riding Backwards on a Goat is generally perceived as an inversion of moral order as well.117

114 “Practically every witchcraft text had some mention of werewolves or enchanted wolves, but amazingly, there are only a very small group of works of art and book illustrations which depict such themes…De lamiis contains the only known illustration of a witch riding an enchanted wolf.” Davidson, Wolves, 47.

115 “The woodcut is clearly an illustration of a particular story in Molitor’s text that told of a peasant from the territorial court of Constance and how he was bewitched and struck lame by a male witch riding a wolf.” Zika, Appearance, 125.

116 “In many of the woodcuts the depiction of the animal is decidedly ambivalent. This is quite possibly the result of poor craftsmanship… But the text is also somewhat unclear. In the summary of chapters at the beginning of the work, for instance, the heading for this chapter is expanded to read ‘or on some other animal’ in the Latin versions, and ‘or on wild animals’ in the German. As the witch rode sticks and other implements, so the witch rode different animals. But as these woodcuts also show, it was a ride situated in the countryside, outside the regulating bonds of church and society. Whether the ride was on a wolf, huge cat or other animal, it signified an association with animal nature. The witch’s ride was a wild ride.”Zika, Dürer’s Witch, Riding Women and Moral Order, 132.

117 See chapter six.

!86 Woodcut Five

Woodcut five rests on B5 verso, immediately after the title to chapter six on B4 recto. It illustrates a demon and a witch embracing. The demon has taken “a somewhat human shape. The demon has a tail, claws, and a deformed mouth.”118 As opposed to the detail provided in the Malleus (with most issues), Molitor limits his discussion to the fact that witches are able to couple with demons, but that demons cannot procreate alone.119

This woodcut is deliberately sexual, yet, as is the style of the 1489 Prüss edition, “we have been spared a more lurid depiction of the incubus, at least this time.”120 Again, the image functions as an introduction to the content of the chapter at hand.121 The woodcut, like chapter six, reinforces the physicality of early modern witchcraft and proved its existence. The woodcut removes the nuance of the debate, and solidifies the relationship between witch and demon.

The sixth woodcut of the first edition varies depending on which copy one consults. The Cornell copy has a duplicate of woodcut three on C1 recto, but the Glasgow and Huntington copies have a different image. This woodcut depicts two witches over a

118 Davidson, 16.

119 “While Molitor’s text did not deny the physical threat of witchcraft, as expressed most graphically in the woodcut of the laming witch, it tended to emphasize the diabolical source of such action and the divine permission needed to carry it out successfully. The woodcut series reflects this diabolical emphasis in one particular image – a devil and witch shown embracing in a country setting.” Zika, Appearance, 22.

120 Davidson, 16.

121 “While Molitor’s textual discussion of these questions was complex, the woodcut simply affirmed the sexual liaison between witch and devil as fundamental to witchcraft belief.” Zika, Appearance, 23.

!87 cauldron, placing a rooster and snake into the pot, with a storm in the background. It is located after the title of chapter nine (located on C1 verso), in the same style as the previous woodcuts. The use of different woodcuts in the same edition is odd and not something I have encountered before. One would need to consult other copies of the same edition to determine if the Cornell copy is the sole outlier, or if other copies have the same duplicate woodcut. If the decision to duplicate woodcut three was intentional, one must question why the publisher would make such a decision, particularly given the importance of woodcut six. Woodcut three fits well within chapter five, but makes little sense in chapter nine. Given the deliberate placement of each other image, it is illogical that the publisher would choose to duplicate woodcut three in chapter nine.

There is also the possibility that there was a mechanical error in the printing process, such as a broken woodblock, necessitating the use of a different woodcut on C1 recto at a certain point in the print run. This seems the more likely answer to the duplicate image.

The content of the image is contextually quite important, as it is used most frequently in subsequent editions of

!88 the first period of De lamiis printing.122 One of the common arguments in Molitor’s text is that witches lack agency in any witchcraft activity; only through the permission of God is this possible. Yet, this image depicts witches over their cauldron, indicating at least some agency in their task. Prior to the publication of the Malleus and De lamiis, witches were thought to have these abilities.123 By the fifteenth century there was strong

“association between witches and cauldrons, as the receptacles in which it was believed witches brewed their potions.”124 Dead animals were not, however, the usual method for creating weather. Generally, all literary descriptions involve water, and only a single image involves an animal’s jawbone.125 Johann Nider addressed this issue in his

Formicarius as well, which was eventually included in the Malleus, making the transition to De lamiis a logical connection.126 The creation of weather was, unlike other forms of maleficia, a social form of witchcraft.127 By the sixteenth century this motif was

122 Zika notes its inclusion on the title page in four Cologne editions, a 1495 Leipzig edition, the 1510 Basel edition, and two editions attributed to Johann Amerbach. Please see chapter three for a detailed analysis of woodcut six in these editions.

123 “In this way the woodcut transmits quite traditional beliefs about the magical powers women were believed to have in causing bad weather.” Zika, Appearance, 18.

124 Zika, Appearance, 19.

125 Zika, Appearance, 19.

126 It “describes how a witch named Stadlin from the Swiss town of Boltingen would stir up hailstorms by sacrificing a black chicken at a crossroad and then throwing it up in the air for the ‘prince of demons’ to catch. This story would have become widely known in the late 1480s and 1490s by its inclusion in the Malleus…” Zika, Appearance, 19.

127 “And storm-making may have therefore merged as an iconic image for the new social crime and heresy of witchcraft.” Zika, Appearance, 20.

!89 established in the visual iconography of witchcraft, and De lamiis’ sixth woodcut certainly contributed to it, even if the image was not concerned with divine permission.

The final woodcut, located on D1 recto, is also located between the title and body of chapter 11. It represents a banquet at a witches’ sabbat, but does not depict the elements usually associated with the event.128 Chapter eleven largely sorts out the issues of chapter five, and this woodcut perfectly establishes the idea of a witches’ sabbat, though, like woodcut five, it does so from a distance. It lacks the sensationalism of

Baldung’s witches’ sabbats because Molitor did not intend De lamiis to be shocking. It was a factual reporting of the events. Zika emphasizes the inherent danger of a group of women in this woodcut.129 The influence of gossip and rumor in many of these witch trials supports this argument. While witchcraft as an individual activity may have been standard until the late fifteenth century, by the sixteenth century groups of women at witches’ sabbats became much more common, particularly in the images by Baldung

Grien. Molitor’s inclusion of both in this chapter and in this image certainly assisted in

128 “While it was generally agreed that sabbat meals were comprised of rotten bones, corpses of unbaptised babies, poisonous herbs and the like, these were not shown here. This may be [due] to the fact that Ulrich taught that witches did not attend sabbats in actuality. These celebrations were merely illusions of the Devil.” Davidson, 16.

129 It emphasizes witchcraft as a group female activity rather than the action of a solitary male or female sorcerer. The scene of three women engaged in a meal and conversation under a tree clearly links witchcraft to contemporary fascination with female sociability and independence. The differing dress and ages of the three women serve to emphasize the bond between them, a bond of conviviality created both through the consumption of the food and drink on the table and through the conversation represented by the gestures. The pointing gesture of the senior figure has been adapted from the declamatory gesture of the rhetor and is commonly used in the later fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to represent female prattle or gossip. Zika, Appearance, 25.

!90 the creation of the new representation of the witch as one who worked with other women for the purposes of maleficia. Additionally, one might expect Molitor to include the rendering of baby fat and magic potions so commonly associated with a witches’ sabbat.

As a political moderate, perhaps Molitor used this woodcut to underscore the existence of these events only in the minds of the participants. If witches’ sabbats did not actually happen, one would not have to explain the break from natural laws. Witches existed, but much of their activity was a glorified hallucination.

Stylistically these woodcuts fit the artistic conventions of the fifteenth century. For example, image seven is quite similar to the 1476 Marriage at

Cana, from the Spiegel menschlicher

Behältnis. The content is clearly different, but the style remains the same. Also evident are elements of woodcut seven in Circe with Ulysses and his Men Transformed into

Animals, printed by Johann Zainer in

1473.130 The woodcuts were meant to

130 Zika, Appearance, 133. Zainer is likely responsible for a post 1489 German edition of De lamiis.

!91 illustrate the witchcraft activity discussed within the text. While the text did not provide much new information, the inclusion of the woodcuts highlighted Molitor’s arguments.

The woodcuts changed dramatically by the mid sixteenth century, but the text remained unchanged until it was translated into contemporary German in 1575. The publication of

18 editions of De lamiis from 1489 to 1508 associated these woodcuts with the text, connecting witchcraft activity with a visual representation of those activities. By the early to mid sixteenth century, the influence of De lamiis is palpable, through the work of artists such as

Albrecht Dürer and Hans

Baldung Grien.

92

Chapter Three: Beginnings, 1489-1510

The eighteen editions of De lamiis published between 1489 and approximately

1510 demonstrate the fluid nature of the publishing industry and the speed at which

publishers produced cheap pamphlets in the incunabular period. Publishers printed these

books quickly and incorporated many different stylistic devices to entice readers. Often

these editions contain errors. Many copies of these editions have remarkably survived, providing an opportunity for comparison. Few contain printed information regarding

publication date, publisher information, or location, making definitive statements about

each copy difficult. Even with the collation of various bibliographic references, library databases, and catalogues, it is virtually impossible to confirm publishing details; however, after comparing many copies of each edition, it is possible to make informed

conclusions about patterns with regard to layout and decoration in these early editions.

The content remains unchanged until the mid-sixteenth century, yet publishers were

clearly aware of other editions of De lamiis when they designed their own publications.

Images and layout are often copied from other editions, allowing for a progression of editions over time. It was during this early period of De lamiis publishing that the text established a visual representation of witchcraft activity that fundamentally influenced other artists. By the mid sixteenth century, these visual representations became

standardized, making De lamiis far more influential that was previously thought.

There are several editions of De lamiis that scholars have claimed as the editio

princeps, yet there is no evidence within the text to accurately note any early edition as 93

such.1 I am in agreement with Davidson that the

Prüss edition2 is, in fact, the first, though the

1489 Otmar edition is often used as a first edition because they are both considered to have been printed in the same year. The 1489 Prüss edition is the most likely candidate for the editio princeps due to its layout and similarity to other late fifteenth-century treatises, particularly the

Malleus. The title page is strikingly similar to contemporary editions of the Malleus and the text itself is quite similar to other early editions.3 Fifteenth-century publishing conventions dictated that first editions were generally published in Latin, particularly

when they were related to law or theology. Subsequent editions could be published in the

vernacular, but first editions tend to be in Latin. Later editions of De lamiis during the

period 1489-1510 are in Latin, but contain an additional subtitle on the title page in

1 Historiographically this is widely debated. R. Muther argues for a Cornelius de Zierickzee edition, A.M. Hind suggests Michael Greyff published it, and Jane Davidson located a copy miscataglogued by the British Library as printed in 1488 (it has been corrected as a 1490 copy of Cornelius de Zierickzee). Davidson notes the earliest examples in the United States are attributed to Prüss and are dated 1489. Most early editions of De lamiis contain the 1489 date, even when they are clearly later editions (for example, the 1508 editions by Johann Otmar are dated 1508, but still include the original format of the concluding remarks of the first edition. 2 Copies consulted: Cornell University (BF 1569 A2 M72 1489), the University of Glasgow (An-y.35), the Huntington Library (101100). 3 Photographs of the 1489 Prüss taken from Cornell University holdings. 94

German, demonstrating a progression towards

the style of the title page of the 1493 German

edition by Prüss.4 The 1489 Prüss title page

contains no images or decorative elements; the title is in gothic type. This is consistent with

contemporary Malleus title pages.

Visually, the choice of typeface and

layout fit the conventions of late fifteenth- century publishing. A standard gothic script runs the length of the book, with breaks for historiated initials. A few copies (generally those with complex rubrication) contain historiated initials, though this is quite uncommon. Generally speaking, these copies are decorated after the book was printed, very inconsistently, and not very thoroughly.5 The 1489 Prüss edition also contains

various abbreviations, which do continue through many of the early editions. Most

notably, a superset ‘9’ replaces the declined ‘us’ on certain words For example, tractatus

becomes Tractat9, consulibus becomes consilib9, and vlricus becomes vlric9. It is

possible to recognize patterns regarding the style of individuals sorts in early editions,

beginning with the 1489 Prüss edition. For example, his lower case ‘u’ is unremarkable,

while the upper case ‘U’ includes two diagonal lines. The S is the most complicated issue

4 After 1489 copy by Johann Otmar held by Cornell University 5 This can be said of all early copies of De lamiis. 95

within the script of the book. Three separate S’s exist: the long f shape, a standard

modern looking S, and the illusive z looking S that masquerades as a T periodically.

As for layout, the text and illustrations are organized to create necessary page

breaks, easing the reading experience. Each page of text is spaced for 35 lines, with

occasional larger typeface for chapter breaks.6 The content begins with the dedicatory

letter on A2 recto and a table of contents on A2 verso. The table of contents is titled with

the same larger typeface as each chapter heading, and the nine chapters are listed with

printed paragraph marks in a bullet point style. A3 recto completes the table of contents

and marks the beginning of chapter one. A printed quire mark accompanies each recto

bottom corner for the first four pages with a lower case letter and number; five-eight are

blank. Each chapter receives a chapter heading, but the size of the typeface varies. All

chapters, except chapters three and ten, are in a larger typeface. Chapters three, eight, and ten are printed exactly in line with the rest of the chapter. They are not even set on a

separate line. Most likely, the person responsible for setting the type failed to demarcate

these chapters as a result of simple human error, as was common in late fifteenth-century

printing. The text is consistent throughout the each chapter. Generally, there is a larger

chapter heading, then the name of the speaker and his question or comment, followed by the next speaker. All of this information is printed sequentially in the same paragraph

with the same type. A small break exists between the speaker’s names and the subsequent

comment, providing an ease to the reading process.

6 Each page is spaced for 35 lines, though the British Library states 34 lines for their 1489 Prüss copy (call number IA. 1723). 96

In these chapters where an image is printed, the chapter title is placed at the end

of the page of text and the image is located on the next page without accompanying text.

This is remarkable for De lamiis, as the expense of paper usually required printing as

much material on each page as possible. Many half pages are left blank in order to place

the image on its own page.7 Chapters one, three, seven, eight, ten, and twelve do not contain images and the content of each chapter continues on the line following the chapter title. Each chapter follows the same format, except chapters four and twelve.

Chapter four contains a passage by Boethius (The Consolation of Philosophy) and is printed in verse from the bottom of A7 verso through the majority of A8 recto. Chapter twelve is printed in bullet point style with printed paragraph markings for each of

Molitor’s final opinions. The final page of text, D6 verso, contains the end of chapter twelve, and the date: “January 10, 1489.” Then there are two indented lines documenting the date of publication and author, set below the last paragraph of chapter twelve: “Your most humble servant and counselor, Ulrich Molitor of Constance, Doctor of Law, etc.”

Quires A and B contain 8 leaves, quires C and D contain 6 leaves, with a total of 28 leaves for the book.

The publisher of the first edition, presumably Johann Prüss, selected a logical

format for Molitor’s text. The title page fits the style of the late fifteenth-century witchcraft treatises in the shadow of the Malleus, and each page follows a clear layout

7 This happens for the following chapters: chapter two (chapter title on A4 recto, image on A4 verso), chapter four (chapter title on A6 verso, image on A7 recto), chapter five (chapter title on B2 recto, image on B2 verso), chapter six (chapter title on B4 recto, image on B4 verso), chapter nine (chapter title on B8 verso, image on C1 recto), and chapter eleven (chapter title on C8 verso, image on D1 recto). 97

that complements the content of the text. Each image reinforces the information provided

in each chapter, and the break in paragraph style in chapters four and twelve provide a

shift in the style of reading.8 There is a great deal of blank space in the page of the book the book, and each image receives its own page. Such a layout would have been pleasing to the eye, with captivating pictures and short chapters. Certainly the content of De lamiis would have been interesting to its readers, but the layout of the text contributed at least as much to the success of the book as anything Molitor said about witchcraft. It is no wonder it was reprinted so frequently, particularly in the fifteenth century. Its popularity derived form the simplicity of its layout and its association of text and image, in sharp contrast to the Malleus.

Prüss’ career (1447-1510) was representative of publishing in late fifteenth- century Strasbourg. As a medium scale printer, his publications were in both Latin (68%) and German (30%).9 For a period of time, he was associated with Heinrich Knoblochtzer

who, unlike most printers in Strasbourg, did not follow incunabular conventions

regarding the languages in which they printed. Knoblochtzer, like Prüss, printed roughly

one-third of his books in vernacular. As a result of this emphasis on vernacular

publishing, Knoblochtzer and Prüss targeted a broader readership beyond the clerical

markets; however, Miriam Usher Chrisman argues that, “the vernacular culture in these

days was, nevertheless, molded by the learned.”10 The 1489 Prüss edition of De lamiis

8 Except the sixth woodcut in the Cornell copy, which is a duplicate of woodcut three. 9 Miriam Usher Chrisman, Lay Culture, Learned Culture: Books and Social Change in Strasbourg, 1480-1599. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), 34. 10 Chrisman, 103. 98

was likely one of many popular cheap books that Prüss published in order to “create a

new mass of readers.”11 It was entertaining, easy to follow, and addressed very popular

ideas of the late fifteenth century. Though the reason why Molitor selected Prüss as the

publisher for his first Latin and German editions is unclear, it is possible that Molitor had

recognized Prüss’ expertise in printing vernacular publications. Such works were largely illustrated and Prüss would have been aware of the stylistic demands of a successful popular book. He was already well established as a reputable publisher within the city, and Molitor could have relied on him for publication of his book in both languages.

The edition by Johann Otmar is generally referenced as the second edition.12 If it was not the second edition, certainly it was printed early in the publishing history of De lamiis and influenced other editions of the text. It follows the format of Prüss’ edition.13

It is also 28 leaves with the same gathering structure as the Prüss (A-B8, C-D6), and it is also printed in a gothic script, though the spacing is tighter, and each woodcut is placed in

the same location.14 There are, however, several design changes in the Otmar edition.

11 Chrisman, 107. 12 Johann Otmar published in Reutlingen from 1481-1497, Tübingen from 1498-1501, and Augsburg from 1501 until his death in approximately 1513. “Johann Otmar,” The British Museum, accessed 12 February 2015, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/term_details.asp x?bioId=22169. 13 Copies consulted: Yale University, the Huntington Library, the University of Glasgow, the Wellcome Library, the Pierpont-Morgan, and Michigan State University. This edition was digitized by the University of Uppsala and widely distributed as a microfilm edition, incorrectly attributed to Martin Flach. 14 Though this edition is catalogued as an octavo, I am hesitant to mark it as such due to the gathering structure. No edition of De lamiis is consistent regarding the number of leaves per gathering and, as the books were all bound, I was unable to determine details regarding each gathering. 99

First, the title page is remarkably different. Otmar’s title page initiates the style of title

page that was used for the rest of the fifteenth-century editions and contains both a Latin

title and German translation as subtitle.15 The Latin title is much larger than the German, but the German text indicates the emphasis on vernacular printing that contributed to De lamiis’ publishing success. The title page is blank other than the text. Second, the abbreviations are different. Given the similarity between the Prüss and the Otmar editions, one could speculate that the compositor of the Otmar edition was looking at a copy of the Prüss edition when setting the type. Even the titles for chapters three, eight, and ten are absorbed into the body of the text in the same way as the Pruss edition.

Presumably it would be easier to simply copy the text in its entirety, rather than shift abbreviations. Perhaps there was a different font used by Otmar’s shop, or Otmar outsourced the project to a different printer who utilized a different series of sorts, making abbreviations for o and u more common than m and t. Third, the chapter titles are

15 The simple title page of the early editions of De lamiis could indicate to the reader the type of book that was being presented. As Kevin Stevens discovered in his analysis of the 1541 and 1552 editions of the Constitutiones Dominii Mediolanensis, published in Milan, the ornate title page of the later edition advertised the book as a commercial product, while the plain title page of the former edition categorized the book as a serious intellectual text. The change occurred due to new ownership of the legal right to publish the book. 100

the same font as the body of the text, but are set apart from the body and indented.

Fourth, the signatures include roman numerals, rather than Arabic numerals.

There is a general inconsistency with

the way printed signatures function in both

of these editions, which is consistent with

late fifteenth-century publishing. For

example, in the Prüss edition the woodcut on

C1 recto does not contain a printed

signature, but the image on D1 recto does.

The spacing of each letter is tighter in the

Otmar edition, but this does not create much

of a difference in the layout of the text. Until

A5 recto the layout is identical and by the

end of A5 recto the difference is only one and a half words more on the page. By A6

verso the difference is negated, as the chapter title for chapter four ends the page, leaving a large section blank. The third woodcut is on the recto side, making the layout appear identical. The only noticeable differences are the Boethius verse in chapter four and the bullet pointed series of Molitor’s opinions in chapter twelve. These differences, however,

are minor and do not contribute to a significant shift between the Prüss and Otmar editions. The similarity in layout suggests an effort on the part of Otmar to closely approximate the first edition. One can presume from this that the first edition sold very 101

well and Otmar was attempting to provide a book that would create the same reaction for buyers.

Perhaps the most significant difference between the two editions is the woodcuts, which were likely created by a different artist and are stylistically different. The Otmar

woodcuts have a double lined border and the inking is heavier than the Prüss images. The

first woodcut, also located on A1 verso, creates the same threshold as the first edition, but

it is different.16 Presumably Molitor and Schatz are presenting Sigismund with De

lamiis. The artist was consistent in copying woodcuts two through seven very closely.

They are nearly identical in many ways. Only minor variations occur in each block, such

as the inclusion of two birds in woodcut two, the archer witch. The draping and markings

of clothing and often the background follow the model of the Prüss blocks. Only the first

woodcut presents a different picture. Perhaps Otmar wanted to distinguish his edition

from the Prüss edition. The first woodcut was placed on arguably the most important

page for a potential buyer, as A2 recto and verso create the initial presentation of the text.

Otmar’s dedicatory letter is designed in the same manner as that in the Prüss edition,

making the woodcut the only significant difference between both books. It would have

distinguished the new edition from the first, yet it kept the same popular text that was so successful for Prüss.

There are three early German editions of the book, which are attributed to several publishers. The likely first German edition was printed circa 1493 by Johann Prüss.17

16 Photographs from the Otmar edition taken from Cornell University holdings. 17 I have consulted one full copy of this edition, held by Cornell University. The Bibliothèque nationale de France hold fragments of this edition, which are not catalogued as the first German edition or as published by Prüss (call number RES – R – 1463). 102

This is the rarest edition of Molitor’s book. It has 30 leaves, with signatures A-F4, G6. It

is logical to attribute this edition to Prüss. The woodcuts are the same as in the 1489

Prüss edition and the general layout follows the first Latin edition. The title page also

suggests that Prüss had a hand in the

work. A1 verso and recto mimic the

design and layout in the 1489 Prüss

edition, but there are only printed

signatures on the first page of the

gathering indicating the letter in the

German edition.18 The block and inking markings are the same. The

German edition contains different

abbreviations, but the typeface is the same, indicating a different reason for the shift in printed language.19 Prüss was not attempting to create a copy, as

was the case with the Otmar edition, and he did not have the concern of a different combination of sorts. The change in language from Latin to German may have necessitated a change in abbreviations due to a larger number of particular letters in the

German edition. The German edition follows the Latin edition exactly, though it is a bit

18 Except G3 recto, which is printed with Roman numerals. 19 Measured for comparison. 103

longer, requiring a shift forward in certain images.20 It is dated 1489 Constance on G5

verso, in the same style as the 1489 Prüss edition. There is nothing to indicate a 1493

publication date for this edition.21

Creating vernacular editions of De lamiis was a brilliant way to open the book to

a new readership.22 In the fifteenth century roughly three-fourths of all printed books

were in Latin, although vernacular continued to gain momentum going into the sixteenth

century.23 With the rise of literacy with typographical printing, there was an increase in casual readers who wanted a book in their spoken language. De lamiis was not a scholarly tome. If a reader was interested in the content of this book and its illustrations, a vernacular publication would have been well-suited to that individual, yet only five of the

20 As a result the woodcuts are located on A2 verso, B1 recto, B3 recto, C2 recto, D1 verso, E1 recto, and F4 verso. 21 I would strongly urge catalogers to list editions published between 1489 and 1510, less the first Prüss edition, as “after 1489.” 22 Joost Keizer & Todd M. Richardson, ed. The Transformation of Vernacular Expression in Early Modern Arts. (Leiden: Brill, 2012). 23 This number is based upon surviving copies, which is problematic. Cheap books, in particular, do not survive very well, making these numbers estimations. German and Italian publications were largely Latin in the fifteenth century. Spanish and English books more frequently published in the vernacular even in the fifteenth century. S.H. Steinberg. Five Hundred Years of Printing. (London: The British Library, 1955), 54. 104

18 early editions of De lamiis were printed in German. This book existed in a sort of

liminal state. It was marketable to scholars and the non specialist alike.

The two subsequent German editions that follow the Otmar edition are quite different from each other. They are attributed to Johann Zainer and Michel Greyff. The Greyff edition, held by the British Library, closely follows the Otmar edition of 1489.24 In fact, the woodblocks Greyff

uses are the same as those in the Otmar edition.

Often blocks were shared between publishers, which would be more likely here, as both printers were located in Reutlingen.25 The Greyff edition

states, on the final page of the book, that it is

printed in Reutlingen. It has printed signatures for

the first half of each gathering in lower case letters and roman numerals: a-c8, d-e6, totally

24 Call number IA. 10796

Johann Zainer was born in Reutlingen, but moved to Ulm, where he specialized in illustrated books and published the first German edition of Aesop’s Fables. Gordon Campell, The Oxford Dictionary of the Renaissance. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). Michael Greyff established a printing house in Reutlingen where he taught his son, Sebastian, the trade. Sebastian moved to Lyon and established his printing shop there, where he specialized in italic pocket editions of the classics, much like Aldus Manutius. Gordon Kelly, Greek and Latin Texts from the Watzek Library Special Collections. (Portland: Aubrey R. Watzek Library, 2011). 25 Daniel De Simone and Lilian Armstrong, A Heavenly Craft: The Woodcut in Early Printed Books. (New York: George Braziller, Inc., 2004). 105

36 leaves. This edition is much longer than the previous Latin editions and even the first

German edition, which is only 30 leaves. This can be explained by a slightly larger typeface and greater spacing between letters and words in general. The large spacing between the speaker’s name and his subsequent dialogue is smaller in the Greyff edition, but each word is set apart, providing a much easier reading experience. Publishers experimented with this technique throughout the early part of the sixteenth century, wavering between lower publishing costs associated with using less paper, and the more enjoyable reading process of greater spacing.26

The Greyff edition matches the smaller chapter headings of the Otmar edition, but the paragraph structure is entirely different. The Greyff edition contains no separated

paragraphs in between chapters. After the conclusion of the last chapter, there is a chapter

heading and a new paragraph begins, which continues to the next chapter heading. The

woodcuts, due to the larger spacing structure, are located on A1 verso, A5 recto, A7

verso, B3 recto, B5 verso, C4 recto, and D4 verso. The final printed page, E5 verso, is

dated January 10, 1489 in Constance in the last body paragraph. In the two line section

that concludes the text, Molitor’s name and Constance are both printed, along with the

phrase, “printed in Reutlingen.”27 The inclusion of a colophon in this edition makes

contextualization more concrete. Greyff chose a layout for his edition that more closely

matches a scholarly book of the time. The lack of paragraphs would have been less

pleasing to the eye, but would have required less space.

26 Mark Bland, A Guide to Early Printed Books and Manuscripts. (Hoboken: Wiley Blackwell, 2010). 27 Getruckt zu rutlingen. 106

The edition attributed to Johann Zainer, preserved in the Bayerische

StaatsBibliothek, is significant for the publication history of De lamiis, most notably for

the illustrations it displays.28 It is titled Won den unholden oder hexen, and was published

in 36 leaves, though the gathering structure is different from the Greyff edition: A8, B-D6,

E8. The printed signatures are done with

capital letters and roman numerals. The

chapter and paragraph layout is the same as

the Greyff edition. There is no indication of place of publication, however.

The woodcuts are located in the same places as the Greyff edition, but are on

different signature pages due to the different

gathering structure. They are as follows: A1

verso, A5 recto, A7 verso, B3 recto, B5

verso, C6 recto, and D6 verso. They depict the same content as the images in the Greyff and Otmar editions, but the style of illustration is quite different.29 The first woodcut conveys the exact same information, but

the cutting of the block and inking are much lighter, and the individuals are more personified. That is, the draping of the clothing is more sophisticated and the hands and

28 Call number Res/4 H.g.hum. 16 n 29 Photographs of the Zainer edition taken from Glasgow University and the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek holdings. 107

faces are more detailed. Stylistically, of all the early editions of De lamiis, the Zainer

woodcuts are most unlike the others.

The second woodcut is also the archer witch, but the injured man is facing away from her. Her arm is pulled back farther, and that, coupled with the expression on her face, indicate a targeted intent that is missing from the other archer

witch woodcuts. She is more active in her quest to harm the man. The man, who has a weapon attached at his waist, has thrown his hands in the air and appears to be fleeing the scene. Her arrow is backwards, as is the case in all of the woodcuts of the archer witch, yet in the Zainer edition, she is not shooting a splayed stick.30 Only in the

1494 Hist edition does this happen as well. The other editions are consistent with the

splayed stick. Here, several pointed objects are attached to the base of the arrow. Though

it is argued in the scholarship that the direction of the arrow or splayed stick suggests

inversion, perhaps the substance being emitted from the arrow is magic, which causes the

maleficia. Her hair is covered, in contrast to earlier woodcuts.31 This witch is represented

30 Zika, Appearance, 23. 31 “The woman’s headdress indicates she is married, and so we have a scene not only of diabolical seduction, but also of adultery.” Zika, Appearance, 23. 108

throughout the Zainer woodcuts. There is little in the way of background, in comparison

to the scenes of the countryside in the other woodcuts.

The third woodcut of a donkey,

a rooster, and a dog riding a flying stick

is also quite different from the other

versions of this woodcut. This woodcut

illustrates the belief in transmutation.

The chapter discusses the ability of the

witch to transform either herself, or

others, into animal forms, although this

only happens in the minds of the

participants.32 The background has the same storm, tree, and rocks (for the most part) as the Otmar woodcut, but the entire scene is more desolate, partially due to the lack of leaves on the tree. The facial expressions, particularly of the rooster and dog, are more agitated, and the donkey seems more lethargic than the focused donkey of the Otmar woodcut. The illustration is quite striking and certainly would have made the reader take notice of the new edition.

32 The brothers Grimm mention a fairytale about the Bremen Musicians, where a rooster, dog, donkey, and cat respond to a robbery. There is a statue in the town depicting the four animals. 109

The fourth woodcut of the witch riding a wolf is unique to all De lamiis editions in that the witch is not a man. Recent scholarship has debated whether the issue here is the gender of the witch. Zika argues against such gendering.33 Given the close

approximation of the content of the Zainer

woodcuts to earlier editions, the decision to

change the sex of the witch is notable. That may not be the most significant contribution

of the woodcut, but the inclusion of a female witch does suggest a certain fluidity to witchcraft demographics in the early editions of De lamiis. The head dress and flowing robes of the witch again suggest a married woman, as is common in all of the Zainer woodcuts. More than just witchcraft is at stake here. The witch is not just committing maleficia against her community; she is breaking social barriers in many ways.

Alternatively, Zainer could simply be presenting a visually consistent witch in each of his woodcuts. Perhaps the sex of the witch was not an intentional decision on the part of

33 “In the Zainer edition, where the riding witch is depicted as female, it would appear that the artist was illustrating the subject of the chapter as a whole, ‘Whether witches can ride to their feast on an oiled stick or on a wolf’, rather than the particular story from Constance…In other words the riding motif would have been critical, rather than a particular narrative or even the gender of the witch.” Zika, Appearance, 25. 110

Zainer, but instead was a desire to represent the same type of individual throughout the

book.

The fifth woodcut of a witch and a

demon embracing is particularly effective in

the creation of witchcraft imagery.34 In

comparison to the Prüss woodcuts these are

significant changes. The hoofed feet mark a

different, yet equally common representation

of devils in the medieval and early modern

period. Avian or reptilian features typically

characterize devils, but hoofed feet were quite

common as well. The tail is similar between

the two images, as is the general aggression of

the demon.35 Zika emphasizes the demon grasping the witch’s breast, but this same theme is clear in the Prüss woodcut as well.

34 “In the Zainer edition from Ulm the devil sports a hunting hat, but his true nature is betrayed by the tail emerging from beneath his short, slit-style tunic, by his donkey ears and his hoofed feet; in most other editions, such as the Amerbach edition from Basel, the devil has been given clawed feet and also fang-like teeth, which give him an especially lecherous appearance.” Zika, Appearance, 23. 35 “These are common visual characteristics of the devil in the later fifteenth century and emphasize his beastly and sensual nature. Here they are particularly apt as the devil draws the witch towards him and –in the Zainer edition – rests his right hand on her breast.” Zika, Appearance, 23. 111

The demon is holding the witch’s hip in a highly seductive and aggressive manner. The location of his hand hardly seems to indicate a shift in intent on the part of the demon.

Woodcut five is specifically suggesting adultery, whereas the other woodcuts suggest a general disregard for social convention.36

Woodcut six, showing witches

surrounding a cauldron, is the closest

approximation to the Otmar and Prüss

woodcut. The same storm exists in the

background, and the same two witches are

placing a rooster and snake into a cauldron.

There are minor stylistic variations, but the

image is essentially the same. The seventh woodcut of a banquet at a witches’ sabbat is

quite different stylistically, but, like woodcut

six, it portrays largely the same information.

Three witches in conversation surround a

table with various dining implements. A

single tree exists in the background. There is

36 “The woman’s headdress indicates she is married, and so we have a scene not only of diabolical seduction, but also of adultery.” Zika, Appearance, 23. 112

more detail, particularly within the facial expressions of the three witches, who appear to be much more engaged in conversation with one another than in the Prüss and Otmar woodcuts, but a reader would gain the same message from both sets of woodcuts.

The images from the Zainer edition are significant both for the shift in focus in comparison to other editions, but also in the shift in presentation in a bibliographic sense, and in the construction of witchcraft imagery. Zainer likely would have wanted to reap the same economic benefits as earlier publishers of De lamiis did, but after multiple

editions of the book were in circulation he would have needed to create his own

version in order to interest buyers who might have already been aware of the

existence of other editions. The layout of the text is not particularly different and fits well with the Greyff edition. Zainer selected a completely different set of woodcuts to set his edition apart from the others, which were never reproduced.

Thirteen of the 18 editions of De lamiis, published between between 1489 and 1510, are in Latin. A 1494 edition 113

attributed to Conrad Hist of Speyer returns to the gathering structure of the Prüss edition, a-b8, c-d6.37 The

title page of the Hist edition is nearly identical to the title page of the Otmar edition. The signature marks are printed on the same line as the last line of type on each of the first half of the recto pages in each gathering in roman numerals with lower case letters. The Hist woodcuts are strikingly similar to

the Otmar woodcuts and

demonstrate that the formschneider

was looking at Otmar’s images

37 Conrad and Johann Hist were brothers who specialized in small publications. Ferdinand Geldner, “Printers and Printing, 15th Century,” in Encyclopedia of Library and Information Science: Volume 23, edited by Allen Kent, Harold Lancour, and Jay E. Daily. (Boca Raton: CRC Press, 1978), 312.

Copies consulted: the Huntington Library (101197), the University of Glasgow (An- y.33), and the University of Nebraska-Lincoln (microfilm Z2222.G4 rl 463 German books before 1601). The Nebraska-Lincoln copy is a copy of a microfilmed edition from the University of Uppsala, which has created quite a problem in the cataloguing of De lamiis. It is incorrectly listed as published by Knoblochtzer, who Pruss printed under for a number of years. Copies of this microfilm are held by Brandeis University, the University of Rochester, the Center for Research Libraries, and the University of California, Santa Barbara. 114

when he or she cut the blocks.38 Only minor variations occur between the two. In fact, the

entire book is a close copy of the Otmar edition, suggesting that Hist wanted to create an

identical copy. The layout matches. The only notable differences are the lack of printed

manicules in the Hist edition and minor variations in the woodcuts.

In the second woodcut the witch and victim have switched places; she is on the

right and he is on the left of the page. In contrast to previous editions, her head is now

covered, emphasizing the untamed nature of the witch.39 Representations of many witches in the early modern period lack disordered hair, as opposed to the licentiousness and sexuality associated with flowing hair. Perhaps, in this case, the flowing hair was not

meant to indicate licentiousness, but was intended as an artistic device to gain reader

interest. In either case, the witch is given more agency in her actions in this version of the

illustration. In only five years the archer witch went from a somewhat demure

collaborator with a demon to a rather hostile and aggressive woman.40

The sexualization of witches that is so prevalent in art by the sixteenth century has

its beginnings in the Hist archer witch. She has clearly defined breasts, which are

38 Photographs of the Hist edition taken from the Huntingon Library holdings. 39 “In most versions the female witch is shown bareheaded, displaying her flowing hair. Her unkempt hair signifies her wild and disheveled nature, a common visual cue increasingly employed in the sixteenth century. There may also be suggestions of uncontrolled sexuality here, given that the witch is depicted as an aggressive virago, transgressing her proper female role…It seems as though the loose unbridled hair of the sexually dissolute had begun to be considered an appropriate visual cue for identifying the social and moral threat of witchcraft in the last decade of the fifteenth century.” Zika, Appearance, 21. 40 This assumes a correct catalogued publication date for the Hist edition, which is very possibly incorrect. Either way, this edition is certainly from the early period of De lamiis publishing, which only lasted for 20 years. 115

rubricated in the Huntington copy. The victimized male is smiling back at her, suggesting

a reciprocal relationship that is very from the disengaged facial expressions found in the

Prüss or Otmar woodcuts. Also, the Hist edition is unique in that the arrow is reversed.41

The Hist edition contains many of these minor distinctions, which do not necessarily

indicate an intent on the part of the publisher or formschneider to alter the image of the

witch, but may indicate a shifting cultural language of witchcraft. By the mid sixteenth

century the aggressive witch of the Hist edition is standard, while the asexual docile witch of the Prüss edition is completely absent. There are other variations in the woodcuts. The demon in woodcut five has hoofed feet, instead of claws, and many of the

images are backwards (two, three, four, and seven) suggesting that the formscheider was

looking at a printed copy of the book, rather than the blocks themselves. Each image in the Hist edition has a single border line, as opposed to the double border of the Otmar edition.

There are five early editions that have been attributed to Corenelius de

Zierickzee.42 Each contains variations from the other, but the largest is the different

41 “… [this woodcut] displays very clearly the reversal of the arrow and includes something attached to the shaft. The other versions of the woodcut, with the exception of the Zainer edition, have the witch shooting was looks like a splayed stick.” Zika, Appearance, 22. Footnote 35, page 239. 42 Zierikzee A copies consulted: Huntington Library (101198), Bayerische StaatsBilbiothek (4 Inc.s.a. 1299 g). Zierkizee B copies consulted: Pierpont-Morgan Library (ChL266), Huntington Library (92546). Zierkizee C copies consulted: Huntington Library (92547), University of Glasgow (An-y.13). Zierkizee D copies consulted: Bayerische StaatsBibliothek (4 Inc.s.a. 1299 b), Huntington Library (91561). Zierkizee E copies consulted: Universitäts und Landesbibliothek Bonn (Inc 548), Huntington Library (85406).

116

woodcut on the title page in edition B.

There are three possible situations to explain this: 1) Zierkizee published edition B, but chose to select a different woodcut to market a new edition in a potentially saturated market, 2) Zierkizee published edition B and was forced to change the title page woodcut because the block was no longer usable, and 3) a different publisher is responsible for the publication of edition B. The dates of

Cornelius de Zierikzee (d. 1516) set up his printing shop across from the Dominican Cloister, which is noted at the end of his edition that contains a colophon. He produced over 50 books in approximately ten years (1499-1509) on topics as various as poetry, theology, and witchcraft. Scott D. Westrem, Broader Horizons: A Study of Johannes Witte de Hese’s Itinerarius and Medieval Travel Narratives. (Cambridge: Medieval Academy Books, 2005). 117

each of these editions are also unclear. It is more logical to group them together based

upon their similar characteristics rather than attempt to distinguish one from another

based upon an arbitrary date.

There are several variables regarding these editions in particular that require

further explanation, namely, the number and placement of woodcuts, the type of woodcuts, historiated initials, printed signatures, and headlines. As a result of these elements, the five editions can be grouped differently, possibly suggesting different

publishers, or perhaps just different styles of publication from the same publisher. All

five editions have the same 22 leaves and the same gathering structure: A-B6, C4, D6. All

of the woodcuts, less the title page woodcut for edition B, are printed from the same

blocks. E, D, and C all contain eight woodcuts, though they fall on different pages.43

43 E: A1 recto, A3 verso, A5 verso, B2 recto, B3 verso, C1 recto, D2 recto, and D6 verso. D: A1 recto, A3 verso, A5 verso, B2 recto, C1 recto, D2 recto, D3 verso, and D6 verso. C: A1 recto, A3 verso, A5 verso, B2 recto, B3 verso, C1 recto, D2 recto, and D6 verso. Editions A and B contain seven woodcuts on the same pages: A1 recto, A3 verso, A5 verso, B2 recto, B3 verso, C1 recto, and D2 recto. 118

The title pages of each edition are unique in layout and content. Editions A, C, D, and E have the same woodcut on the title page: woodcut six, two witches surrounding a

cauldron, while edition B has a variation of the introductory woodcut from the Prüss

Latin edition. It is a mirror image and closely approximates Prüss’ block, suggesting the formschneider had access to the printed image while creating the block for the publisher.

The title pages of these editions are remarkable in their similarity.44 They all feature a larger Latin title; D is two lines of larger font and the rest are one larger line and between six additional lines of subtitle. All five have the same spelling of title as the Prüss Latin edition: De laniis et phytonicis mulieribus, suggesting a desire to copy the first edition.

The four editions that contain woodcut six use the same block, as evidenced by ink markings. They are the same block as woodcut six within the text. The woodcut for edition B is unique to that edition and does not appear in any other publication of De lamiis. Zierikzee must have commissioned new blocks based upon the Latin Prüss edition. Edition A has the simplest title page. There are no decorative borders or elaborate subtitles. It was the first to have a title page woodcut, obviating the need for further eye- catching devices. One could argue that this was the first of the Zierikzee editions as a result of the simple title page. Edition B is entirely different with regard to this woodcut, but the title has also been reset. The top line of the title is the same, but the bottom line utilizes abbreviations. Otherwise, it is spaced similarly to edition A without decorative borders or a longer subtitle. Edition D has a single decorative border with a dragon on the

44 Zierikzee editions A-E, from left to right, top to bottom. Copies held by the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek, the Pierpont-Morgan Library, the Huntington Library, the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek, and the Universitäts und Landesbibliothek Bonn. 119

bottom of the image in addition to a much longer subtitle. It is visually much different

from editions A and B. Edition E is stylistically similar to edition D, but only has one

larger line of type for the title. The bottom decorative border is also a bit larger, with a single owl and two birds. Edition C contains two decorative borders.45 The bottom border

is the same as edition E and the top border, while of different content, matches

stylistically. There is one larger line of font in the title and two shorter lines, much like

editions A and B. It is the most visually complex title page of the five editions.

A1 verso and A2 recto are, like the title pages, very similar, but also show distinct

differences. Editions A, B, C, and E are spaced for a hand drawn historiated initial,

though this occurs very rarely. This could coincide with the inexpensive nature of the

45 Decorative borders would have functioned as a page break, easing the reading process. 120

book. Buyers were likely content with the images as they were and would not have chosen to have the book rubricated. Edition

D contains printed historiated initials, which is uncommon in De lamiis 121

publishing.46 Generally, there is room for a hand-drawn historiated initial, sometimes with a printed guide letter. It is possible that this was stamped after printing at some point, but the additional border under the initial suggests that this was the intent on the part of the publisher during the printing process.47

All Zierikzee editions generally follow the layout of the first Prüss Latin edition,

though the introductory woodcut is located differently. The Prüss edition required a

potential buyer to pick up the book and at least flip the first page over in order to see the

first woodcut and dedicatory letter. Zierikzee removed this obstacle. The buyer would

have been visually captured without actively engaging with the rest of the book. They did not have to open the book to gain this information. They would have seen at least a basic title and woodcut, and perhaps even a longer subtitle. As the more ornate title pages can be associated with a different purpose, these editions mark a shift in the publication process from an officially sanctioned treatise to a commercial book.

In contrast to the A1 verso woodcut, the Zierikzee editions shift the A2 recto content over a page, providing two pages of text: the longer subtitle, the dedicatory letter, and the chapter outline. Editions A, B, C, and E have a simple one word “Epistola” under the subtitle, marking the dedicatory letter to Sigismund. Edition D has a longer explanation of the dedicatory letter, on one line. A, C, and D all have a printed paragraph mark next to the title of the dedicatory letter. Each edition begins with “Tractatus ad illustrissunum…” though some editions contain abbreviations to this subtitle. The first

46 Zierikzee editions D and E. Held by the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek and the Universitäts und Landesbibliothek Bonn. 47 Raymond Clemens and Timothy Graham, Introduction to Manuscript Studies. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2007). 122

line of edition D is larger than the rest, in a similar manner to the title page font. A, C,

and E all have printed paragraph markings on the first line of the subtitle. Edition E and

D are quite unique, in that they have running headers on both pages. On D, the verso carries the content of the page, which continues to the recto, which states the chapter.

This format continues throughout the text. On the first page is “Epistola Ulrici molitoris ad illustrssimū” and on the right is “ducē Austrie Sigismundū Capta pntis libri.” D is more simple in its running headers. A1 verso has just a larger font for the first line of the subtitle, and A2 recto presents the chapter title section: “Capitula presentis tractatus.” For the rest of the book the verso states the title of the book and the recto the chapter of the page.

The dedicatory letter, though set differently with a different abbreviation style and such, is a single block paragraph on two pages in each Zierkizee edtion. The letter concludes on A2 recto, where there is a space and then chapter titles, which are spaced 123

differently depending on edition. E and D have no blank line between the letter and the

chapter heading, though E has a larger chapter title section heading. A, B, and C all have

indented chapter titles without printed paragraph markings. The chapter headings for D

are not indented, but do have a printed paragraph marking, and E is not indented and is without printed paragraph markings. E also has printed chapter numbers for each chapter on the same line as the title after a small space. The first page of the first chapter, A2 verso, is quite different for each edition and is consistent with the style of the first three pages.48 Edition E is a single paragraph with the printed paragraph marking on the first

48 Zierikzee editions, A-E, left to right, top to bottom. 124

line, and a running header. Edition D has a running header, a large printed historiated 125 initial, and a larger chapter number in the middle of the page. Edition C, B, and A are all single paragraphs without distinctive markings. This format continues for the rest of the five editions.

Another notable element of the Zierikzee editions is that the woodcuts do not take up an entire page; they are printed with text. Zierikzee was more prudent than his predecessors in the use of paper. These books were likely cheaper to print due to the shorter length (22 leaves), allowing for a quicker turn around and requiring less capital.

De lamiis’ influence was due to the association of image and text, and the inclusion of a woodcut on the same page as text would have further solidified that association.

Edition D has an interesting error on B3 verso/B4 recto and D3 verso/D4 recto. They are switched.

D3/4 are meant to be chapter eleven, and B3 contains image woodcut four, which is completely out of place in chapter eleven. This is yet another indicator of the speed at which these editions were printed and sold. This is a larger error than a transposition of letters or numbers, yet is quite common in fifteenth century printing. Edition D is also the only edition that has an colophon, located on D6 recto: “Impressum Colonie 126

apud conuentum pdictarū / In de stolckgasse per me Corneliū de zyrichzee.” This statement of production allows us to place both the geographical location in Cologne, and the publisher as Zierikzee. It also indicates

an association with the Dominican

monastery, which was located across the 127

street from Zierikzee’s shop. Taken further,

it is possible to speculate that the rest of the

five editions may be attributed to Zierikzee

as well, given the similarity in format and

woodcuts; however, the lack of colophon in

the other four editions is odd. In addition,

each Zierikzee edition has the “amen”

printed in capital letters prior to the final

paragraph on the final page. The letters of

amen are widely spaced, and unclear to the

modern reader. They appear as ADEA.

The final woodcut in editions E, D, and

C is on D6 verso. E and C are woodcut three,

showing three witches riding on a stick, and D

is woodcut two, the archer witch.49 No other

edition of De lamiis contains an image on the final page. Edition E has the same format and

border as the title page, with the names of

Schatz, Sigismund, and Molitor above. Edition

B has the smaller border with the dragon, and

49 Zierikzee editions C, D, and E. Held by the Huntington Library, the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek, and Universitäts un Landesbibliothek Bonn. 128

the title above the woodcut. Edition C has both borders and the woodcut.

There is some historiographical debate regarding what the Zierikzee woodcuts are depicting. Zika is quite taken with the idea of a community of women in woodcut seven, though some of his interpretations are open to question.50 One wonders if the purpose of

woodcut seven is a stronger sense of evil than the Prüss or Otmar woodcuts. The grouping of women is certainly significant in the shift from a single female to group of

women, but it is possible that Zika is finding a different meaning than was intended.51

These images were one of the few contributing visual sources for sixteenth century

artists, but the artistic conventions of sexuality and witchcraft were largely changed by then. The suggestion that the Cologne editions, in particular, were more salacious or

immoral than the rest might be a bit far-fetched.

The printed signatures of each of the five Zierikzee editions are inconsistent and indicate a quick printing process. All five editions have different printed signatures.52

50 “It seems likely that these apparently innocent scenes of female conviviality were meant to convey stern warnings concerning the powerful tongue of witchcraft. The Cologne editions in particular, with the heavily underlined eyes of the female participants, convey a strong sense of evil. A sausage held up by a woman with a knife may also allude to the attested power of witches to castrate.” Zika, Appearance, 25. 51 “For the scene is of the women’s ‘pleasure’ – a site of unlicensed, sensual gratification out in the countryside, beyond the supervision of legitimate authority and outside the mastery of men. These intimations of female desire, in the context of food, drink and conviviality, may well have been the stimulus for the far more explicitly sexualized images of groups of witches created by artists such as Baldung and Altdorfer in the following decade.” Zika, Appearance, 25-6. 52 E is done in lower case letters and roman numerals for a3, b1, b3, c1, c2, c3, d1 and d2. D is done in upper case letters and roman numerals for A3, B1, B3, C1, D1, and D3. C is done in lower case letters and roman numerals for a3, b1, b3, c1, c3, d1, and d3. B is done in upper case letters and Roman numerals, with one error: A3, B1, B3, C1 (printed as C3), C2, D1, and D3. A is done in upper case letters and a mixture of roman and Arabic numerals: A3, B1, Ci, Ciii, Di, and Diii. 129

Clearly the printer, as well as the typesetter, meant to have these books printed as quickly

as possible, which is logical given the nature of De lamiis as a cheap work intended for any reader with basic literacy. This is also representative of fifteenth century publishing in general. It was generally not well regulated, with the result that publishers often wanted to get their books on the market as quickly as possible in order to recover their

investment.

The Zierikzee editions are perhaps the most useful in understanding how dynamic

early publishing was. They contain so many variations, yet convey the same information

and were likely printed in reasonably quick succession. Zierikzee was well aware of the commercial possibilities of this book and was the only early publisher to publish multiple editions in the same language.53 Not until Nicholas Basse’s editions of De lamiis in the seventeenth century do we see this kind of republication. The similarity of format between the five editions suggests that some of the sheets were perhaps borrowed from one edition to the next, but this is not the case. The spacing, use of abbreviations, and layout is at least slightly different for each edition. Zierikzee intentionally chose to reset these books at least five times (assuming he was the publisher of all five editions). These editions contain running headers, historiated initials, decorative borders, new woodcuts, more compact spacing of text and image, paragraph markings, manicules, etc. Zierikzee utilized every technique available to sell these books, and presumably did so successfully, considering that there are multiple editions. He was able to create innovative paratextual

53 Prüss published both a Latin and German edition. 130

information that enticed new readers, or, perhaps, readers who were already familiar with

Molitor’s book, but wanted a new design to the text, much in the same way a modern reader will buy an edition of a book he or she already

owns, due to innovative layout and

illustration.

The edition published in

1495 is attributed to Arnoldus de

Colonia of Leipzig, whose name is printed in a colophon on the final page of the text.54 It has 43 pages,

with quires of A8, B4, C-D6. It most closely approximates the editions by Zierikzee. One

could argue that Colonia copied the woodcuts from the Prüss editions, but the layout of

the text and proximity of Leipzig to Cologne suggest Zierikzee was the original publisher

of this style of edition. The title page, for instance, is nearly identical to edition A by

Zierikzee. Both texts maintain the spelling error of the first edition, and the Colonia

woodcut deviates only slightly from the Zierikzee illustration. The same ideas are

certainly conveyed to the reader. The additional paratextual content is also quite similar.

54 Copies consulted: Folger-Shakespeare Library, Herzog August Bibliothek. 131

There is room for a hand-drawn

historiated initial, and the dedicatory letter exists in a single paragraph. A2 recto contains the same style chapter outline as well, though the first begins on this page, rather than waiting until the verso to start a new section. There are minor variations in the layout and the illustrations are mirror images of the Zierikzee images, but the same general principle exists between the two editions. The largest deviation is the binding error in the Colonia edition. Quires B and C have been juxtaposed, creating a very different book. These kinds of errors were rather common, and likely existed on a copy

by copy basis, which is not representative for the edition as a whole nor was it the intention of the publisher.

Three Latin editions of De lamiis remain open to speculation regarding the publisher. One edition is attributed to Michael Furter or Johann Amerbach (edition A).55

55 Michael Furter was a publisher in Basel who specialized in books on grammar and theology, particularly illustrated editions. Benno Notter, Historisches Lexikon der Schweiz, 2005. 132

The Cambridge copy is assigned to Furter, and the Harvard copy is assigned to Amerbach

(though it states it is a “doubtful” Amerbach, and is generally assigned to Furter). The

Bibliothèque nationale de France copy lacks an assigned publisher. The second edition

(edition B), held by the Pierpont-Morgan Library, lacks a catalogued publisher, though it

states the place and date of publication as Basel in 1510.56 The third edition (edition C), a

digital copy in the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek is also attributed to Amerbach and is

stated to have been published in Basel after 1489.57 The only linking element between the three is that the woodblocks, when present, are the same. Editions A and C have a

Johann Amerbach (ca. 1440-1513) was a successful publisher in Basel. He was educated at the University of Paris and was largely influenced by Johann Heynlin, a professor of philosophy and theology who, along with Guillaume Fichet, established the first press in Paris. Auerbach formed an association with Johann Forben and Johann Petri and, between the three publishers, they were able to gain access to markets in Hungary Bohemia, Poland, Venice, Germany, France, and the Low Countries. Halporn, Barbara C., The Correspondence of Johann Amerbach: Early Printing in its Social Context. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2000), 10.

Copies consulted: Bibliothèque nationale de France (Res-R-1460), Harvard (HOLLIS 009565371), and Cambridge (I. 3. 64). 56 Call number E2 48 A 57 Call number GW M25156. This copy is allegedly held at the Bibliothek Otto Schäfer (call number OS 0136), though I was unable to confirm that via the library’s direct catalogue. 133

complete set of woodcuts, while

edition B has woodcut six on the

title page and woodcut four on the verso of the last page.58 Through the use of woodcuts it is possible to reasonably speculate that editions A and B were published by Amerbach and that Furter published C.

Edition A contains 30 leaves in gatherings a-c8, d6. The

title page is in Latin without a

German subtitle: “De laniis et

phitonicis mulieribus.”59 The

spelling of the title varies widely between editions of De lamiis. A2 recto and verso are

perhaps the most significant of the edition A, as they mark the change in introductory

woodcuts, which is maintained throughout the rest of the early printed editions.

Beginning with this edition, woodcut six, two witches surrounding a cauldron, becomes

the introductory woodcut and is repeated in the text. This makes the 1489 Cornell Prüss

copy even more interesting. The removal of woodcut six is an incredibly strange variation

in that copy, given that woodcut six is the most popular image in the book.

58 A1 verso, B10 verso. 59 Furter edition A, held by Harvard University. 134

The Furter/Amerbach blocks are close approximations of the early woodcuts and were likely copied from the Prüss and/or Otmar blocks. They maintain a strong adherence to the originals. Edition A has printed manicules after the dedicatory letter, but there are variations in font size from the other Latin editions. The title on A2 recto and the title of the dedicatory letter are the same size as the body font, yet the chapter headings are just slightly larger than the body font. Both of these changes mark a shift, as the other early editions maintain either larger chapter titles and section titles, or all are smaller. Edition

A mixes typographical conventions. The printed signatures are done in Arabic numerals below the last line of print, with lower case letters for the first half of each gathering. The spacing between letters is larger, as is the spacing between lines, so woodcuts are located on A2 verso, A5 recto, A8 verso, B3 recto, B6 verso, C2 recto, and D1 verso.

Edition B has a title page with the same spelling of De laniis, over two lines, above woodcut six.60 It is the same block as edition A, though the edges have been removed. Each page has guide lines for spacing, reminiscent of manuscript tradition. The

60 Edition B, held by the Pierpont-Morgan library. 135

verso of A1 is quite similar to the Zierikzee

editions. There is a paragraph marking with

the longer subtitle, all in the same font size, with another paragraph marking and the word

Epistola. There is room for a hand-drawn historiated initial. The dedicatory letter follows in a single block paragraph until half- way down A2 recto, where the chapter headings are listed with paragraph marking.

No indentions exist for the chapter headings.

The chapter title for chapter one is on the bottom of A2 recto, rather than the next page, as is common for the early editions. The gathering structure for edition B is quite odd, as it only contains two quires.61 This edition contains many abbreviations, which,

coupled with the lack of illustrations, accounts for the shortness of the book at only 18 leaves.

The title page for edition C begins with a simple Latin title: “Tractatus per vtilis de phitonicis mulieribus,” which is followed by woodcut six.62 It is the same block as

61 Quire A is marked on A2, A3, and A4 in lower case letters and roman numerals. Quire B is marked on B1, B2, B3, B4, and B5. B3 and 5 are in lower case letters and Arabic numerals; B1, 2, and 3 are in lower case letters and roman numerals. 62 Edition C, held by the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek. 136

edition A. The signature markings are

inconsistent as well, with a mixture of

roman and Arabic numerals, and lower

case letters.63 The use of woodcuts on

back to back pages, particularly on the

title page, is unique to this edition. A2

recto has a printed paragraph marking, a

longer subtitle, Epistola without a

paragraph marking, and a printed

historiated initial. The dedicatory letter is

a single block paragraph, until the

chapter title section of the next page, which is done with paragraph markings and without indentation. It is spaced very closely with many abbreviations, culminating in chapter one beginning at the bottom of the page.

63 A3, the first printed signature is done with the roman numerals first and the letter second. B1 lacks a number, B2 is a roman numeral, B3 is an Arabic numeral, C lacks a number, and C3 is printed with an Arabic numeral in the final line of the page. D1 lacks a number as well. Woodcuts are located on A4 recto, A6 recto, B2 verso, B4 recto, C1 verso, and C6 recto in the order of the earlier editions, less the title page recto and verso woodcuts. The verso of the title page is woodcut five. 137

Four lines of the chapter fit onto the page

with the title. There are occasionally

printed manicules throughout the text,

though not with the frequency of other editions.

From the descriptive bibliography of these three editions one could speculate that either these editions were all published by the same publisher, or that editions A and C were published by the same publisher, and the woodblocks were sold or borrowed by another publisher, who cut them down, perhaps as a requirement of the transfer of the blocks. Both Furter and Amerbach were located in Basel, making the transfer a logical possibility; however, the similarity in typesetting suggests a common publisher to all three.

There are two early Latin editions that do not fit the convention of early De lamiis publishing, in that they are published with another text and contain no illustrations.64 This

is the only way that De lamiis is published by the seventeenth century, but it is quite

strange for the fifteenth century. Only one has been catalogued in the historiography, but

there are two clearly distinct editions, likely from the same publisher, Georg Mittelhus of

64 Mittelhus editions A and B, held by Cornell University. 138

Paris.65 Mittelhus was born in

Strasbourg, but moved to Paris to establish his publishing shop.66 Later

editions of De lamiis were frequently

published in France, but it is less

common to find earlier editions printed

there. Mittelhus may have been aware

of De lamiis in his native city and

chose to publish the first edition of the text in Paris, cornering an untapped market.

Both editions were printed in 32 leaves, a-d8. De lamiis takes up the

majority of the text, through D3 recto. There are printed signatures on A2, B1, B2, C2,

D1, and D2, in lower case letters and roman numerals. The title pages are plain Latin text

without decorative additions or woodcuts.67 There are several minor variations in the

65 Edition A copies consulted: Cornell University (call number Witchcraft tiny BF 1569 A2 M72 1500). Edition B copies consulted: Cornell University (call number Witchcraft BF 1569. A2 M72 1500b tiny), Wellcome Library (call number 3 a 9), Bibliotheque nationale de France (call number D-13233 (4)). 66 Maximilian von Habsburg, Catholic and Protestant Translations of the Imitatio Christi, 1425–1650: From Late Medieval Classic to Early Modern Bestseller. (London: Ashgate, 2011), 67. 67 “Tractatus utilis et necessarius perviā dylagoi ymmo trilogy. De phitonicis mulieribus. Unacuz quodā puo tractatulo doctissimi t acutissimi in sacra pagina doctor[is] Johānis de gersono cancellarii parisiensis De probatione spirituum.” 139

layout of the type and spelling between the two editions, though these are not significant

in the presentation of the text. After the title the chapter outline begins, which continues

onto the verso of the page.

Mittelhus altered the order of the paratextual information and placed the chapter

outline before the dedicatory letter, which begins on A2 recto. A larger line of type for the first line of the subtitle opens the page.68 The epistola follows, with room for a hand-

drawn historiated initial and then the dedicatory letter in the same single paragraph as

previous editions. Edition A is printed more carefully than edition B, increasing

legibility. Edition A also contains a guide letter. Both editions have running headers

beginning on A1 verso. The running headers for the paratext are Tabula for the verso, and

Epistola for the recto. Once the body text begins, both pages are just the chapter and

number.

Mittelhus’ edition is a publication of both De lamiis and Jean Gerson’s De

probatione spirituum. Gerson was a prominent French scholar involved in the Council of

Constance.69 The inclusion of his treatise would have made Molitor’s book more palatable to a French audience. Gerson’s work is also included in anthologies including

De lamiis from the seventeenth century, further demonstrating the amalgamation of traditional and contemporary treatises that eventually became part of the canon of printed witchcraft materials. Once De lamiis ends at D3 recto, Gersono’s work begins on the

verso, taking up only eleven pages. The format of its printing is consistent with De

68 Mittelhus, edition B, held by Cornell University. 69 Daniel Hobbins, Authorship and Publicity Before Print: Jean Gerson and the Transformation of Late Medieval Learning. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013). 140

lamiis. The text ends on D7 verso with a restatement of the contents.70 These editions are

quite small, at only 14 centimeters.

The final two editions from the early printing period of De lamiis are both held by the Bayerische

StaatsBibliothek.71 Both were published

in 1508 in Augsburg by Johann Otmar,

as evidenced by an imprint on the final page: “Gedruckt zu Augspurg durch

maister Hanßen Otmar in dem. 1.5.0.8.

jar. Als bald nach Bartholomei des

hailligen zwelfpotten [tag].”72 They are

longer than the earlier Otmar editions, at

36 leaves: A-C8, D-E6. The title page is a simple German title in gothic scrip.73 The verso

70 “Explicit tractat9 de laniis t phitonicis mulierib9 vna cū tractatus de pbatiō e spūuzvenetrabilis mgri iohānis de gersono cācellarii pissēsis.” 71 Call numbers Res/4 H.g.hum. 16 o, and Res/4 P.lat. 656#Beibd.10. Jörg Mauz used edition A as the foundation for his transcription in Ulrich Molitoris Schriften. Verlag am Hockgraben, Konstanz, 1997. 72 “tag” exists in edition A only. 73 Otmar German edition B. Both editions held by the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek. 141

of the page is the original introductory woodcut of the Otmar Latin edition, with a decorative border on the side.74 Otmar maintains this method throughout the book. The images are the same as the Latin edition, but they have clearly been worn and have some variation, likely a modification due to damage.75 Woodcuts are located on A1 verso, A5 recto, A7 recto, B3 recto, B5 verso, C4 recto, and D4 recto, in the original order.

The content also follows his original Latin edition. A2 follows the same format.

The font of the German edition is larger, resulting in the longer text. The only difference between the Latin and German with regard to content in the paratextual material is the

inclusion of “printed in German and Latin” in the longer subtitle. The printed signatures

74 Otmar edition B. 75 Otmar German edition B and first Latin edition. 142

are consistent, and lack the unsystematic

nature of other editions. They are all lower case letters and roman numerals,

printed on the first half of the pages of

each gathering, less the title page. There are two significant deviations from the

Latin edition: the use of paragraph markings to indicate a new speaker, and the format of the woodcuts. Otmar chose not to use manicules for new speakers.

Each woodcut is placed on the page with text. Generally, this is with the title of the chapter each woodcut initiates, but sometimes the previous chapter ends of the page of the woodcut as well.76 Each chapter is a continuous block of text in a single paragraph.

This continues through the end of the text, which is completed in a manner that also fits

the Latin edition, with one variation. Otmar selected Arabic numerals for the dates of the

text, 1489 and 1508.

There is the issue of the definition of edition in these two Otmar publications. The

1489 Prüss copies contain different woodcuts on C1 recto, though I would argue that

each of the three copies represents a single edition. The change in woodcut was probably

a result of a borrowed woodblock or damaged woodblock. The 1508 Otmar editions are

76 Otmar, German edition B. 143

more complicated. The two editions are nearly identical, but edition A has an additional

‘tag’ on the final page. Otherwise the books are identical. This could have been changed in the middle of a print run, or these could be two separate editions. Without additional copies of this edition it is impossible to make definitive statements about many of the early editions.

The first period of De lamiis printing was by far the most productive. Molitor’s death in 1507 appropriately marks the end. These 18 editions were highly variable in their formatting and layout, but were quite consistent with regard to content. Issues of early modern intellectual property, or lack thereof, complicates the way these books were printed. Privileges were not issued in the fifteenth century in areas where De lamiis was

printed, allowing publishers a great deal of flexibility in how they chose to present the

book to the public. One can see the publisher’s interest is a quick printing process

through the errors in individual copies and editions. The Cologne editions by Zierikzee

especially demonstrate the importance of minor variations when marketing new editions

to the public. It is simply a wonder that so many editions were published in such a short

period of time. Clearly this book was incredibly popular, creating interest among both

publishers and readers alike.

!143 Chapter Four: Innovation, 1544-1576

The second period of De lamiis publishing includes six editions from 1544 to

1576. Five of these were published in German, with the 1561 Parisian edition becoming the sole Latin publication of De lamiis in over 32 years. These editions are unique, most notably in the shift in imagery and content. While the early editions of De lamiis were variable in their presentation, the content remained largely static. The middle period of

De lamiis publishing was, in contrast, highly dynamic. By the 1575 edition, entirely new sections were added. They barely resemble the early Latin editions and, what is more, were intended to be read in new ways, creating a different experience for the reader. By the middle of the sixteenth century, witchcraft ideology had been largely determined.1

The images of Hans Baldung, Albrecht Dürer, and Albrecht Altdorfer, among others, solidified the archetypes of witches that were still being created in the early editions. De lamiis had to be reinvented to remain functional within a new era of witchcraft ideology.

There are no surviving editions of De lamiis from approximately 1509 to 1544.

Given the number of editions published between 1489 and 1508, this absence seems odd.

Perhaps the market was saturated and copies were still being resold. Because the fifteenth century saw comparatively few witchcraft trials, the lack of publication of this text during

1 One could argue that the details of witchcraft activity were established by the turn of the sixteenth century. The publications of Johannes Nider, the Malleus, and De lamiis articulated the two most important elements of early modern witchcraft theory: maleficia and a pact with the devil. Areas that included both saw much higher levels of witchcraft prosecution than areas that based witchcraft activity only on maleficia. Visual representations were not standardized until the early to mid sixteenth century, however. Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, 2nd ed. (London and New York: Longman, 1987).

!144 much of the sixteenth century may be due to a preoccupation with the administration of the topics referenced in fifteenth-century manuals.2 Alternatively, there were significant historical reasons that could explain the dearth of surviving copies, such as the Protestant

Reformation. Publishers were preoccupied with producing materials dealing with the religious controversy, decreasing the production of other texts. The Malleus also experienced a break in publication (1524-1574), though those dates correspond more logically with the Reformation than do the dates for De lamiis.3 The Malleus still saw editions in 1511, 1512, 1519, and 1523 in both Paris and Lyon. The lack of De lamiis editions immediately prior to the Reformation is odd if the Reformation is the only reason why the Malleus was not published for a long period of time.4 Once it was re-published in 1544, in German, De lamiis underwent consistent publication through 1620; however, the Malleus was not published again until 1574. This can be explained by the reasons

2 “After this initial period of popularity, the work was not reprinted for two generations, and while it is not easy to give reasons for why people failed to do something, a reasonable conjecture is that the authorities who would otherwise be involved in the persecution of witches were occupied with the convulsions that swept Europe as a result of the Reformation. Certainly it was during this very period that the French demonologist Jean Bodin complained bitterly about the failure of the government to carry out its duty in this regard.” Mackay, 171.

3 The Malleus went through 28 editions from 1486/7 and 1669. They are as follows: Speyer: 1486/7, 1490/1, 1494; Nuremberg: 1494, 1496, 1519, 1520; Cologne: 1494, 1511; Metz: 1508/11; Paris: 1512, 1523; Lyon: 1519; Venice: 1574, 1576; Frankfurt am Main: 1580, 1582, 1588, 1600; Lyons: 1584, 1595, 1604, 1614 (twice), 1615, 1620, and 1669. Charles Mackay, “Introduction,” in his translation of the Malleus Maleficarum. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 170-171.

4 Printing increased dramatically in the early 1520s, as publishers produced works about Martin Luther. Censorship of these books was initially quite limited. Brady, 153.

!145 early editions of De lamiis was so popular: it was cheap and accessible, while the Malleus was not.

From a bibliographic perspective, the editions in the second and third periods of De lamiis publishing are much easier to analyze, as they contain printed information regarding the publication date and the publisher. The two editions attributed to Jacob

Cammerlander have printed dates of

1544 and 1545 on the title page.5

They contain only minor variations

5 Cammerlander was born in Mainz and arrested for writing about Luther. Once he was released, he had to sign a truce and moved to Strasbourg. Here he opened his printing shop, which specialized in translations of older books that were illustrated. Jakob Vielfeld, from Mainz, was largely responsible for Cammerlander’s translations and often changed the content of the books considerably. Benzing, Josef, "Cammerlander, Jakob" in: Neue Deutsche Biographie 3 (1957), S. 108 f. [Onlinefassung]; URL: http:// www.deutsche-biographie.de/ppn102176078.html.

Copies consulted: Harvard (6211946 – miscataloged as 1544, actually 1545), UC Berkeley (KBR 3646. M65 1545), Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel (H: T 483.4 Helmst. (38)), the Wellcome Library (4385/B), Cornell University (BF 1569. A2 M72 1545), University of Glasgow (Ag-c.8). The only surviving copy from the 1544 edition is from the University of Glasgow, suggesting either a larger print run for the 1545 edition, likely due to proven commercial success of Cammerlander’s first edition, or a simple lack of surviving copies from 1544.

!146 from one another. The 1544 edition is entirely different from the earlier editions, in both content and layout. The title page is remarkably different.6 From a stylistic perspective, it fits well within sixteenth-century publication convention, with a decreasing number of letters per line, a decorative border, and rather generic woodcut.7

Cammerlander altered the title to Hexen Meysterei, or Mastery of Witchcraft. This title is much broader and enticing than the original. He provided a great deal of additional information as well. The 1544 edition states,

The noble princes, Duke Sigmund of Austria with Dr. Ulrich Molitoris and Mr. Cunrad Schatz, presently Lord Mayor of Constance (Konstanz), conduct a pleasing and erudite conversation about fiends and monstrous fiendishness and related wicked wenches, hail, storms, and other related calamities which might befall people. Also, they will discuss other witchcraft related subjects, where they come from and how we might best approach them. And lastly, what legal means of reproach there might be, making reference to more examples of such as we have before us today, without which no judgment can be made; this is important and necessary for all magistrates and authorities to know.8

Cammerlander provided a clearly defined summary of the contents and significance of the text for a potential reader. De lamiis had not been printed in about 36 years, and the

6 Photographs of the 1544 Cammerlander edition taken from the University of Glasgow holdings.

7 Repeated twice in the text: title page and C3 verso, immediately after the chapter heading for chapter five.

8 Hexen Meysterey. Dess hochgenbornen Fürsten, Hertzog Sigmunds von Osterreich mit D. Ulrich Molitoris und Herr Cunrad Schatz, weilandt Burgermeister zü costentz, ein schön gesprech von den onholden, ob die selben bösen wyber, hagel, reiffen, un ander ongefell, den menschen züschaden, machen können. Auch sunst ihrem gantzen hexen handel, waher der kumpt, und was dauon zühalten sey, und züm letsten, das sie auss R. rechten abzüthun seyen, and c. Weitleuffiger mit mer exempeln der alten, dann vor nie kains aussgangen. nottwendig und nutz aller obergkeyt züwissen.

!147 last edition in Strasbourg was by Prüss in the late fifteenth century. Cammerlander needed to reintroduce Molitor’s book to potential readers. The information on the title page would have provided the necessary introductory material to an unfamiliar audience.

One could argue that the title page for the 1544 edition indicates that De lamiis was intended to be read as a commercial book, rather than a legal or theological treatise.

It is certainly marketed that way. As this was the first edition in many years,

Cammerlander had the opportunity to completely re-envision Molitor’s book without having to address previous publishers or the author. To this end, he completely changed both the woodcuts and the chapter divisions of the text. Rather than adhere to the original twelve chapters, Cammerlander, or Vielfeld, chose to edit the work into eight original chapters and eight additional chapters, which function as Molitor’s verdict for the original eight questions. In the early editions of the text, the final four chapters manage to address the vagueness of the first eight chapters, but Cammerlander does this in a much more organized fashion. This format is unique to his editions and shift back to the original structure for the 1561, 1575 and 1576 editions. Cammerlander was not interested in adhering closely to the original text. He chose to market a largely new book, with strong associations to the original.

Both Cammerlander editions have the same gathering structure, A-H4, and have printed signatures in upper case letters and roman numerals on the first three pages of each gathering. Both editions also have catch words, though the location of these words changes between editions. After the title page there is the dedicatory letter, self-contained

!148 on A1 verso and A2 recto. A2 verso marks the chapter outline, and the chapter one begins on A3 recto. Perhaps the greatest change Cammerlander incorporates into his editions is the use of completely new woodcuts. After the title of chapter one in larger font, there is a small woodcut, taking up only about 25 percent of the page. This woodcut is repeated four times throughout the text.9

The reuse of woodblocks would have lowered production costs and created continuity throughout the book.

By 1544 we see an entirely different image of the witch. While the early editions lack the salacious content of modern witchcraft imagery, those of the sixteenth century portray the witch as being highly sexualized. The six anthropomorphized figures in the woodcut discussed above are men and women, all of whom are nude. There are variations of how human these individual appear to be. One has a face clearly defined as a cat, while the others exist in a liminal state between human and animal. The cauldron is generally the same as earlier imagery, but a significant addition is apparent: the cat.

9 A3 recto, immediately after the chapter heading for chapter one; B3 recto, immediately after the chapter heading for chapter four; E2 verso, immediately after the chapter heading for chapter nine; and F4 verso, immediately after the chapter heading for chapter eleven.

!149 Given the prominence of cats in witchcraft in the modern era, one would assume that they would have been included from the Middle Ages; however, it is not until the sixteenth century that cats are frequently included visually.

Cats have represented a variety of superstitious beliefs, stemming from medieval folkloric tales. Guillaume d’Auvergne stated that they devil could appear in the form of a cat and Martin Lefranc illustrated cats as associates of witches in Le Champion Des

Dames (printed in 1485).10 Cats were thought to assist in deeds of maleficia or help with travel to the witches’ sabbat. Often they would emit a satanic noise in the process.11 It is unclear why Cammerlander chose to include cats in his woodcut, but the convention of associating cats with witchcraft was firmly established by the time he published his 1544

De lamiis. Perhaps he was utilizing a well-known component of witchcraft to further the visual representation of witchcraft to interest readers.

In addition to the title page woodcut and the woodcut of witches surrounding a cauldron with a cat, the 1544 edition offers six woodcuts based upon the original six woodcuts of De lamiis. Even though Cammerlander was producing a new edition of the book, complete with an entirely different content organization, the power of tradition in print kept him from changing the content of the woodcuts. The first two, located on A4

10Laurence Bobis, Le chat. Histoire et légende. (Paris: Fayard, 2000), 198.

Bobis, 216.

11 The German word for charivari is katzenmusik, suggesting an association between the ritual of music revelry and the howls of tortured cats. Robert Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History. (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 103.

!150

verso, replicate the first two images of the early editions. The first is a clerical member, likely the Bishop in this case. The second is the archer witch. The witch is shooting an arrow at a man with interesting facial features. These two woodcuts are small and take up less than half the page. They are not intended to be the focal point of the text. In the margin of the page there is a brief suggestion for how to undo the maleficia described in the chapter: “If you have eaten softened salt, and have washed yourself with softened water, so you will be sure to be cured of the evil witch’s doings.” Arguably the printed marginalia would have attracted the reader’s eye as much as the image. As such, it made the text readable in a different way. The early editions were meant to be read for informational purposes on a larger scale (how and why witches did what they did). By contrast, the 1544 edition was a personal book meant for personal use. The reader could

!151 flip through it to find anecdotal information for a variety of witchcraft problems. By

1544, the details about what witches actually did was not a pending social concern. The

literature was already produced and trials were well underway. Instead, readers were able to purchase books with specific solutions to witchcraft problems.

The second set of images, located on C2 recto, are variations of woodcuts three and four. While the first set of woodcuts do not deviate much from the content of the early editions, woodcuts three and four suggest something rather different from the originals. Woodcut four was initially a witch riding on an enchanted wolf, but by 1544 the wolf had become a backwards cat.12 By the 1544 edition riding does become a central

12 “This lack of specificity seems to suggest that the critical element in the imagining and representing of the witch in this period was the act of riding.” Zika, Moral Order, 132.

!152 tenet of the text. The choice of cat, rather than wolf, could demonstrate the same influence of feline counterparts as the second woodcut in the 1544 edition.

Cammerlander chose to visually associate cats with witchcraft in one image. The inclusion of cats in this woodcut follows this trajectory. Zika’s inversion of moral order is reminiscent of Durer’s Witch Riding Backwards on a Goat, which is often cited in the scholarship as a reversal and subversion of social principles. This is not a calm ride through the countryside on a wolf; Cammerlander’s witch and cat are energized and wild.

The variation on woodcut three is also quite distinct. The original image depicts three enchanted beings on a forked stick, but the 1544 woodcut shows just two individuals. The demonic figure is carrying the witch away with force. Zika also places this woodcut in the category of the wild ride. The witch’s ankles are bare and there is a clear message that they are headed to a witches’ sabbat.13 The early versions of this woodcut depict three individuals who are either witches themselves, or have been transformed into animals by witches. This woodcut is rather different. Regardless of the wild ride, this image is no longer clearly representing a transformation. The witch is completely human and the demonic figure could simply be a demon. He does not necessarily represent a transformed victim. On the contrary, he appears to be directing the action of the image, rather than acting as the passive victim.

13 “Witches ride out on such oiled sticks to their ‘pleasure’…as her dress slips up her calves to suggest moral dishevelment, an aggressive male devil embraces and transports her in the very same action.” Zika, Appearance, 120.

!153

Woodcuts five and six, located on C4 verso, follow the format of the previous woodcuts in this edition. They are small and are placed between the title of chapter six and the body of the text. The witch embraced by a demon is much less intimate than previous versions of this image. The demon looks like a human, with a single deviation of clawed feet. He has no tail and his face does not indicate any demonic possession. One could conclude that the demon is more human and less threatening than it is in the woodcuts in previous editions, but the demons in other woodcuts of the 1544 edition suggest an equally treacherous demon. Perhaps this image was meant to suggest the imminence of witchcraft. Anyone could be a witch. The witch and demon touch only by the hands and a shoulder. Less the demons feet, this image could represent an infinite number of acceptable social situations in the sixteenth century. The witches surrounding a

!154 cauldron is also rather neutral. There are no specific animals being placed into the cauldron. This image, perhaps more than the rest, demonstrates the weight of tradition in publishing. Cammerlander is not demonstrating anything new here, but he includes the woodcut because it was in the early editions of the text.

The images, given their content, size, and placement, were likely not the focal point of this edition. Cammerlander included woodcuts because they were a prominent element of the earlier editions, and were entertaining. By Cammerlander’s 1544 editions,

De lamiis had become a commercial publication. In the fifteenth century, the content of the book was a serious discourse on witchcraft, presented in an accessible way. The woodcuts and layout made it more attractive to the lay reader, but the text was intended to be a discussion of serious issues. By 1544 this was no longer the case. Cammerlander presented his editions of the book in such a way that they were clearly commercial products for entertainment, or for those merely curious about the subject. The new chapter format was more comprehensible, as the legal and theological discussion had already largely taken place. Cammerlander did not need to work through a complicated set of variables; he simply provided a highly understandable version of Molitor’s book.

The change in illustrations is perhaps the most striking shift in these editions. While the early editions were a dialogue between image and text, with images reinforcing the issues within each chapter, the Cammerlander woodcuts are not strategically placed for enhancing understanding of the text. They entertain. The sensational nature of the individuals involved fit well within other images of fifteenth-century witches. Like the

!155 Cologne editions published by Zierikzee, Cammerlander created several minor variations between his editions. This would function as a way to maintain reader interest in a potentially saturated market. Recreating the same edition a year later would not function well as a way to garner additional interest from readers who would have been familiar with Molitor’s work. His editions completely reconstructed the way De lamiis functioned in a new contextual environment.

The 1561 edition, attributed to Giles Corrozet, survives in multiple copies.14 It is one of the more widely held editions of Molitor’s book. It is not illustrated, which is odd given Corrozet’s predilection for publishing emblem books. The format of this edition matches

14 Corrozet (1510-1568) was an author who became a publisher in order to publish his own books. In the process he also published various classics. He is well-known for emblem books, particularly and his own Hecatomgraphie, published by Denis Janot (1540).

Copies consulted: Bibliotheque nationale de France (R – 44197), Cornell University (BF 1569 A2 M72 1561), University of Glasgow (Aq-e.61), Stanford University (BF1565.M75 1561), Cornell University (BF 1569. A2 M72 1561 tiny).

!156 the early editions of De lamiis. The book is in Latin, and has a standard title page for

1561.15 Corrozet chose not to use the gothic script of previous editions, and selected instead a highly readable roman font. The title is concise and clear: “Tractatus De lamiis et pythonicis, autore Ulrico Molitore Constantiensi, ad Sigismndum Archiducem

Austriae, anno 1489.” His imprint follows: “Parisiis, Apud Aegidium Corrozet, in aula

Palatij Regis Iuxta cameram Consultationum. 1561.” By 1561 publishers in Paris were required to hold a legal right to publish a book, which Corrozet had. The statement of

privilege was, if not a

requirement, quite common by the

sixteenth century, as it would hold

an official status of authority.16

The format of the 1561

edition is quite different from the

early editions and, like the

Cammerlander editions, fits well

within De lamiis’ publishing

history. While the Cammerlander

editions were representative of

German publishing in Strasbourg,

15 Photographs of the 1561 Corrozet edition taken from Cornell University holdings.

16 Jane McLeod, Licensing Loyalty: Printers, Patrons, and the State in Early Modern France. (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2011).

!157 the Corrozet edition is representative of Parisian publishing of the mid sixteenth century, due to its stylistic qualities. An octavo with 40 leaves, it is long for De lamiis, and has a gathering structure of A-E8. It is a small book, at only 18 cm. The verso of the title page is blank and A2 recto begins the longer subtitle (in italic script), Epistola, and the beginning of the dedicatory letter. There is an elaborate printed historiated initial. The general structure of the text remains intact. After the dedicatory letter there is a chapter outline, which is entirely in italic script. The text begins on A4 recto. Each name within the text is in italic script as well.

There are a few unique typographical elements in the 1561 edition that were not used in previous editions: italic script, dashes for words that continue onto the next line, page numbers, and frequent use of printed marginalia. The use of italic script was quite common by the mid sixteenth century, particularly in French publishing. By contrast,

German publishing clung to gothic font long after other publishing centers had abandoned this script, due to changing reading preferences of readers and publishers. The use of typeface as a marketing technique in both texts is worth considering, as the choice between a traditional heavy Gothic or Black letter type and a softer roman typeface would have radically altered the visual state of the page. Here location was the critical element in determining which typeface to use. In Italy the publisher aimed to imitate humanist script, so a softer font was favored. This lasted until italics were invented by

Aldus Manutius at the turn of the sixteenth century, and the humanist tendency towards round script that took less space to print prevailed. Initially German printers attempted to

!158 imitate local scripts as they traveled throughout Europe, teaching their craft to other regions until the 1480s.17 After this, the regional styles began to disappear, eventually generalizing the way print was used. Humanist writings favored a roman font whereas black letter was still “beloved of theologians and university professors.”18 While this new font was well liked, “only a few books before 1480 were in roman, and in Germany, for example, only ten roman founts are known before that date.”19 Overproduction resulted from the initial trend of printing in a roman type, and after the market became saturated, the new method scaled back. By the turn of the century, when Aldus Manutius offered his economical italic font (1501), the printing industry had returned to more humanistic publishing. The two continued to be linked. While the rest of Europe participated in the development of the humanist tradition via printing in a roman font, Germany remained alone in its printing approaches. As Febvre notes, “but if [Roman type] was quickly adopted for the publication of vernacular texts in Italy, and then, after much resistance, in

France and Spain, and eventually in England, it never completely won over readers in the

Germanic countries.”20 Here, most texts, particularly those in the vernacular, continued to be printed in the traditional black letter format. This technique would have altered the way these texts were marketed based upon the intended audience. If the book was

17 Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing 1450-1800 (London: NLB, 1976), 80.

18 Febvre and Martin, 78.

19 Febvre and Martin, 81.

20 Febvre and Martin, 83.

!159 intended for an educated elite, a roman font was likely used, but if the masses were the target, a gothic typeface would have been preferred. Thus, according to Febvre and

Martin, “Luther, whose first works were printed in roman, reverted to the national type face when he wanted to reach the mass of his compatriots.”21 Uniform printing methods took many years to cross the regional boundaries that initiated stylistic differences.

Mittelhus, the other Parisian publisher of De lamiis, chose gothic script for his edition of Molitor’s book. A citizen of Strasbourg, his publications demonstrate German printing tendencies. Alternatively, the earlier publication date for his edition of De lamiis suggests that roman font had not yet gained the dominance that it did by the mid sixteenth century. Corrozet’s selection of humanist script, and italic font on occasion, mark a change in the way sixteenth-century publishing functioned. De lamiis was no longer masquerading as a book for specialists. By 1561 the format matched the content of the book as appropriate for all audiences. Oddly enough, this is the edition that eliminates illustrations. If the book was intended for a general audience, one could conclude that illustrations would be a logical inclusion. The absence of the images in the same edition that shifts to roman script does not necessarily match. By the mid sixteenth century, literacy rates were much higher than they were in the incunabular period, which altered the way books were presented to readers. The pictures were necessary when people

21 Febvre and Martin, 81.

!160 needed greater assistance understanding the text, but, when they were able to read the text without that assistance, publishers began eliminating illustrations from their books.22

The text of previous editions was also justified in both margins, but the use of dashes for words that continue onto the next line adds an expectation and level of comfort to the reader; the text flows more organically. The roman script added ease for the reader, and the use of additional sorts would have also contributed to a more comfortable reading process, particularly for the private reader. While public reading may have been standard practice in the fifteenth century, by the mid sixteenth century silent reading was a more established practice. The printed additions to the 1561 edition would have assisted in this practice.23 The printed marginalia in Corrozet’s edition facilitated private reading.

Generally, they are markings designed to note a reference used within the text. These kinds of markings would have been out of place in the earlier editions of De lamiis.

This is the first edition of De lamiis to be paginated. Previous editions had only signature marks, which were often inconsistently printed. The 1561 edition has both printed signature marks and page numbers. The signatures are printed on the first half of each gathering in upper case letters and roman numerals. The last roman numeral is always a j, with a preceding set of i. The page numbers are on the recto of each page and increase appropriately until page 32, which is marked as 23. This is probably the most

22 “Pictures were needed when literacy was low. As more people learned to read, the number of illustrated books was substantially reduced.” Chrisman, 106.

23 Paul Saenger, Space Between Words: The Origins of Silent Reading. (Redwood City: Stanford University Press, 1997).

!161 common typesetting error of the early modern period. 33, and all subsequent pages are marked correctly. Page numbers aid the reader in moving back and forth between sections of the text. They are intended for the reader, not the person responsible for collation. The inclusion of printed page numbers places control of the reading experience in the hands of the reader. The publisher is no longer responsible for dictating how the book is meant to be experienced. The reader can engage with it as he or she likes.

Two editions of De lamiis (1575 and 1576) are attributed to Christian Müller.24

These editions are, like all six editions from the middle period of De lamiis publishing,

24 Also known as Christian Mylius. The Mylius press was one of the most prominent presses in sixteenth-century Strasbourg. Established in 1536 by Crato Mylius (who also went by the name Müller), Christian grew the press upon his father’s (some suggests Crato was his brother) death in 1547. There was a drop in publication, beginning in 1568. In 1569 books appear under the name Christian Mylius Urban, suggesting a different publisher. The changes in the Mylius press demonstrate the need to maintain consistency and a brand name, regardless of changes in management of the press. Miriam Usher Chrisman, Bibliography of Strasbourg Imprints, 1480-1559. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982). Chrisman, Lay Culture, 21.

!162 dramatically different from those of the first period. They are in German and in gothic script, but are formatted in such a way that the length (79 pages) is nearly twice as long as the original text. It is also a quarto and includes page numbers, catch words, signature markings, a single title page woodcut, printed marginalia, and running headers. Müller included additional reference material mentioned in the original text, but the layout explains the elongated text.

The title page is visually dense, with various sizes and styles of script, and one interesting woodcut.25 It is formatted with the same decreasing structure as the

Cammerlander editions. The woodcut is an amalgamation of virtually every witchcraft trope of the previous one hundred years. There are nude women surrounding a caldron, bones and skulls, and a witch riding a goat. There are strong influences from Albrecht

Dürer and Hans Baldung, with their influence of classical tradition and nudity.26 This is the only image in the text, which encapsulates the point of the book. While the lack of consistent demonological theory necessitated multiple images for earlier editions of De lamiis, by 1575 people were familiar with what witches did. This single image represents an entire collection of witchcraft activity: flying, creating storms, gathering for a witches’ sabbat, sexual disorder, death (or general maleficia). The 1575 edition no longer needed to educate readers; it could be successful entertaining them. Through the first four editions of De lamiis in the sixteenth century, entertainment trumped education.

25 Müller 1575, held by the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek.

26 See chapter six.

!163 The recto of A1 is an addition by Conrad Lautenbach, a German theologian, pastor, librarian, translator and writer, who contributed to both editions by Müller and the

1586 edition by Nicolaus Basse.27 He completed his studies in Strasbourg, which is likely where he met Müller. Lautenbach was a specialist in Greek and Latin translations, and translated both De lamiis and Lambert Daneau’s Dialogus de veneficiis, which were published in the same anthology in the 1576 edition by Johann Gymnicum and the 1586

Basse edition. The introductory prayer by Lautenbach is as follows:

There have been quite a few Who've written this and that about Witchcraft But amongst them there isn't anyone Whom I've come to like (appreciate) more than Ulrich Molitor From Constance, Doctor of Law, Who has placed the whole span Into a little booklet And written it all in Latin So as to please the erudite Gentlemen But because everyone can't quite read Latin I've taken the issue to heart And made his booklet into German I hope the virtuous all in all Will find my efforts pleasing May the Lord bestow his Grace upon us And may the Devil's trickery not harm us, Amen. Konrad Lautenbach.

This is followed by Lautenbach’s letter, dated 1575. As was the case with the translation in the Cammerlander editions, the choice of translator/editor would have had serious

27 Frank Baron, Faustus on Trial: The Origins of Johann Spies’s Historia in an Age of Witch Hunting. (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1992), 33. Baron lists the 1586 edition as being published in 1856, a simple typo.

!164 consequences in the development of the text. Lautenbach’s translation was the only

German translation used after

1575.

Only on A3 recto does the body of the text actually begin, in this case Molitor’s dedicatory letter. The paratext text of the

1575 edition has shifted. While the preliminary material of the earlier editions included the dedicatory letter, by 1575 the letter had become a part of the body of the text. The title page and additions by Lautenbach constitute the paratext of the sixteenth-century edition, as the dedicatory letter and table of contents were separated as the paratext in the older work. They fit together. Müller reorganized the way the book was presented in order to demonstrate a distinction between the new material and the old. The beginning of the dedicatory letter is formatted in a standard way, with a longer decreasing title and a printed historiated initial. In contrast to previous editions, the letter is broken into multiple paragraphs, and has printed marginal notation indicating central information, such as the name and title of Schatz. The letter

!165 ends after three pages, with the printed name of Molitor, his title, and place of publication.28 This is the format of a handwritten letter. Molitor’s name is located in a way as to suggest a handwritten signature.

The table of contents is listed with Arabic numerals on a single page preceding the first page of the first dialogue. This page is printed as page 1 and signature A [1]. Printed signatures were a way of providing guidance to the person responsible for collating the pages, so their absence in the paratextual sections suggests that they had become more significant for the reader than as an aid to the collator by the 1575 edition. Given the inclusion of printed page numbers, the reader would not have needed printed signatures to find their way through the text, yet they remain.

This demonstrates the ways in which publishers adhered to antiquated traditions that no longer had functional value in order to create comfort for the reader. In the same way manuscript tradition lasted throughout the incunabular period in order to create a transition between

28 Photographs of the 1575 Müller edition taken from the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek holdings.

!166 hand copied and printed books, or the way digital reading devices have pages to recreate a traditional reading experience, the sixteenth century also utilized small early publishing conventions to create a transitionary reading experience. The first page of the first dialogue has a variety of scripts in gothic, roman, and italic. There is also an elaborate printed historiated initial and printed margianalia with Conrad Schatz’ name. This title page demonstrates virtually all of the publishing options of the sixteenth century with regard to layout. It is visually intricate and draws the reader’s eye to several elements.

This book was intended for a single reader who would read the text privately and silently.

The visual elements of the text would be lost in an oral reading.

The 1575 edition has running headers and printed page numbers on each page, rather than the recto of each page. The name of the speaker is printed in capitalized italic script, while the body of the text and printed marginalia are gothic. The reason for the extended length of the text is the format of the dialogue. Each new speaker assumes a new line of text. This would have made the flow of reading much easier, but also required significantly more paper and additional capital. For each quotation within the text there are printed quotation marks in the margins for the duration of the quote. This would have allowed the reader to skim the text for particular citations, which contributes to the other marginalia notations. One would be able to peruse the text without reading each section in a detailed manner. The chapter headings are much larger than the body text, further allowing the reader to move to the specific section desired, rather than read the entire book from beginning to end. This continues through the end of chapter twelve.

!167 Rather than end the book with Molitor’s final conclusions, Müller chose to add additional information: an admonition to the women, selections from Ephesians chapter six, Peter chapter five, Psalm 91, and a final prayer. These elements occupy the final six pages of the text. Often, Molitor references these additions in the text of De lamiis. The lack of illustrations and greater expense of the book suggest a shift in the purpose of

Molitor’s book by 1575. It was printed in vernacular German, which Müller chose to modernize to standard German, but the way the book is presented suggests it was no longer a cheap and entertaining book for a general audience. Readers were likely familiar with the images of witches that made the early editions of De lamiis so popular, as

Strasbourg was likely inundated with them. The single woodcut on the title page may have been enough to create interest in the rest of the book, not to mention the lowered production cost associated with fewer woodcuts. The change in format and additional information made the 1575 edition new in a potentially saturated market.

!168 There are two 1576 editions, one attributed to Johann

Gymnicum of Cologne and the other to Nicolas Basse of

Frankfurt am Main.29 Both are in

German and both are published with other texts, which, by the seventeenth century, had become standard practice. These later editions differ from the anthologies published between

1580 and 1669 in that they are not published with the Malleus.

The edition attributed to

!29 Johann Gymnicum (Gymnicus, Gymnich) was a publisher in Cologne with affiliations with Zierikzee (Gymnicum may have published for him). Upon his death his two sons took over his print shop and, an alleged third son became a publisher in Basel. Ernst Kelchner, “Gymnich, Johann” in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. 10 (1879), 244–247.

Copies consulted: Cornell University (BF 1565. D17 1576 tiny) and the British Library (1607/834).

Nicolas Bassae was one of the two most prominent printers in Frankfurt. He was part of a publishing duel with Sigmund Feyerabend, particularly over the production of books about the devil. This would explain the six editions published by Basse between 1576 and 1600. Baron, 19.

Copy consulted: Bayerische StaatsBibliothek (037/Th H 866#(Beibd. / Phys.m. 39).

!169 Gymnicum is very stylistically similar to the

Müller edition; it is printed in various scripts, has page numbers printed on every page, catch words, printed signatures, running headers, and printed marginalia. It is two volumes printed in a single edition, with separate title pages for each of the three sections. Part one is

A4, B-O8, P4, and part two is A4, B-H8 (H7-8 blank).

Part one contains two works by

Lambert Daneau, a French jurist and Calvinist theologian, and Jacob Vallick, a Dutch Catholic priest.30 This is the first German translation of Vallick’s book, originally published in Dutch in 1559. The second volume contains a special title page similar to the title page of the first volume and contains only

30 Daneau wrote approximately 27 works between 1573 and 1581, often employing a dialectical method. He “gave the Calvinist churches the theological basis for their assertion of autonomy over against civil authority.” Jill Raitt, Shapers of Religious Traditions in Germany, Switzerland, and Poland, 1560-1600. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), 119.

Vallick wrote one of the first books in Dutch on witchcraft. An acquaintance of Johann Weyer, Vallick also suggested that blaming one’s problems on witches and demons was an illusion, best remedied by leading a more pious life. William E. Burns, Witch Hunts in Europe and America: An Encyclopedia. (Santa Barbara: Greenwood Press, 2003), 309.

!170 Molitor’s text. Given the inclusion of multiple texts in this 1576 edition, Gymnicum created a new title for his book.31

The initial title page of the book is similar to the Müller title page, though it does not contain a woodcut.32 It is followed on the verso of the page by a chapter outline of

Daneau’s text, with page number 2 and a catchword. A2 recto is marked as such, though no page number is present. The markings of signatures and page numbers are inconsistent in this edition. Daneau’s work occupies the first 155 pages of the book. The verso of the final page is blank, and the recto of the following page is a minimal title page for

Vallick’s text. Printed similarly to the Daneau, the Vallick continues through page 222.33

The second part of the book is a more elaborate title page, compete with

Gynmicum’s imprint. Less the title page woodcut, Gynmicum’s title page for Molitor’s text is modeled after Müller’s title page. The

31 “Von den Zauberern, Hexen, und Unholden: drei christliche verscheidene, und zu diesen unsern ungefärlichen Zeiten notwendige Bericht, auss Gottes Wort, geistlichen und weltlichen Rechten, und sunst allerley bewerten Historien gezogen / durch die hoch un wolgelerte herren.”

32 Photographs of the 1576 Gymnicum edition taken from the British Library holdings.

33 “Ende des andern Theils von de Zauberern / hexen und unholden.”

!171 additional subtitles are nearly identical, as are the general stylistic elements. This continues throughout the text. Müller places Lautenbach’s prayer on the verso of the title page, but Gymnicum reorganizes the order of the paratextual content. He moves

Lautenbach’s letter forward, followed by Molitor’s letter, and then finally Lautenbach’s prayer, which is located on the same page as the beginning of the chapter outline. After comparing the two editions it is clear Gymnicum consulted Müller’s edition when designing his own.34 The printed historiated initial is a close copy of the 1575 and, while

the layout contains minor variations, it is clear Gymnicum intended to approximate the earlier edition. These similarities are as detailed as the marginal quotation marks, and as

34 Left: Müller 1575. Right, Gymnicum 1576.

!172 considerable as the inclusion of the additional material at the end.35 The 1576 Gymnicum edition marks an important change in De lamiis publishing. The publisher closely copied an earlier edition, but included it in the first German anthology. Rather than select regional texts, he chose Dutch and French authors in order to provide a wide-ranging perspective on magic and witchcraft. The choice of De lamiis for this purpose is likely due to the length of the book. Generally, these treatises are longer and more complicated.

Daneau’s book was also formulated as a dialogue and Vallick’s text was brief.

The other 1576 edition was published by Nicolas Basse and Georg

Raben in Frankfurt. Nicolas Basse’s publishing family is responsible for six editions of De lamiis from 1576 to

1600. The 1576 edition deviates from the style of Bassae’s other editions, in that he did not publish it with the

Malleus; it is published with Daneau and Lautenbach. He alters the title for

35 Marjorie Garber, Quotation Marks. (New York: Routledge, 2003).

!173 his new anthology.36 Basse emphasizes the Latin term sortilegio in the title of his German publication.37 Several times in the title he utilizes Latin, possibly in at attempt to create a connection between a vernacular readership and the authority of a Latin text. Daneau and

Lautenbach had been associated with the text from the Müller and Gymnicum editions.

Basse did not take many risks in his edition of De lamiis. Each text in the anthology was already rather well known, and the style of the book was quite conventional for 1576.

Like the other German editions from the mid sixteenth century,

Basse’s De lamiis edition is quite long and has a great deal of spacing between letters and lines, though the spacing between words is dense.

Basse utilizes gothic script most frequently, only including Latin words

36 “Zwey Gesprech: Das erste / Von Zauberern / welche man Lateinisch / Sortilegos oder Sortiarios, nennet / In welchen kürzlich und gründlich erkläret wirt/ was von diesem ganzen handel der Zäuberen Disputiret wirdt / vormals Durch. Herrn Lambertum Daneum Lateinisch an tag geben / jezt auffs neuw vertuetschet. Das ander / Von hexen und Unholden / anfenglich vor CXIIII. Jaren lateinisch von Ulrico Molitoris von Constniz / der Rechten D. Gestellet / Jezt auffs treuwlichst verteutscht Durch. Conradum Lautenbach / Pfarrherrn zu Hunaweyler.”

37 Sortilegio, like lamia, has a long history in its definition. Broadly speaking, it suggests a belief in magical spells and occult forces.

!174 on the title page.38 Each text within the book has a separate title page and other paratextual information. De lamiis begins with a title page similar to the Gymnicum edition, which is followed by Lautenbach’s poem and letter, Molitor’s dedicatory letter, and the table of contents. The first page of the first dialogue demonstrates the reason for the length of the book: the spacing is much greater than previous editions. He includes the same type of printed marginalia as the previous German editions, and abbreviates the names of the speakers frequently. The book has catch words and printed signatures in upper case letters and roman numerals. He also includes the additional material at the end of the text, followed by an imprint. Basse was a well established printer and chose to print De lamiis, with Lautenbach and Daneau, after the publishing success was a near certainty. The book went through several editions which, we can assume, sold well given that subsequent editions were printed so quickly. Frankfurt had never seen an edition of the book published within the confines of the city. Basse took a successful model and brought it to a new location, from which he continued to benefit for 25 years.39

Each of the editions from the middle period of De lamiis publishing is marked by innovation. Readers would have been familiar with the content of De lamiis by the mid sixteenth century, requiring publishers to create either new content, or new stylistic

38 Photographs of the 1576 Basse edition taken from the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek holdings.

39 Basse was notorious for illegal publishing. In 1600 Gymnicum requested a privilege to protect his publication of Baronio, specifically against pirating from Basse. Ian Maclean, Scholarship, Commerce, Religion: The Learned Book in the Age of Confessions, 1560– 1630. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012), 307.

!175 devices. They borrowed heavily from one another, but always managed to create a unique book that would appeal to readers in a new way. The change in, or lack of, illustrations by this period indicates the prior establishment of witchcraft activity, which would only need to be presented in an interesting way. A rise in literacy also made illustrations unnecessary for clarification on the text. These six editions also demonstrate the complex network of printing that was established by the mid sixteenth century. Publishers and their children moved to new cities, opened new publishing shops, and brought De lamiis with them. They also began to incorporate editors and translators in the production of books. Lautenbach was educated in Strasbourg, worked for Müller there, and then moved to Frankfurt where he also worked for Basse. Given the number of editions available to readers by the sixteenth century, publishers had to reinvent De lamiis in order to sell it within a new context of readership, which saw witchcraft in a different light. Earlier editions of De lamiis had to educate readers; middle editions of De lamiis had to entertain.

!176 Chapter Five: Anthologies, 1580-1669

Eleven of the twelve editions produced in the last period of De lamiis publishing

(1580-1669) are in the format of an anthology, published in Latin, and ten are published with the Malleus.1 Eleven are published between 1580 and 1620, followed by a 49-year gap in publication and a final edition (1669) by Claude Bourgeat of Lyon. The anthology structure that most of these books follow suggests a change in reader interest, the creation of a canon of witchcraft writings, and a solidification of how these books were produced.

As Nicolas Basse and Petri Landry were responsible for nine of the twelve editions, they were largely influential in determining which texts were included in that canon. Basse’s editions, in particular, demonstrate this evolution. Though stylistically these twelve editions are quite different from those preceding 1580, the content during this period remains static between the two periods of De lamiis publishing.

Anthologies alter the function of De lamiis in two ways: the inclusion of the text in what becomes the canon by the seventeenth century, and the involvement of the publisher in the determining the shape the canon takes. This change in format, from a single book to a collection, also suggests changing reading habits on the part of the buyer.

De lamiis was no longer one of many printed works on the subject, but was included with a select few. A reader, who was likely a specialist, or someone who had specific reasons for purchasing an expensive anthology, could purchase one of these collections and read the sections they were interested in, or simply place the tome on the shelf for perusal as

1 Nicholas Basse’s 1586 edition is in German and does not include the Malleus. Grevenbruch’s 1595 edition is published alone.

!177 needed. One could collect works on a theme and present them in the home. The inclusion of De lamiis in these anthologies indicates the influence of the book during earlier editions and its continued importance throughout the early modern period.

The most concrete proof of the solidification of witchcraft theory is the anthology of the late sixteenth century. While there were dozens of treatises on the subject, only a handful were selected for these collections. This suggested to the reader that these works were more significant than those that were not selected.2 By the seventeenth century, fewer books on witchcraft were published. By the 1630s witchcraft trials occurred less frequently, which resulted in a redirection of reader interest into topics other than witchcraft. By the time Claude Bourgeat published his anthology in 1669 the canon was determined. His four volume book contains what was the most influential set of witchcraft treatises in the early modern period. Interestingly, this anthology includes works by authors from various geographical and religious backgrounds. Protestants,

Catholics, Germans, Italians, and Calvinists are all published together, suggesting the use of the anthology as a reference collection. Also, as witch trials occurred much more frequently north of the Alps, the inclusion of Italian authors in Northern publications indicates a broad reader interest in witchcraft. These publications were not published as frequently in the south of the Alps, and De lamiis was never published in Italy.

2 Anne Ferry, Tradition and the Individual Poem: An Inquiry into Anthologies. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), Jeffrey R. Di Leo, ed., On Anthologies: Politics and Pedagogy. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), John Guillory, Cultural Capital: The Problem of Literary Canon Formation. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), Christopher Hampton, The Ideology of the Text. (Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1990).

!178 The publisher, not the author, took full control of these decisions when he selected texts for an anthology. Why some texts were selected over others can seem somewhat arbitrary and is often based on economic and social reasons, rather than merit. Once a privilege was required in order to publish a book legally, the ease of acquiring a privilege would have influenced the decision to include a particular treatise in an anthology.

Authors who invoked the emotions of readers would have been included if the publisher wanted a controversial book, but likely excluded if they were targeting a more conservative readership. The length of a book might result in the inclusion of a particular text. As in the case of Basse’s 1586 edition, Basse chose not to include the Malleus in that anthology, likely because the length of the Malleus would have prevented him from including several other, shorter texts. Many of these authors produced multiple works, and publishers could choose to include different selections by the same authors to either target new readers, or provide current buyers with additional anthologies for their collections. Regardless of the reasons behind the decision to include particular works, the publishers had a large influence on which books became part of the witchcraft canon in the seventeenth century.

While the publication of a single book generally guides the reader from beginning to end, an anthology allows the reader to determine how they will engage with the material. Generally these anthologies begin with an index. The reader could select the passage he or she was interested in and move directly to that section. Printed page numbers made this process much easier as well. By the seventeenth century, anthologies

!179 were often published in multiple volumes, though buyers frequently bound the volumes together. Each volume begins with a separate title page and list of included works. In these cases, the reader would not have had to bother with examining the sections of the anthology that were not interesting to them. The anthology marks a dramatic shift from the oral readership of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century, and places the reading experience directly in the hands of the reader. They could engage with the material as they chose to and, as such, gained a level of personal authority in their education.

Basse’s 1580 edition is remarkably different from his 1576 German edition.3 They are both octavo formats, which require a rather long length. The 1580 edition is just 17 centimeters, but continues for 736 pages. The format of this edition marks an important change in the publication history of De lamiis: the book no longer emphasizes Molitor’s text. Instead, this is a copy of the Malleus, with four additional texts. This edition begins with the Malleus, but also includes, in order, Bernard Basin’s De Artibus Magicas, De lamiis, Jean Gerson’s De probatione spirituum, and Thomas Murner’s Libellus de

Pythonico contractu. The 1576 edition was the last edition to prioritize De lamiis. The remaining twelve editions include a variation on the same texts, but always place the

Malleus as the first text. They are all in Latin. This suggests an important shift in both the publishing history of De lamiis, but also the way that witchcraft publishing in general was standardized. The fifteenth-and-sixteenth-century editions of De lamiis were highly variable in both content and style. By 1580 these books were lumped together in

3 Copy consulted: Cornell University (BF 1569. A2 I59 1580).

!180 anthologies, generally with the same contributing authors. Readers would be able to purchase a single book and could gather accepted wisdom regarding a variety of issues surrounding witchcraft, magic, maleficia, etc. The content remained the same from 1580 to 1669. The elements that changed were stylistic.

The title page of the 1580 edition suggests, to the reader, a new way to approach the book. While the 1576 edition is a collection of works, the 1580 edition is a copy of the Malleus, with additional information.4 Basse lists the author of the Malleus as Jacob Sprenger, though he had a minor role, if any, in the creation of the work. The inclusion of

Sprenger provided a much needed basis in authority, as Institoris held a precarious position as inquisitor. Basse’s selection of Sprenger, rather than

Institoris, or both, suggests he was interested in producing a traditional

Latin tome of authoritarian treatises on witchcraft. As evidenced by his 1576

4 Photographs of the Basse 1580 edition taken from the holdings of Cornell University.

!181 edition, Basse was not prone to publishing high risk projects, and his 1580 edition suits this type of business model.

Like the 1576 edition, Basse provides a letter from himself to his readers immediately after the title page, on A2 recto. It lasts for several pages, and examines the editorial history of these kinds of anthologies. He justifies his decisions in including these texts specifically, and provides basic context. He concludes his letter on A5 recto. Each section of the book is formatted in the same way, with one deviating factor. There is a longer title and subtitle in various size script, followed by a printed historiated initial and the text. Basse’s letter is in clear roman script, with an italic subtitle. There is no printed marginalia. The second section is the Approbation of the Malleus, which follows stylistically, though the body of the text is in italic script. Basse’s letter is the only section of the text to be printed in standard roman script; the rest of the body text of the book is printed in italic script. This would have emphasized Basse’s contribution to the text, and saved a great deal of space due to the compact nature of italic script.5

The historiated initial of Basse’s letter and the Approbation is the same. Next is a list of authors referenced in the text, which is unique to the 1580 Basse edition. The first part of the Malleus includes the first page number of the book. The paratextual information is organized with printed signatures, but page numbers were not included.

The first part of the Malleus is also printed as A1, fully distinguishing the body of the text

5 This convention began with the invention of italic script by Aldus Manutius in 1501. He was known for his small octavo classics, popular due to their portability and ease of reading.

!182 from the paratext. Basse was quite skilled at indicating how readers should approach his book. Small cues, such as choice in script and placement of page numbers, would indicate where the preliminary information ended and the body of the book began. The book does not change between different texts within the book either, suggesting a continuity between the works. Basin’s contribution begins on page 633, or r5 recto. There is no additional title page to indicate a new section of the text to the reader.

Basin’s work continues through 663, and Molitor begins on 664. The verso of the page contains a running header with the title, and the recto with the chapter on that particular page. After the title and longer subtitle, the text begins with Molitor’s dedicatory letter in italic script. There is no chapter outline included in this edition. The first chapter heading is in capital letters, without further explanation of content as in previous editions. The text is compacted into a single large paragraph, moving from speaker to speaker without additional line breaks. Sigismund’s name is abbreviated to

Sigism., but Molitor’s and Schatz' are fully printed. The entire book contains various abbreviations. The chapter ends on the fourth page with decreasing lines and a catch- word. The second chapter is more detailed; it contains a chapter heading and information regarding the content, which continues on to page 656, which is printed as page 674. The third chapter heading includes no additional content information. This format is utilized for the remainder of the text. The selection from Boethius, which occupies nearly two pages in previous editions, is compressed to a single page in two columns. Chapter nine has additional spacing before and after the chapter heading, but every other chapter

!183 continues directly from the end of the preceding chapter to the heading of the next. The work continues through page

716, with Gerson beginning on 717.

This is a very compact book. Basse decided to edit Molitor’s book down to ten chapters. The original twelve chapter structure was peculiar, and did not contribute to the organization of the text. By 1580, Basse was concerned with efficiency in printing, and eliminated the unnecessary structure of the earlier editions.

Rather than end the book with

Thomas Murner, Basse included an index of questions posed within the Malleus. This creates a bookend effect of the central tenet of the text and reemphasizes for the readers the purpose of the publication in general. This edition was the first publication of the

Malleus outside of Venice in 61 years. Basse’s redirection to that tome, rather than the smaller treatises that accompany it, was an innovative publishing decision.

!184 The 1582 edition was also published by Basse.6 This edition begins with the

Malleus, but includes, in order, texts by

Bernardo Basin, Molitor, Girolamo Menghi,

Jean Gerson, Thomas Murner, Felix

Hemmerlin, and Bartolomeo Spina.7 These will become the usual suspects of late sixteenth and seventeenth century witchcraft anthologies, likely due to their controversial nature. In issuing a collection of treatises, these books would elicit reader interest more than other notable works as a result of their provocative content. Molitor maintains his placement as second within the additional treatises in the 1582 edition, which is likely a two-volume book printed in a single volume. The layout and content of the 1582 De

6 Copy consulted: Newberry library (Case 3A 2297).

7 Basin (ca 1445-1510) was a doctor of theology from the University of Paris. His short treatise was published initially in Paris in 1483. Menghi (1529-1609) was the most prolific writer of exorcism manuals in the sixteenth century. He was very popular and there was wide demand for his publications, which provide basic instructions for how to address the effects of maleficia. The comparatively low levels of witch hunting in Italy are partially due to reforms led by Menghi. Hemmerlin (ca 1388-1460), also known as Felix Malleolus, was a doctor of canon law from Zurich. He wrote against ecclesiastical abuses and was eventually removed from office. Spina (ca 1475-1546) was a Dominican from Pisa who served as deputy to Inquisitor Antonio da Ferrara in Modena. He attempted to connect contemporary and ancient witchcraft and deny the Canon Episcopi. He suggested witches’ flights and such actually happened and were not relegated to the illusions of participants.

!185 lamiis is nearly identical to the 1580 edition, with a few minor variations.8 The formschneider was clearly aware of the 1580 edition when setting the 1582. Both texts are octavo formats at 17 centimeters. The typeface and content remain the same between the two editions, but the 1582 contains line breaks between speakers and paragraph breaks for longer sections of the text, such as the dedicatory letter. As a result, the 1582 edition comes in at a lengthy 857 pages.

The 1584 edition was published by Jacob Juntae in Lyon.9 It is a two volume octavo work printed in one book in 612 pages. The first volume includes the Malleus and

Johann Nider’s Formicarius, while the second volume contains works by Basin,

Molitor, Menghi, Gerson, Murner,

Hemmerlin, and Spina. The text is more compactly spaced than the two previous

Latin editions, with regard to individual words, letters, lines, and placement on the page. This accounts for the shorter length of the volume. While the texts included are largely the same, Juntae presents his book much differently than Basse did.

8 Basse 1582, held by the Newberry Library.

9 Copies consulted: Cornell University (BF 1569. A2 I59 1584), Bibliotheque Sainte Genevieve (D 9062 Supp).

!186 The title page is quite simple, with a few lines of text, a large fleur de lis, and the place, date, and name of publisher. The first volume begins on the verso of the title page, with a chapter outline containing only the Malleus and Formicarius. Both Sprenger and

Institoris are listed as authors. A lengthy index follows, complete with page numbers, and only then does Juntae begin the list of questions in the first part of the Malleus.

The paratextual information occupies 48 pages of the book, making it a larger part of the text than some of the treatises included. This becomes standard practice by the seventeenth century, when anthologies include several indices and other organizational information. The Juntae edition, in contrast to the Basse editions, was not intended to be read straight through. The organizational elements of the text provide the reader with the opportunity to select the passages or content he or she was interested in, and proceed directly to that section. One does not have to wade through hundreds of pages of text that were not pertinent to the matter at hand.

There are also clearly demarcated sections within the book. The Papal Bull follows the index, which is then followed

!187 by the Apology and the list of authors included. Only then does this edition get to the first part of the Malleus, which begins with a larger title and decorative border. Each new treatise begins with a first page that looks similar to the first page of the Malleus. If a reader consulted the index or simply flipped through pages before selecting a particular passage, these introductory pages would grab the individual’s attention. They are formatted quite differently than the body of the text of each work. The first volume ends with Nider’s text, and a page stating the end of volume one and the title. While Nider may be included in volume one, it is clear which text is prioritized, just as is the case in the Basse edition.

The second volume begins with a title page, a chapter outline and an index.

Though these editions may have been intended as separate volumes, the buyer might have chosen to have them bound together, in order to decrease costs and keep the two texts in a single volume for convenience. Molior’s text is placed after Basin’s, and has the same introductory page as the rest of the included works. The Juntae editors maintain the ten chapter format of the Basse editions, but format the text in a very readable way. The text is smaller and takes up a larger percentage of the page, requiring a stylistic change to ease the process of engaging with the text. There are line breaks between speakers, variety in typeface, paragraph breaks, printed marginalia, page numbers, printed signatures, catch words, running headers, and spacing between chapters. Juntae’s edition would have been more pleasant to read than those of Basse due to the stylistic elements. De lamiis ends in a triangular-shaped text at the end of page 70, which leads to a separate title page for

!188 Menghi’s text on page 71. Juntae clearly distinguished between the works included in his edition.

The 1586 edition is attributed to

Basse, and is highly irregular for the larger anthology style of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.10 It is published in

German and does not contain the Malleus. It is a folio of 418 pages at 34 centimeters.

This edition is enormous (It barely fit on the foam book supports at the University of

Cornell). The size of the book indicates the intended readership. This was not a portable text and, as such, was meant to stay in a single location. The costs undertaken by Basse to produce this edition suggests that Basse himself was confident of regular sales, or a patron had financed this large tome. One could argue that this edition was risky. It did not include the Malleus, a known publishing success, and it required a great deal of capital. A variety of reasons could explain why it was published sans Malleus. Perhaps Basse chose to produce an anthology of many treatises on witchcraft, which would have been difficult with the Malleus due to the

10 Copies consulted: Cornell University (BF 1520. W64 P8 1586++), British Library (002521812 or 1602/118), Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel (drucke/ed000019). The Cornell copy is bound with additional publications by Basse.

!189 length of the popular work. The title page alone is a remarkable undertaking, with both red and black ink included in the printing.11 A second print run would have been costly and time consuming. In order to successfully sell an anthology of witchcraft treatises without what is arguably the most influential treatise of the early modern period, Basse would have had to create a unique edition coveted by readers. He does this beginning with his title page.

The title is not particularly readable, but it is visually stunning. The red of the larger title is eye-catching, pulling potential buyers towards it. It contains, in the style of Basse, a great deal of information.

The verso of the title page is a list of the 17 included authors and Psalm 57.

Molitor is actually not listed on this page; Conrad Lautenbach’s name is included as the fourth author. Lautenbach may have been more well-known in Frankfurt in the late sixteenth century, and he was responsible for the translation of De lamiis into modern

11 Photographs of the 1586 edition taken from the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel

!190 German. De lamiis begins on page

70, the fourth treatise in the anthology. Basse includes

Lautenbach’s poem, but not his letter.

The dedicatory letter and chapter outline are formatted in a similar manner as the rest of the text: in two columns. This is the style of all copies of the Malleus. The “paratext” occupies the first two pages of the text, though the preliminary sections have been merged with the dialogues in the 1586 edition. Basse provided new paratextual information at the beginning of the anthology, and segregated each treatise. The inclusion of a lengthy index, chapter headings, page numbers, various scripts, and historiated initials would have allowed the reader to locate easily the desired section of the text. The name of each speaker is printed in the margin, along with other textual notation and quotation marks. One did not have to read any section of the text that he or she was not interested in. De lamiis would have been viewed holistically in this edition, with preliminary content and dialogues read together.

!191 The 1586 edition concludes with a larger index of content within all treatises and authors cited within, which includes page numbers. Basse includes a colophon with the date, the name, the place of publication. A simple woodcut adorns the verso of the final page. This edition is the most unique of the final twelve editions of De lamiis. It does not fit the convention of the other eleven editions: it is in German, it features a gothic script, folio format, the title page is printed in red and black, and it does not contain the Malleus. Obtaining a copyright was likely not a problem, as Basse had published the

Malleus two years before. He must have intentionally chose to publish this series of texts together, without the most famous of all of the texts on witchcraft. The format of the text indicates that it was intended for a wealthier buyer or institution, and the sheer size of the book dictates that it was intended for a single location. While one cannot place much emphasis on the binding of early modern editions, the Cornell copy has a binding dated 1589. This would suggest that these anthologies were bound together by the buyer of the text, even in cases where single anthologies were quite large.

The 1588 edition of De lamiis is also attributed to Basse, though it is in many ways the opposite of the 1586 edition.12 According to the University of Cornell catalogue,

12 Photographs of the 1588 edition taken from Cornell University and the University of California, Berkeley.

!192 “Vol. 2 of this ed. is not known to exist; however, vol. 2 of Bassaeus’ edition of 1588 has title: Tomvs secvndvs malleorvm qvorvndam maleficarvm, and introduction dated 1582. This form of the title seems peculiar to these two volumes alone, out of the many editions of the

Malleus. It is inferred that the 1588 ed. is a "2nd ed." of this volume.” The title page of the 1582 is clearly different from volume two of the 1588 edition, and there are various minor differences between the body of the texts. These are very minor changes. If the 1588 edition was intended as the second volume of the 1582 edition, it was reset and reprinted for that purpose in 1588.

If one references the Cornell copy, this is a possible conclusion; however, the

University of California, Berkeley copy suggests an alternative situation.13 The second volume of the Berkeley copy is the same as the Cornell copy, but Berkeley also holds volume one of this edition. The title page states that the text was printed in two volumes: the first contains the Malleus and Nider’s Formicarius, and the second contains various other works. These are the same works listed in the 1582 edition. The book ends with a lengthy index and colophon. Given the intended similarity of the 1582 and 1588 editions,

13 Call number BF 1569. A2 I59 1588.

Call number BQV185. I57 1588, volumes one and two.

!193 one must consider why Basse chose to publish these editions just six years apart from one another. This was likely due to the commercial success of the 1582 edition, which was little changed for the second two volume set of 1588.

There are two 1595 editions, one attributed to Petri Landry of Lyon, and the other to Gerard Grevenbruch of

Cologne.14 The Landry edition is a two volume work, bound together, published in quarto at 18 centimeters. The first volume contains the Malleus and

Nider’s Formicarius; the second features works by Basin, Molitor,

Menghi, Gerson, Murner, Hemmerlin, and Spina. Two titles pages distinguish the volumes, which are printed in red and black.15 Nothing regarding the content is particularly unique to this edition. It includes, in the first volume, an index, the Papal Bull, the Apology, a list of authors, and both

14 Copy consulted: Cornell (BF 1569. A2 I59 1595).

Copies consulted: Oxford University (Antiq.f.G. 1595.2), Bibliotheque nationale de France (R – 44198).

15 Photographs of the 1595 Landry edition taken from Cornell University holdings.

!194 treatises. The second volume is formatted similarly to the 1584 edition. In fact, Landry must have been aware of the Juntae edition and formatted his edition as a near copy of Juntae’s work. The way he utilizes decorative borders, historiated initials, various scripts, printed marginalia, and general layout of the text suggests he was largely copying the work of Juntae. The

Menghi title page contains only the most minor variations, likely illegible to the casual reader. One must wonder if an agreement was made between the two publishers that granted Landry the right to largely copy Juntae’s edition, or if Landry was illegally copying the work of another Lyon publisher.

Grevenbruch’s 1595 edition of De lamiis is quite different from other eleven editions of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: it is published separately. It is an octavo of 34 pages in Latin. Grevenbruch chose to republish the 1489 Cologne edition of the text, as described by his letter to the reader on A2 recto. While contemporary publishers elected to publish new and innovative editions of books, Grevenbruch adhered to an early edition of the book, though, stylistically, the book is more sixteenth century.

!195 Despite his intentions, other than publishing De lamiis separately, Grevenbruch’s edition is quite consistent with other editions of his era. The title page features his printer’s mark, the title of the book, and a short note indicating the stylistic early edition, which is followed by his note to the reader.16

Grevenbruch omits the paratextual information of the early editions.

There is no longer a subtitle and no dedicatory letter. The book is not illustrated. The first dialogue begins on A2 verso, which has a printed signature mark and a catch word at the bottom of the page. Catch words on the verso of the page are rather uncommon, suggesting a quick typesetting process. The body of the text is printed in a single paragraph per dialogue, with a short chapter heading breaking each section. Running headers continue throughout, in addition to substantial printed marginalia. The text ends with a short addition of Peter, also found in the 1544 edition.

16 Photographs of the 1595 Grevenbruch edition taken from Oxford University holdings.

!196 Grevenbruch’s edition, which distinguishes itself from the anthologies of the later period of De lamiis publishing, suggests a market for nostalgic editions of witchcraft texts. If the text sold well (which is not confirmed) particularly due to the lack of additional surviving editions by Grevenbruch, one could assume that buyers were interested in “first” editions. The existence of this edition suggests a potential for such a market. Perhaps the most interesting element of this edition is not the lack of additional treatises within the book. We have seen this in the Basse 1586 edition, though it was utilized for very different purposes there. Here, the removal of paratextual information is remarkable. The early editions of the book would not have gained the status of valid witchcraft treatises without the paratextual information. The dedicatory letter in particular was essential for the book’s success. Grevenbruch’s decision to remove the letter indicates that De lamiis was already part of the canon. The inclusion of Molitor’s book in the later anthologies supports this idea. The publication of De lamiis alone in 1595, without illustrations, signifies this. Readers in Cologne would have been quite aware of the existence of De lamiis with so many editions by Zierikzee. A new edition without the format of an anthology or dedicatory letter presumes a continued interest by readers a full century after the initial publication of the book.

The publishing context of 1600 edition is a bit less clear than other editions. I could locate only one copy, held by the British Library.17 It is the second volume of a, presumably, two volume set, and it is likely the work of Basse, based upon the title page

17 Call number 719.b.4.

!197 and layout of the text. It is an octavo. This is nearly identical to the 1588 edition, also published by Basse. The Cornell

University cataolgue suggests that the

1588 edition is the second volume of the

1582, yet the existence of this edition suggests that this is not the case. Basse likely published several subsequent editions that mimic each other. It is likely that another, first volume from

1600 was also published, but no longer exists or was not catalogued properly.

This would explain the lack of Basse’s name on the title page of the second volume.

The layout and content of the 1600 edition matches that of the 1588 edition, almost exactly. There are minor differences in the spacing of the subtitle, use of accents, and the historiated initial, though these are not remarkable changes. The typesetter was clearly referencing a 1588 copy when arranging the text for the 1600 edition. Basse published six editions of De lamiis, five of which were in Latin. He preferred two volume works, bound together into anthologies. Either Basse was inconsistent in publishing both volumes of each edition, or few copies of his books survive. Basse was a large-scale,

!198 successful publisher in Frankfrut. He would have been perceptive regarding the market demands for books and would have acted accordingly.18 His decision to print so many of these editions between 1576 and 1600 suggests a reasonable interest among buyers for

Molitor’s book, particularly given the similarities between the 1580, 1582, 1588, and

1600 editions.

In addition to the 1595 edition, Landry is responsible for four other editions from

1604, 1614, 1615, and 1620. They are all quite similar. They are two or three volumes, depending on how one categorizes each volume, and are separated by two or three title pages, measuring 18 centimeters. The low survival rate of these editions and cataloguing irregularities make it difficult to make definitive statements regarding their construction.

The way the copies are bound also confuses the issue, as some copies are bound together and some are bound separately, perhaps with other works. I have located only one copy of the 1604 edition, held by Cornell University.19 This copy was likely a three volume work bound together. Volume one contains the Malleus and Nider’s Formicarius (the title page of this volume is either nonexistent or missing). Volume two contains works by

Basin, Molitor, Menghi, Gerson, Murner, Hemmerlin, and Spina. Volume three, separated by a new title page, is Menghi’s Daemonum Adiurationes Formidabiles. The two included title pages of each volume are printed in black and red ink, and are nearly

18 “Basse clearly had developed a niche market in printing works of demonology.” Lyndal Roper, “Witchcraft and the Western Imagination” in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 16 (2006): 130.

19 Call number BF 1569. A2 I59 1604.

!199 identical to other title pages by Landry.20 The format of the book is the same as the 1595 edition and, thus, the same as Juntae’s

1584 edition. In fact, the ink markings are so similar that it is highly likely that this copy of the 1604 edition of De lamiis is actually part of the same print run as the 1595 edition. Landry may have had additional copies of the 1595 edition that he marked as a new edition in 1604, with the inclusion of a new title page.

Regardless of his motivations, the type was not reset in the body of De lamiis between the 1595 and 1604 “editions.”

These copies of De lamiis are identical.

One must consider the possibility that Juntae also published a third volume in 1584, which has not survived or was not completed for some reason. Without additional copies to consult it is impossible to prove the existence of a full new edition in 1604, or to say with certainty that these are different editions. The absence of the third volume could be explained as not having survived, rather than not being published initially. Alternatively,

Landry could have added the third volume to the 1604 edition and printed a different title

20 Photographs of the 1604 edition taken from Cornell University holdings.

!200 page for volume two (and possibly one). The surviving title pages are the only distinction between the two.

The 1614 edition, held by the Universidad Complutense de

Madrid, is an octavo of 317 pages.21 It also begins with the second volume. This edition is slightly different from the prior two Landry editions: the second volume contains six works by

Basin, Molitor, Gerson, Murner,

Spina, and Menghi’s Flagellum

Daemonum. Hemmerlin’s treatise is excluded from this anthology.

Perhaps, due to the controversy surrounding Hemmerlin as a result of his writings against ecclesiastical abuses, Landry chose to produce a book that would be more marketable to conservative readers. He also chose a different work by Menghi, suggesting a desire to publish an anthology that would garner interest in a new readership. This is a different edition than the 1595/1604 edition, but the distinctions between the two sets of texts are very minor. The 1614 edition is the

21 Call number: Hathi Trust Digital Library, record number 009284827.

!201 first to include a privilege on the title page. Landry may have been publishing without a privilege for the first three editions of De lamiis, which would explain the similarity between his editions and the Juntae.

The 1615 edition also includes a privilege on the first page, and begins with the second volume. It is, again, nearly identical to the 1614 edition, but there are a couple of very minor variations in the layout of the text. The second volume contains seven works by

Basin, Molitor, Gerson, Murner, Hemmerline,

Spina, and Menghi’s Flagellum Daemonum, though the order is different from the editions prior to 1604. The ink markings on De lamiis indicate the same print run as the 1614 edition, with a different title page in 1615. The publication of a new edition in 1614 is logical due to a possible transfer of privilege, but the fact that it matches many aspects of the

1614 edition makes a new edition a single year later likely unnecessary. Landry must have wanted to include the Hemmerlin section for the new edition and chose to rearrange the 1614 edition to ease the expense and time of setting a new book.

!202 The 1620 edition was published by

Claude Landry and has several distinctive elements in comparison to the editions by his father, Petri Landry, though these are minor stylistic changes. It is also an octavo, measuring 18 centimeters. The title page contains the same device and the same general information. The same issue of surviving volumes of the previous Landry editions applies to the 1620 edition as well. This edition is a two volume set, and the second volume contains two parts. The first volume is the

Malleus and Formicarius. Part one of volume two carries works by Basin, Molitor,

Gerson, Murner, and Spina. Part two of volume two is Giovanni Lorenzo d'Anania’s De

Natura Daemonum, Bernardo de Como’s Ordinis Praedicatorum Tractatus de Strigibus,

Ambrogio Vignato, Gerson’s Tractatus de erroribus circa artem Magicam et articulis reprobatis, and Giovanni Francesco Leone’s Episcopi Thelesini libellus de Sortilegiis,

Jacobus Simancas’ Pacensis Episcopi Tractatus de Lamiis, Alphonso de Castro’s Ordinis

Minorum, and Paolo Grillando’s De sortilegiis. The inclusion of several Italian works in the 1620 edition indicates a broadening of geographical and linguistic interests that were in place in earlier editions or, that buyers with a strong curiosity in witchcraft manuals,

!203 wanted their own deluxe anthology encompassing a wide variety of authors. Given the role of Italian publishers in early modern book production, this is a logical evolution that took longer for witchcraft publishing than other literary genres.

The inclusion of Italian authors in anthologies containing

De lamiis and the Malleus occurred only in the northern Europe. De lamiis was never published in Italy, possibly due to the lack of interest in witchcraft prosecution in that area. The Malleus, an octavo of 16 centimeters, was published in

Venice in 1571, but witchcraft treatises never gained the momentum that they did in the Germany, France, and Switzerland. The interest in witchcraft as heresy, rather than a pact with the devil, accompanied by juridical restraint, kept witch trials in Italy at a minimum. Readers in the northern Europe likely were

!204

interested in supernatural writings produced in the South, but that interest was likely not reciprocated.22

The final surviving edition of De lamiis was published in 1669 by Claude

Bourgeat of Lyon, whose shop was located under the sign Mercurii Galli.23 The edition broke the 49 year period that saw no new editions of De lamiis, which was likely due to reasons other than those that account for the previous gap between 1508 and 1544. The seventeenth-century gap ended with only a single publication, suggesting a significant

22 Ruth Martin, Witchcraft and the Inquisition in Venice, 1550-1650. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989).

23 Copies consulted: British Library (719.i.18), Cornell University (BF 1569.A2 I59 1669+), Bibliotheque nationale de France (E – 2892 (II)).

!205 decrease in reader interest in the book after 1620. Some of the most intense witch trials occurred in the 1620s, but by the 1630s the number of trials had decreased dramatically in western Europe.24 Readers were likely not as interested in acquiring expensive witchcraft anthologies by the 1630s. The single 1669 edition can be understood as a reference collection. It is a quarto of four volumes in two, measuring 26 centimeters. This edition is reminiscent of Basse’s larger anthology. It provides the reader with a single edition of all necessary treatises on witchcraft. If someone wanted a reference, this was the only book they would need. The title page indicates this to the reader.

The first volume of the edition presents the Malleus and Formicarius. The first part of volume two is marked by a separate title page and contains texts by Basin,

Molitor, Gerson, Murner, and Spina. The second part of volume two also has a separate title page, and offers witchcraft treatises by Giovanni Lorenzo d'Anania, Bernardo de

Como, Ambrogio Vignato, Gerson, Giovanni Francesco Leone, Jacobus Simancas,

Alphonso de Castro, and Paolo Grillando. Volume three consists of Menghi’s Flagellum

Daemonum and Fustis daemonum, Petro Antonio Stampa’s Fuga Satanae, Petro

Mamoris’ Flagellum maleficorum, and Henricum de Gorchen’s Tractatus de superstitiosis quibusdam casibus. Volume four includes Zaccaria Visconti’s

Complementum artis exorcisticae. This was a substantial undertaking on the part of

Bourgeat, requiring extensive capital. The length of the text and the privileges required

24 Namely, Würzburg and Bamberg.

!206 for each treatise suggest an expensive anthology. Bourgeat published a book that would provide everything a reader would need to know about the nature of witchcraft.

Rather than clearly distinguish each individual treatise from one another within the anthology, Bourgeat chose to follow one text to the next. There are no page breaks between works in each volume. Each text is printed in two columns, much like Basse’s edition. In fact, this edition functions very similarly to the way Basse’s larger anthology functions. One could reference whatever was of interest. It was not intended for reading in its entirety. By 1669 the geographical distinctions of the earlier periods of publishing were gone. One could purchase a single edition that contained everything about witchcraft, regardless of whether it was from a Protestant or Catholic author, or whether it was, Italian, French, Dutch or German. There were few distinguishing factors within these geographical, linguistic, or religious variables, which is demonstrated in the existence of a single book for all types of treatises. 1669 also marks the final publication of the Malleus, suggesting a marked decline in reader interest in matters surrounding the theoretical and legal foundations of witchcraft.

!207 Chapter Six - Legacies of De lamiis and Conclusion

While images representing witches prior to the publication of De lamiis are few in number, this does not imply that the woodcuts in De lamiis were in any way revolutionary. Stylistically they fit the visual convention of late fifteenth-century

Germany, as demonstrated by the collections of early modern illustrations edited by

Richard Muther and Albert Schramm. There were also representations of witch activity prior to De lamiis in texts such as Martin le Franc’s Le Champion des Dames (ca. 1485) and Johann Vintler’s Buch der Tugend (1486).1 The distinction between these early representations and the woodcuts in De lamiis is the association between text and image and the distribution of that association. Without the text indicating to the reader what was taking place in the woodcuts, the images of De lamiis would have been largely meaningless, or at least would have left the creation of meaning up to the individual reader within his or her particular reading context. The images in Le Champion des

Dames and Buch der Tugend did associate text and image, but they were not widely distributed, and existed only in single editions. It was not until after Molitor and Prüss placed these seven woodcuts strategically within the text, associating the deeds of witches with particular images, that influential artists such as Albrecht Dürer and Hans

Baldung Grien began incorporating witchcraft activity in their illustrations. These widely distributed images created the archetypal formation of the witch by the early sixteenth century.

1 Book of Virtue

!208 As Daniela Laube argues, the woodcuts of late fifteenth century Germany “… served a dual purpose: the first was to elucidate a particular text and the second was to decorate it.”2 Early woodcuts were not intended to interrupt reading, but were meant to

“identify and clarify” the text. Often they stylistically matched other woodcuts, which were frequently borrowed or copied by other publishers. These illustrations, therefore, often did not contain anything that would associate a particular element of the image with a certain context. This was done only in conjunction with the text it was printed with, and this only began in the 1470s when German printers perfected the art of woodblock illustration in printed books.3 Once image and text were connected, illustrations began to stylistically diversify by the sixteenth century.

Witchcraft imagery prior to the publication of De lamiis was limited, but it did exist. On such example is the inclusion of flying witches in the margins of Le Champion de Dames, a poem about Waldensian heresy, dedicated to Philip the Good, Duke of

2 Daniela Laube, “The Stylistic Development of German Book Illustration, 1460-1511” in A Heavenly Craft: The Woodcut in Early Printed Books, edited by Daniel De Simone. (Washington D.C.: Library of Congress, 2004), 50.

3 Peter Parshall and Rainer Schoch, Origins of European Printmaking: Fifteenth-Century Woodcuts and Their Public (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2005), 43.

!209 Burgundy.4 Though a complete publication history of this text does not exist, only one edition of the text has been discussed in the scholarship.5 It is possible that Sprenger and Institoris were aware of this text, which may have contributed to their own discussion of witches flying to sabbats with the devil. This text includes several illustrations, but is limited to a discussion of Waldensian heresy.

Perhaps the narrow scope of the text prevented an interest in a large-scale production of the book. Nor did the text, even with its inclusion of witchcraft imagery, have any substantial influence on the

4 Davidson, The Witch, 11; Steven Millen Taylor, “Introduction” to Le Champion des Dames (Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 2005), 1.

5 The Newberry Library holds a copy of the incunable.

!210 development of the visual image of the witch, due to the lack of distribution. The visualization of flying witches did not become widespread until the many editions of De lamiis permeated the market.

Johann Vintler’s Buch der Tugend (1486) also included witchcraft illustrations prior to the publication of De lamiis. Published in Augsburg by Johann Heidegker, the existence of this text, complete with 52 woodcuts, indicates a market for representations of popular magic in the late fifteenth century.6 The images depict magic in the natural worlds and include elements such as herbs, animals, and astrological components. Here, a woman conjures a storm and a man uses a magical axe to draw water from a tree.

Stylistically these are quite similar to the images found in early editions of De lamiis.

Unfortunately, only one edition of the text survives. Vintler’s family was from Tyrol, the same area under Sigismund’s control, suggesting a possible influence of this text on De lamiis. Yet, the influence of Vintler’s book was likely much less significant than De lamiis due to the lack of replication of these types of images in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

Prior to the publication of De lamiis, images regarding witchcraft activity were being produced in print. Les Champion des Dames (ca. 1485) depicts flying witches, one of the larger concerns presented in both the Malleus and De lamiis. Vintler’s book was heavily illustrated with woodcuts regarding witch activity, yet it did not see multiple

6 Also known as Johann Blaubirer.

Zika, Appearance, 40.

!211 editions, and neither of these books are included in the witchcraft canon of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. It was, therefore, the publication of multiple editions that made certain witchcraft images more influential than others regarding the representation of what witches actually did. The themes presented in De lamiis were, like the content of both the Malleus and De lamiis, largely unoriginal. The first 18 editions of the book specifically associated text with image during the time visual conventions regarding witchcraft were being established.

The influence of De lamiis on later artistic representation has only recently become a focal point in the historiography. Most notable is the scholarship of Zika, who furthers earlier historiographical debates by drawing connections between Molitor and artists such as Albrecht Dürer, Albrecht Altdorfer, and Hans Baldung.7 His suggestion that

Baldung Grien incorporated elements of Molitor’s images helps solidify not only the influence of De lamiis, but also suggests that witchcraft archetypes were established

7 “The Molitor images were critical to the development of a new visual language of witchcraft. In them we can see older images of sorcery as an individual act gradually being transformed into the group and female behavior of witchcraft. This new emphasis occurred through the adoption and constant reiteration of visual cues, such as the cauldron, the hailstorm, the riding of animals, the cooking fork and wild hair.” Zika, Appearance, 26.

!212 earlier than originally proposed. The only way this was achieved was through the repeatable medium of the woodcut.8

Once the Malleus and early editions of De lamiis came out, there were many responses regarding witchcraft, particularly among artists.

Perhaps the most significant artistic representation of how witches looked were the illustrations by Albrecht

Dürer. For example, his 1497 engraving, Four Witches, depicts four nude women and a skull, the conventional momento mori of the early modern period. This widely-debated image does not overtly suggest witchcraft

8 “Through such repetition and recycling the range of visual possibilities for sorcery and magic could first of all be dramatically narrowed and limited, to particular acts of malefice such as weather sorcery, and then a far more focused and controlled iconography of the identification of witchcraft could be developed. The Molitor woodcuts were critical for achieving the first of these ends; artists of the following decades, such as Baldung Grien, Durer, Altdorfer, Urs Graf, Hans Schäufelein and Lucas Cranach, were responsible for the second. But it was print and printmaking which provided the appropriate material and cultural conditions for the serious consideration of the theme of witchcraft by visual artists in the sixteenth century.” Zika, Appearance, 27.

!213 activity, though some could argue for an implicit witchcraft theme within the engraving.9

Dürer chose to title the image with the term witch, making a linguistic connection between the female temptress and witchcraft. Dürer’s engravings mark the beginning of a connection between the nude — voluptuous, sexualized, female — and witchcraft, which has permeated witchcraft iconography through the modern era. Molitor’s woodcuts may have depicted what witches could do, but Dürer created how they were visually represented.

Lyndal Roper suggests that the sixteenth-century witch drew on two sources: nudity and the classics.10 These are precisely the contributing factors Dürer manifests in his images, which become arguably the most signifiant contribution to the visual convention of witchcraft by the early sixteenth century. His Four Witches may not indicate anything in particular about witch activity, outside of how they looked, but his

Witch Riding Backwards on a Goat (1500) certainly does.11 Here we see the creation of

9 There is much debate in the historiography regarding the representation of witchcraft in this image. Often scholars suggest an attempt on the part of Dürer to suggest witchcraft. See Erwin Panofsky, Jesse Poesch, Eugene Dwyer, Fedja Anzelewsky. Jeroen Stumpel has effectively argued that the devil in the background clutching a bird is indicative of a klobe, which suggests a subtle nod to evil hiding behind the female temptress. “The Foul Fowler Found out: On a Key Motif in Dürer's ‘Four Witches,’” Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art Vol. 30, No. 3/4 (2003), pp. 143-160.

10 Lyndal Roper, The Witch in the Western Imagination (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012), 15.

11 Also titled The Witch in the scholarship.

!214 weather, a broom, wild hair, putti, a goat, and the disorder of riding backwards.12 Though

Dürer includes these elements, his intention is unclear. De lamiis clearly associates witchcraft activity with specific imagery, but without accompanying textual material,

Dürer’s personal convictions are speculative.13 And while there is also scholarly reservation regarding the influence of the Malleus on Dürer, the woodcuts in De lamiis are consistently cited as being influential on Dürer.14 Dürer’s witches look remarkably

12 Another historiography debate surrounding Dürer is the inversion of his initials in this image. Given his technical prowess as an artist one could conclude that such a decision was intentional. Generally it is argued that he chose to present his initials backwards to indicate the inversion of moral order in witchcraft. Charles Zika, “Dürer’s Witch, Riding Women, and Moral Order,” in Dürer and His Culture, ed. Dagmar Eichberger and Charles Zika (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) 118-40.

13 Stumpel suggests even with a clear association with witchcraft in his illustrations, Dürer cannot be connected with a personal conviction regarding witchcraft. Margaret Sullivan places his interest in classical conventions: “Although one author has termed Dürer’s innovation ‘realistic pictures of witches’ they are more plausible as poetic constructions motivated by artistic goals and a fascination with the underside of the ancient world rather than an interest in witch manuals or a compelling concern with witchcraft as a punishable offense.” “The Witches of Dürer and Hans Baldung Grien,” Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 53, No. 2, 333-401.

14 Linda Hults argues for a connection between the Malleus and Dürer in her article, “Dürer's "Four Witches" Reconsidered” in Saints, Sinners, and Sisters: Gender and Northern Art in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, edited by Jane L. Carroll and Alison G. Stewartthough (London: Ashgate, 2003), 94 - 126. Zika and Davidson both disagree with this assessment, given Dürer’s reading limitations in Latin. See also, Erik Midelfort, Witch Hunting in Southwestern German, 1562-1684: The Social and Intellectual Foundations (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972).

“Dürer had no need of the Malleus Maleficarum to provide him with the knowledge of witchcraft and witches’ activities, which were then being formulated in theological and legal treatises, and prosecuted in various courts. A much more likely source for this knowledge would have been Ulrich Molitor’s De laniis et phitonicis Mulieribus.” Zika, Moral Order, 131.

!215 different from those in De lamiis, and they are the precise witches we see from the sixteenth century on. By 1500 Dürer had incorporated many of the ideas presented in De lamiis in his own illustrations, particularly regarding what witchcraft activity was, which are foundational to the development of visual representations of witches in the early modern period.

While Dürer’s images depicted what witches looked like and, in the case of the Witch Riding Backwards on a Goat, certain objects they were associated with, their activities are not specifically depicted in the same detail as they are in De lamiis. De lamiis obviously enjoyed wide circulation. Linda Hults argues for the importance of Dürer’s Four Witches in her 2005 monograph The Witch as

Muse. According to Hults, “His [Dürer’s] friends, clients, and associates often came from

!216 the venerable patrician families of

Nuremberg,” and “His prints also circulated widely.”15 There is little doubt as to the wide range of individuals who saw his prints and incorporated them into his or her understanding of what witches looked like.16 Though texts with images of witches existed prior to the publication of De lamiis and the circulation of

Dürer’s prints, it was not until both works were widely disseminated that clear connections began to be made regarding

15 Linda C. Hults, The Witch as Muse. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005). 64. There are significant problems in Hults’ arguments about the development of witchcraft iconography. Often she over analyzes images, finding disorder of the natural world when the more simple explanation of sensationalism would suffice, particularly with respect to the images of Hans Baldung. Regarding Dürer’s Four Witches, she argues, “Dürer’s Four Witches expresses men’s need to control female sexuality” (Appearance, 65). Her emphasis on misogyny misses many of the more subtle aspects of early modern witchcraft.

16 “The woodcuts which accompanied these editions must have become well known not only to printers and print shops throughout Germany but also to the literate classes of its cities. It is difficult to imagine that the editions published in Strasbourg, Basel, Reutlingen, Speyer, Cologne, Ulm and Augsburg would not have become well known in Nuremberg too, even if those of Erfurt and Leipzig did not. Their images must have served to fashion the way in which witches were imagined and represented by their readership, and what activities were considered most typical of those who engaged in this evil craft.” Charles Zika, Moral Order, 131.

!217 visual conventions of witchcraft.

Hans Baldung Grien, the individual largely responsible for the salacious witches of the early modern period, manages to bring all of these elements together in his 1510 woodcut, Witches’ Sabbat. The witches are representative of Dürer, but the activities within the woodcut clearly demonstrate the influence of De lamiis. According to Zika,

“The images which played the most significant role in shaping Baldung’s iconography of witchcraft in the second decade of the sixteenth century…was a series of six woodcuts that appeared in more than 20 illustrated editions of Ulrich Molitor’s On Female Witches and Seers between 1490 and 1510. It would be difficult to exaggerate the impact that the

Molitor images had on contemporary representations and perceptions of witchcraft.”17

The witches in De lamiis were quickly abandoned by subsequent artists due to their lack of sensationalism, which was a component of sixteenth century witchcraft representation, but the activities illustrated remained similar.18 The association between text and image in

De lamiis helped create a visual convention that later artists advanced.

17 Zika, Appearance, 18.

18 If Durer’s witches were based upon a revival of classical antiquity and nudity, Baldung Grien’s witches were founded largely on a sexualization of women. This process further contributed to the credibility of the existence of witchcraft: “By developing a visual language that presented witchcraft as part of the contemporary discourse about gender and sexuality, artists and printers were able to extend the social and cultural relevance of the witch figure and, as a consequence, to extend credence in the power of witchcraft. From the turn of the sixteenth century, witches began to be increasingly portrayed as women who sought to appropriate male sexuality and power for themselves, and, in that way, to invert and pervert the proper gender and social order.” Charles Zika, “Visual Representations of Witchcraft and Sexuality,” in Exorcising Our Demons: Magic, Witchcraft and Visual Culture in Early Modern Europe, ed. Charles Zika (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 270.

!218 Though Dürer and Baldung Grien experienced widespread distribution of their prints, it was Johann Geiler von Kaiserberg’s Die Emeis that fully demonstrates the clear association between Dürer’s witches and Molitor’s text.19 Published in 1517 in

Strasbourg at the shop of Johann Grüninger,

Die Emeis was the first printed book to associate these two themes. Though not responsible for the woodblocks in Die

Emeis, Baldung Grien worked closely with Grüninger and the book contains Baldung

Grien’s stamp. The stylistic influence of Baldung on the woodcuts is clear. This woodcut is set against Kaiserberg’s sermon “Von den Hexen und Unholden,” a nod to Molitor. The image depicts a witches’ sabbat, complete with dining, weather making, flying, forked sticks, cauldrons, nudity, and flowing hair. Just a short 28 years after the publication of the first edition of De lamiis, we see an amalgamation of Dürer’s witches and Molitor’s witch activity all represented in a single printed image.20

19 The Ants.

20 It is impossible to prove the direct influence of one artist or piece of work on another as there is no known documentation regarding a specific conversation regarding the material. It is possible, however, to note stylistic influences of one artist on another, which is what I am suggesting here.

!219 The 1544 and 1575 editions of De lamiis also demonstrate this amalgamation.

The title page woodcut of Cammerlander’s 1544 German edition includes similar imagery as Die Emeis. The cauldron flows, the witches are nude and, in a new development, they are also anthropomorphized. These are the women of Zika’s wild inversion of moral order. The 1575 title page woodcut is even clearer in showing the association between early De lamiis woodcuts and Dürer’s witches. All of the established witchcraft activity is presented, with the sexualized witches of Dürer and Baldung Grien.

Given the publishing innovation of mid sixteenth-century

German editions of

De lamiis,

Cammerlander effectively created an enticing title page woodcut that would draw readers who were familiar with visual witchcraft conventions.

The process

!220 by which the visual witch was developed was not a teleological, linear advancement; however, the early reproduction and distribution of a small group of images did help create a visual archetype by the early to mid sixteenth century. There were variations on those themes subsequently, but those variations tended to be responses to the conventions of the first 30 years of witchcraft illustration in printing. These visual developments occurred at the same time that legal and theological conventions regarding witchcraft and demonology were also being established. By the 1544 Cammerlander edition of De lamiis, those conventions were largely established. That edition, with its printed marginalia encouraging the use of salt as an antidote to maleficia, suggests a familiarity with the activities of witches on the part of the reader. By 1544 readers did not need to be educated about these activities, or what witches looked like, requiring the publishers of the mid-sixteenth century to be more innovative in the publication of witchcraft books in order to entice buyers. This is precisely what happened with the six editions of De lamiis between 1544 and 1580.

There are two reasons why De lamiis holds a signifiant place in the creation of the visual witch: (1) It clearly associates certain images with textual evidence of witchcraft activity, and (2) it was published, and widely distributed, at the beginning of the development of demonological theory and visual representations. There are no substantial scholarly works on the visual imagery of witchcraft before 1490 due to the lack of images currently available.21 As the first printed book on witchcraft, De lamiis holds a unique

21 Other than introductory remarks, Zika and Davidson begin their studies with Molitor, and Lyndal Roper largely ignores the fifteenth century.

!221 influence on development of the visual witch. The images can be interpreted several ways, but we require additional links to understand the ideas of each image. These links are quite clear in De lamiis. It was text and image together that contributed to the development of the witch by the early sixteenth century.22

While the importance of De lamiis for early modern witchcraft is agreed upon in the scholarship, the process by which it became influential requires more analysis. The initial reason for publication of De lamiis was a commission by Sigismund to clarify witchcraft activity in Tyrol. Consequently, the first edition can be considered an intentional legal force on the part of both Molitor and, to a lesser degree, Sigismund, but subsequent editions were bound by a different context: the market. Publishers of subsequent editions would not have produced their own versions of De lamiis if they

22 Zika argues for the independent reception of images outside of their textual context: “It must have been this independent status [the woodcuts could be digested independently of the text] together with the capacity for continual recycling as a series, which enabled them to achieve their pre-eminent role in continuing a visual language for witchcraft in the later fifteenth century, and for the adoption and transformation of some of their key iconographical elements by artists such as Baldung early in the next century.” Zika, Appearance, 24. In contrast, Peter Schmidt, argues for the importance of the relationship between text and image for didactic purposed, beginning in the last decades of the fifteenth century. “The Multiple Image: The Beginnings of Printmaking, between Old Theories and New Approaches,” in Origins of European Printmaking: Fifteenth-Century Woodcuts and Their Public, ed. Peter Parshall and Rainer Schoch (Washington D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2005), 43.

!222 were not confident it would sell.23 There is nothing to suggest they were in any way interested in the content of the book when they agreed to publish an edition. The establishment of a visual convention of witchcraft in the early to mid sixteenth century was produced by a reciprocal relationship between artist/author/publisher and reader/ consumer. De lamiis would not have influenced Dürer and Baldung Grien had it not been published frequently. In light of Bakhtin’s dialogism, the heteroglot of the first edition of

De lamiis, which includes the ideological underpinnings of the Malleus, had to defend itself against a growing heteroglossia, which was determined by consumer demand.

Conclusion

De lamiis did not contribute much new information about witchcraft in the late fifteenth century. The issues under debate were already part of a larger discussion regarding witchcraft, and even the style of the images was included in other materials.

Yet, this book enjoyed tremendous success and it received 36 editions between

1489-1669 in Germany, France, and Switzerland. The woodcuts in the first edition created the initial interest in the text, while editions of the sixteenth and seventeenth century maintained that popularity due to the inclusion of the book into the canon of

23 “By the turn of the sixteenth century…Molitor’s work had become extremely popular, or was at least regarded by printers as very marketable. There seems little doubt that this marketability had much to do with the accompanying illustrations. The same scenes were recycled again and again with only slight stylistic and iconographical changes. The woodblocks were clearly sold to a number of printers, as in some cases the images were simply reversed or slight changes made to their accompanying frames. In some editions particular woodcuts were repeated, their order altered as they were attached to different chapters, or they were used as title pages or conclusions to the text.” Zika, Appearance, 18.

!223 witchcraft theory. De lamiis became part of this canon due to its association of image and text, during a time when people were beginning to associate what witches did with how they looked. The influence of De lamiis on the broader artistic community, due to the large distribution of its many editions, particularly the first 18, helped contribute to this association.

The woodcuts in De lamiis have, over time, become much more important than the textual content of the book. In 1987 Davidson suggested that, “Without its illustrations, the book might have been noted by its patron, shelved away and largely forgotten. Parenthetically, this is exactly what has happened to De lamiis with the passage of time. The illustrations survived to be used in all sorts of context in modern publishing, but the text has never been translated and is known only to specialists.”24 In the last several decades the genres that include De lamiis imagery have grown. Woodcut four was used in the opening credits of American Horror Story: Coven; Michael Ostling used a variation of woodcut seven on his handout for a talk at the Sixteenth Century Society

(though he never mentioned De lamiis), and woodcut six is on the homepage for the

Cornell Witchcraft Collection Website. This list could continue in perpetuity. Yet, only three editions of the book have been published in a modern context.25

24 Davidson, The Witch, 17.

25 There is a 1926 French edition by Tiquetonne Editions, a 2008 edition in modern German by Nicholas Equiamicus, and a 1997 transcription of the 1508 Otmar edition by Jörg Mauz. Maria Ahn is currently working on a critical translation of the 1489 Reutlingen edition, published by Johann Otmar.

!224 By themselves, the illustrations ensure De lamiis’ significance in a modern context, yet it was the association of text and image in the context of incunabular publishing in the late fifteenth century that made De lamiis so influential. Often the scholarship has focused on a single element of De lamiis, though dissecting this problem into issues of literary scholarship, art history, and textual bibliography may be doing a disservice to the process itself. According to Norbert Ott in his essay “New Visions in

Medieval Studies” it is this strict adherence to a single methodology that causes the complete picture to be missed.26 For the purposes of this dissertation, the process of intersecting issues of word and image allows for an entire representation of the text.

Without this approach, the point of De Lamiis may be lost.

During the early modern period the concept of image gained greater cultural and social currency. With new methods in printing techniques that allowed the public to utilize both text and image to gain a better understanding of a text, the publishing market became larger and more sophisticated. As Kathryn Starkey argues in her essay “Visual

Culture and the German Middle Ages,” the role of visualization dramatically altered the way in which seemingly ordinary stimuli were perceived, beginning long before the advent of moveable type. According to Starkey “there appears to be a visual turn at the

26 “Given the manner in which individual academic disciplines tend to remain, at times stubbornly, wed to the methods handed down to them, it is somewhat surprising that one interdisciplinary topic has already been attracting the passionate attention of various disciplines within the humanities for some time now: the topic of “word and image.” Norbert Ott, “Word and Image as a Field of Research: Sound Methodologies or just a Fashionable Trend? A Polemic from a European Perspective” in Visual Culture and the German Middle Ages, edited by Kathryn Starkey and Horst Wenzel (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005).

!225 end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth century when we find the overt development of a courtly culture that goes hand in hand with innovations in architecture, fashion, literature, and literary transmission.”27 This seems particularly appropriate to the analysis of the consequences of early printing, especially for De Lamiis. Although the content of a book should not be overlooked, it is not this element alone that created and maintained the popularity of this small handbook. The relationship between text and image is a far more powerful combination than that of just the word or image alone. In this case, as was common during this time, the actual type itself functioned as a sort of visual image. As Starkey argues, “visual culture, therefore, in the broadest sense, refers to images, objects, and performance and the processes of visually perceiving them.”28 This would explain why issues of typeface or page layout are so critical to understanding the regional differences of printing in Germany as opposed to other areas, such as Italy, where printing was arguably more wide spread, yet had completely different conventions in printing standards.

In a letter from Gregory the Great to Bishop Serenus of Marseille (600), the former chastised the latter for removing images from his church, as “images are like writing for the illiterate.”29 While literacy rates were increasing dramatically, De lamiis had to function in a still mostly illiterate society. This was often done through group

27 Kathryn Starkey, “Visual Culture in the German Middle Ages” in Visual Culture and the German Middle Ages, edited by Kathryn Starkey and Horst Wenzel (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 2.

28 Starkey, 3.

29 Starkey, 4.

!226 reading. Generally the historiography on image and text has separated the written word from the use of picture, which is particularly problematic for De lamiis. Current scholarship suggests a different approach, proposing that, “images and texts thus functioned similarly and were perceived as complementary means by which one might achieve the same results. The relationship between text and image or word and image is now regarded by many scholars as discursive, indeed symbiotic.”30 There is no way to remove one from the other, particularly when looking at De Lamiis. It exemplifies well such a “symbiotic relationship,” as the book was an unlikely candidate for publishing success on the merit of text or image alone. This is evident from the subsequent publishing of the anthologies of De lamiis without illustrations in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This emphasis on text and image as being a crucial part of visual culture is necessary in understanding this unique publishing history.

If the reasons for the commercial success of the Malleus are quite clear to scholars of early printing, the reasons for the publication success of De Lamiis have been largely ignored. I have argued that the book was originally published at the behest of Archduke

Sigismund of Austria so that he could more fully understand the concern of the activities of witches within his territory. A slightly unstable man who was removed from office shortly after Molitor’s publication, Sigismund required an answer to Institoris and

Sprenger’s original contention about witchcraft. Molitor’s answer to the Archduke relied heavily on his predecessors and he added only a few elements that were missing from the

30 Starkey, 4.

!227 original work: the witch’s ability to reveal the secrets of princes, the role of confession under torture, and a couple of trial accounts that Molitor and Schatz had attended.

Sigismund would have certainly been interested in this predicament, and Molitor provided the necessary answers for these concerns. Other than this, he chose to reiterate previously established issues without further commentary, leaving problems of judicial matters to those legally responsible for the prosecution of witchcraft. The didactic dialogue between himself, Sigismund, and Conrad Schatz, his trusted advisor, provided a fresh alternative to the dense narrative of the Malleus, increasing the interest a reader might have in the arguments presented. One of the greatest advantages De Lamiis had over the Malleus was its vernacular text. This, accompanied by the new recognition of literary styles, allowed wider access to Molitor’s ideas, providing readers with the opportunity to take the tiny book home and read it privately. This new style of readership was granted to those who would otherwise have been unable to participate in the process of individual reading, further increasing the distance from blind acceptance that was becoming more prevalent during this period.

Molitor, or rather his publishers, always with an eye toward a wider audience, marketed the book brilliantly. While the content relied on already established ideas about witchcraft, and did so well, the layout of the book, which the publishers changed in order to create and maintain reader interest, was arguably even more critical to its success. This was initially most obvious in the use of woodcuts. Those who designed the blocks were keenly aware of the context of the book and illustrated the text accordingly. These images

!228 were essential to the text’s success when literacy rates were low, and became less significant as more were able to understand the content of the book. While the specific woodcuts themselves remained similar throughout the publication of different editions in the early years of printing, the change of woodcuts in individual copies demonstrates the dynamic nature of the publishing history of De Lamiis. Apart from the actual woodcuts themselves is the “image” of the book itself. The small format of the early editions allowed for a cheap publication, perhaps one of the more important reasons for its publishing success. The publishers often chose a gothic typeface (rather than roman), in order to make the reader feel more comfortable with the vernacular text. They changed this as literary conventions changed in the sixteenth century. The period surrounding the publication of De Lamiis witnessed inconsistent use of rubrication. It was provided for after printing was complete, yet only a few copies reviewed were actually rubricated. The interest was still there, but the progression was towards printing these embellishments, as can be seen in the borders that were used within the text when hand editing was not. So, while the reason for the publication of De Lamiis is apparent, its publishing success is as well. The Malleus already had gained wide acceptance among its readers, so the publishers of De Lamiis were taking few risks in the content that Molitor proposed. It presented that content in a way that was accessible to the lay reader and educated elite alike, and made it entertaining in the process. It was an inexpensive publication that was visually interesting and portable, features that were becoming increasingly important in

German-speaking lands by the 1490s. This investment in visual culture was sure to be

!229 successful within the context of fifteenth-century publishing, which continued through the middle of the seventeenth century.

260

Appendix B

(a2 recto)

Tracratus ad illustrisimu pricipem dum Sigismundum archiducem austrie. Stirie carinthie etc.. De laniis and phitonicis mulieribus per Ulricum molitoris de Constantia. Studij papiensis. Decretorum doctorem et curie constantiensis. Causarum patronum ad honorem eiusdem pricipis ac sub sue celsitudinis emedatione scriptus.

Epistola

Exellentissime princeps and domine. domine archidux colendissime humilis Ulrich molitoris de Constantia doctor tue celsitudinis sese in obsequium offert. Cum itaque supioribus annis pests quarudarum laniarum and incantatricum. Terras tue excellentie. Inuasisse diceretur. Itaque cum nonnulle tuo sub imperio mulieres de huismodi heresi suspecte capte forent. Apduque torturam interrogate. Varia responderent unde tuis consulibus. Varia ea de re inter se opinantibus uno quippe in illam altero nempe in aliam partem declinante tandem apud tuam clementiam mei memoria incidit. Itaque pro insita tua auiditate; veritatem cognoscendi per tue dignationis consules demadatum suscepi. Vt quid ego in ea re sentirem id tua excellentie. Stilli officio designare non omitterem. Uerum quamuis istuc laboriosum and picolosum sit laboriosum quidem mihi in alijs occupato and victum querere curanti. Periculosum autem propter inuidos et detractores qui cuncta que nequeut imitari non tamen cessant calumniari et que ipsi sua inertia experiri non poterunt venenoso dente veluti seteger bircus. Lacerare non omittunt Quamuis insuper ista materia preclaros etiam doctores in dubium aduocauerit. Attamen dignum existimaui quia pro tua excellentia corpusculi mei membra tuis obsequijs obtines devicta eius etiam si que sunt animi vires possideas ut dum exterioris homis partes sesead tua deuouent obsequie debilis ex quoque and rudis intellectus meus ad tue celsitudinis gloriam

(a2 verso)

Non dormitet. Opus itaque presens sub tua tuorumque sapientissimorum consulum correctione presertun clarissimi viri Conradi sturzel vtriusque iuris doctoris ac tue precellentie maximi secretarij. Cuius quippe corrextioni hunc tractatum specialius submisi. Quoniam eundem priscis temporibus in preceptorem and magistri locum habui. Eloquentie etiam elementa iurisque sententias adhuc inuenis suxi. Hodieque sugere desiderem. Vtsic a gressus sum. Etenim cum apud priscos oratores dyalogus pleruque aliquid iocundioris delectationis afferri extimatum est. idcirco presenti in tractatu per viam dyalogi imo trilogy procedere decreui.Uerum quia multa ea de re disputatione digna cum prouido et prestanti viro Conrado schatz huius inclite ciuitatis mee constantiensis. Plurium annorum pretore. et magistratum gerente viro vtique spectato et facundia florente recensui. Qui tamquam pretor huiusmodi mulierum confessions didicit. Itaque ipsum presentem dyalogum seu trilogum sub tuo excellentissimo ipsiusque. Cunradi et meo nominibus expedire arbitratus idcirco sub benignitat venia ad materiam accedens. Quasdam questiones pro claui huius materie discuciendas premisi.

261

Capitula presentis tractatus

Primo vtrum ex facto laniarum et incantaricum ac cooperatione demonum possint prouocari grandines et pluuie in lesionem terre

Secondo vtrum lanie et incnatatrices possint adiutorio dyaboli hominibus et infantibus nocere ac morbos eisdem inferre eosdemque debilitare

Tercio vtrum possint hominem etiam coniugali in statu constitutum ad coendum inficere et impotentem reddere.

Quarto vtrum possint hominum ymagines et facies eorum in alias formas immutare

Quinto vtrum incantatrices et lanie possint super baculum unctum vel super lupum seu aliud animal equitare et ad sui conuiuij ludum de loco ad locum traduci vbi bibant et comedant ac mutuo se cognoscant atque delectentur

(a3 recto)

Sexto vtrum cum talibus et maleficis mulieribus possit dyabolus incubando in forma bominis comisceri.

Septimo vtrum ex tali coitu sit possibile generari filios

Octavo vtrum incantatrices et phitonice mulierea adiutorio demonum possint secreta scire et consilia principum reuelare ac fururos euentus predicere

Nono verum iusto iudicio possint tales malefice et scelerate mulieres comburi vel alijs supplicijs affici

Exorditur itaque clementissimus archidux Sigismundus austrie

Sigmundus: Fidelis nobisque dilecte doctor vlrice quoniam singulari fauore ob tua in nos merita te prosequimur idcirco presenti de materia tecum pre ceteris disputare decreuimus Ulricus— Illustrissime princeps quamuis gratum sit vt pro tua in me clementia me dignum inter disputandum fore iudicaueris attamen ecce ad est. Cunradus schatz pretor mee ciuitatis vir vtique ingenio prestans conuersationeque argutus consodalis meus. Placeat igitur eius industriam hac de re prius experiri. Sigmundus—placet nam et eundem consilio maturum: conuersationeque facetum noui Idcirco quia nobis sermo de laniarum et incantatricum maleficijs habendus erit Itaque querendum primo duxi. Utrum ex facto laniarum possint prouocari tonitrua pluuie et gran dines. Cunradus – Quamuis in huiusmodi difficultate que etiam doctissimos viros pro discussione terreri solet. Me inscium putem. Iuxta verbum socratis. Quisolitus fuit dicere se hoc solum scire. Quod nesciret. Attamen ne videar. clementis principis monitis non adquiescere. Loquar pauca vt initiundem mouendi maiora. Sigmundus- Dic igitur. Cunradus- Apud philosophum tritum est sermone prouerbium. Vt fama quam onmes famant. Non omnino perdatur. Fama autem communis est. quod ipse strige tonitrua et grandines effecerint magnaque damna segetibus et bominibus in-

262

(a3 verso) tulerint. Ex confessione quoque earum in tortura facta. Se talia fecisse et modum faciendi tradidisse compertum est. Sigmundus- at ego nude fame non intendo facile enim ductum. Sequitur vulgus. Nec confessione torturali satiabor. Cum metu tormentorum quis inducitur quandoque ad confitendum id quod in rerum natura non est. Verum ca que oculis non conspeximus auctoritate. Tum vel concludenti ratione percipere desideramus. Nam recta disputatio. Auctorirate et ratione cocluditur. Ulricus- profecto experientia in decidendis causis contemptibilis non est. cum experientia dicatur esse rerum magistra vt dicitur in ca vbi periculum delect li vi vij. tritum est apud populares prouerbium experto crede ruberto. Sigmundus- Ad ostendendum igitur quod lanie maleficeque mulieres nihil sciant: me istuc mouet: videlicet. Nam si talia iste maledicte mulieres scirent et efficere possent non esset opus principibus temporibus belli clientulos militesque conducere. Qui interras hostium irruerent agrosque deuastarent. Incendijs domos et villas concremarent. Uerum satis esset. Talem mulierem phitonicam aduocare eidemque saluum conductum addicere. Et hortari quatenus super hostium terras talis maledicta mulier grandines fulmina et tempestateo prouocaret. Ac vt sic hostium terram periclitare moliereitur. Etenim quia videmus quod ipse talia facere non possunt. Etiam si vellent. Ad faciendumque etiam si a principibus quod tamen absit inducerentur. vnde inferendum censeo ipsas talia facere non posse. Preterea ex fide habemus solum deum stellarum et elementorum esse gubernatorem qui legem pati sidera iubet. Et qui iuxta boetium in li de consolatione. Perpetua mundum ratione gubernat. Stabilisque manens dans cuncta moueri. Quomodo igitur mulieres lanie adiutorio demonum illum summum motorem. Qui certa ratione cuncta gubernar in buiusmodi suo motu impedire et in alium motum dirigere possent. Cunradus- Ponderanda quidem est magni principis ratio. Sed non minus ponderandum est. illus quod Exo. Ca. vij. dicit. Nam quamuis moyses ante faciem pharaonis regis egipti multa signa

(a4 recto)

Et prodigia feciss et. Nihilominus malefici talia similiter effecerunt. Qui incantationibus suis aquas in sainguinem verterunt et ranas super terram produxerunt. Ecce igitur ex sara scriptura veteris testamenti clarere. quod malefici adiutorio demonum aquas turbarunt. Quia eas in sanguimen verterunt et agros prediaque ranis confuderunt. Item libro primo Job. Cap. P legitur quod dyabolo procurante. Ventus vehemens irruit a regione deserti et concussit quatuor angulos domus. Que corruens oppressit liberos iob et mortui sunt. Ecce quod dyabolus potestate sua aerem prouocauit. Puerosque oppressit dicitur etiam eodem libro dyabolum fulmina ignis prouocasse. Dicit enim tex. Ignis dei cecidit de celo. et tactas oues puerosque consumpsit. Item ioh in apoca ca vij ait. Post hec vidi angelos stantes super quatuor angulos terre tenetes quatuor ventos terre ne flarent super terram neque mare neque in vllam arborem et vidi alterum angelum ascendentem ab ortu solis habentem signum dei viui et clamauit voce magna quatuor angelis quibus datum est no cere terre et mari dicens. Nolite nocere terre neque mari. neque aboribus quosque signemus seruos dei in frontibus. Sirgmundus- Doctor qui sunt illi quatuor angeli quibus Iohannes ait esse datum vt possint nocere terre. Ulricus- sunt dyaboli. Sigmundus- Appelaturne dyabolus angelus Ulricus- Ita. Nam dyabolus ibidem et etiam alibi sepius angelus dicitur. Quia etiam missus a deo. Vt ibi dicit glosa ordinaria Sigmundus- Forte iohannes hec in spiritu vidit.

263

Dans nobis sue visionis exempla. Cunradus- Dignissime princeps non opus est exemplis. Dum res ante oculos facta existit. Vt audisti a maleficis coram pharaone et a gestis iob. Si igitur hec facta fore leguntur. Igitur et iam fieri posse. Quis dubitat. Ulricus- de illo passu in fine expost clarius loquamur

De nocumentis et morbis hominibus et infantibus illatis

(a4 verso)

Woodcut

(a5 recto)

Sigmundus- Quia de corruption et turbatione elementorum nobis sermo est. non incompetenter querendit(?) duximus. Si etiam hominibus et maxime infantibus morbos inferre et adiutorio demonum eisdem nocere possint. Cunradus- Audiui a plerisque mulieribus quomodo pueris incunabulis iacentibus varie egretudines acciderunt nunc quippe illi puero nasus apparuit curuatus nuncalteri oculus erutus. Quodque maledicte mulieres quandoque comprehense asseruerunt in torturaque recognouerunt ob inuidiam parentum setalia pueris auxilio demonum irrogasse. Sigmundus- Audisti quod confessionibus talibus permetum extortis non saturabor quid igitur alind rationis seu autoritatis im medium adducis. Cunradus- Iam superius pro auctoritate in libro primo Job cognouimus quod dyabolus filios eiusdem ventum prouocando oppressit. Et mortui sunt. Digneris itaque audire beatum angustinum xxi li deciuitate dei ca. xviij dum ait. Prorsusque scriptum est graue iugum filio adam a die exitus de ventre matris eorum vsque in diem sepulture: matrem omnium vsque a deo impleri est necesse. Vt ipsi paruuli per lauacrum regenerationis ab originalis peccati quo solum tenebantur vinculo iam soluti multa patientes nonnulli incursus spirituum malignorum patiantur. Ecce quod augustinus sentit pueros incursus demonum patri etc. Item beatus hieronimus ad paulam de dormitione bresille in epistola ait. Quid cause est. vt sepe binoli et trinoli ac vbera materna lactantes a demonio corrumpuntur etc. Ecce igitur sacra scriptura et sanctorum partum auctoritate osten sum ese dyabolum potestatem quandoque habere corrumpendi pueros et infantes eisdemque nocendi. Sigmundus- Locuti modo sumus de infantibus quid igitur in senibus et adultis Cunradus- Multos vidimus senes claudicantes et contractos: qui asseruerunt ex maleficio illarum maledictarum ipsis istud euenisse. Sigmundus- Quid autem sentit scriptura Cunradus- In le-

(a5 verso)

(le)genda sanetorum symonis et iude legitur. Quomodo coram re ge babilonie zarocht et arphaxat malefici fuerunt constituti. Qui ipsius regis oratores et rethores mutos et claudos atque cecos effecerunt ac visum et gressum eisdem denuo reddiderunt. Ecce apertum testimonium quod maleficinocere possunt bominibus etiam senibus acclaudos et cecos facere et rursus eosdem sanare. Sigmundus- Hi nanque oratores quibus huiusmodi maleficia euenerunt pagani extiterunt. Et in christum non crediderunt. Nec signo crucis muniti fuerunt. Ulricus- prudenter loqueris o inclite princeps. Quoniam in eadem legenda canitur. quod postquam dicti oratores et rethores in christum crediderunt. Et per apostolos signo crucis muniti fuerunt. Dicti magi eisdem vltra nocere

264 non poterant quamquam magi ipsi irritati iterato eisdem nocere attentassent. Cunradus- Aye aye quomodo igutur poterat dyabolus nocere iob qui eundem grauissimo vlcere percussit. Adeoque eundem lesit. Vt infimo iacens vix suspirare potuerit. Vt legitur in libro iob et tamen ipse iob erat vir sanctus in voluntate dei vt testatur scriptura ambulans. Item in legenda sancti anthonij legitur quomodo demones eundem valde grauiter percusserunt qui tamen vir sanctus et deo placidus fuit ecce ergo ex bis constare demones super sanctos etiam viros potestatem nocendi eisdem habuisse. Si igitur viros sanctos. Turbare potuerunt. Cur igitur et alijs de quorum sanctitate nobis non constat nocere non possent. Sigmundus- Ex his magis atque magis hesitare incipio quid igitur sentiendum sit audire desidero Ulricus- Sine modo propre finem quid sentiendum sit latius de boc et alijs loquamur Sigmundus- Ex priori dubio oritur aliud. Utrum possint bominem in coniugali statu existentem inficere et coeundum impotentem reddere Cunradus- Uidiumus plures pulcros socios qui in coitu paucum aut nihil valuerunt imo qui proprias vxores carnaliter cognoscere non potuerunt asserentes ex maleficio hoc ipsis contigisse Sigmundis- O

(a6 recto) multi multa loquuntur Ulricus- Profecto canones in boc consentiunt asserentes per malefici fieri posse vt homo quia natura frigidus non est. ad coeundem in habilis reddatur itaque in decretali specialem titulum de frigidis et maleficiaris habemus vnde hysmarus etiam papa. In ca. Si per fortiarias xxxiij.q.i.ait. Si per sortiarias atque maleficas artes occulto. Sed nunquam dei iniusto iudicio permittente. Et dyabolo preparante concubitus non sequitur. hortandi sunt. Quibus ista eueniunt. Vt corde contrito et spiritu humilitatis deo et sacerdoti de omnibus peccatis suis puram confessionem faciant etc. Ecce dicit enim textus preparante dyabolo concubitus non sequitur. Et quamuis pro decisione huius dubij ad credenedum satis foret canon quia canonum constitutiones ab omnibus debent approbari vt dicitur in capi primo de constitu. nihilominus tamen hoc idem astruut doctores. Unde beatus thomas in iiij super setentijs distinct.xxxiiij.ait. quod ex maleficio potest quis esse impotens ad vnam et non ad aliam. Itaque dominus hostiensis in summa libro.iiij.rubrica xvij. De frigidis et maleficiatis dixit aliquando maleficiantur homines ita quod redduntur per sortilegium impotentes omnibus preterquam vni. Aliquando etiam maleficiatur adeo vu non posset cognoscere vxorem sed omnes alias Sigmundus—Animum meum hec mouent quia mira sunt nam cum coitus a natura nobis detur admirandum certe erit quomodo dyabolus cursum nature impedire nobis ignorantibus possit. Ulricus- Nam et ego vlricus ad decem et octo annos in curia constantiensi causarum fui patronus et aduocatus prout hodie sum et huiusmodi causas frigiditatis et maleficij i practica plures habui vbi mulieres accusabant coram iudice maritos de impotentia coeundi. Sigmundus- Quid igitur decretum fuit in talibus causis. Ulricus- Decreuerunt iudices viros taliter

(a6 verso) infectos medicis curie huiusmodi iuratis ostendere se debere pro examine medicorum faciendo. Sigmundus- Quid inde Ulricus- Itaque plures comperi per medicos curie iuratos inspectos quos ipse medici asseruerunt natura non frigidos: sed sortilegio maleficiatos esse. Sigmundus- Et quid super huiusmodi medicorum examine finaliter sententiatum extitit. Ulricus- Decreuerunt itaque iudices partes ad triennium mutuo cohabitare debere opus carnis huiusmodi attentando quodque

265 largiores in ieiunijs et elemosynis forent vt deus qui institutor est matrimonij huiusmodi maleficium ab eis auferre dignaretur. Uerum quia hiusmodi articulo opinionem meam in fine cum precedentibus dubijs latius declarare intendo. Interimad alia dubia te conuertere si velis poteris. Sigmundus—Quarta enimuero fuit questio.

Utrum possit facies hominum in alias formas imutare

(a7 recto)

Woodcut

(a7 verso)

Ulricus—Quid tibi dignissime princeps videtur Sigmundus—Quod non Ulricus—Quo hoc asseris motiuo Sigmundus—Dicitur enim in decreto in ca episcopi xxvi.q.v. vbi inquit textus. Quisquis ergo credit posse fieri aliquam creaturam aut in melius aut in deterius imutari aut transformari posse in aliquam speciem aut in aliquam similitudinem. Nisi ab ipso creatore qui omnia fecit et per quem omnia facta sunt. Infidelis est et pagano deterior hec textus Cunradus— Canoni nanque aduersari non intendo. Sed que apud historiographos me legisse memini recitare cupio. Quid igitur ad virgilium dicitur qu in bucolicis e glosa octaua recenset quod dum vlixes suis cum socijs a troya exulando ad cire reginam declinasset ipsa quoque circe hospites tales suscipiendo poculo malefica eisdem ministrasset itaque ipsi hospites postquam venenata pocula bibissent in animalium diuersarum specierum conuersi sunt. hic namque in lupum. Alter in aprum. Alins vero in leonem. Sigmundus—Fabulam recitas poete finxerunt quibus non creditur. Cunradus—Certe poete reijciendi non sunt. Nam celius lactantius ait poetas historias scriprisse. Sed sub occulto figmenta velasse. Attamen hanc recitat boetius doctor catholicus in libro quarto de consolatione et ait.

Uela naritij ducis Et vagas pelago rates Eurus appulit insule Pulchra qua residens dea Solis edita femine Miscet hospitibus nouis Tacta carmine pocula Duos vt in varios modos Uertit herbipotens manus Hunc apri facies tegit Ille marmaricus leo

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Dente crescit et vngulibus

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Hic lupus nuper additus Flere dum parat vluat Ille tigris vt indica Lecta mitis obambulat Sed licet varijs malis Numen archadis alitis Obsitum miserans ducem Peste soluerit hospitis Iam tamen mala remiges Ore pocula traxerant Jam sues cerealia Blande pabula verteram Et nihil manet integrum Uoce et corpore perditis Sola mens staibilisque semper Monstra que patitur gemit O leuem nimium manum Nec potentia gramina Membra que valeant lice Corda vertere non valeant Intus est hominum vigor Arte conditus abdita Hec venena potentius Detrahunt hominem sibi Dira que penitus meant Hec nocentia corpori Aentis vulnere seuiunt

Hec boetius decurtatis metris canit. Sigmundus—Tam et si preclaro stilo boetius vlixis sociorumque gesta recitet hesito tamen an vera sint. Et si talia gesta vera fuerint. Non mirum si istud his hominibus accidit qui pagani fu

(a8 verso) erunt y dola venerantes. Et statuas demonum adorantes.vnde dyabolum super homines tales maiorem potestatem habuisse credimus. Cum autem nos deum celi adoremus et in Christum credamus per quem ab imperio dyaboli liberati sumus. vnde nobis talia contingere posse non existimo. Cunradus—Insuper his simile factum audiuimus. Narrat enim Appulleius. Prout eum recitat Augustinus eidem asini aures accidisse. Ac accepto veneno humano animo permanente se asinum factum fuisse. Sigismundus—Dixi iam differentiam esse inter y dola adorantes et deum celi colentes. Cunradus—Procedamus igitur ad eos qui deum celi adorarunt. vt ostendamus eisdem venefica arte talia pariter accidisse. Sigmundus—Procede igitur. Cunradus—In hystoria clementis recitatur quomodo facies faustiani qui pater sancti Clementis extitit et cum beato Petro apostolo conuersabatur per Simonem maleficum immutata fuerit.dicitur enim in eadem historia

267 quod cum imperator Cornelium centurionem misesset anthiochiam vt illic magos et maleficos caperet Faustinianus licentiam salurandi Apionem et Anubionem a beato Petro pecijt. Cum autem idem faustianus apud Simonem maleficum declinasset. Itaque symon anubiani et Appiani exposuit quomodo idem illa nocte Cornelium centurionem fugere vellet eoquum audisset eundem Cornelium imperatoris ex precepto se comprehendere velle vnde ipse Simon omnem furorem infaustinianum conuertere proposuerit. Tantum inquiens facite faustinianum cenare vobiscum At ego (ait) quoddam interim vnguentum componam quo cenatus faciem suam perungat exeo quod vultum meum habere videatur. Uos autem herbe cuiusdam succo faciem peruguimini prius vt non fallamini de imitatione vultus eius. Uolo enim vt comprehendatur ab his qui me querunt et lucrum habeant filij eius qui me relicto confugerunt ad petrum. Itaque facies faustiniani fuit mutata. Vt nemo eandem preter quam petrus cognosceret. Ad modum quippe vt qui faustinianum

(b1 recto)

Intuebatur existimabat Simonem magum videre. Ecce igitur quod permaleficas artes vir sanctus erat immutatus. Sigmundus—forte pro tunc faustinianus cathecuminus fuit. Nec dum baptisatus a petro. Vel deus hoc ideo permisit. Vt dolus symonis magi proficeret in gloriam petri prout factum fuit. Cunradus—Quocunque modo permissum extiterit attamen ex historia claret quod facies eius per maleficum immutata fuit. Item in historia beati petri recitatur quod cum symon magus ante faciem neronis imperatoris staret eius effigies subito mutabatur vt modo senior modo adolescentior videbatur. In eadem quoque historia legitur quod symon magus hircum in speciem hominis scilicet ipsius symonis mutauit fertur enim symonem neroni dixisse vt scias optime imperator me filium dei esse iube me decollari et tercia die resurgam. Precepit ergo nero carnifici vt decollaret eum qui cum putaret symonem decollare. Decollauit arietem Simon autem arietis membra recolligens se et ila tribus Diebus abscondit tercio vero die ostendit se neroni dicens fac sanguinem meum abstergi qui effusus est. quoniam ecce eto qui decollatus fueram: sicuti promisi tercia die resurrexi. Nero vero his visis obstupuit et eum filium dei esse putauit. Sigmundus— bone doctor quid tu affers in medium. Ulricus—Maiorum doctorum testimonia in eam rem conducentia. Dicit enim beatus augustinus in libro de spiritu et anima. Humana opinio dicit quod quadam arte et potestate demonum homines conuerti possunt in lupos et iumenta et portare queque necessaria postquam peracta opera iterum ad seredire nec bestialem mentem in eis fieri. Sed rationalem humanamque seruare. Hoc intelligendum est quod demones quidem naturam non creant. Sed solum aliquid tale facere possunt vt videantur esse quod non est. Hec augustinus. Ecce ergo quod augustinus concedit quod aliquid tale facere possunt. Sigmundus—Sed subdit vt videantur esse quod non est. Ulricus—De hoc latius in solutione

(b1 verso)

Finali dicemus. In super augustinus in libro xviij de ciuitate dei ait. de ludificationibus demonium quid dicemus nisi de medio babilonis esse fugiendum quanto enim in hec yma maiorem potestatem demonum videmus. Tanto tenacius mediatori in herendum. Per quem de ymis ad summa conscendimus. Nam cum essemus in italia audiebamus talia de quadam regione illarum partium ubi stabularias mulieres imbutas his artibus in caseo dare solere dicebant quibus vellent seu possent viatoribus unde in iumenta illico verterentur et necessaria queque portarent. Postquam

268 perfuncta opera ad se redirent nec in eis vitam bestialem fieri. Sed rationalem seruari. Hec augustinus Sigmundus—Hic augustinus loquitur de audito alieno dicens se a quibusdam recitatoribus audiuisse. vnde dictum augustini in hoc nhiil concludit quia testis de auditu alieno loquens non probat. Ulricus—Sapienter loqueris attamen audiamus propinquiora Vincentius in speculo naturali libro tercio c. cix refert cuius verba hec. Refert guilhelmus malmesberiensis monachus in historia sua quod tempore petri damiani suerunt due vetule in strata publica quas augustinus appellat stabularias id est transuentes ad hospicia pro mercede suscipientes. Nam stabularium proprie hospicum venale et publicum dicitur. hee uno commorantes tugurio uno quoque imbute maleficio hospitem si quando supercueniebat solus in equum vel suem vel asinum mutabant et mercatoribus vendentes precium habebant. Quadam die iuuenem histrionicis gestibus victum exigentem hospicio susceperunt susceptumque asinuin fecerunt multum inde lucrantes per alinum scilicet qui miraculo gestium destinabat transeuntes. Nam quocunque modo anus preceptisset mouebatur. Non enim amiserat intellectum sed loquelam multum inde questum conflauerant vetule. Audiens hoc vicinus diues. asinum emit magno precio. Dictum quoque est ei ab illis vetulis ut custodirent eum ne in aquam intraret servatusque asinus diu

B2 recto ab aqua tandem in cautiorem nactus custodiam in lacum proximum se proiecit et ibi se diu volutans asininam figuram perdidit propriamque recepit. Cunque custos eius scissitaretur ab eodem obuio. Si asinum vidisset ille se esse dicit famulus ad dominum retulit dominus apostolicum leonem virum seculo sactissimum. Conuicte anus idem fatentur. Dubitantem papem confirmauit petrus damianus vir eruditissimus producto exemplo de symone mago qui faustianum videri fecit in figura symonis. Ecce ergo quod petrus damianus vir et doctor magne auctoritatis apud papam conclusit hoc fieri potuisse Sigmundus—Tantis historijs et auctoritatibus me impellis ut nesciam quorsum tandem me vertam. Ulricus—In fine latius sequamur de hoc.

Utrum proficiscantur ad conuiuia super baculum vel lupum equitando

B2 verso: Woodcut

B3 recto

Sigmundus—Uliterius quero vtrum super baculum pinguediue quadam vnctum. Aut super lupum vel aliud animal possint tales mulieres maledicte equitarre. Et an dyabolus posset cas deffere de loco ad locum vt bibant et conuiuia celebrent. sese mutuo cognoscant atque delectentur Ulricus—Audienda est tuo opinion benigne archidux. Sigmundus—Nouimus quod dyabolus spiritus est incorporalis qui non habet manus neque nec etiam alas qui etiam non commensuratur loco quomodo igitur hominem qui corporeus est portare posset Cunradus—forte spritus ingrediuntur aliqua corpora et assumunt sibi talia ad opus illud quod facere volunt apta atque tunc in illis corporibus efficiunt id quod volunt. Nam in sacra scriptura legimus Danielis vltimo quod angelus domini apprehendit abacuck in vertice eius et portauit eum in capillo capitis sui et posuit eum in babilonem. Ecce quamuis angeli spiritus sint et non habeant manus neque pedes tamen concludendum est quod angelus corpus assumpserit quo abacuck capillis tenere et portare potuit. Sic actuum apostolorum viij legitur quod spiritus domini rapuit phillipum et inuentus est in azoto.

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Sigmundus—Hoc in spiritibus et angelis bonis posset concede in quibus maior est potestas Ulricus—Loquamur ergo de malis et sic de dyabolo Nam in legenda sacti iacobi legitur quod dyabolus bermoginem constrinxit et ligatis manibus et pedibus eundem ad sanctum iacobum detulit. Cunradus—Referam autem ego quod temporibus nostris quibus adhuc iuuenes et mutuo in scientijs humanitatis constudentes fuimus accidit ante enim lapsum multorum annorum vidi ego in iudicio prouinciali ciuitatis Constantiensis duos mutuo litigantes vbi accusator in forma turis seni scribens contra quendam rusticum quem mealeficum asseruit actionem proposut. Quomodo id em rusticus super lupum quendum equitans obuiam accsator venerii quo obuiante ipse accusator subito contractus et membris languidis factus fuerit itaque rogante eo maleficum vt sani

B3 verso tatem sibi restitueret annuerit maleficus qui abiens rem aliquantulum temporis tacitus continuit. Uerum quia idem rusticus etiam altij suo maleficio damna intulisse dicebatur vnde tandem accusator eundem publice in figura iudicij accusauit. Sigmundus—Quid ad huismodi accusationem rusticus respondit Cunradus—negauit ille Sigmundus—ad torturam fuitne positus Cunradus- Non Sigmundus—Quomodo igitur conuinci potuit Cunradus—per testes Sigmundus—Quid deposuervnt testes Cunradus—ipsum talia facere sciuisse. Sigmundus—Scire namque reprehendinon potest cum iuxta arestotilem homines boies naturaliter scire desiderat Cunradus—Subiunxerunt namque testes eundem rusticum non solum talia facere sciuisse sed etiam fecisse. Sigmundus—Quam namque causam dicti allegarunt testes Cunradus— Asseruerunt pro eorundem iuraments prescita quod ipse rusticus maleficus etiam ipsos testes in corpore et rebus damnificauerit Sigmundus—Datusne fuerat ipsi accusato orator ad defendendum Ulricus—at ego tali iudicio affui et illud cum grauitate et maturitate fieri vidi. Ipsas etiam partes duos magne eloquentie viros prelocutores habuisse nemini Sigmundus—Qui namque hij fuerunt Ulricus—Cunradum quondam schatz patrem nostri condisputantes ac Ulricum quondam blarer nostre ciuitatis pretores viros rememoratione dignos pro oratoribus habuerunt Sigmundus—Noui illos et prudentes sensui Cunradus—Ordinario itaque iudicio ex dictis testium ipsum accusatum conuictum condemnari condenatumque concremari vidi Sigmundus—Questio istec aliam particulam continet videlicet quod huismodi mulieres quandoque conueniant mutuoque confabulentur et bibant et se inuicem agnoscant. Cunradus— Sic fieri solere vulgus clamat ipseque mulieres talia confitentur et propinqua iudicia confessionis assignant Sigmundus—Nonne ait canon in ca episcopi xxvi q v vbi textus Illud et non omittendum est quod quedam mulieres scelerate retro post sathanam covnverse demonum illusionibus

B4 recto

Et fantasmatibus seducte credunt se et profitentur cum dyana nocturnis horis dea paganorum et cum herodiade et innumera multitudine mulierum equitare super quasdam bestias et multa terrarum spacia intempeste noctis silentio pertransire eius iussionibus obedire veluti domine et certis noctibus ad eius seriuitium euocari Sed vtinam he sole in perfidia perijssent et non multas secum ad infidelitatis interitum prouocassent Nam innunmera multitudo hac falsa opinione

270 decepta vera hec esse credit et credendo a recta fide deuia et errore paganorum inuoluitur. Cunradus—Si itaque iuxta verba canonis opinione decipiuntur vnde igitur prouenit quod ipse mulieres ex alijs ciuitatibus homines noscunt. Quos etiam conuiuio interfuisse asserunt et inditia cognitionis sue ostendunt quos tamen prius nunquam viderunt. Neque in huismodi ciuitatibus cum talibus prius conuersate fueruut Ulricus—Hanc instantiam et si vrgeri videatur tum prope finem huius tractatus exemplo sancti germani soluemeus Sigmundus—Querendum insuper fore existimo.

Utrum diabolus in forma hois apparere et cum huismodi maledictis mulieribus incubado possit commisceri.

B4 verso

Woodcut

B5 recto

Cunradus—Nemo dubitat quin dyabolus in forma hominis apparere possit. Nam in legenda sancti. Martini legitur quod cum martinus mediolanum preterisset. Dyabolus in humana specie sibi obuius fuit. Sic in legenda sancti Anthonij legitur quod dyabolus in specie pueri nigri prostratus apparuit. Item in legenda sancti eulogij legitur quod dyabolus in specie pulchre mulieris eundem apud fabrican suam alloquebatur. De saluatore quoque nostro. Mathei. Iiij legit. quod assumpsit eum dyabolus et statuit eum supe pinnaculum templi etc. Unde in hanc partem assentio quod dyabolus in specie humana possit cum hominibus apparere et cum eis conuersari. Legitur enim quod plato demone domestic quasi famulo vsus sit Sigmundus—sed quid de alia parte questionis an demones possint cum talibus mulieribus dormire et coire cum eisdem Cunradus—Hoc namque mulieres confitentur quod incubo conmisceantur et quasi ab amatoribus tractentur Sigmundus—Uana mulierum opinio multa garrulat que vera fore putat. Cunradus— profecto quandoque perseuerant in huiusmodi eorum confessione etiam cum admortem ducuntur et nihil aliud vident quam moriundum esse Uertrumtamen audiamus gesta aliorum magis auctorisabilia. Legitur enim historia sancti bernardi quod quidam demon siue incubus pluribus annis cum quadam muliere dormiuit etiam marito mulieris in eodem lecto condormiente attamen hoc nephas ignorante. Itaque tandem mulier penitentia ducta volens deinceps licentiare et expellere incubum verum non potuit. Unde beato bernardo conquerens qui ipsum demonem ardentibus candelis excommunicauit. Ac vi sic eundem a dicta muliere effugauit Item beatus augustinus in quindecimo libro de ciuitate dei ait creberrima fama est multique experti sunt vel ab illis qui expertos se audisse affirmant siluanos atque faunos quos vulgo incubos vocant imbrobos sepe mulieribus extitisse et earum a appetisse et peregisse concubitum. Item in historijs arcturi regis brytanie.

271

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Sepius leguntur huiusmodi accidisse. Sigmundus—Quid igitur respondetur ad auctoritatem cassiani qui ait Nullo ergo modo credendum est spirituales naturas cum feminis carnaliter coire posse. Ram si hoc aliquando posset fieri. Quomodo nunc vel nunquam vel raro videremus aliquos ex eorum concubitu de mulieribus absque viri femine nasci cum presertim costet eas libidus sordibus ad modum delectari. Quas proculdubio per semetipsas potius quam hominibus exercere mallent Si illud ullo modo effici posset. Hec ille. Ulricus-- Hec auctoritas inducit nos ad aliam questionem an videlicet ex coitu demonum cum mulieribus patrato possit nasci puer.

An ex coitu demonum cum mulierbus patrato possit nasci puer

Cunradus—Tritum est sermone proverbium ex huiusmodi concubito filios natos esse quos vulgus abiectos nominat qui etiam alamanico y deo mate wechselbach appellantur. Unde fabulatur a’ quadam melesina incubi que cuidam comiti adhesisse dicitur. Pluresque filios ex ea natos Suisse At unumquemque huiusmodi filiorum aliquid prodigij in membris habuisse. Illum nanque tres oculos alium dentes aprines contraxisse fama est. Sigmundus—Fabula hec ab incerto autore orta fidem non facit. Cunradus—Apud vincentium in libro historiali xxi.li.ca.xxx narratur quod wortigernus rex consilio inito cum sapientibus quid agere deberet ad sui tutamen consilio autem capto iussit conveniri artifices. vt ei turrim fortissimam construerent. Sed cum opera eorum tellus absorberet suasum est regi ut hominem sine patre quereret et eius sanguine lapides et cementum aspergi preciperet quasi hoc facto cementum stare potuisset inuentus igitur adolescens cui nomen erat

B 6 recto merlinus qui cum matre sua adducitur coram rege que professa est de spiritu in specie hominis illum concepisse. Merlinus autem multa obscura revelauit multa predixit futura Aperuit enim sub fundamento esse lacum sub lacu duos latere dracones. Quorum unus rubeus populum britonum alter vero albus saxonum designaret et quis in conflictu suo alterum vinceret predixit et aurelium ambrosium deuicto Hengisto et combusto wortigerno regnaturum Ex illa eum hystoria habes merlinum ex incubo dyabolum genitum. Item et de illo merlino beatus Augustinus et ceteri doctores faciunt mentionem. Sigmundus—Quid igitur sentiumt de merlino doctores. Ulricus— Prope sinem tractatus larius explicabitur nunc de illa particular incuborum amplius progrediamur. Glosa ordinaria super sexton capitulo. Senum(?) proprio(?) li ubi textus ait Sigantes autem errant super terram in die bus illis postquam enim ingress sunt filii dicit(?) I ad filias hominum ille quam genuerunt isti sunt potentes a secular virifamosi hec textus Slosa auten de super dicit. Aon est incredibile ab hominibus non ab angelis vell quibusdam demonibus qui mulieribus sunt improbi eiusmodi homines esse procreatos qui post diluuiu corpora non solum virorum sed et mulierum incredibili magnitudine extiterunt hec glosa Sigmundus—Mirabilis hec foret glosa Si dyabolibet(?) postet procurare pueros Ulricus—Josephus iudeotum nobilis princeps vir veiquam multarum rerum disertus quem etiam hieronimus laudibus effert hoc idem super illum passum scribens asserit illos ex cubitu spirituum incuborum cum mulieribus patrato natos fuisse. Cunradus—Adducam etenim proprinquiores historias Ganfredus anthiosidorus scribit prout eundem Vincentius in naturali libro tercio recitat. Dicens quomodo quidam decanus sacertodum

272 cum sorore ducis burgundie regi cicilie rogerio desponsata aliquandiu regnum est inhabitans ibi certissime comparit quod narrabat iuuenis quidam strennuus et natandi arte peritus circa cre b6 verso pusculum noctis lucent luna in mari balneans mulierem post se natantem per crines apprehendit. Tanquam unum ex sociis qui eum vellet merger. Eamque alloquens nullum verbum extorquere potuit opertamque pallio in domum eam duxit. Et tandem in uxorem solenniter accepit Increpatus aliquando a socio quodam quod fantasma accepisset. Expauescens eripuit gladium minatus est in conspectus eiusdem mulieres filium quem ex ea susceperat interfecturum: nisi illa loqueretur et diceret unde esset . Queve inquit tibi misero utilem perdis uxorem dum me cogis effari. Tecum essem et tibi beneforet si iniunctum mihi silentium tenere permisisses. Nunc autem de inceps me non videbis et mox euanuit. Puer autem creuit et marinm balneum frequentare cepit. Tandem una dierum fantastica illa mulier coram multis cundem puerum in disdem fluctibus occurrentem rapuit quem si verus fuisset mare ad littus expellere debuisset. Hec ille Sigmundus—Fuit igitur ne talis puer verus vel fantasticus Cunradus—ex historia deprehenditur quod talis puer comedit bibit ambulabat et multis annis educates fuit. Ulricus—pro quo merlinus et hic puer habiti fuering prope finem enudamus nunc interim ad alias huiusce rei historias pergamus. Sigmundus—perge igitur. Cunradus—Helimandus quarto libro quem vincentius refert partier narrat cuius verba hec sunt. In coloniensi dicesi famosum et immane pallatium reni fluminis supereminet. Quod iuuamen nuncupatur ubi pluribus olim congregates principibus improuiso aduenit nauicula quam collo alligatam cignus trahebat argentea cathena. Exinde miles nouus et incognitus omnibus exilijt. Et cignus nauem reduxit. Miles postea uxorem duxit et liberos procreauit Tandem in eodem pallatio resdens et cignum inspiciens adventantem cum eadem nauticula et cathena statim in nauem sercepit et ulterius non comparuit progenies autem eius usque bodie perseuerat. Hec helimandus. Sigmundus—Quamquam huiusmodi historiarum autores b 7 recto graues sint graue tamen non minus est credere talia facta fuisse et si facta quomodo talia intelligenda veniant. Etenim quia dicte in fine huismodi dubia pro tua capacitate resolvere quantum posses velle ideo ad vlteriorem questione progredior. Videlicet utrum strige et malefice possint future predicere et secreta principum consilia reuelare. Cunradus—Audiuimus quod merlinus multa future predixit que etiam facta sunt prout ex hystorijs deprehendimus. Item nonne balaam vt testatur scriptura ariolus fuit et tamen multa future predixit. Item nonne dyabolus in specie Samuelis ad prouocationem phitonice mulieris predixit saul et omnem eius familiam in bello casurum quod factum suit vt dicitur regum primo. Cecidit enim saul et Jonathas filius eius et familia sua in bello et mortui sunt. Sigmundus—Nonne futurorum cognitor solus est deus secretorumque inspector qui est prima causa et primus moptor omnium Ulricus—Est nanque sed nibilominus tamen dyabolus future predicere potest. Videmus enim quod medici et astrologi et alij sapientes homines sepe futura prenosticant. Sigmundus—Quamuis future predicunt tamen non est necesse vt ita eueniant unde necessario future predicendo non concludunt. Ulricus— Recte argues colendissime domine princeps quia Omnia sunt in potestate dei cuius nemo est consilarius nisi ipse sibi. Sigmundus—Uellem enim scire quomodo dyabolus future predicere

273 potest. Ulricus—Audi verba beatiaugustini in decreto posita in capitulo sciendum xxxvi.q. iiij ubi textus. Sciendum est hanc esse naturam demonum ut aerij corporis sensus terrenorum corporum sensum facile precedent celeritate et propter aerij corporis superiorem mobilitatem non solum cursus quorumlibet hominum vel ferarum verumetiam volatus auium incomparabiliter vincunt quibus duabus rebus quantum ad aereum corupus attinet predici hoc est acrimonia sensus et celeritate motus multa ante cogitate pronunciant. Que homies pro sensus terreni tardiate mirentur. Accessit et demonibus b7 verso per tam long um tempus quo eorum vita protenditur rerum longe maior experiential quam potest hominibus propter breuitatem vite peruenire per has efficatias quas aerij corporis natura sorita est non solum multa future predicunt demones verum etiam multa faciunt. Que quoniam homines dicere aut facere non possunt eos dignos quibus seruiant et quibus honores divinos deferant arbitrantur instigante maxime vicio curiositatis propter amorem felicitates false atque terrene. Est excellentie temporalis. Nunc quia de divination demonum question est. Primum sciendum est illos ea plerunque prenunciare que ipsi facturi sunt. Accipiunt enim sepe potestatem et morbos imittere et ipsum actem vitiando morbidum reddere et puersis et amatorihus terrenorum commodorum malefacta suadere de quorum moribus certi sunt quod eis talia suadentibus consuensuri sunt. Duadentibus miris et inuisitilibus modis per illam subtilitatem corpora hominum non sentientium penetrado et se cogitationibus eorum per quedam ymaginaria iussa miscendo. Siue vigilantium siue dormientium. Aliquando autem non nonnunquam ipsi faciunt Sed que naturalibus signis future prenoscunt que in hominum sensum venire non possunt ante predicunt. Neque enim quia preuidet medicus quod preuidere nescit. Huius artis ignaris Ideo tamen divinus habendus est. Quid autem mirum. Si quemadmodum ille corporis humani perturbata vel mortificata temperie seu malas futuras preuidet valitudies Sic demones in aeris affectione sibi notas nobis ignotas futuras preuident tempestates. Alizuando etiam hominum dispositions non solum voce prolatas verum etiam cogitatione cum signis quedam ex animo exprimuntur in corpore tota facilitate predicunt atque hinc etiam multa future pronuntiant alijs videlicet mira qui ista disposita ignorarunt. Hec Augustinus. Sigmundus—Est igiturne ipsis credendum Ulricus—Prorsus non Sigmundus—Quare Ulricus—Quoniam ipsi eciam demones quandoque falluntur et etiam homines fallunt et decipiunt Sigmundus—Da exemplum ubi falluntur Ulricus—Legitur in legenda b 8 recto sanctorum Symonis et Jude quod cum wardach princeps regis babiloniorum aduersus regem indorum bello vellet. Magos et ariolos consuluit ut super euentum belli responsa ab ydolis et deomonbus reciperet ac demones responderunt et predixerunt grande bellum futurum fore et ex utraque propte interfici preliantes. Postquam itaque wardach hec audiuit in tristiciam incidit. Apostolis autem Simonis et Iuda in risum exitatis ait dux me timor inuasit vos autem redetis Dicunt apostolic cesset timor tuus nobiscum pax intrauit istam puinciam hodie intermitte profectionem et cras hora tercia venient. Quos premisistti cum legatis indorum qui pace vestra ad quascunque conditions gratanter consentientes pactum firmissimum stabilient. Similimodo Arioli

274 riserunt dicentes duci. Aoli domine hominibus illis credere mendacibus aduenis et ignotis qui ideo aliqua loquuntur ne exploratores teneantur. Isti Dij qui nunquam fallund dederunt tibi responsum vt cautus et solicitus sis. Quid multa crostino die venerunt nuncij qui missi fuerant et nuncianerunt ita esseprout apostolic dixerunt. Ecce quod demones falsi extiterunt et mendacia predixerunt et proculdubio ipsi demones si potuissent et sciuissent libenter vera response dedissent. Cum illud mendacium eisdem demonibus in preiuditium tetendit. Sed quia futura ignorabant ideo seipsos fefellerunt. Sic itaque habes quod etiam ipsi demones met falluntur. Sed istud notandum est quod cum ipsi demones dubitant de euentu corum que predicunt quid igitur faciunt eum dubitant ait Augustinus in dicto capitulo sciendum Sed ne inquit aput cultores suos pondus auctoritatis amittant. Id agunt ut interpretibus suis signorum suorum coniectatoribus culpa tribuatur quando ipsi decepti fuerint vel mentiti. Hec augustinus Sigmundus—Pone exemplum Ulricus—Legitur de quodam principe qui aduersus romanos pugnare volens deos suos id est demones et ariolos super Victoria consuluit qui euentum belli ignorantes vt inem aliquid responderent ne future ignorare arbitrarentur b8 verso dixerunt romanos te vincere certum habe potest autem accusatiuus ille re vartijs modis construe modis construe ita si ipse dux romanos vicisset consonum responsioni fuisse Si vero a romanis victus fuisset responsioni imputari demonibus non posuisset Unde igitur ambigua obsuritate response solent dare Item sepe etiam pro sua corum voluntate fallunt et mendacia dicunt quoniam pleni sunt inuidia et gaudent dum homines in errorem mittunt et decipiunt. Unde periculosum est eisdem credere quoniam nescit homo quando ipsi fallunt vel fallere pro eorum consuetudine nos volunt. Sic itaque clementissime princeps habes quando ipsi secreta scire et future predicere possunt. Et quod fides in eorum dictis ponenda non est. quia in eis non est veritas Signumdus— Satis iam satis duborum nostrorum occasione vos hinc inde allegantes audiuimus nunc nostril propositi men finem determinationis appetite quid igitur tu sentias placet vt detegas. Ulricus— Que igitur dubia resolui cuipis

An Possing prouocare demones grandines et tonitrua

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Sigmundus—utrum igitur demones et homines ministerio demonum possint turbare aerem provocare grandines nocere terre atque hominibus morbosque infere et seu hominem sterilem facere. Ulricus—Dico quod non possunt nisi quando et quibus ac in quantum a deo ex causa maiestatem suam monente eisdem conceditur Sigmundus—Super quo fundas banc conclusionem Ulricus—Super prius deductis Insuper iohannes damascenus li.ij ait non habent demones virtues adversus aliquem nisi a deo dispensante concedatur sicunt in job et in porcis permissione vero dei facta. Et fortitudinem habent et transmutantur et transfigurantur in quamcunque volunt figuram secundum ymaginem ides t fantasia. Item Gregorius in dyalogo libro iij ait absque omnipotentis dei concessione nullam babet potestatem contra hominem malignus spiritus qui etiam in porcos transire potuit nisi permissus Sigmundus—Quid est hoc dicere in porcos transire non potuit.

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Ulricus—In euangelio legitur quod cum christus demoniacum curasset et multas legions demonum ab eo eiecisset petiuerunt demones licentiam a domino vt porcos ingredi possent qua data intrauerunt porcos et mare irruerunt etc. Ecce quod demones non audebant porcos intrare et eos molestare nisi prius a deo obtenta licentia. Sigmundus—Cognosco itaque quod cum eisdem a deo permissum fuerit quod ex tunc nocere possunt. Ulricus—Recte cognoscis unde ait Hieronimus super psalmum xxxiiij Itqque de quibusdam in psalmo dicitur. Fiat angelus domini persequens cos id est dyabolus Seu spiritus malus quia dominus creauit illum et in sua habet potestate Ecce ex hoc habes quod sepe dens concedit dyabolo ut persequatur homines Item beatus Augustinus diuinatione demonum ait. Accipiunt autem sepe potestatem et morbos immittere et aerem viciando morbidum reddere et per uersis malefacta sua-

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Dere. Nam beatus Augustinus in libro de trinitate iij ait ex ineffabili autem dei potentatu fit quod possent mali angeli si permitterentur. Ideo vero non possunt quia non permittuntur. Sigmundus— Cum autem demonibus talia facere a deo permittitur possunt ne tunc pro eorum libito facere quantum volunt. Ulricus—Non nisi tantum quantum eis facere permittitur et ideo augustinuss eodem loco in libro tercio de trinitate ait ideo non possunt quia non permittuntur. Subiungit etiam dicens neque enim alia occurrit ratio cur magi non potuerunt facere ciniphes qui ranas serpentesque fecerunt nisi quia maior aderat prohibentis dei domination per spiritum sanctum quod etiam magi confessi sunt dicentes digitus dei est hic etc. prout Exo. Capitu vij dicitur. Unde Johannes christostimus super Matheum libro primo ait homines autem non quantum vult temptat dyabolus quoniam quantum ad se nunquam cessaret a temptation neque enim habet alium actum non enim manducat nec dormit nec aliud operator nisi vt tenet fallat et subuertat hic cibus illius est Ecce ergo quod Johannes Chriso stimus dicit non quantum vult etc. temptat etc. Unde in libro secundo sententiarum distinct vij Petrus lumbardus ait. Demonum autem scientia ac virtute exercentur etiam artes magice quibus tamen tam postestas quam scientia a deo data est vel ad fallendum fallaces sicut egiptios et etiam in ipsos magos data est ut eorundem spirituum operatione viderentur admirandi a quibus errant damnandi vel ad monendum fideles ne tale quid facere pro magno desiderent vel ad excercendum seu probandum iustorum patientiam Nec putandum est demonibus hanc rerum visibilium materiam ad nutum seruire sed deo potius a quo hec potestas datur. Sigmundus—Nunc si possibile foret deducere cuperem scire quando deus gloriosus demonibus concedat et permittat nocere terre et hominibus ac subuer

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Tere erem et aquas etcetera Ulricus—Grauis est hec question quis enim nouit dei voluntatem un clamauit apostolus Paulus ad romanos xi O altitude diuitiarum sapientie et scientie dei quam incomprehensibilia sunt iudcia dei et nuestigabiles vie eius quis enim cognouit sensum domini. Aut quis consiliarius eius fuit. Aut quis prior dedit illi et retribuetur ei. Sigmundus—Et si arcana cuncta dei inuestigare non liceeat loquamur tamen quantum nobis ab alto de gratia conceditur Ulricus- Dico Itaque quod sepe numero aeris perturbationem tempestates tonitrua et alia absque ministerio demonum posse fieri. Ex disposition naturali planetarumque motu divina bonitate astra cursus suos agere permittente et de illis causis satis philosophi tractant prout arestotiles in libris

276 metheorum scribit. Sigmundus—De hoc non est dubium quin naturali motu talia fieri possint. Sed questio est quando dyabolo concedatur hec faciendi potestas. Ulricus—Misericordissimus dominus deus qui singular sua pijssima providentia ob vtilitatem hominum disponit quandoque talia permittit in penam correctionis in peccatorem quandoque in tentationem augmentandorum meritorum quandoque in prodigium future gratiarum actionis Sigmundus—Quomodo igitur deus peccata in hoc punit. Ulricus—Quandoque scienter quandoque ignoranter Sigmundus— Quomodo scienter Ulricus—Ut cum homines puniuntur manifeste Scienter aspiciunt propter delicta sepunitos fuisse Sic cognouerunt homines in sodome et gomorre subuersione. Se ob peccata eorum punitos fuisse Sic etiam cum cunctis videntibus Abyron et dathan terra absorbuit . Sigmundus—Sed quomodo ignoranter. Ulricus—Hic punctus respicit presentem materiam ignoranter itaque. Quandoque deus punit peccatum per angelum quando que per hominem quandoque per diabolum. Sigmundus—Prebe vbi per angelum correxerit. Ulricus—Dicitur enim Isaie xxxviij

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Cum Sennacherib venisset ad obsidendum iherusalem egressus est angelus domini et percussit ini castris centum et octuaginta quinque millia viorum ecce itaque quod deus per angelum suum puniuit superbiam assiriorum tot milia corundum occidendo. Sic etiam duriciam pharaonis et egiptiorum puniuit angelum Omnia primogenita egipti interficiendo Sigismundus—Quomodo autem punit per homines Ulricus—Exempla plura habes in capittulo remittunt xxiij q v in ver hinc notandum etc. Itaque populus hebreorum per Nabuchodonosor Item per anthiochum Item per Titum et vespasianum puntius est etc. Dicit enim ibi textus. Assur id est Sennacherib erat virga furoris domini quia per eum innumeras gentes divina iusticia flagellare disposuit Sic Attila rex hymorum flagellum dei sese nominauit. Item Subiungit textus ipse vero Assur non cognouit quia insuperbiam elatus victoriam quam assecutus fuerat. Non divine potentie sed suis viribus attribuit. Unde contra eius superbiam loquitur dominus contra eum qui secat aut exaltabitur securis nunquid gloriabitur serra contra eum qui secat. Aut exaltabitur secures contra eum qui cedit in ea. Hec textus in ca dicto capitulo remittuntur xxiij q v Sigismundus—Nunc ad terciam spetiem scilicet quomodo per dyabolum punit Ulricus—Et hec ad materiam facit. Audiuimus enim supra in psalmo supra prophetam dicentem fiat angelus domini id est diabolus persequens eos etc cum alijs inumeratis auctoritatibus et ita affligitur quandoque peccator in corpe quandoque in rebus in corpore videmus torqueri energuminos demoniacos et obsessos. Sic etiam videmus propter peccata multas infirmitates homines contrahere. Et ideo dixit textus in capitulo cum infirmitas de peni et remissi ubi ait cum infirmitas corporalis nonnunquam ex peccato proueniat dicente domino languido quam sanauerat vade et noli amplus peccare ne deterius aliquid contingat pressenti decreto statuimus et precipimus medicis corporum vt cum eos ad infirmos vocari contigerit

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Ipsos ante Omnia moneant et inducant vt medicos animarum aduocent vt postquam fuerit homini de spirituali remedio prouisum ad corporalis medicine remedium salubrious procedat. Cum cessante causa cesset effectus et. Hec tex exemplum habes ne Nabuchodonosor rege

277 babiloniorum qui propter peccatum superbitantis colamitatibus mentis et corporis atfectus fuit. Vt quadrupeds incederet bouem se fore arbitrates gramina comedisse dicitur etc. Unde succedit tex in capitulo. Si per sortiarias xxxiij questi vbi tex Si per sortiarias atque maleficas artes occult. Sed nunquam in iniusto dei iuditio permittente et dyaolo preparante concubitus non sequitur etc. Ecce canonem determinare quod oculto dei iudicio procurante dyabolo homo maleficari potest. Et sic habes quod deus inferendis penis vtitur dyabolo pro minstro Sigmundus—Quomodo igitur malefice mulieres asserunt et credant seipsas talia facere videlicet turbare aerem procreare tempestates morbos inferre hominibus Ulricus—Ipse dumtaxat pro earundem stulticia set talia facere credunt et tamen sua credulitate decipiuntur. Sigmundus—vt quomodo. Ulricus—Nam cum vt dyabolus ex motu elementorum cognoscit mutationem areis et tempestates fiere debere qua stamen ipse dyabolus vt supra diximus facilius et cicius quam homo prescire poterit. Uel cum diuina permissione aliqua plaga et peccatorum correction super terram iusto dei iudicio cadere debet. Cuius quidem plage et correctionis ipse executor diuina prouidentia deputatur. Ita vt. Huiusmodi plagam prenoscit futuram ex tunc commouet mentes huiusmodi maleficarum mulierum. Aliquando eisdem persuadendo aliquando ob inuidiam quam tales scelerrate mulieres aduersus proximum gerunt in vindictam ouendo easdem sollicitat quasi ipsas mulieres doceat houismodi tempestates et aeris turbationes prouocare. Sigmundus—Quid faciendum igitur easdem docet aut quomodo ipsas instruit vt ipse mulieres huiusmodi incommodiantes prouocent et suo maleficio perficant

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Ulricus—Consuit et docet eas aliquid stultum et fatuum facere. Et quod ad huiusmodi factum nihil pertinent. Sigmundus—si stultum quid igitur eas docet unde namque prouenit quod postquam mulieres huiusmodi documenta sequunturpro earundem voluntate tales tempestates succedunt et eueniunt Ulricus—Ecce cum diabolus preuidit vel ex cursu nature et elementorum vel ex permissione diuina super aliquam terram plagam infigere debere sibique potestamtem faciendi concessam esse et sic huiusmodi euentum alias futurum fore nihilominus tamen vt mulieres huiusmode scelerate credant se ex doctrinadyaboli talia efficere dyabolus instruit easdem vt quandoque accipiant lapides silicis et versus occidentem post tergum proijciant aliquando vt arenam aque torrentis in aerem proijciantaliquando que in vna olla pilos porcorum buliant aliquando quod trabes vel ligna in ripas transuersaliter collocent et sic de alijs fatuitatibus et tamen talibus faciendis communiter dyabolus prefigit eis diem et horam. Unde fatue huiusmodi mulieres dyaboli doctrine credentes talia et alia his similia faciunt. Itaque postquam ipse talia fecerunt at succedentibus tempestatibus gradinibus et alijs incommodatibus quas dyabolus alias I tali tempore nouit vt premissum est pro futuras ex tunc credunt ille scelerate fatue mulieres eventus huiusmodi ex facto eorum processute cum tamen talia eorum facta non possent unicam guttam prouocare verume ex post ipse huiusmodi mulieres gratificantur dyabolo adorantes eum et immolantes ei ac holocaustomata vel quid aliud eidem offerentes. Nam quis tam ebes mentis est qui credere posset quod ex huiusmodi fatuitate et mulierum stulta operatione una tam immense saspera aeris et alia elementa deberent commoueri in tantum vt grandines et fulmina prouocarentur. Sigmundus—sed quid ad hoc dicis videmus nanque vnam totam sepe terram periclitari in qua non omnes hoomines deliquerunt. Ulricus---

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Pe iustus perit cum impio. Sic etiamquis punitur pro alio. Nam genesis tercio legitur quod

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Dum Sodama et Gomorra propter peccatum submerse fuerunt certa partier alie ciuitates cum eis perierunt propter vicinitatem vt Segor et Jegor. Et tanien hec iuitates non peccauerunt. Sic regum secundo videmus dum David coram domino populum numerando peccasset. Quod propter peccadum David et sic vnius hominis multitudo hominum et sic multa milia hominum perierunt et mortui sunt. Cum autem letimus deum ram innumeram multitudinem hominum percussisse . propter peccatum numerationis unius dumtaxat hominis quomodo igitur puniet dominus populum propter grauiora peccata ut puta propter heresim et blasphemias cum autem tales mulieres ut ait textus in ca episcopi xxvi q v deum abnegant et se sathane tradunt dyabolum adorantes et sacrificial sibi offerentes quis dubitat quin una tota villa in qua tales scelerate mulieres degunt et tolerantur in felicior esse et huiusmodi ruinam ex divine maiestatis ultilonetimere habeat. Sigmundus—Uidemus itaque determinationem duarum causarum quibus dyabolus nouit futuras tempestates videlicet causam motus aftorum et dispositionis naturalis alteram divine ultionis seu correctionis peccatorum Quid igitur erit cum huismodi nocumenta probis et iustis hominibus euenerint Ulricus—Posuimus superius etiam alias vias diuine permissionis videlicet quod quandoque in temptationem iustorum ob augmentandum meritum permittit deus Sigmundus— Ostende Ulricus—Nonne Job iustus et laudans deum erat et tamen temptauit eum dominus in bonis agris armentis et gregibus et expost in corpore dando temptandi potestatem diabolo qui eriam cum grauissimo vlcere percussit. Et quia in his omnibus repertus est iob patiens et humilis. Vnde apud deum meruit Nonne beatus Anthonius heremita vir religious et deo amabilis fuit nonne sepius a dyabolo temptatus et grauiter percussus. Doned quasi defecissent. At vt sic meritum ampliatum eius suit. Legitur eni in legenda eiusdem quod

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Anthonio in quodam tumulo latitante multitudo demonum eum ita cede varia lacerauit quod minister eius de villa veniens quasi moriuum proprijs humeris ad ville hospice um reportauit. Quo audito conuenerunt vicini et cum post planctum funeris media iam nocte dormirent. Anthonius subito reuiuiscensvocato ministro fecit se in silentio ad tumulum reportari ibique ex priorum vulnerum dolore prostrates cum exanimi virtute conflictum demonum prouocasset. Et statim illis in varias bestiarum formas mutatis ab eorum dentibus cornibus vnguibus lacerates fuisset. Subito radins quidam lucis demones et tenebras fugauit. Statimque sanatus cristum presentem inteligens dixit ubi eras ihesu bone ubi eras quare a principio non affuisti vt curares vulnera mea et vox ad cum facta. Anthoni inquit hic eram Sed expectabam videre certamen tuum nunc autem quia veiriliter dimicasti in toto orbete faciam nominari. Hec Vincentius in historiali libro xiiij recitat athanasium notasst unde dicitur iacobi I Beatus vir qui suffer temptationem quia cum probatus fuerit accipiet coronam vite Sigmundus—Nunc satis habeo quod ex facto talium mulierum neque tempestates grandines seu alia mala fieri posse. Sed dumtaxat. Vel ex motu naturali vel permissione diuine bonitatis que vel in penam vel inmeritum ex sua ineffabilipietate tali euenire dyabolorum ministerio permitit. Idcirco placet iter nostrum ad alias questions dirigere. Uturum

279 malefici et strige possint ministerio demonum seipsos ac alios homines in alias formas specierum seu animalium mutare

Ulricus—ex causis supradictis possunt attamem apparenter et sic

C5 verso

Prestigijs facere. Sigmundus—Quid nam est prestigium Ulricus—Ars transformandi frmas iuxta apparentiam prestigium dicitur quasi perstringens oculos prout ait Isidorus Ethimoloiarum li viij Ita vt ipsi demones perstringendo oculos faciunt apparentiam quam homo inducatrem alterius forme esse quam sit Ita vt quis videns hominem credit eum essa asinum vel lupum et tamen unusquisque retinet formam suam quandoque oculi nostri decipiuntur et ad aliam speciem erroneo iuditio deducuntur Sic simon Magus perstrinxit oculos neronis et carnifices qui decollando arietem credidit se symonem decollasse. In oculis suis ministerio dyaboli perstrictis deceptus. Item legitur de sancto Machario egiptio heremita prout recitat vincentius li historiali xviij quod cum egiptius quidam amore vesano aliene uxoris arderet nec ad effectum concupiscientie peruenire posset eo quod illa virginitatis sue coniugem nimis amaret et maleficum precatus est vt aut ab ea se Amari faceret aut amarito proprio repudiari qui multis illectus muneribus solito sue artis ingenio fecit illam equam videri. Itaque vir eius turbatus qui equam suo lectulo iacentem videret ingemiscens flebat eo quod illam alloquens nullum srsponsum audires poterat Adductis ergo presbiteris quid illa pateretur ostendit et nec si quidam calamitatis causam agnouit. Illigatam igitur eam in morem iumenti ad destertum duxit. Cum iam celle sancti macharij propinquaret monachi arguebant eum cur cum equa ad monasterium venire. Uxor inquit mea hec fuit. Sed in equam conuersa Iam tercia dies est ex quo cibum non sumpsit. Quod cum sancto machario cui iam deus hoc ipsum notum fecerat retulissent. Uos inquit equi estis et equorum oculos habetis. Illa nanque mulier est nec in illam naturam transfigurata videtur nisi in eorum oculis. Qui prestigij vanitate falluntur. Mox aquam ei benedictam infundens oration complete subito eam omnibus videri feminam fecit eamque refici iussit et cum vito suo reuerti decens Nunquam a communion sanctorum misteriorum neque ab eccie oration discedat

C6 recto

Hec enim idcirco perpessa est quia per quinque septimanas misteria diuina non attigerat Ecce igitur quod non omnium oculi errant perstricti quia oculi beati Macharij non errant perstricti. Sigmundus—Profecto hec historia multum facit ad propositum Ulricus—Certe quadam vice ea de re cum colendissimo domino ottone ex comitibus de Sonnenberg episcopo constantiensi qui etiam multarum rerum cognitionnem habet ac litteris pro magno desiderio intendit disputasse hic eandem historiam in medium attulit que me in material prestigij propter iusdem etiam domini episcopi auctoritatem et frequens stadium suum. Cuius etiam ego humilis famulus existo et sub clementine eius etiam alis me foueoplurimum mouit. Sigmundus—Cuperem audire aliquos modos quibus apud oculos hominum vna res apparere pro alia possit Ulricus—Saluo iudicio melius sentientium duos vel tres adducam secundum quod ego meo ignaro ingenio colligere potui et iuxta mentem beati Thome super ij sententiarum distin viij ac aliorum doctorum videtur mihi dici posse quod vno modo diabolus possit lidificare sensus nostros ab interiori mouendo fantasmata et similitudines rerum existentium in virtute ymaginatiua faciendo eas ad organa

280 sensuum exteriorum defluere Sicut quandoque contingit in somnijs Nam ex motu fantasmatum in somnijs cum defluxu eorum ad organa sensuum exteriorum sicut ad oculum vel tympanum in quo fundatur auditus et sicut visus in oculo apparet nobis quod multa videamus atque audiamus. Ita nobis vigilantibus aliquando nobis apparet. Quod multa videamus sicut patet in freneticis et acute febricitantibus etc. Secundo modo ex vehementi conuersione itentionis ad fantasmata que facit vt similitude rei. Res ipsa videatur. Sicut augustinus dicens quod quidam tanta conuersione recogitabat cuiusdam muieris ymaginem quod ei carnaliter commisceri vigilans videbatur Cum igitur demon non ignoret hos modos dico quod demon possit ita organa sen

C6 verso

Suum disponere quod vna res apparebit alia sicut ex abundantia humoris colerici videtur gustui quod Omnia sint amara cum tamen aliquando sint dultia et ex descensu humoris sanguinei vel vaporis ignici ad oculos. Videtur nobis que exterius apparent sint rubea. Secundo dico quod dyabolus potest ita dispnere medium quod una res videbitur alia et secundum sanctum bonauenturam aliquando ex disposition candele per artem confecte paleevidentur serpentes esse et huismodi experimenta etiam multa fiunt a ioculatoribus. Cum autem dyabolus magister sit ioculatorum nemini dubium quin subtilius dyabolus hec operari possit Item aliquando non res sed similitude rei et figura videtur ita secundum glosam beati augustini beatus petrus vidit istud vas submitti de celo in terram in quo errant Omnia quadrupedia serpentia terre et volatilia celi vt dicitur actuum apostolorum x que namque non corpora errant sed ymagines Eadem vision benedictur totum mundum vidit Nam in legenda sua dicitur quod totus mundus velut sub uno solis radio collectus ante oculos eius ad ductus est ecce quod errant rerum ymagines ex premissis itaque inducitur ad alias questiones.

An Super lupum vel baculum unctum ad conuiuia veniant et mutuo comedant et bibant et sibi mutuo loquantur ac se inuicem agnoscant

D 1 recto

Wood cut

D 1 verso

Sigmundus—Gauderem etiam opinionem tuam desuper audire. Ulricus—Ex predictis cognouisti quomodo quando in sumno quando in vigilijs fit represeentatio ymaginationum tam fortium quod homo credit se esentialiter hoc vel videre vel facere. Audisti etiam quod dyabolus quando perstringit oculos et alios sensus hominum vt homines autument se hoc vel hoc facere. Etnem vt me satius intelligere possis. Introducam historiam in legenda sancti Germani. Dicitur enim ibidem quod cum predictus sanctus quadam nocte hospitatus fuisseyt in vna domo et post cenam mensa iterum pararetur. Admiratus sanctus germanus quesiuit ab hospitibuscui denuo mensa pararetur. Qui cum dicerent quod bonis illis viris et mulieribus qui nocte incedunt. Mensam preperarent. Nocte itaque illa statuit sanctus germanus vigilare Et ecce vidit multitudinem demonum ad mensam in formis virorum et mulierum venientem qui eis precipiens ne abirent cunctos de familia excitauit quesiutque si personas illas cognoscerent qui eum omnes vicinos et vicinas dicerent esse

281 mistit ad domos singulorum et ecce in suis lectulis sunt inuenti et adiurati postea demones per sanctum germanum se esse spiritus malignos dixerunt qui sic homines illudebant Ecce quod spiritus se loco aliarum personarum ostendere pupossunt ita quippe vt homines existiment huiusmodi ymagines versa personas fore Et sic ex illa habes hystoria. Quod eadem hora homo potest esse in vno loco et nihilominus per spiritum apparere in alio. Sicuti illi homines hora noctis fuerunt in domibus et in lectulis suis et eadem hora eorum ymagines prestigio dyabolico apparuerunt in domo hospitis cenantes Sic etiam de Symone mago dicitur n legenda sancti petri quod Symon eadem hora in conclaui erat cum nerone et foras loquebatur populo id est ymago eius per dyabolum foras loquebatur populo. Sic idem in bonis spiritibus et angelis contingere solitum fuisse legimus. Nam beato ambrosia apparuit quod faceret officium in exequijs beati martini in viuitate thuronensi. Dixit enim ego funeri exequium prebui Sed vltimam orationem vohis excitantibus expleri non valui. Et reuera

D2 recto

Ita inuentum fuit sicut ipse retulit et tamen ipse ambrosius eo tunc in ciuitate mediolanensi fuit que ad plures dietas distat a thuronis. Unde secundum Egidum in quodam quodlibeto dicitur quod bonus angelus in forma beati ambrosij fuerit in ciuitate thuronensi et corpus beati ambrosij fuerit in ciuitate madiolani Sigmundus-Ad quem finem preparat hec instructio Ulricus—Ad hoc vt concludam quod homines sepe existimant videre alios hoimnes in certo loco constitutos quorum tuum ymagines dumtaxat vel in spiritu bono vel malo vident Sigmundus—Sed quid econtra an ne quando phitonice mulieres credunt se proficisci in alium locum cum tamen remaneant in domo sua Ulricus—Superius iam audisti exempla vnde sepius credit homo se esse in alio loco ubi non est ergo bene dicit textus in ca. Episcopi xxvi q v vbi ait. Illud etiam non est omittendum quod quedam scelerate mulieres retro post sathanam conuerse demonum illusionibus et fantasmatibus seducte credunt se et profitentur cum Diana nocturnis dea paganorum vel cum herodiade et innumera multitudine mulieum equitare super quasdam bestias et multarum terrarium spacia intempeste noctis silentio pertransire vel eius iussionibus obedire velut domine et certis noctibus ad eius seruitium euocari Sed vtinam he sole in perfida sua perijssent. Et non multos ad infidelitatis interitum per traxissent Nam et innumera multitude hac falsa opinione decepta. Vera esse credit et credendo a recta fide deuiat hec textus Sigmundus—Nonne ceteri homines possunt equitare et ambulare de loco ad locum tam de nocte quam de die quit igitur ipsis talibus mulieribus obstat Ulricus—Certe non denego quin huiusmodi mulieres et equitare et ambulare tam super asinum equum bouem seu camelum possint etc. Sicuti alij homines et more aliorum hominum Et sic secundum cursum naturalem Nos autem in eo casu loquimur qui se ultra commune hominum cursum extendit videlicet vt non possint in una bora ad decem vel xx miliaria proficisci. Sigmundus—Si igitur non vadunt de loco ad locum et continuia visitant

D2 verso

Vt supradicus tex. Vnde igitur prouenit quod homines in alijs ciuitatibus existentes quos nunquam antea viderunt cognoscunt Ulricus—Ex premissis claret solutio quoniam per impressiones ymaginationum seu representationem ymaginumministerio diabolic factam hoc percipient credentes se sensu corporalis presentie cognouisse Sigmundus—Saturati sumus de premissis

282 disputationibus nunc de vlteriori questione interrogemus videlicet an dyabolus possit iu forma hominis cum huiusmodi mulieribus incubando commisceri et an ex huiusmodi coitu possint pueri nasci.

An Diabolus possit in forma hominis cum huiusmodi mulieribus incubando commisceri et ex huiusmodi coitu possint pueri nasci

Ulricus—Quamuis in superioribus plene tum auctoritates et rationes. Tum etiam exempla et historie pro decisione huius satis sint introducte. Vt tamen finem materie aggrediamur Dico quod ex incubo et muliere noon procreator homol Nec vnquam inuentus est homo que ex spiritu et muliere natus sit preterque saluator dominus noster ihesus cristus qui summi dei patris misericordia dignatus eset sine commixtione virile de spiritu sancto ex gloriosissima virgine maria in mundum nasci Absit igitur apud me quod homo sine homine de spiritu et maledicta muliere debeat nasci Nec obstat quod in comedia plauti poete de amphitrione legitur quod Hercules ex ioue deo et alcumena muliere amphitrionis natus it et sic medius fidius dicatur quasi medius filius quia fabula poetarum quod nephandissima fictio est Sigmundus—quid igitur respondes ad allegatum glo. Genesi primo vbi dicitur gigantes ex tali coitu natos extisse Ulricus—Dico quod glosa opinatiue loquitur et non concludit. Sigmundus—Quomodo autem saluastextum qui dicit quod exinde nati sint gigantes. Ulricus—Dico quod eo tunc surrexerunt gygantes I homines potentes et mignifici qui propter eorum potentiam et magnanimitatem dicti sunt gigantes. Sigmundus—Quid igitur de Merlino in britania supra dicto sentis. Ulricus— Sentio quod fuerit verus homo Sigmundus—Cuius filius. Ulricus—Utriusque homis tam viri quam mulieris. Sigmundus—Quomodo igitur mater eius coram rege britanie confessa fuit eum de incubo concepisse. Ulricus—Me eiudice errauit mulier a demone illusa credens se Merlinum de semine incubi generasse. Sigmundus—Unde igitur conceptus est talis Merlinus. Ulricus—Sic arbitror quia fortemater Merlini se dyabolo prochdolor dedicauit unde dyabolus ymaginationem eus vt premisimus seducens sensusque eiusdem perstringens quasi eidem commisceretur. Cuius etiam corpus forte prestigium cumidum fecit quasi fetu grauida incederet ac adueniente tempore ficti partus flatum diuina permissione propter eiusdem mulieris incredulitatem in corpore eiusdem mouerit unde ipsa existimans se grauatam et fecundam ac prolem parere debere itaque ipse diabolus diuina permissione ob incredulitatem mulieris in ventre eiusdem dolorem immiserit et huismodi flatum extinguendo et alium puerum hominis alicui furatum supponendo apparentiam fecit occult suo prestigio quasi talis puer de tali muiliere natus fuisset. Quem ex post mater suscipiens credens de corpore suo exisse enutriuit cum tamen talis puer ab alijs homnibus prenatus fuerit et per dyabolum subtractus. Sigmundus—Sic audio dyabolus potest homi subtrahere puerum suum et deferre ad alium locum et supponere alteri Ulricus—permittente deo potest et presertim non baptisatos pueros subripere Sigmundus—Ostende hoc exemplo vel autoritate Ulricus—dyabolum super puerum non baptisatum habere potestatem suscipe auctoritatem ex decreto in ca postea et in ca. Sacerdotes de consecra dis iiij ubi tex. Sacerdotes cum per exorcismi gratiam manum credentibus imponunt et habitare malign spiritu in eorum mentes contradicunt quid aliud faciunt nisi quod demonia eiciunt. Item tex. In ca. de hinc. Eadem dis. dicit de hinc iterum exorcisatur dyabolus ut suam nequitiam cognosce cognoscens iustum sup se dei iudicium timens recedat ab homine nec iam

283

D3 verso contendat arte sua subuertere Ecce quod dyabolus arte sua potest subuertere pueros non baptisatos. Ex his inferno ad proles et pueros quos vulgus opinatur de milite coloniensi per mulierem procreatos prout superius in historia latius tactum est. Sigmundus—Dic queso pro quo namque habuisti illum militem incognitum. Ulricus—pro incubo et dyabolo. Sigmundus—pro quo autem filios. Ulricus—Ego saluo tamen iuditio melius sentientium repute illos pro veris hominibus. Alicui tamen sub reptis et ibi vt premissum est suppositis. Sigmundus—Qualem autem existimas illam mulierem fuisse vt. Supra dictum est. quam ciuis ille sicilie in mari arripiens vxorem duxit. Ulricus—pro succubae et sic pro dyabolo Sigmundus—pro quo autem reputas filium per ipsam vt putabatur genitum et postea in mari per eandem ereptum. Ulricus— pro dyabolo qui sic in forma pueri apparuit. Nam vt belimandus in eadem historia sentit. Inquiens si talis puer verus homo fuisset. Nemini dubium quin postquam mater eundem in mari arripuit et hsub mersit mare ipsum tanquam cadauer ad littus eiecisset quod tamen non fuit factum. Quia talis puer disparuit et amplius visus non fuit. Natura autem maris est Omnia cadauera ad littus proicere Sigmundus—Nonne plures opinantur quod dyabolus vt succubus possit cum viro coire et sperma allumere. Ac expost vt incubus in mulierem proijcere. Et exinde prolem generare. Ulricus—Mihi non videtur fieri posse. Dato enim quod sperma taliter colligere et immittere posset. Hoc tamen ad generandum non sufficit quoniam vt conciliator differentia xxv. Ait scire debes quod istud membrum puta testiculi non est princeps virtutis generatiue quamuis virtus in eo sit vt opinatur Galienus quia illud non potest agere suam operationem per se nisi per spiritum emissum a corde temperatum quantitate et qualitate propter quod virtus cordialis que mensurat hunc calorem vt possit facere suas operations sit principaliter generatiua et virtus que est in hoc membro est eius seruiens et si aliquod in hoc habet dominium est

D4 recto

Illud particulare Unde mihi videtur ex illa theorica quod cum dyabolus huismodi spiritum a corde principiantem et illam generationis virtutem assumere non posset. Clarum erit quod quamuis forte assumat sperma ex proiectione dumtaxat huismodi spermatis alijs non concomitantibus nihil generari poterit. Sigmundus—Ex supradictis et iam deductis video te pedem figere super eo quod aut huiusmodi pueri sint fantastici aut vero alibi subrepti et suppositi Ulricus—Bene habes et in illam partem videtur declinare vincentius in iij li. Historie naturalis capitulo cxxviij etc. Sigmundus—Nunc satis mutuo inter nos hac de re disceptauimus Expedit pro memorie tenacitatevt tunc determinationis condlusiones paucis verbis per epilogum detegere coneris Ulricus—Saluo igitur iudicio doctorum quorumcumque melius sentientium quorum determination me submittere non recuso. Quantum mihi visum fuerit dicam. Est igitur mee opinionis determination. Prima quod dyabolus neque per se neque misterio hominum potest elementis hominibusque et animalibus nocere vel homines ad generandum impotentes reddere nisi quando occult dei sed nunquam iniusto iudicio vel ob penam delictorum nostrorum. Vel ob meritum temptationis nostre augmentandum siue ob diuine maiest atis gloriam magis timendam et per nos colendam seu aliam causam deum mouentem ipsa clementissima pietas permiserit. Secunda determination est. quod cum ipsa dei prouidentia occult sue bonitatis iudicio dyabolo nocendi potestatem permiserit quod ipse dyabolus huiusmodi potestatem amplius extendere quam sibi a

284 summon deo concessum fuerit non poterit. Etc. Tercia determination quod quamis dyabolus permittente diuina clementia ob incredulitatem hominum vel aliam causam superius enarratam posset perstringere oculos aliosque sensus hominum obstruere. Ita vt homines credant se alicubi esse vbi tamen non sunt vel videre id quod in se tale non est vel apparere aliter quam sit hominem tamen vel Animalia in alia in aliam speciem veraciter immutare non potest

D4 verso

Quarta determinatio quod huismodi male mulieres per multa miliarium spacia in noctis silentio non profiscuntur nec mutuo taliter proficiscendo conueniunt. Sed dumtaxat ipsis somniantibus vel vmaginatione forti vt premissum est laborantibus. Per representationem specierum similitudinarium a dyabolo eis impressarum hec et alia ipsis apparent que postea vigilando vere sibi accidisse vt sic illuse credunt.

Quinta determinatio: quod dyabolus siue vt incubus siue vt succubus pueros generare nullo modo potest Sed huiusmodi pueri si inuenti fuerint. Vel suppositi pueri vel fantastici existunt.

Sexta determinatio. Quod solus deus futurorum certus est inspector et solus cogitations hominum nouit. Quodqe dyabolus per se siue magos feu maleficos vera et future predicere aliter non potest nisi ea que ipse pro sibtilitate nature sue priori ex consideration astrorum et elementorum disposition. Accidere debere noscit vel que accepta licentia a deo facere incendit vel hominibus ad faciendum persuadere in eorum mentes sugerendo proposuit vel que ex moribus et gestu hominum conicturando deprehendit. Nihilominus tamen ipse sepe fallit et fallitur

Septima conclusion quod quamuis effectualiter huismodi maledicte mulieres nihil efficere possunt nihilominus tamen quia instigante dyabolo tales mulieres vel ob desperationem vel paupertatem. Vel odia vicinorum vel alias temptations per dyabolum immissas quibus non restistunt a vero et pijssimo deo recedentes sese dyabolo holocaustomata et oblationes offerendo apostatant here seam prauitatem sectantes et propterea succedit

Ultima determinatio videlicet quod propter huiusmodi apostasiamet coreptam voluntatem de iure ciuili tales scelerate mulieres que a deo largissimo apostatarunt et dyabolo sese dedicarunt morte plecti debent prout dicitur in lege multi codice de maleficis et mathematicis

Uos igitur o mulieres mementote professionis vestre in baptisimo

D5 recto

Facte ac cum dyabolus vos tentauerit estote fortes et suis suggestionibus resistite et resistendo signo cruces scientes quod aduersum vos nullam habebit potestatem quoniam hoc contra signum nullum stat periculum. Sumite exemplum beate Iustine in cuius legenda ita legitur Erat enim quedam virgo in anthiochia ciuitate iustina nomine quam quidam scolasticus nomine Agladius videns frequenter ire ad ecclesiam in amorem eius incidit multosque ad eam transmittentes perijt vxorem que cum omnibus diceret Christo celesti sponso se esse desponsatam ille congregate virorum multitudine voluit eam per vim rapere. Sed non portuit tunc iratus abijt ad cypranum magum permittens sibi duo talenta auri vt iustinam per maleficia sua caperet. Qui pro magi cas

285 vocauit demonem et ait illi amo virginem de gallicis potesne eam persuadere et adducere mihi qui promisit ei dicens accipe hoc medicamentum et sparge circa domum eius et ego superueniens paternum sensum ei inijciam et statim obaudiet mihi. Cunque cyprianus ita fecisset sancta virgo tercia noctis hora surgens. Ad orationem sensit impetum demonis signauit. Itaque se et domum suam signo crucis et demonem signo crucisexufflauit. Qui veniens ad cyprianum confuses et cur virginem non adduxisset requistus ait. Vidi quoddam signum tabui. Iterum cyprianus per artem magicam alium demonem fortiorem vocauit et simili modo fecit et similiter eidem accidit tandem vocauit ipsum demonum patrem et ait illi quenam esst infirmitas vestra victa est ab vna virgine omnis vestra virtus. Respondet dyabolus nunc adducam tibi eam ad desiderium coruptionis tu tantum paratus sis. Tunc dyabolus in specie virginis ad instinam intrauit et sedens super lectum eius eandem temptando dicens hodie missa sum a Cristo ad te viuere tecum in castitate multum autem te video vexatam abstinentia. Sancta autem virgo dicit merces autem multalabor vero modicus dixit ei dyabolus deus in paradise benedixit adam et cuam dicens crescite et multiplicamini. Puto ergo quod si in virginitate manserimus inditium incidamus quia verbum dei

D5 verso

Contemnimus . cunque virgo turbata surrexit et per spiritum sensit. Quis esset qui ei loqueretur. Signoque curcis se signans dyabolum exufflauit. Qui disparuit. Deinde dyabolus cypriano confuses apparuit. Qui dixit ei et tu nanque victus es vt ceteri subiecti tui. Quomodo enim victi estis ab vna virgine Cristiana dic mihi que sit virtus victorie eius qui respondit dicere tibi non possum vide quoddam terrible signum et tabui. Si autem virtutes huius signi vis addiscere iura mihi quod nunquam a me velis discedere. Qui cum iurasset ait illi vidi signum crucifixi et tabui et sicut cera a facie ignis fluxi. Cui dixit ciprianus ergo crucifixus maior te est. qui respondit etiam maior omnibus est quia disertores dei accipiunt ab eo sententiam ignis. Ciprianus autem ait festinam igitur vt amicus fiam crucifixi. Ne talem penam incurram. Dyabolus respondit. Iurasti namque mihi. Ciprianus ait contemno te et omnes fumigantes virtutes tuas. Meque ipsum tibi denego. Et me consignans dico Gloria tibi Christe et tu demon recede a me. Abijt ergo diabolus confusus vnde cyprianus cristianus factus est. Ecce ergo quante virtutis fuerit et hodie existat signum sancta crucis. Quo nos signare dignetur Christus qui pro nobis in lingo crucis seipsum offerte et nos saluos facere dignatus estqui viuit et regnat in secula benedictus Amen.

Accipe igitur gloriosissime princeps hanc disputationem huius tractatus quem ad honorem tue exellentie et bonarum mentium serenationem sub tue celsitudinis emendatione elaboraui. Et si quid minus officio se elaboratum et seu a tramite veritatis deuiare inueneris illud ignorantie mee potius quam presumptuositati. Attribute et me seruulum tuum commendatum craciliter suscipe. Uale igitur felix eternum patrie decus. Deoque ac omni populo amabilis colendissime princeps. Ex Constantia anno domini m.cccc.lxxxix. die decima januarij.

Tue celsitudinis humilis consiliarius et seruulus vlricus molitoris de Constantia decretorum doctor.

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