Social Sustainability, Cultural heritage, and the Swedish Million Homes program

Uppsala universitet Campus Gotland Master’s Thesis in Conservation 2019 120 ECTS Author: Ingrid Närlund Tutor: Anna Karlström Front page illustration: Public art in Fittja, Stockholm. Photo by Ingrid Närlund Author Ingrid Närlund

Title and subtitle Social Sustainability, Cultural heritage and the Swedish Million Homes program

Tutor Anna Karlström

Thesis in Conservation (Master’s Degree) 120ECTS Defended 2019-06-06 Fall term (year) 2018 Spring term (year) 2019 Creating socially sustainable residential areas is an important topic as urbanisation and migration increase. This thesis is about Swedish residential areas built during the period 1965 to 1974 as the result of a political programme called the Million homes programme. The areas hold cultural historic values being the physical manifestation of an era of the Swedish history that has strongly shaped our present society, but is now threatened by lack of social sustainability. The Million homes areas constitute a large part of the residential areas in Sweden today. By the end of the programme there were an abundance of housing options in Sweden, and empty apartments were in a high degree located in the modernistic suburbs, as people with good economy chose to move elsewhere. To fill the apartment, the municipalities used them for social contracts. The areas became segregated, and still are today despite several attempts to improve their popularity. This thesis analyses various measures and strategies for improving social sustainability in the Million homes areas, and their effects on the cultural heritage. The ambition with the study is to give a broad, cross-functional view of the topic, studying various approaches, e.g. physical renovations to social activities to cooperation with the police. The thesis starts with a literature study of social sustainability in residential areas, and the factors influencing it. A classification of aspects influencing social sustainability is created, to be used for evaluating the results from the case study in the second part of the thesis. The case study is performed in six suburbs in the Stockholm region, being new developments during the Million homes program. Social sustainability in each area is evaluated using the aspects defined in the first part of the study, and measures to improve social sustainability in the areas, and their effect on the intangible cultural heritage, are discussed. The work is valid for goal number 11 of the Sustainable Development Goals Sustainable cities and communities, in particular target number 11.3 Inclusive and sustainable urbanisations, as well as goal number 5 Gender equality and goal number 10 Reduced inequalities.

Keywords: Social sustainability, residential areas, sustainable cities, area development

Content

Introduction ...... 1 Research objective...... 2 Limitations...... 2 Methods...... 3 Material ...... 5 Terminology ...... 6 Part one, Framework ...... 7 The Million homes programme ...... 7 Social sustainability ...... 12 Ways to improve social sustainability ...... 14 Personal aspects ...... 15 Interpersonal aspects ...... 17 Person to place aspects...... 19 Integrational aspects...... 20 Democracy aspects ...... 23 Time aspects...... 24 Cultural heritage evaluations of modernistic residential areas ...... 26 Documentary values in the Million homes areas ...... 28 Construction ...... 28 Architecture...... 29 History ...... 29 Experiential values in the Million homes areas ...... 30 Part two, Case studies ...... 31 Introduction ...... 31 The housing companies and areas ...... 38 Stockholmshem, Stockholm ...... 39 Skärholmen...... 39 Sätra...... 47 Huge bostäder, Huddinge ...... 53 Vårby...... 55 Flemingsberg...... 61 Botkyrkabyggen, Botkyrka ...... 69 Alby...... 70 Fittja ...... 75 Concluding discussion...... 81 References...... 93 Appendix ...... 102 Appendix A: interview template ...... 102 Introduction The 1960s and 1970s is an interesting period in Swedish history, moving from a strong, centralised society with good economy, to opposition, protests and a financial crisis. The Million homes program, the ambition to build one million new homes in ten years in a country with eight million inhabitants, was a physical manifestation and product of a strong, centralised state. It also represented a for the period revolutionary new construction technique, and the culmination of modernistic architecture in Sweden. But the ideal of the good home for the people, the motivation for the programme, was not met, and today many of the Million homes areas suffer from social problems. Many attempts have been made to improve the situation in, and popularity of, the areas. In doing this, property owners have invested huge amounts of money in upgrade measures, but it is not shown if the measures have improved social sustainability or not.

This thesis is about the Swedish Million homes program as being a part of our cultural heritage, a part that is threatened because of lack of social sustainability in the areas, and because of attempts by the property owners to solve these problems by rebuilding. The thesis is an attempt to increase the knowledge about what can improve social sustainability in residential areas, for the property owners to invest in relevant and effective measures, and how these measures will affect the cultural heritage values. In doing so I have studied what social (un)sustainability connected to residential areas consists of, and what alternatives there are to improve it in order to preserve the cultural heritage of the Million Homes Programme. From a cultural heritage point of view, we should not erase an important époque in the Swedish history, something that is threatening to happen through total rebuilds or demolitions, especially if it is shown that the physical presentation of the areas is not the core problem.

Socially sustainable residential areas is an important topic as urbanisation and migration increase. New groups of people move to the cities, and projects for mass production of dwellings are being initiated. With the risk of escalating problems in already exposed areas, there is a need to fully understand the underlying factors of social sustainability, and learn how to improve them. The United Nations' New Urban Agenda states the need for cities in which all people have equal rights and equal access to benefits and opportunities that cities can offer, and the view that all countries need to reconsider the urban systems and the physical form of urban spaces to achieve this (UN,

1 2016). Strategies to achieve this are presented in the EU Basque Declaration for European Cities and Towns platform. The platform holds a database of urban sustainability projects (EU 2016). The focus is on ecological sustainability, while social sustainability is poorly represented. Even though suburbs built for the Million homes programme may be a controversial heritage due to their unpopularity, the building stock is too substantial to dismiss. To keep it, we need to solve the present problems of the areas, may it be segregation, safety issues, or just people’s perceptions of the areas.

Research objective The thesis is about residential areas from the Swedish Million homes program as being a part of our cultural heritage, a heritage that is threatened because of lack of social sustainability. The subject is studied from the property owners’ point of view and the objective of my study is to identify improvement strategies of the Million homes suburbs in terms of social sustainability while not losing the cultural values of the area. In doing this I have studied what causes social sustainability in stigmatised areas and how it can be improved. My research questions are

 What can housing companies do to improve social sustainability in the Million homes areas without reducing the cultural heritage values present in the area? To answer this I need to learn:

◦ What is social sustainability in residential areas?

◦ What can property owners do to improve social sustainability?

◦ Which cultural heritage values exist in the Million homes areas and how are these values affected by measures to improve social sustainability?

Limitations The thesis is about a specific part of the Swedish cultural heritage, modernistic suburbs built during the Million homes programme, how in may be preserved by improving social sustainability and by doing this protect the cultural heritage values of the areas. The study covers three public housing companies and six Million homes suburbs with multi-story

2 apartment buildings in the southwest of Stockholm. The areas are chosen with the purpose to study several areas with the same prerequisites in terms of geography, labour market, and housing market, as the areas are geographically located next to each other. The upgrade measures and other actions studied are limited to what property owners can influence and participate in. In my discussion about social sustainability I focus on social sustainability for the residents, excluding e.g. construction workers or people passing through the area. Even though all aspects of sustainability work together, I mainly focus on social sustainability. The possibility for economical evaluations of social investments is briefly discussed, and so is possible conflicts between economic, environmental and social sustainability in area upgrading. A more thorough study of the two subjects could be a future area of research.

Methods I have carried out quantitative as well as qualitative research, with the attempt to analyse various measures and strategies for improving social sustainability in residential areas. Part one starts with a literature review about the Million homes program, the concept of social sustainability in residential areas, factors influencing social sustainability, and evaluations of cultural heritage in a modernistic urban landscape. The results are then discussed in the context of cultural heritage evaluations of the studied areas. The review is performed based on literature as well as other written sources, such as published material from Riksantikvarieämbetet (the National heritage board), Boverket (the National board of housing, building and planning) and the City museum of Stockholm. Based on the literature, important aspects for measuring social sustainability in the context of this thesis are defined and broken down into parameters, which are grouped into a classification of measures, called aspects, created for this thesis. This classification is used for the evaluation made in the second part.

Part two of the thesis is a case study of three public housing companies and six suburbs in the southwest region of Stockholm. The study is based on public housing companies partly because of easy access to material, being official documents open for public access, but also for their social responsibility from being publicly owned companies under political control. The Stockholm region was selected for the possibility to find a number of comparable suburbs regarding e.g. housing market, labour market,

3 infrastructure and regional politics. A first selection of residential areas to study was made from the map of Million homes areas (Boverket 2015b). Areas of interest were suburbs developed during the Million homes program, which today are own communities, physically separated from the city centre. The areas are located in three municipalities but are all part of the Stockholm region, and connected to central Stockholm by subway or commuter rail. Statistics were collected from the municipalities, from the public housing companies and from the police. Interviews were held with employees from the public housing companies and with representatives from the municipality of Botkyrka. Among the interviewees, there were six persons from management level, all men, called managers in the following text, and three persons working as either area coordinators or sustainability coordinators, two women and one man, called coordinators in the following text. The managers were interviewed for knowledge about physical changes in the areas and company strategies, and to give understanding of the companies´ view on social sustainability. The coordinators were interviewed to get an insight into the specific residential areas, and for knowledge about measures made in the area to improve social sustainability. Both categories were asked the same questions, but the interviewees were not expected to be able to answer all of them. The interviews were semi-structured, based on a few open questions to discuss around, and with follow-up questions asked during the talk. If any questions from the interview template were not covered during the discussion, they were asked separately at the end of the interview. All interviews were held in conference rooms at the company office except for one held in the corner of a coffee area at the company office. The question template can be found in appendix A. The interviewees answered the questions as representatives of their companies, hence presenting the official company view. There is a risk that the answers given were chosen to promote the image of the company/municipality, rather than showing the full picture. The interviews lasted between one and two hour each. The interviews were recorded, transcribed and analysed.

The ambition with the study is to give a broad, cross-functional view of the topic, studying various approaches with the same desired results, from physical renovations to social activities to cooperation with the police. Because of this, the study resulted in a large amount of material that, due to time and size constraints, in some cases is not complete, and in other cases overlapping, leaving parts of the aspects more fully covered than others.

4 Material Statistics:  Citizen surveys by Stockholm, Huddinge and Botkyrka municipalities containing information about security, exposure to crime and perceived safety etc., per area

 Statistics on population, migration, housing, educational level, employment rate, days with illness compensation for Stockholm, per area. By Stockholm municipality.

 Statistics on population, migration, housing, educational level, employment rate, days with illness compensation for Botkyrka and Huddinge, per area. By SWECO.

 The report Exposed areas, containing areas in Sweden most exposed to criminal activity. By the police.

 Annual reports from the housing companies

Interviews:

 Interview template, constructed from the information in section Ways to improve social sustainability. The topics were selected to cover physical upgrades made on buildings and areas as well as social and cultural efforts. The template was used as a checklist for the interviewer. The template can be found in Appendix A.

 Interview documentation, consisting of transcriptions from the interviews. The respondents are anonymous.

5 Terminology

Area upgrade is used instead of “renovation”, since the measures discussed in this thesis are not limited to the buildings or apartments, but includes the whole area and outdoor space.

Barnrikehus, a public initiative between 1935 to 1948 to encourage the building of multi- family houses for families with low income and many children, by providing beneficial public financing and subsidised rents. It was one of the first measures initiated by Bostadssociala utredningen 1935.

Bostadssociala utredningen, a public investigation on social perspectives on housing performed 1935 to 1949, creating directives for the Swedish housing politics for a large part of the 20th century.

Condominium, a cooperative ownership of apartments where the residents buy the right to use an apartment owned by an association and tied to a membership. The monthly fee to the association is used for joint costs for e.g. maintenance and renovation of the buildings. Condominiums are sold on the property market for market prices. Owner apartments are not common in Sweden.

Folkhemmet, a notion launched in 1928 by the Social democratic leader Per Albin Hansson, as the party's view of society; a welfare state built on equality, consensus and justice. Gradually the term Folkhemmet became connected to housing, and to the right for everyone to housing of good quality and hygiene. Million homes area, or “area”, refers to a physical area with building from the period 1965 – 1974.

Million homes programme, refers to the political programme.

Million homes suburb, refers to a suburb built during the years 1965 – 1974.

Stigmatised residential area, an area regarded by non-residents as being unwothy or shameful, a reputation that spills over to the inhabitants of the area.

6 Part one, Framework In part one, different aspects that are intertwined in the research objectives are studied. This contains the Million homes program as a phenomenon and it's history, the definition of social sustainability in residential areas, the measures to improve social sustainability in residential areas, and evaluation of cultural heritage in a modernistic urban landscape. The subjects are studied in literature and contextualised in a classification of aspects of social sustainability in residential areas. The classification is used as a framework in part two, case study, for the evaluation and analysis of the work done by the studied housing companies.

The Million homes programme Political background

The Swedish housing policy has been shaped mainly during the post-war era. Not until the beginning of the 1900s, housing became a political question in Sweden. The influence of the Swedish working class on the political scene increased dramatically during the first two decades of the 1900s (Bengtsson 2006). Sweden got general voting rights for men in 1909 and general and equal voting rights for men and women in 1919, first used in the election of 1921 (Valmyndigheten 2018). The Swedish labour party, Socialdemokraterna (the social democrats) won the election for the first chamber in 1921. During 1923 to 1932 the political power changed between the social democrats and the conservatives, but from 1932 until 1976 the social democrats lead the country (Socialdemokraterna 2017), giving social-democratic ideology strong influence in the Swedish society and politics for more than 40 years. In the same spirit as the Social democratic party and the labour union, tenant associations were created in the beginning of the century. The first tenant association in Sweden was established in 1915, soon followed by others. Hyresgästernas Riksförbund (the Swedish Union of Tenants) was created in 1923 and became, and still is, a strong actor on the Swedish housing market (Bengtsson 2006). During a speech in 1928, the leader for the Social democrats, Per Albin Hansson, launched the notion of Folkhemmet (the people's home) as the party's view of society, a welfare state built on equality, consensus and justice. Gradually the term Folkhemmet became connected to housing, and to the right for everyone to housing of good quality

7 and hygiene (Ekström von Essen 2003).

Bostadssociala utrednignen

In 1933 the official investigation on social perspectives on housing, “Bostadssociala utredningen”, was initiated. The first report from Bostadssociala utredningen, in 1935, suggested subsidised costs for building multi-family houses for low-income families with three children or more in cities and towns, called Barnrikehus (SOU 1935:2 §§4-9). The report introduced the concept of Allmännyttigt bostadsbolag (public housing company), defined by a limited right to make profits and acceptance of control and revisions by the municipality, a housing form that is still today an important actor on the Swedish housing market. The rents were set to a standard level throughout Sweden and the families could get rent subsidies depending on income and number of children (SOU 1935:2 §12). The rental law of 1942 stated that the level of rents for housing should be decided by the state to control rapid rent increases, and in 1945 a rents council was established where the tenants association was one part in the negotiations (Hyresgästföreningen).

In 1945 the first of two final reports from Bostadssociala utredningen was ready, stating the future housing politics for Sweden. The report covered the need for public control over the housing market, based not only on social needs but also on population policy, agricultural needs, and an employment programme for the construction industry. Due to this, and to the 1947 law of housing provision, many municipalities chose to form housing companies in the last years of 1940s and during the 1950s. Other suggestions from the investigation were that public housing companies should not be allowed to make a profit, the rents should not be higher than 20% of a working-class family's gross income, and renovations of apartments to a higher standard should not lead to a rent increase (Grander 2018). Housing targeted towards social groups, as with Barnrikehus, was abandoned. The Swedish model was, and still is, that housing should not be targeted to certain groups in society, but being available to everyone. Inequalities in income and size of family should be compensated for through housing allowances, not by segregation, to avoid stigmatisation and slum of certain areas (Grander 2018).

1965 – 1975 – the era of the Million homes program

In the early 1960s the rate of construction was intensified due to housing shortage. The

8 Million homes program was established by the social-democratic government in 1964 (Boverket 2008). At the time, Sweden had poor living standards compared to the rest of Europe, many households lacked running water, toilets and central heating. During the ten year period 1965 to 1974, one million new homes were built in Sweden1, hence the name of the program. With a population in Sweden of 8 million inhabitants at the time, this was a very ambitious program (Allmännyttan).The publicly owned housing companies, initiated in the Bostadssociala utredningen, were used as instruments to drive the country's economic development by securing housing in areas with an expanding labour market, increasing construction in times of financial regression, and preventing unemployment. The housing construction was planned by the government on a long-term basis, and the government gave building quotas to the municipalities along with beneficial financing (Boverket 2008). Projects of 1000 apartments or more were prioritised (Allmännyttan). Building the new areas was part of the labour market policy, to facilitate the move of the labour force to areas with labour shortage. The goal of one million new homes was reached by building large scale residential areas with very little architectural variation, based on modernistic ideals. The building types were roughly divided as one third of the homes being in tall apartment buildings, one third in two- or three-level apartment buildings and one third in one-family homes (Allmännyttan). Pre-fabricated building blocks were used, and the building process was rationalised, something that was new at the time. The ambition was to create areas with apartments with natural light, high living standard, green areas, and traffic separation. (Boverket 2008). In many cases, the areas were established outside the city on what was then farming land or forests. The new areas became satellites outside the city, connected to the city by roads and public transport. The traditional elements of urban landscapes, like the street, the block, the square and the park, were substituted by separate buildings placed in large green areas, giving the impression of multi-family houses placed in the countryside. The idea of ABC-areas (Arbete, Bostad, Centrum, e.g. residential areas with workplaces and shopping facilities integrated), introduced a few decades earlier, was abandoned. The suburbs got a functional division with housing in the new-built areas and workplaces in other parts of the cities (RAÄ 2004).

1

https://www.boverket.se/sv/samhallsplanering/stadsutveckling/miljonprogrammet/ 9 Illustration 1: Arial photo of Masmo. Source: Google maps

When the Million homes areas were new-built, a variety of people moved in. Many people moved from old apartments with low standard to the new, modern apartments. Others moved from other parts of Sweden, or from abroad, because of job opportunities in the area (Boverket 2008). Modernism made no mention of the psychological and social aspects in the design of buildings and public space. Play activities, contact patterns and meeting possibilities were not considered. The new residential areas were seen as good alternatives to dark, over-populated and unhealthy homes for the working class. Spreading and thinning out of dwellings assured light, and at the same time caused excessive thinning out of people and events (Gehl 2011). The programme, being one of the more distinctive epochs in the Swedish building history due to its scale, have affected many Swedish cities, both aesthetically and socially (Allmännyttan). The programme led to the growth of the publicly owned housing companies to dominate the housing sector in Sweden at that time, and the legacy of the program is still impacting these companies today (Boverket 2008, Viden 2012).

The legacy In the beginning of the 1970s a financial regression hit Sweden. The need for employees in the industry decreased, export numbers fell, as did the consumption within Sweden.

10 The oil crisis was also an important factor in the financial regression (Boverket 2008). Due to the ambitious building programme there were an abundance of rental apartments available by that time, mainly in the new-built areas. In 1976, 80% of all empty apartments in Sweden were from the building era of 1961- 1975 (Viden 2012). The public housing companies, with little own capital and a lending rate of up to 100%, faced severe financial crises. To save money, the maintenance of apartments and buildings was kept to a minimum, and the areas deteriorated (Boverket 2008). At the same time the conditions for private persons to get a mortgage for buying private homes were favourable, with low inflation, low interest rates and tax deduction on home mortgages, causing everyone who could to move from apartment to private house, leaving behind people without savings or income in the multifamily apartment buildings. To fill the empty apartments, the public housing companies offered them to the municipality's social services. The Million homes areas were developing into one side of the segregated city (Grander 2018). During the 1980s, a number of turn-around projects were initiated to improve the popularity of the areas. Physical updates of the buildings were made to make them more attractive, but with little results in terms of raising the popularity of the areas (Boverket 2012). In some cases, the areas did become more popular for tenants because the restructuring of the ownership from rentals to condominiums, causing gentrification by forcing the tenants who could not afford to buy their apartments to move. In other areas the apartments remained rentals, but the upgrade resulted in gentrification due to high increases in rent after renovation (Viden 2012). In the 1990s a new effort was made to improve the areas. Large parts of the public housing companies' building stock were sold to private housing companies to finance the update of the remaining houses. Ambitious renovations were again made, resulting in high increase in rents and again causing gentrification (Boverket 2008). Swedish cities became even more segregated during the period 1990-2010, due to a growing difference in household income. Rich people were living in “nice” areas with private homes, while poorer families lived in rental apartments in suburbs (Nylander 2018).

The Swedish system The politics in Sweden in the post-war era created a unique housing policy in Sweden regarding relations between social structures and actors, as well as the actors’ ability to influence those structures. Differences between the Swedish system and systems of other countries are characterised by:

11  a general housing policy instead of social housing, aimed at all citizens without means or needs testing  public housing companies owned and/or controlled by the municipalities  an integrated rental market comprising both public and private property owners  centralised and collective rent negotiations between property owners and the national tenant association

(Grander 2018). By this, in Sweden housing is not targeted to certain groups in society but should be available to everyone, and the tenant associacion is a strong counterpart to the landlord organisation in negotiations of terms and rents. Most municipalities still have their own housing company implementing the housing policy of the political majority.

Million homes areas today The present population of the Million homes areas vary between areas and between cities. From the case studies presented in part two of this thesis, I have learned that in Stockholm, with a shortage of housing, giving queuing times of 9 to 15 years for a rental contract, even in areas with a high percentage of inhabitants born outside Sweden the inhabitants of the areas in most cases have been in Sweden for many years. The housing shortage creates a market for illegal subletting in some of the areas, bringing in people who are unable to get a first-hand contract by themselves. These inhabitants are not part of public statistics used in this study. The housing companies offer part of the apartment stock to the municipality for housing of newly arrived families, and for social contracts. Some of the areas have a largely homogenous population consisting of people from the same country coming to Sweden for work in the 60s and early 70s, and their offspring, keeping alive part of the culture of the previous homeland, while some areas are heterogenous with people from many countries (including Sweden), creating a new suburban culture specific for the area.

Social sustainability ”Ett samhälle existerar genom den mänskliga aktivitet och det ständiga samspel som pågår människor emellan. Det är en levande organism med egen identitet. En god samhällsplanering tar sin utgångspunkt i platsen/området och invånarnas upplevelser av den.” (Lundberg & Hjort 2011).

12 [translation: A society exists through human activity and the constant interaction between humans. A society is a living thing, with its own identity. Good city planning starts with the place and with the peoples' perception of that place].

A search on Google Scholar on the phrase “social sustainability” will return over 106 000 results (2018-09-25), citations excluded. Limiting the search to the last five years will decrease the results to 18 200. The search "social sustainability" "residential areas" for the years 2017 and 2018 limits the results to 562 articles. Still, reading the literature there is no generic definition of social sustainability, or of social sustainability connected to the residential area.

One difference in definition is who the subjects are. Some texts focus on the needs of the tenants, some include anyone living in or acting in the building or passing through the area. Some texts also include other groups like decision-makers and taxpayers.

Another difference is perspective. Social sustainability can be studied from a human perspective, and most authors connect social sustainability to the needs of people. It can also be studied from a system perspective, indicating if the system, in this case the residential area, is resilient (Högberg 2015).

Factors focusing on the individuals can be divided in different ways, I chose to divide them in personal, interpersonal and person to place aspects. Personal aspects, like health, safety, and well-being is mentioned by most researchers. The equity dimension, concerning equal rights for all households to have access to a qualitative, well-functioning living space, is included by (Braide Eriksson 2016). Interpersonal aspects mentioned in litterature are social cohesion, inclusion and participation of the inhabitants (Fredengren 2012, Karnik 2015), but also power structures (de los Reyes 2013), relations to landlord (SKL 2012, Wedin 2014, Formas 2014), and to the city outside the area (Eriksson et al 2002, Boverket 2015, Högberg 2015). The relation between people and place can be about creating meaning for the inhabitants by connecting them to the area (SKL 2012), by culture (Fredengren 2012, SKL 2012, Boverket 2015), by place-making (Karlsson 2017) or giving the place a uniqueness (Fredengren 2012). The area is also influencing social sustainability as a meeting place, a social arena, a place for social interaction (Fredengren 2012, Karnik 2015).

There is a time perspective of sustainability, focusing on the needs of both current 13 and future generations, or the present generation now and in the future. Upgrade measures need to be resilient. The inhabitants are affected by the upgrade in the short perspective during the upgrade itself, and in the long perspective of parameters like living environment, costs of living, relocation, possibilities of personal development, relations, and infrastructures (Högberg 2015). Another long-term effect is gentrification caused by rent increase after the upgrade (Baeten et al 2017, Karlsson 2017).

Summarising the findings above and adapting them to the needs of the inhabitants of the residential area, I have limited the definition of social sustainability in this thesis to comprise the needs of the people living in the residential area, by this excluding other stakeholders, e.g. construction workers, people passing through the area. It is also limited to factors that can be connected to the residential area, and factors that the property owners are able to influence, excluding e.g. regulations by authorities and political decisions influencing the area upgrade. Using the information gained fron the litterature study I have compiled the following aspects of sustainability to be used in this thesis:  Personal aspects. This includes safety, comfort and equity of the inhabitants.

 Interpersonal aspects. This includes inclusion, social cohesion, trust, and belongingness.

 Person to place aspects. This includes people’s connection to and pride of the area.

 Integrational aspects. This includes physical and social connection to the surrounding city.

 Democracy aspects. This includes possibility for inhabitants to influence and participate in area matters.

 Time aspect. This includes planning horizon and stability.

The aspects are further discussed and illustrated in the following chapters.

Ways to improve social sustainability

“Stadsrummet ses ofta som något externt som påverkar människan, medan perspektivet att människan genom att verka i och tillägna sig den byggda miljön

14 också är dess medskapare, är eftersatt” (Formas 2014).

[translated: The urban space is often seen as something external that affects humans, while the perspective that humans by acting in the urban space are the co-creators of it, is neglected.]

Given the definition of social sustainability in this thesis, I have looked at posible improvements on different levels, from individual to general. Boverket recommends that, before an area upgrade, the property owner should answer the question ”In what way are the physical structures in the area contributing to the social problems?” (Boverket 2010). The question of how the physical structures in the area could benefit the situation in the areas should also be asked. It is not, however, only the physical structures that can be blamed for any problems, there are also questions about social factors, participation and democracy, influencing peoples' well-being. Wedin divides the project's social sustainability into a “how” and a “what”. “How to do” it is about the attitude with which actors address the uppgrading project and which modes of operation they choose to use. It may concern mobilisation, collection of knowledge, long-sightedness and flexibility, and how the project is run strongly affects the residents. “What to do” is about what kind of investments property owners make to improve social sustainability. It might take various forms, such as projects aimed at children and teenagers, investments in public areas, or restructuring the apartments to meet the needs of the inhabitants (Wedin 2014). This section presents different ideas on how to solve the problems of low social sustainability in different residential areas, that have been tried over time, presented in literature, and breaks them down to parameters that are grouped into a classification of measures, called aspects, created for this thesis. This classification will be used for the evaluation made in the second part of the thesis. My contribution to the field of study is the definition and classification of the aspects, providing a tool for evaluations of social sustainability in residential areas.

Personal aspects Safety in the residential area is fundamental for achieving well-being. There are public

15 statistics on actual crime rates as well as perceived safety, made by the municipalities and the police on regional levels, and by Brottsförebyggande rådet on a national level. The feeling of safety is important in terms of social sustainability, even though perceived safety and actual crime rate are not always corresponding. The property owner can initiate a neighbourhood security survey to get a better understanding of the problem in the area, and from this create an improvement programme where different measures are planned (Wedin 2014).

Safety issues affect gender equality. Women being afraid of sexual violence may choose not to participate in activities in the evening for fear of going back home in the darkness, and by this limiting their activities and their lives in a higher degree than men. An area that is perceived as safe in daytime can give a whole other impression when it is dark. Investigations have shown that women are most afraid of enclosed and deserted areas, like parking garages and pedestrian tunnels (Karnik 2015). Laundry rooms in basements might feel unsafe, separate laundry houses on ground floor can be created instead (Boverket 2011). Safety is also about safe areas for children, e.g. fenced yards, and playgrounds close to home. Many of the Million homes areas have traffic separation for the safety of children. Difficult street crossings and barriers for walking should be eliminated (Gehl 2011).

To populate deserted areas, efforts can be made to increase the livelihood by giving the inhabitants options for outdoor stays, as the number of people in an area at a given time depends on both the number of persons in the area, and the duration of their stay. But people might not go outdoors without purpose, there have to be destinations in the area. Places to go and things to do. It could be particular places, lookout points, places to watch the sunset, shops, community centres, sport facilities, news stands, restaurants and cafes, playgrounds, gardens etc. An inviting building entrance with seating possibilities right outside gives an opportunity to just go outside for a while, preferably including benches with the back to the building and facing areas with people, giving the user the possibility to feel connected to others without feeling exposed (Gehl 2011, SKL 2012 ). Creating facilities for small businesses in the area, maybe with subsidised rents for inhabitants, can bring new life to an area (Malmberg 1996, RAÄ 2004, Gehl 2011). Seating possibilities, skate parks, outdoor gyms etc give people a reason to go out – and to stay out for a while. It is also possible to redesign walkways and paths. Instead of having many small routes with few people on each, gather the routes to one, and by this

16 concentrate activity (Gehl 2011).

Personal space is important for well-being. Overcrowding2 is a problem in many areas. An investigation done 2016 shows that 16% of all households in Sweden are overcrowded. The numbers for single-parent households were 41% and migrant households were 33%. Not having a private space at home may affect privacy, recreation, social activities, and a well-functioning everyday life. This is also a question about equity and justice between people (Braide Eriksson 2016). The Million homes areas were built for families with two parents and children, with apartments of 2 or 3 rooms, but the population in the areas is more varied now. There is a need for bigger apartments for large families, as well as small apartments for single households. The apartments in the Million homes areas are modular, many of them constructed with flexible layouts and movable walls. This gives an opportunity to adapt the apartment sizes to the needs of the inhabitants, by merging for example two 3 room apartments to one 6 room apartment, or to one 4 room and one 1 room apartment (Stenberg 2012).

Interpersonal aspects Social sustainability is also about belonging. Aspects of inclusion, social cohesion, trust, and belongingness all refer to the relations between humans, in this case between the inhabitants of the area. In some areas there is already a very strong sense of belongingness (de los Reyes 2013), in others not. As for any attempt to improve an area, it is essential to understand the present situation of the area to know what issues to address. The inhabitants are the experts of their area (SKL 2012, Wedin 2014). A dialogue with the inhabitants, through interviews, area surveys and cooperation with local schools and clubs could be held (Roos & Gelotte 2004). By involving children and youth, any decision will be more grounded. Community engagement has shown to decrease

2 Definition by SCB ”more than two persons per room not counting living room and kitchen (1965 års bostadsbyggnadsutredning) and https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics- explained/index.php/Glossary:Overcrowding_rate

17 vandalization, lower the number of people moving out, give fewer vacancies, and lower rental loss (SKL 2012, Valdes-Vasques & Klotz 2013, Formas 2014). To become engaged in the neighbourhood could give a person a meaningful activity. Participation in the planning of area upgrading creates meetings between people, a sense of being part of something, and a sense of being listened to (SKL 2012). The creation of work groups among the tenants for regenerating the area can be stimulated by the property owner (Wassenberg & van Dijken 2011).

An important thing for the wellbeing of people is their interaction with others. Isolation can be prevented if there are places to go to be closer to other people. There are different levels of interaction between people, from watching others, saying hello, socialising, to active participation in activities. Sometimes just being close to others, without active interaction, will diminish a sense of loneliness. A walking path around a lively area, seating possibilities overlooking people in action, and outdoor cafés facilitate this (Gehl 2011). The housing company could provide facilities for meetings, clubs and hobbies to enable tenants to socialize. Engaging children and youths in caring for the area, by cooperation with schools, youth centres and clubs, will give young people a chance to be involved, something that may lead to a sense of responsibility and less vandalization (SKL 2012).

Many of the Million home areas are ethnically segregated. There are both positive and negative aspects of ethnical segregation. Living close to friends and family, or other people with the same origin, can give a feeling of solidarity, social cohesion, and make it easier to create a social network (Biteman 1996, Boverket 2010). Negative consequences of segregation appear when people from different backgrounds not interact naturally, something that can lead to a higher risk of intolerance and conflict between different groups in society (Boverket 2010). Creating connections between different groups by joint activities might increase interaction and bridge differences.

Social sustainability is also about meaningfulness. Being engaged in something can give people a sense of meaning. Property owners hiring tenants as area hosts, or to work with area improvement, provide meaningful tasks (RAÄ 2004, SKL 2012). Another example is property owners demanding that all subcontractors working with an area upgrade should hire at least one or two persons from the residential area during the upgrade, giving them work experience and references for the future (Hauksson et al 2015). Other initiatives, that can be done in cooperation with the authorities, are to provide

18 summer-jobs for youths, and creating job opportunities for young adults. The property owner can also provide cheap facilities for residents wanting to create their own businesses (Boverket 2010).

Person to place aspects When the Million homes program areas were built, quantity was prioritised over quality. The areas became monotonous and impersonal, the contrary of place identity (Karnak 2015). Many of the areas are now deteriorated, and lack values that the inhabitants can identify with (SKL 2012). There are different ways of improving people's connection to an area. Cultural heritage can be a means to connect to a new place, and a link to reconciliation and reconstruction of an area (Fredengren 2012). Artwork, like paintings and sculptures, for example in cooperation between artists and inhabitants, can be used to improve the area (RAÄ 2004). Other measures could be creating a landmark as a symbolic value, and create meeting places. One example of landmark creation is the artwork Slatans leende in Rosengård (SKL 2012).

Place identity, or “sense of place” is described as the emotional bonds and attachments people develop in relation to their environment, both at regional and local scales. The term is also used to describe the uniqueness and specific characteristics of a certain neighbourhood, which distinguish it from others, that help create a sense of belonging. The importance of place identity is high, especially for young people, to feel a strong identity and attachment to a place (Karlsson 2017).

Pride of an area may include a renovated home or a beautified residential area. Well-kept buildings and tidy areas will give the impression that the area is taken care of. Urban gardens give many benefits to an area. Some people are gardening and by this engage in a meaningful activity, others are using the area as a destination, enjoying the view and maybe exchange a few words with the people gardening. The garden gives beauty to the area to be enjoyed by everyone (Boverket 2010, Gehl 2011, Karnak 2015).

19 Adding a small front yard to the ground floor apartments will improve the beauty of an area, increase the outdoor activities, and also make the ground floor apartments more attractive to tenants. The gardens should face the side of the building where people reside or pass by (Gehl 2011). Making a distinction between private, semi-private and public space can give quality to the area, with for example private front yards facing a semi- private enclosed garden between the buildings, that opens up to the public space. The private and semi-private spaces give a feeling of privacy and shelter to the inhabitants (Gehl 2011).

There are different ideas and opinions about how to improve the physical appearance of the Million homes areas. Levels of renovation, remodelling or deconstruction is debated. Deconstruction of whole buildings was done already in the 1980s and intensified from 1994. By 2012, about 25 000 apartments from the era had been demolished (Viden 2012). Another strategy for visual improvement of the areas is densifying. Complementary buildings added in between the existing ones can provide room for new offices, business and other forms of apartments besides rentals, and while doing this give a more city-like feel to the area and enhance the mix of people and functions (Karlsson 2017). Half of the municipalities in Sweden had densifying strategies in 2012 (SKL 2012).

Integrational aspects Social sustainability in one place is dependent on the connection to surrounding places (Högberg 2015). The primary obstacles for creating socially sustainable cities are, according to Boverket, the separation of functions, and the lack of integration between socio-economically weaker areas and the rest of the city (Boverket 2010).

Segregation, by definition, includes two sides – the ones outside and the ones inside. It is the city that is segregated, not a specific area in the city. The term segregated residential areas is often understood as areas with social problems, or with a large percentage of immigrants. However, ethnically homogenous and rich areas have got a

20 much more uniform population than the multicultural suburbs, and by this hold an even higher level of segregation. Very little is however done to break the segregation of richer areas (Boverket 2010). Integration work need to focus on both groups, the insiders and the outsiders (SKL 2012). It is not enough to create social integration between people in one area, there is also a need to create integration between different areas, to give people a way into society (SKL 2012). An investigation of economically segregated areas in Sweden in 2012 showed that out of the 4800 residential areas in Sweden (electorial areas), 186 were classified as economically segregated (increased from 156 year 2006). In these areas live 566 000 persons, or 5,9%, of the Swedish population (increased from 5,4% in 2006). The criteria used for the classification were unemployment rate of over 40%, the rate of students not passing grade 9 at school of over 30% or the rate of people not voting in the latest election of over 30% (Sanandaji 2014). There is also ethnical segregation. “White flight” refers to the white middle-class leaving the suburbs. This is considered the biggest reason for area segregation. Migration of the majorities and their choice of residential areas drives segregation (Boverket 2010). Many of the suburbs suffer from a poor reputation. A lot of people do not have any first-hand experience of the Million homes suburbs. The only information they have come from media. Media have been criticised for giving a one-sided picture of the suburb, only focusing on problems, not reporting any positive aspects (Eriksson et al 2002, RAÄ 2006). Descriptions of the suburbs are not made by the inhabitants, but by outsiders looking in. Or looking “down”. Eriksson refers to a post-colonial theoretical framework in understanding medias presentation of the suburbs. Difference is used to define “them” and “us”, with the perception that the ones living in this different environment must be “enlightened”. The journalists are the modern-day explorers of the suburb. One effect of people not meeting and interacting is the lack of understanding of, and knowledge about, each other. Preconceptions about the areas are passed on from person to person, causing mental segregation. Media is using text and pictures to strengthen the image. By rhetoric and by choosing who to interview, media can decide the perspective. The positive side of multiculturalism is overseen in media (Eriksson et al 2002). One example is the media coverage of the riots in Husby 2013. The presentation of the area was, according to the inhabitants, a single-sided negative picture where journalists and politicians gave their picture, but the view of the inhabitants was not presented (de los Reyes 2013). Place-ism is the concept of defining persons by the place where they live. People

21 from stigmatised areas are by this marked as losers from the start. People feel trapped within the suburb, without hope of a future (Boverket 2015). The bad reputation, many times not deserved, is tearing on the inhabitants and their self-esteem. The inhabitants need a chance to regain their own history (SKL 2012). Social integration can be enhanced by mixing functions in the area, e.g. education, shops, green areas, sport facilities, by providing different kinds of housing, create connections between areas, create a positive identification with, and for, the residential area (Boverket 2010). Mixed facilities attract both more inhabitants, as well as a wider mix of inhabitants. Multipurpose facilities can target different groups. Diversity should be promoted as it is one of the strengths of cities. (Wassenberg & van Dijken 2011). A quite criticised measure to break segregation is active selection of tenants to get a more mixed population, where for example people who depend on public welfare are denied contracts (RAÄ 2004). Physically integrating Million homes suburbs with the rest of the city, e.g. development of land between the areas or improvement of infrastructure, could in the long run lead to a decrease of the socio-economic segregation within the city (Boverket 2010). Investments in infrastructure, public transport, and location of attractive arenas provide a flow between different parts of the city. The community is many times responsible for this kind of actions, not the property owners (SKL 2012). The property owners, however, do have an influence over the planning process in initiating the process, and by “selling in” the desired projects (Boverket 2010). One initiative is to attract companies, institutions and public authorities to an area to get a mix of people and a higher level of activity. One example is the University of Gothenburg, having education in social science in Hammarkullen, a Million homes area in Gothenburg. Interaction between students and inhabitants is thought to give a modern education for the present community. Chalmers institute of technology have a masters course in architecture located in the same area (Stenberg 2015). The presence of higher education, and students, may also motivate young people in the area to achieve a higher education. Place-making is to load a place with culture and meaning in order to make people associate it with something positive, often used for marketing purposes (Karlsson 2017). Information campaigns towards media and the public, to promote the reputation of the area and the upgrade, can improve the public picture of the area (RAÄ 2004). Culture can attract people from other areas to visit, and by this learn that the media picture of the areas might be wrong, improving peoples' attitudes towards the area. Cultural and

22 creative activities may help to rebuild place identity, create a stronger connection to the home area, and to raise the reputation of an area in the eyes of others (Boverket 2015). Cultural identity is an attractive quality for an area, comprising both the people, their backgrounds, preferences, experiences, talents, traditions as well as their expectations of the future (Boverket 2015). Culture and cultural institutions are a means of connecting people, and can be a key factor to attract companies to areas (SKL 2012). The method Cultural Planning is used for developing an area plan by starting with the local cultural assets (Boverket 2015). Cultural planning is to put art and culture in a wider perspective and use them as an asset (Lundberg & Hjort 2011). ICOMOS is describing what they call the spirit of place as the combination of tangible and intangible elements (the later could be, among other things, memories, narratives, written documents, festivals, commemorations, values etc.) that together create a richer and more complete meaning of the place. They also point out that spirit of place is a continuously reconstructed process that can vary in time, that it can vary from one culture to another, and that a place can have several spirits and be shared by different groups (ICOMOS 2008).

Democracy aspects Power structures can affect social sustainability. The residents lack power compared to the property owners, but many times they have an inside knowledge of the area that the property owners lack. To get an understanding of the underlying problems in an area, it is essential to gather information from the inhabitants, since they are the ones with the best knowledge. Information should be gathered on what people think of their homes, whether they want to change them and, if so, how (Boverket 2015, Chhaya 2017). The work could start with a SWOT analysis of the resources already present in the area, e.g. organisations, meeting places and functions, as well as the people themselves (Wedin 2014). SWOT3 analysis is a strategic tool, developed by Edmund P. Learned and Albert

3 https://www.toolshero.com/strategy/swot-analysis/ 23 Humphrey, with which the user analyses internal and external factors. The name is an acronym for Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats. When these factors are known, a social sustainability analysis can be made. Boverket has stated four levels of participation in renovation projects: information before decision, possibility for tenants to give feedback, tenants being part of developing plans for the change and tenants being part of the decision (Boverket 2015). Not including the tenants in the work can lead to opposition and protests. The riots in Husby in 2013 are partly explained by lack of influence for the inhabitants. Despite several attempts to influence the development of the area, the inhabitants had repeatedly been ignored, leading to frustration and anger. A strong sense of cohesion grew within the area in opposition to authority (de los Reyes 2013). Another example, from an area in Gävle, shows the difficulty for a property owner to regain trust from the inhabitants after many years of neglect of the area, finally succeeding by involving the residents, and by providing concrete measures of improvement from the start (SKL 2012). Tenant-initiated renovations of apartments is a way of giving the tenants power to influence. Hyresgästföreningen is trying to engage the inhabitants to take part in the improvement of the areas by mobilising and by negotiating with the landlords. With the inhabitants involved, the idea is that the quality of life in the areas could be improved as a spin off effect from the renovations, since it will lead to a higher sense of responsibility for the area. Also, the inhabitants are the ones with the best knowledge about benefits and problems in their living environment (Hyresgästföreningen).

Time aspects In area upgrading, it is more relevant to view social sustainability work as a process rather than a state (Högberg 2015). Long-time engagement and extended management have been key factors for area regeneration (Formas 2014). Still it is important to view it not only as long-term, but as a process with flexibility, for example divided into phases with evaluations after each phase (Wedin 2014). There is a tension between long-term visions

24 and implementation. New governments will come, key players may leave. New people will move in to the area. The key is to combine long-term goals with work on a daily basis. Despite ambitious long-term projects, there is a need to solve daily inconveniences like dirty streets, drug abuse and regular services (Wassenberg & van Dijken 2011). When starting the work with one area, it is important to show intentions of a permanent improvement, not only “putting lipstick on the gorilla” (Lundberg & Hjort 2011). Social sustainability in residential areas includes stability and security for the future in terms of possibility to keep the home. Urban renewal has shown, in some cases, to contribute to gentrification. The consequences for the tenants of an ambitious renovation causing rent increases differ between inhabitants depending on their economic status, forcing people with the lowest income to move to cheaper areas (Karlsson 2017). An investigation from 2012 shows that more than half of the publicly owned property companies actively used gentrification to break segregation (SKL 2012, Malm 2015). There are different opinions about whether gentrification may help residential neighbourhoods or not. The positives include area renewal, social mixing, and poverty deconcentration, affecting property values, tax revenues and local services (Karlsson 2017). On the negative side are the consequences for people having to leave the area. This illustrates the difference between sustainability of an area, and social sustainability of the present tenants. Poverty concentration may also increase in the area these tenants move to. Rent increase can be minimised by keeping profits down, keeping maintenance down to a minimum, or differentiate the level of renovation and let the tenants choose what they can afford. Selling part of the property stock to finance the renovation of the remaining buildings can finance the renovation of the remaining buildings but might create gentrification initiated by the new owners of the sold parts (Malm 2015). Many of the suggested activities presented above are not tied to an area upgrade, but can be introduced at any time. A long-term programme, based on the area analysis that should initiate the work, can be the starting point of a gradual implementation over time of both physical upgrades and actions to improve the social situation for the inhabitants, to make an improvement in the long run.

25 Cultural heritage evaluations of modernistic residential areas “Att arbeta med äldre bebyggelse, vare sig det handlar om att vårda och använda den eller att restaurera och anpassa för nya behov, är ofta oerhört fascinerande. Historien tränger på från alla håll. Man undrar vad den avsågade bjälken betyder, hur målningen applicerats på väggen, vad slitageskadorna är åstadkomna av och hur arkitekten tänkte när han utformade anläggningen. Skönheten i den åldrande materien framträder och vi beundrar hantverksskickligheten bakom det smäckra utförandet. Husen talar till oss, och ju mer kunskap vi skaffar oss om dem, desto mer förstår vi vad de säger” (Robertsson 2002).

[Translation: To work with older buildings, be it keeping and using, restoring or adapting for reuse, is often extremely fascinating. The history is evident all around you. You wonder over the story behind the cut-off beam, how the paint was applied to the wall, what caused the different signs of wear, and about the thoughts by the architect when designing the place. The beauty of the patinated materials is admired, as well as the skills of the craftsmen behind the beautiful work. The buildings are talking to us, and the more we learn about them, the more we understand what they are telling us.]

The above statement might not be fully applicable to the restoration of modernistic buildings - a building conservator will probably not be as fascinated by the construction and the craftsmanship of a house from the Million homes program. When we enter the era of modernism, with large scale, pre-fab, mass produced buildings, the traditional evaluation of cultural heritage might not be possible to apply. There are, however, other kinds of values to preserve in these areas. During recent years, evaluations of cultural heritage of the Million homes suburbs have been done. For example, there is an area in Tensta, a Million homes area in northwest Stockholm, that has been classified as valuable cultural heritage by the city museum of Stockholm, and the museum has got a museum apartment in the area, restored to its original appearance. The Swedish Planning and building act (2010:900) (English version) chapter 8 section 14 states caution during maintenance of buildings. “Maintenance must be adapted to the character of the surroundings and the construction works’ value from a historical, cultural-historical, environmental and artistic point of view.” (Boverket 2016). To comply to the demand for caution, the values of the building and the area must be known and 26 communicated.

There are different views on, and opinions about, evaluating the cultural heritage in modernistic urban areas, e.g. different ideas and opinions on what to consider in the evaluation. Unnerbäck's definition of cultural heritage evaluations contains both documentary values comprising traditional historical values of construction, architecture, history of society or certain persons, and experiential values comprising artistic, patina, identity, continuity, tradition and symbolic values. Other variables, such as quality, authenticity, pedagogic values, uniqueness and representativeness is also considered (Unnerbäck 2003, Robertsson 2002). Applied on the Million homes areas, documentary values may be construction illustrating the development of rationalised construction process and pre-fabricated modules, architecture of the presentation of modernism and important architects, history comprising societal history of the social democratic era in Sweden and their ambition for Folkhemmet, social history values showing the lives in the suburb, and person historic values if present. Experiential values may be architectonical values, artistic values, and symbolic values.

Plattform för kulturhistorisk värdering och urval (Platform for evaluation and selection of cultural heritage), aims to uniform and structure the process of cultural heritage evaluations in Sweden. The authors point out the importance of differing between attributes and values, where values are judgements about attributes. Values may vary in time and between different actors and purposes. Different aspects of evaluation, and the relation between them, is defined in the document. The aspects are history and aesthetics, also present in Unnerbäck, but also social factors, ecology and economy. The aspects should be described and evaluated separately. The different evaluations might result in uniform or contradictory recommendations, and keeping them separated makes the evaluation process more structured, and gives the evaluation transparency and traceability (RAÄ 2015). In an evaluation of a Million homes area, buildings may be evaluated as important for illustrating the history, but may be very low in e.g. evaluation of aesthetics or social sustainability, and the aspects need to be weighted against each other.

Det moderna samhällets kulturarv (the Cultural heritage of modern society) describes the principles for evaluation of modern cultural environments. The programme focus on the building stock from between 1930 and 1970. The buildings from the era are numerous, and a selection of what is to be preserved needs to be made. It should be

27 based on the story they tell about the modern society. Reasons for protection might be usability of the building, if it supports memory of the past, or is a source for different narratives. The perception of heritage, and which stories are important for the inhabitants, varies between class, gender, generation and ethnicity, and different groups of people should be engaged in defining the cultural heritage. Participation by, and dialogue with, the locals is essential to capture the different narratives, and cultural heritage is presented as a resource for raised engagement, influence and democracy, as well as a way to raise interest in history, architecture and design among the people living in the area (RAÄ 2006 b). Experiential values as defined by Unnerbäck are central part of the programme.

The city museum of Stockholm has developed a map of historically valuable buildings in the Stockholm municipality, where buildings from the Million homes program are also represented. The evaluation is based on documentary values of construction, architecture, and history (Stadsmuseet Stockholm 2016). Experiential values are not present in the evaluation, neither are involvement of local people, or their narratives.

In terms of Unnerbäck’s documentary values and experiential values, RAÅ is promoting both documentary and experiential values, emphasising experiential values, while the map by the City Museum of Stockholm focus mainly on documentary values.

Documentary values in the Million homes areas

Construction An evaluation of a Million homes area can be done from what is significant for the time period in how the buildings were constructed, and the use of materials and methods. To meet the required building volumes of the Million homes program, the size of the projects drove the development of large-scale production. Directives of large uniform areas were made by the government, the Swedish government official report SOU 1968:43 demanded standardisation of materials, floor plans, and also limited the number of possible variants of buildings. Public financing prioritised projects with 1000 apartments or more resulting in large-scale areas. The process of construction became industrialised, and the building material production was rationalised to meet the demand. An industrialised construction system with load-bearing cross-walls and non-bearing exterior walls had been developed by the Swedish company AB Skånska Cement during the 1950s and was now being used in large scale. The construction system became a

28 successful export product. The system required the use of large cranes, and the area plans for the residential areas had to be suited for the new construction methods. Pre- fabricated modules were being used, and turn-key contracts were customary. A big part of the construction work was now performed in factories, not on site (RAÄ 2006).

Architecture

The architecture of the Million homes program emphasised functionality, high standard, green areas, traffic separation, closeness to services, and functional floor plans. The areas were often built outside the city, in areas not previously developed. The new suburbs comprised a modern centre with shops, schools and day-care centrally located, and the residential buildings arranged around it. The buildings were widely separated to make it possible to navigate the cranes during construction, and the areas between buildings were planted with grass and trees. The architectural ideal was modern houses in modern materials, constructed in a modern way in a modern environment for modern people (RAÄ 2006). The repetitiveness and geometrical design of both facades and of the areas are significant for the time. The facades were designed with repetitions of differently shaped components creating horizontal or vertical patterns. The colouring was often grey or brown, using the natural colour of the materials. Modern materials (for the time) were used in the design, like tiles, metal, and glass products. The area surrounding the buildings were strictly divided in a geometrical design of play areas, parking space, green areas etc. Traffic separation was solved by pedestrian bridges or tunnels for road crossings. A sharp contrast between nature and what was man-made was desired (RAÄ 2004).

History

Historic values refer to changes in society that is reflected in the built environment. In the mid-1960s Swedish society was centralised and strong, run by the social democratic party and the labour movement, and defined by bureaucracy and control. In this environment, big uniform residential areas could be developed. But in the late 1960s, protests arouse in the Swedish society as well as in many parts of the western world. Political actions like student revolts, riots and occupations were held. Environmental awareness arouse. Media started reporting about pollution, finite natural resources and depopulation of rural areas.

29 The environmental movement was born. Modern suburbs became symbols for materialism (RAÄ 2006) and demolition of old buildings in the city centres led to protests. The Million homes areas reflect the ideal from the beginning of the 1960s, with uniformity and clean lines, rationality, the rising number of private cars, welfare and the expansion of public services, demand for women to make a career, a strong, centralised, society, regulations, and an optimism for the future (RAÄ 2006, Fredengren 2012).

Experiential values in the Million homes areas Experiential values according to Unnerbäck comprise identity, tradition, symbolic and artistic values. In the Million homes areas with inhabitants from different cultures, the experiential values can vary between different persons or groups within the area, and participation by and dialogue with different groups of residents, as described in RAÄ 2006B, is important for the cultural heritage evaluation. The lives of the residents, the qualities they see in the area and their emotional connection to it, defines cultural heritage (RAÄ 2015, Roos & Gelotte 2004, Fredengren 2012). Cultural and cultural heritage values that are experienced by the residents may create pride and a sense of place and belonging, and by this improve the social sustainability in the area. In the Million homes areas studied in the second part of this thesis, the culture and the cultural heritage of the population differ between the areas even though the areas are located close to each other. Many inhabitants in the studied areas have no connection to Swedish politics of the 1960s and 1970s, their heritage is about creating a life in a new place, and about blending of cultures.

30 Part two, Case studies

Introduction The selected areas are located in three municipalities. They are all located after the same subway line southwest of central Stockholm except Flemingsberg that is on a commuter rail line, but is included in the study in order to have more than one area in Huddinge municipality for comparison.

Illustration 2: Stockholms Lokaltrafik. Linjekarta.

The areas Alby and Fittja are located in Botkyrka municipality, Vårby and Flemmingsberg in Huddinge municipality and Skärholmen and Sätra in Stockholm municipality. Statistics of Vårby comprises both Vårby Gård and Masmo.

The presentation below contains official numbers. Some areas are targets for illegal subletting, and persons living in the area without being registered there is not part of the statistics, not giving the full picture of overcrowding. Number of employments in the area shows the number of people having their workplace in the area, independently of where they live. The rate employments/inhabitants in the table below is based on inhabitants of age 20-64 years. The rate could show both the possibility for residents to find jobs in the area, and the possibility of people from other parts of the region going to the area on a regular basis for work. In areas with higher education facilities, students also commute to

31 the area.

Skärholmen, built 1968  3,731 dwellings, 8,947 inhabitants  inhabitants 20-64 years 5 305, 59.3%  inhabitants 65- years 1 392, 15.5%  71.5% rentals, 13.9% condos, 14.6% single family houses  rent per square meter and is 971 SEK  Number of employments in area 4,242 Il lustration 3: Photo from Google Maps  employments/inhabitants 80%

Sätra, built 1968  3,700 dwellings, 7,448 inhabitants  inhabitants 20-64 years 4 443, 59.6%  inhabitants 65- years 1 178, 15-8%  67.7% rentals, 17.8% condos (condominiums), 14.5% single family houses  rent per square meter is 1,034 SEK  Number of employments in area 2,709  employments/inhabitants 61% Illustration 4: Photo from Google Maps

32 Vårby, built 1973  4,314 dwellings, 10,727 inhabitants  inhabitants 20-64 years 6,693, 62.4%  inhabitants 65- years 1,308, 12.2%  86.1% rentals, 12.6% condos, 1.3% single family houses  rent per square meter and year varies between 988 and 1,079 SEK  Number of employments in area 2,394  employments/inhabitants 35.8% Illustration 5: Photo from Google Maps

Flemingsberg, built 1973  6,496 dwellings, 16,651 inhabitants  inhabitants 20-64 years 10,968, 65.9%  inhabitants 65- years 1,444, 8.7%  74% rentals, 18.4% condos, 7.7% single family houses  rent per square meter and year varies between 920 and 1,125 SEK  Number of employments in area 13,456 Illustration 6: Photo from Google Maps  Number of students in area 17,000  employments/inhabitants 122.7%

33 Alby, built 1970  4,931 dwellings, 13,388 inhabitants  inhabitants 20-64 years 8,276, 61.8%  inhabitants 65- years 1,367, 10.2%  77.3% rentals, 5.2% condos, 17.5% single family houses  rent per square meter and year is 960 SEK Illustration 7: Photo from Google Maps  Number of employments in area 3,396  employments/inhabitants 41.1%

Fittja, built 1971  2,539 dwellings, 7,727 inhabitants  inhabitants 20-64 years 4,960, 64.2%  inhabitants 65- years 715, 9.3%  83.1% rentals, 2.5% condos, 14.5% single family houses  rent per square meter and year is 901 SEK  Number of employments in area 1,043  employments/inhabitants 21.0% Illustration 8: Photo from Google Maps

The studied areas vary in size between 7,448 (Sätra) and 16,651 (Flemingsberg) inhabitants. The age structure varies with Flemingsberg and Fittja having a higher percentage of people ages 20-64, and Sätra and Skärholmen having a higher percentage of people 65 and older compared to the other areas in the study. Sätra is closest to central Stockholm with a 22 minutes ride by subway, 15 kilometres from Stockholm central station, Alby furthest away with a 34 minutes ride on the subway, 19 kilometres from Stockholm central station. Flemingsberg is located by a commuter rail line, 19 minutes away from central Stockholm, 19 kilometres from Stockholm central station. The municipality tax is in Stockholm 29.82%, in Huddinge 31.95% and in Botkyrka 32.23%, which means you change tax by moving one or two subway stations. Distance and tax

34 rates may be reasons for the Stockholm areas to be more popular than the rest, something that has not been part of this study.

The areas also vary in types of homes where Vårby and Fittja have a high rate of rental apartments, and Sätra have a low rate. Looking at the percentage of apartments being condominiums, there is a low rate in areas with low income.

Illustration 9: Source: Områdesfakta

The municipalities make citizen surveys regularly. The surveys differ from each other e.g. the questions are not the same, or similar questions are phrased slightly different. Since the statistic material differs between the municipalities, it is not possible to compare all areas with each other, the comparison needs to be done within each municipality. In some cases, the questions by one municipality have been changed between years preventing the material to be compared between years. Some of the interviewees pointed out that the result from the surveys may differ due to external factors, e.g. if there has been an incident in the area right before the survey was sent out. In order to get a representative result from a study there has to be a certain rate of responses, and in some of the enquiries the rate is low. Response rate is reported in the discussion of each area.

All areas in the studyAverage show signs income of economic, ethnical and social segregation in the statistical material. In the area with the lowest average income, Fittja, the average yearly 400000 Stockholm municipality income350000 (SEK 195,199 per year) is 53,7% of the averageSkärholmen income of the whole of

r 300000 Sätra Stockholma region (SEK 363,700). Among the studied areas, Sätra has the highest e y 250000 Vårby r averagee income (SEK 251,900), 69,3% of the average income of the whole of Stockholm

p 200000 Flemingsberg K region.E 150000 Fittja S 100000 Alby 50000 0 35 lustration 10: Source: Områdesfakta Among the studied areas, Fittja have the highest percentage of people born outside Sweden (65.0%), compared to the whole Stockholm region (32.8%). Sätra is having the lowest percentage of people born outside Sweden (44%) among the studied areas.

1) Born outside Sweden

70 Stockholm municipality 60 Skärholmen 50 Sätra Vårby 40 % Flemingsberg 30 Fittja 20 Alby 10 0

Illustration 11: Source: Områdesfakta

Higher education is defined in the statistic material as people who have an exam from university or university college. The percentage of people with higher education in the selected areas is lower than the average for the Stockholm region (58.4%). Flemingsberg is highest with (41.4%) among the studied areas, and the lowest education level has Fittja (24.1%).

Higher education Stockholm municipality 60 Skärholmen 50 Sätra 40 Vårby

% 30 Flemingsberg 20 Fittja 10 Alby 0

Illustration 12: Source: Områdesfakta

The average unemployment rate in Stockholm is 3.0%. The highest unemployment rates among the selected areas are found in Fittja (7.2%), while the lowest are found in

36 Sätra (5.6%).

Unemployment rate

8 Stockholm 7 municipality 6 Skärholmen 5 Sätra

% 4 Vårby 3 Flemingsberg 2 Fittja 1 0 öppet arbetslösa Illustration 13: Source: Områdesfakta

In a report from the Swedish police, a list of the 61 areas in Sweden that are most exposed to crime are presented, in this thesis called list of exposed areas. Three of the six areas in this study are on the list, with two of them in the highest risk group (Alby and Fittja) and one in the lowest risk group (Vårby). Criteria for the report is the inhabitants' willingness to participate in legal actions, possibility for the police to perform their work in the area, parallel power structures, and extremism. Areas with issues in all four aspects are classified as the highest risk group, in the lowest risk group at least one of the criteria is present (Polisen 2017). Skärholmen and Sätra, who are located in between exposed areas, are not on the list.

The exposed areas are, according to the report, characterised by low socio- economic status, with people seldom being included in politics or public debate and therefore feel marginalised and exposed. People who can't get apartments are dependent on illegal subletting of apartments in these areas, where criminal gangs sell contracts to more than one family, resulting in up to three families in a three-room apartment. The overcrowding causes young people to spend their time outdoors, and are easy targets for recruitment by criminal organisations. Gangs and networks for drug-dealing are having influence over the local society through threats, blackmailing, violence, and drug dealing. This leads to a distrust of one's neighbours, and of institutions for not being able to help. If society can't provide safety for the inhabitants it opens up for alternative power structures built on social relations, family and ethnicity. There is on average three criminal networks and 70 criminal actors in the exposed areas included in the list. Authorities and housing

37 companies are sometimes threatened when making unpopular decisions (Polisen 2017). Even though three of the areas are on the list, when I asked the interviewees about gangs and internal conflicts in the areas, some of the interviewees became tense and/or critical to my question. One responded “it might be, I don't know” and others denied any problems of that kind. Still some acknowledged the problems and discussed how to improve the situation.

The police report points out the physical structure of the areas to be an obstacle for their work, as traffic separation prevents driving in the area, makes it easy for a pedestrian to escape, and don't provide retreat routes when needed. The pedestrian bridges are places for youngsters to attack the police by throwing stones, and windows overlooking the access routes can be used to alert the gangs if police arrive (Polisen 2017). Traffic separation is in literature seen as a safety measure for children playing in the area, and is also sometimes seen as a value to protect in cultural heritage evaluations of the areas.

Actions to solve the problems, according to the police report, comprise declaring the areas to be focus areas and concentrate police actions there. Cooperations with society, housing companies and other local actors are established. In some areas security cameras are mounted. Botkyrkabyggen, owning property in the areas with the highest classification, is involved through a work model called EST (coordinated safety work), and are happy with the progress. The two other companies also have a close cooperation with the police. The police also work to improve contact and trust with the citizens. MBU (the person behind the uniform) is an effort to get the local youths to know the police officers, to build relations. By this the police get better possibilities to work proactively in the areas (Polisen 2018).

The housing companies and areas

The public housing companies selected for this study are Stockholmshem in Stockholm, Botkyrkabyggen in Botkyrka and Huge Bostäder in Huddinge. The public housing companies get their directives from the municipality council. Since 1992 the public housing companies are to work by the same market conditions as private companies. Rents are by law negotiated with Hyresgästföreningen.

38 Stockholmshem, Stockholm Stockholmshem, established 1937, has 27,073 apartments, and an ambition to build around 600 new apartments per year. The company directives state the company shall improve safety through well-kept buildings and areas, local presence, and by fighting illegal subletting. There is also an ambition that the differences in living conditions between areas in Stockholm shall be decreased. A corporate social responsibility document, CSR, has been developed by the company. They have a close cooperation with the municipality and the police, as well as with other landlords in the areas. The interviewees point out that the bigger private landlords in their areas are taking a big social responsibility as well. Security in residential areas is the basis for area management according to the interviewees.

For Stockholmshem the structural upgrade of the Million homes program has not started, but will include more than 6,500 apartments. Apartment renovations are made when initiated by the tenants and connected to a fixed rent increase.

The areas studied for Stockholmshem are Sätra and Skärholmen. The challenges for both areas are coming upgrades, illegal subletting and segregation. Stockholmshem request an income level for new tenants that leaves 4,814 SEK per month for one adult after the rent is payed. Public financial aid is accepted as income.

Skärholmen Skärholmen is both the name of a city district in Stockholm (including the areas Skärholmen, Sätra, Vårberg and Bredäng) and the name of a Million homes area in the southwest of Stockholm. In this text Skärholmen refers to the area, unless the district is stated in the text. Until mid-1960s the district was a farming area with wooded hills. The district was transferred to Stockholm community from Huddinge in 1961. A general plan for the district by Göran Sidenbladh, Nils Oelrich and Torsten Westman was ready in 1963. The area Skärholmen was planned as the commercial centre of the district, with a denser townscape than the surrounding areas, with a large shopping centre, and a parking garage for 4000 cars, the largest parking garage in the north of Europe at the time. The shopping centre was opened in 1968 in the presence of prince Bertil of Sweden. The construction was preceded with archaeological excavations (Söderström et al 2003).

The historical building Skärholmens gård from the 18th century was kept, now 39 listed. Next to Skärholmen the huge shopping area Kungens Kurva is located (part of Huddinge municipality), today the largest shopping area in Scandinavia with 30 million visitors every year4, easily accessed by busses from Skärholmen centre (5 minutes bus ride, 1.6 kilometres).

The area was planned with Skärholmen shopping centre in the valley, and homes on the hills surrounding it, both high and low multi-family hoses and one-family houses. The buildings owned by Stockholmshem were drawn by architect Ernst Grönwall. They are located on the hillside right north of the centre, along curved walkways following the level of the hill, and with varying heights depending on the slope of the hill, with the achitectural ambition to create an impression of an even stairway going up the hill. The terraces between the houses were planned as playgrounds and outdoor space for the inhabitants. For access from the centre square to the higher located buildings, a stairway and an elevator was built, the later exchanged for a cable railway in 2001. The buildings where white when built, but the colour has been partly changed in 2000. The buildings were ready for move-in in 1968 (Söderström et al 2003). In the area is an indoor swimming- and sports arena located. Stockholm city theatre has premises in the centre, with film, theatre and creative activities for children and youngsters5. The shopping centre has been rebuilt to a modern indoor shopping mall, today housing about 100 shops, services, restaurants and cafes. There is easy access to natural areas, and the beach in Sätra is 2 kilometres from Skärholmens centre.

Skärholmen has a varied townscape with higher and lower buildings. The first impression when coming from the subway is a busy square with a large vegetable market. The shopping mall is seen on the opposite side of the square. Through a narrow opening between the buildings, the visitor continues to the buses to Kungens Kurva.

4

https://www.huddinge.se/stadsplanering-och-trafik/planer-projekt-och-arbeten/oversiktsplan-och- utvecklingsomraden/utvecklingsomrade--kungens-kurva/ 5 http://www.kulturhusetstadsteatern.se/Skarholmen/Om-oss/ 40 I llustration 14: Vegetable market in Skärholmen. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

Among the studied areas, Skärholmen is average sized with 8,947 inhabitants. Out of the 3,731 homes in the area, 71.5% are rentals, of which 61% is owned by public housing companies, 13.9% are condominiums and 14.6% are one-family houses. It is a mixed population, with many people who have lived in the area for many years, according to the interviewees. The average age of the population is, together with Sätra, the highest among the studied areas, and the rate of people born in other countries is higher than average in the study. Education level and income is average among the studied areas. There are more than average employments in the area, the rate employments to inhabitants is 80%. Adding the huge shopping area Kungens Kurva, 1.5 kilometres from Skärholmen Centrum but located in Huddinge minucipality, the rate is far higher.

In the cultural heritage evaluation by Stockholms Stadsmuseum, Stockholmshem's buildings are classified as valuable and should not be changed.

There has not been any area analysis made by the company, so a full social sustainability analysis cannot be made. A citizen survey of the best/worst places in the area has been done for the Fokus Skärholmen project6. Other information available for this analysis have been statistics from Stockholm municipality, the housing company, and the Swedish election authorities, and information from interviews. In the citizen survey by Stockholm municipality in 2017, 127 responded out of the 300 persons selected for the study, in a population of 6,697 citizens 20 years and older. There is no information about

6 http://www.spacescape.se/project/fokus-skarholmen/ 41 the type of homes the respondents live in, their age or gender. In the presentation of statistical numbers below, the Stockholm municipality average is presented in brackets () for comparison.

Analysis

Personal aspects. Skärholmen, together with Sätra, is not on the police list of exposed areas, in contrary to the other areas in the district (Bredäng and Vårberg, not part of the study). Reported crime in 2016, presented as number of reported crimes per 1,000 inhabitants, was significantly lower in the district than the Stockholm average, 135.0 (158.5). Worry for being exposed to crime in Skärholmen in 2017 was 21% (21%), slightly up from 17% (16%) in 2014. In 2008 the rate was 28% (18%), showing a change from people being more worried than average, to be on average. A general feeling of unsafety in the area was 13% (7%). Perceived unsafety in the area at night was in 2017 19% (10%), a small decrease from 2014 from 21% (8%).

Illustration 15: Information from citizen survey by Stockholm Illustration 16: Information from citizen survey by Stockholm municipality 2017 municipality 2017

Vandalisation was perceived as a big problem by 27% (11%), a slight improvement from 2014 29% (9%) but still high compared to the Stockholm average. The statistics show that even if the actual crime rate in the area is much lower in Skärholmen, and the worry for being exposed to crime is the same as the average in Stockholm, the feeling of unsafety is higher compared to the Stockholm average. The worry about drug abuse in public places have increased in the area, from 1% (3%) in 2008 to 13% (8%) in 2017. For

42 comparison, the level of worry in the neighbouring Vårberg was 27% in 2017. The interviewees confirm that the drug abuse in the area has increased, but believe that without the active security work in the area, the drug problem could have been even bigger. They note the police have made measures to remove drug-dealing from the surrounding areas and believe part of it has moved to Skärholmen instead. The worry about dark places has increased from 23% in 2014 to 30% in 2017, the worry for sexual harassment from 9% to 23% between the same years, and worry for rape from 11% to 20%. The company works with lightning, improved safety in the basements, and security locks on the entrances. There is a cooperation between the company, the municipality and the police, as well as with other landlords in the area. There are security surveys in the area, and the company is working together with night-watchers. They also have locally employed security hosts. About seven years ago, an area with criminal activity between the subway station and the residential area was totally redesigned into a playground with water features, called the Flamingo park, in cooperation with the municipality who own the property. This was a means to beautify and to populate the area, in order to push the drug-dealing away from the place.

There is no statistics available on overcrowding or unfitting apartment sizes. The buildings have been regularly maintained, and the system of tenant-initiated renovations on apartments gives the tenants possibility to keep the level of renovation they want, and can afford. The area between the houses and the centre is car-free, and there are playgrounds close to the buildings.

Interpersonal aspects. The rate for voting in the municipal elections is 60.22%, compared to 67.07% in Sätra and 83.53% in Stockholm municipality. The interviewees mention difficulties to engage people in neighbourhood security surveys and information meetings. The company holds dialogues about area upgrades, and tenant surveys, and is sponsoring the local sports club. They have an ambition to provide outdoor meeting places to inspire people to go out. Neighbourhood hosts are appointed to stimulate joint activities in the area. The company use procurement to enforce subcontractors to hire local people when working in the area, and to provide summer jobs, and have themselves taken on project workers for area maintenance in cooperation with the work agency. There are no questions in the citizen enquiry about participation in arranged activities together with others. Fryshuset, a non-profit organisation, is contracted by the municipality to organise leisure activities for children and youths in the area, and in the youth enquiry

43 made by Stockholm municipality in 2018, 43% of the boys in the 9th grade, and 32% of the girls, report they are participating in their activities (22%/18%) being the highest rate in the Stockholm region. 127-festivalen, an integrational project where clubs, authorities and citizens together create holiday activities for youngsters during school breaks, with youths working with the arrangements7.

Person to place aspects. The location of the buildings on the hillside, and the cable railway up the hill, are significant features of the area, as well as the Flamingo park. The Stockholm city theatre branch provides cultural activities in the area. The shopping centre also distinguish the area. There is a yearly festival in the area called Skärholmsdagarna, and there was a celebration of the 50th birthday of the area in 2018.

Illustration 17: Skärholmen shopping mall. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

The central square in Skärholmen was rated as number three among popular places in the district in a 2016 enquiry, thanks to culture, entertainment and shops, and at the same time rated as number one among the areas that need improvement, with suggestions for safety and greenery8.

7 https://mitt127.se/127-festivalen/ 8 file:///C:/Users/inarl/Downloads/6599029_2_6.PDF 44 Illustration 18: The cable railway in Skärholmen. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

Stockholmshem is active in area maintenance, but still littering is perceived as a big problem by 37% of the inhabitants. Grants have been received from Boverket for outdoor improvement projects in the area, something that will be done together with the tenants9. The company provide gardening possibilities for interested people, both as recreation and as a mean for tenants to get to know each other. There are private outdoor space for the ground floor apartments, and in the Flamingo park there are bi-hives.

Democracy aspects. Stockholmshem has an area office in Skärholmen, and is planning to move its head quarter to the area. The development project Fokus Skärholmen, with plans for 1,000 new apartments in Skärholmen by 2020, is defined as being a socially sustainable city development project. Ironically, there are little documentation of citizen involvement in the planning process, but in protocols from municipal meetings10, dialogues with citizens are mentioned. The consultant company Spacescape has made an analysis of physical factors influencing social sustainability11 as part of the area development.

The structural upgrade of the buildings has not yet started, but dialogues have been initiated. The plans are to provide different options of renovation level, and to keep costs down to make the present tenants remain in the area. The company work with tenant- initiated renovations on apartments.

9 https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/dokument-lagar/dokument/svensk-forfattningssamling/forordning-2016398- om-stod-till-utemiljoer-i_sfs-2016-398 10 file:///C:/Users/inarl/Downloads/6540374_26_6.PDF 11 http://www.spacescape.se/teori/sa-mater-vi-stad/ 45 Integrational aspects. There is a large number of people passing through Skärholmen because of the large shopping centre, and to get to Kungens Kurva by public transport, giving an exchange of people between the area and the surrounding region.

Time aspects. The company has continuously been working with maintenance of the area, and with the system of tenant-initiated renovation. Their ambition is to prevent problems to arise in the area in the first place. They are now in the planning phase of an upgrade of the buildings including re-plumbing, and the plan is to have different levels of renovations, with the ambition that the tenants shall be able to stay in the area after renovation. Fokus Skärholmen will have an impact on the area and its citizens, and the dialogues are important to make the citizens feel included.

Summary Skärholmen

Skärholmen is a busy area with visitors from the rest of the region. The location next to the large shopping area Kungens Kurva also means job opportunities in the area. Historically, there has been problems with unsafety and drug abuse in the area, and the housing company has been active in eliminating the problems. A slight improvement in perceived safety is seen in the statistics, although not as much as in Sätra. The other neighbouring area, Vårberg (not part of this study), has severe problems and is on the police list of exposed areas. The efforts by the police to remove the drug-dealing from the adjacent areas is pointed out by the interviewees as being a risk of more criminal activity in Skärholmen instead. The worry for being exposed to crime has increased during the last three years in Skärholmen, especially crime against women. The coming neighbourhood security survey could show where improvements need to be made.

There is already a good cooperation with the police in the area. The interviewees believe that by populating the public place, the criminality can be pushed away, as has been done with the Flamingo park. To prevent young people from being recruited by criminal gangs, it is important to give youngsters in the area other alternatives. Efforts mentioned in the literature are help with schoolwork to ensure the youngsters get grades to continue study, provide spare-time activities, role models, work opportunities and, as tried in one community, mentorship and study visits to workplaces for inspiration to get an education. All these activities need to be in cooperation with municipality and schools, but the housing company can participate by engaging the youngsters in the residential area,

46 and provide work experience in the hope of preventing problems in the area in the future. Fryshuset and Stockholm City Theatre have important roles in engaging children and teenagers.

Stockholmshem's buildings in Skärholmen are high multi-family houses. The interviewees point out that in high multi-family houses the large number of tenants in one address makes it more difficult to get to know each other. Efforts could be made for the tenants to get to know each other, for example house meetings and joint activities. To improve the citizen engagement, the company could intense the work of inclusion in the area plans with dialogues and meetings.

Fokus Skärholmen means a 37% increase of apartments in the area, the majority in the northeast direction towards Sätra, physically integrating the two areas and bringing a lot more new citizens to the area, something that can affect the social sustainability positively by an increased number of people in the public space at night, or negatively if worry and insecurity increases. The new construction will not affect the cultural heritage values in the area. The buildings belonging to Stockholmshem are classified to have high cultural heritage values, and the exterior should be kept in the coming upgrade.

Sätra Sätra is located north of Skärholmen, between lake Mälaren and the E4 high way. The area is named after Sätra manor, originating from the 14th century. The present buildings of the manor are from the 18th century and are protected. The manor stable is today used by a riding school, Mälarhöjdens Ridskola, and an indoor riding arena has been built by the municipality.

The present residential area was built on the manor's farmland between 1964 and 1968. The buildings are 3-4 floor apartment buildings with a few higher buildings around the central square. Most of the houses are grouped around gardens with entrances and balconies facing the garden, giving the impression of semi-private gardens protected from the outer area. The height difference in the area is used for terraces and stairs. There is a big park in the centre of the area. The buildings have a homogenous grey or light-yellow plaster. In the outskirts are one-family houses. Stockholmshem's buildings, 4 stories high, where drawn by architects Åke Porne, Ali Forslund, N.H. Winblad and Carl Erik Sandberg. The area centre is the oldest indoor shopping centre in Stockholm. There is an industrial

47 area between the residential area and the highway (Söderström et al 2003). Apart from the riding school, there is also indoor skating/ice hockey, an indoor track-and-field arena, outdoor swimming, and access to natural areas. There is a beach, Sätrastrandsbaden, 1.5 kilometres from Sätra centre, and the nature reserve Sätraskogen12 (Sätra forest).

The cultural heritage values of the Million homes buildings, defined by Stockholm city museum, is their illustration of the transfer from small-scale areas from the 1950s to the large-scale areas from the 1960s. Important to preserve, according to the museum's evaluation, is the over-all impression of the area, facades, entrances and balconies.

Illustration 19: Houses facing Sätraparken. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

In the area there are 67.7% rental apartments, whereof 42% are publicly owned, 17.8% condominiums and 14.5% one-family houses. Sätra is the area in the study with the highest average income, 251,900 SEK per year (69.3% of Stockholm average income), highest education level, and also the oldest population. It was one of the earliest areas to be completed, the scale is smaller with lower buildings, and the area has the lowest number of inhabitants compared to the other areas. The area also has the lowest rate of immigrants in the study, showing that the Swedish population has not chosen to leave the area in the same degree as in other areas.

When arriving in Sätra the visitor gets from the subway to a small shopping centre. Outside, a rather impersonal square meets the visitor, but if he/she explores the area, a

12 http://www.stockholm.se/KulturFritid/Park-och-natur/Naturreservat-i-Stockholms-stad1/Satraskogens- naturreservat/ 48 quiet, green residential area appears, dominated by a park area stretching between the buildings, dividing the area in two.

In the 2017 citizen survey by Stockholm municipality, 300 persons from Sätra were invited to participate, compared to a population of 7,448 persons. 123 persons answered the enquiry. The respondents are 1.7% of the population in the area and the answers might not be representative. The survey report does not mention type of residence, age or sex of the respondents. Tenant enquiries are made by Stockholmshem in addition to the citizen survey by the municipality. The results from the enquiries are not open to public, but part of the information can be achieved on request.

There has not been any area analysis made by the company, so a full social sustainability analysis cannot be made. A citizen survey of the best/worst places in the Skärholmen district has been done for the Fokus Skärholmen project. Other information available for this analysis have been statistics from Stockholm municipality, the housing company, the Swedish election authorities, and information from interviews.

Analysis

Personal aspects. Sätra is not on the police list of exposed areas, despite being close to areas that are. Reported crime in 2016, presented as number of reported crimes per 1,000 inhabitants, were significantly lower in the Skärholmen district, where Sätra is located, than the Stockholm average, 135.0 (158.5). Perceived safety is showing a positive trend in the area with numbers better than the Stockholm average. Worry for being exposed to crime in Sätra in 2017 was 14% (21%), down from 18% (16%) in 2014. In 2008 the rate was 24% (18%) showing an improvement from being higher than average in 2008 to being lower than average in 2017.

49 Illustration 20: Information from the citizen survey by Illustration 21: Information from the citizen survey by Stockholm municipality 2017 Stockholm municipality 2017

Perceived unsafety in the area at night was in 2017 14% (10%), a decrease from 2014 from 18% (8%). Dark areas were perceived as a big problem by 20% (17%), 21% (18%) in 2014, and vandalization by 19% (11%), 20% (9%) in 2014. Youth gangs are perceived to be a big problem by 18% (10%) in 2017, 15% (8%) in 2014. Some problems have increased. Drug abuse in public places is considered a problem by 10% (8%), up from 4% in 2014, violence in public places by 23% (17%), 18% in 2014, and 25% (20%) have, often or very often, felt fear of burglary during the last 12 months before the enquiry, up from 20% in 2014. Neighbourhood security surveys are made in the area by the municipality and the housing companies. Stockholmshem has improved lightning, improved safety in the basements, and put security locks on the entrances after input from the surveys. Some of the entrances have been redesigned for improved safety. There is a cooperation between the company, the municipality and the police, as well as with other landlords in the area, to improve safety. The area is not fully traffic separated but the areas between buildings are. There are walkways and pedestrian bridges over bigger roads in the area. Stockholmshem has received grants from Boverket for renovating a playground in the block13.

There are no statistics available on overcrowding or unfitting apartment sizes available. The buildings have been regularly maintained, and the system of tenant- initiated renovations on apartments gives the tenants possibility to keep the level of renovation they want and can afford. The area between the houses is car-free, and there are playgrounds close to most of the buildings.

13 https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/dokument-lagar/dokument/svensk-forfattningssamling/forordning-2016398- om-stod-till-utemiljoer-i_sfs-2016-398 50 Interpersonal aspects. A measure of citizen engagement is the voting rate in elections. In Sätra södra, where Stockholmshems property is located, the voting rate was 67.07% in the 2018 municipal election, which is the highest among the studied areas, (83.53% for Stockholm). The interviewees mention a problem to engage people in security walks and information meetings. The company hold tenant dialogues about area upgrades, and tenant surveys. The company is sponsoring the local sports club. They have an ambition to provide outdoor meeting places to inspire people to go out. The placement of the houses creates semi-private gardens between them, creating an inviting space for the tenants. With an apartment stock of lower multi-family houses, the problem of neighbours not knowing each other is not very big according to the interviewees. There is a yearly festival called Sätradagen that the company participates in. Mitt127, an organisation for creating activities for youth, is active in Sätra. Festivals and holliday activities are held in Skärholmen (neighbouring area), open also for youths from Sätra to participate in. Fryshuset, a non-profit organisation, is contracted by the municipality to organise leisure activities for children and youths in the area. The company use procurement to enforce subcontractors to hire local people when working in the area, and to provide summer jobs for youths.

Person to place aspects. The area gives the impression of being a quiet, green residential area. Nearby natural areas like the Sätra forest (natural reserve) and the shore of lake Mälaren adds to the impression. In the citizen survey of the best/worst places in the Skärholmen district, Sätra forest nature reserve was selected the best place, Sätra beach on fourth place and the park area in central Sätra on fifth place. Among the places with development needs, Sätra square came third. Improvement suggestions was to make it easier to walk to there, more homes, workplaces, more shops and services, more greenery, better maintenance, higher safety especially for women, better lightning and more seating possibilities. According to the municipality citizen survey, littering is perceived to be a problem in the area by 27% of the inhabitants in 2017, slightly down from 30% in 2014, and graffiti is perceived as a problem by 17% (11%), up from 5% in 2014. The company tries to be active in maintenance, both on a daily basis and with planned maintenance of the area. The company provides gardening possibilities for interested people in the area, but so far there has been little interest. The ground level apartments have private gardens. The municipality has received grants from Boverket for

51 upgrading the park14, a work that the company also will be engaged in.

Democracy aspects. The company work with tenant-initiated renovations inside the apartments. The upgrade of the buildings has not yet started, but dialogues have been initiated. Stockholmshem has no office open for tenants in Sätra but they try to be present by holding tenant meetings and security walks, and through maintenance people. The project Fokus Skärholmen means an additional 600 to 800 apartments to the area, placed mainly in green areas in the outskirts of the present buildings. Apart from the enquiry about the best places, I have no information about citizen involvement in the planning.

Integrational aspects. There are no big shopping centre or cultural actor motivating people from other parts of Stockholm to come to Sätra. There are 2,709 people who have their workplace in the area, a rate of 61% of the citizens. Compared to the other areas in the study, segregation is low according to statistics, and according to the interviewees there is a good mix of people in the area.

Time aspects. The interviewees state they have a long-time perspective on property management. The company have continuously been working with maintenance of the area, and the system with tenant-initiated renovation enables the tenants to renovate their apartments when needed. They are now in the planning phase of an upgrade of the buildings including re-plumbing, and the plan is to provide different renovation levels, and to keep costs down, to make the present tenants remain in the area after renovation. The interviewees believe it is important to prevent problems to arise in the area in the first place.

Summary Sätra

Sätra is an area with less segregation than the other areas in the study, according to statistics. The buildings are not as tall, there is a lot of greenery and lots of possibilities for sports and recreation. A beach and a nature reserve is within walking distance. The area was built in the beginning of the Million homes program, when there was still a housing problem in Stockholm, and the apartments were all rented out from the start. The area is a little closer to central Stockholm than the other areas in the study, and has, together with Skärholmen, a lower tax rate.

14 https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/dokument-lagar/dokument/svensk-forfattningssamling/forordning-2016398- om-stod-till-utemiljoer-i_sfs-2016-398 52 The statistics give an impression that the area is rather safe and well-functioning. The interviewees believe it is thanks to continuous maintenance, and the good cooperation with the police, the municipality and the other housing companies in the area. There are, however, some parameters in the citizen enquiry that is worsening. Graffiti has increased, and the population worry about violence and burglary. Information from coming neighbourhood security surveys could show what needs to be done to improve the situation. Stockholmshem is already doing several measures for improved safety, dialogue and tenant participation, although I get the impression from the interviewees that since there are no serious situation in the area, they focus their social sustainability work on other areas in the district.

The development project Fokus Skärholmen will mean an increase of the number of apartments with 25-30% in the area, and any consequences for the social sustainability in the area should be investigated. The cultural heritage values for Sätra will not be affected by Fokus Skärholmen but should be considered during the coming structural upgrade of the buildings.

Huge bostäder, Huddinge Until the beginning of the 20th century, Huddinge was a rural area with villages, but no town. From the 1910s the population started to increase due to the expansion of Stockholm, and developers were buying land in the surrounding municipalities, among them Huddinge. In the beginning there were no general plan of the area, and no communal investments in infrastructure. Some, but not all, of the developers built roads, but sewage systems was a big problem until the 50s. The majority of the new citizens were workers, laying the base for strong social democratic politics. The social democrats came to power in Huddinge in 1922, and remained so until 1973 (Öhngren 1991). The municipality promoted construction, and already in the late 50s a massive critique of the great volume of construction lead to political conflicts in the municipal assembly (Areskär 1995).

In 1961, municipality borders were redrawn between Huddinge and Stockholm. Stockholm municipality had bought land from Vårby manor in 1931, by this owning land in Huddinge municipality. The transfer of land was to avoid municipalities owning land outside their own borders. The part of the land that is now Skärholmen district was

53 transferred to Stockholm municipality, and as compensation, Huddige was offered ownership of the part of the land that is now Vårby, which remained part of Huddinge municipality (Öhngren 1991).

Due to the growth of Stockholm region, the population in Huddinge continued to rise. New developments were made, among them Vårby and Flemingsberg, who are part of this study. The rise of population meant high costs for infrastructure, schools etc for the municipality, and the growth created financial problems for the municipality in the beginning of the 1960s. In 1960, Huddinge municipality had 30,000 inhabitants, in 1975 the number had risen to 60,000. Many of the new inhabitants worked in Stockholm, in 1971 only half of the inhabitants of Huddinge were working in the municipality (Öhngren 1991).

Huge Bostäder, or Huge, was established in 1955. The municipal property stock of 633 apartments was transferred to the company. Due to a high construction rate, Huge had 5,868 apartments in 1967, an increase with over 5,200 apartments in 12 years. The request for development was higher than the company could handle, and in 1971 an agreement with Svenska Bostäder in Stockholm led to the transfer of the construction division from Huge to Svenska Bostäder (Areskär 1995).

In 1981, an agreement of tenant influence was signed with Hyresgästfreningen, and tenant-initiated renovation of apartments is introduced in 1985. Huge became member of SABO in 1963 (Areskär 1995). In 2017 Huge Fastigheter was divided into two companies, Huge Bostäder responsible for residential and commercial buildings, and Huge Samhällsfastigheter responsible for the municipality service buildings. During the political process leading to the split, Huge lost part of the employees and the work of the company was put on hold, according to interviewees.

Today Huge Bostäder has 8,141 apartments, of which 5,300 is in need of upgrading. The company directives open up for selling part of the stock besides upgrades and new construction. The company has an ambition to create better variation in the apartment stock through construction, for people to be able to stay in the area when their housing needs changes.

Citizen enquiries made by Huddinge municipality for 2014 and 2018 differ in phrasing of questions, and in divisions of geographical areas, and are therefore not possible to compare. In the presentation of statistics of the areas in the text below,

54 statistical figures within brackets () refer to the whole of Huddinge municipality, provided for comparison.

Huge requests a certain income level as terms of rental, a yearly income of 3,5 times the rent. Public financial aid is not accepted as income.

Vårby The area called Vårby consists of two parts, Vårby gård and Masmo, also called Vårby Haga. It has a strategical position by the lake Mälaren, and archaeological discoveries from the neolithic era have been found in both Vårby gård and Masmo. The land where Vårby is located was farming land until the beginning of the 1960s. Vårby Gård was a big manor covering the whole north-western part of Huddinge municipality. A mineral spring on the premises was used as health resort from 1709 to around 1750. After the resort was closed, mineral water from the spring was still delivered to Stockholm, and from 1932 a mineral water factory was located there. Vårby manor was sold to Stockholm municipality in 1931 (Huddinge kommun 2003).

Today Vårby Gård is an architecturally heterogenous area with different parts of the area having its own architecture. The buildings were drawn by several architects, among them Lars Bryde and Andreas Carsten. The church, built 1974, is listed due to architectonical values. A cultural heritage evaluation made by Huddinge municipality in cooperation with Stockholm regional museum states that the different parts of Vårby Gård, from ancient time to the 1970s, is an important illustration of the evolution of the area, and therefore valuable to keep. The buildings from 1970s were noted to be important to keep due to their architectonical characters. The area around the well was also recommended to keep, even though the buildings from Vårby manor are gone (Huddinge kommun 2003).

55 Illustration 22: Vårby church from 1974. Listed. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

When coming to Vårby, the visitor arrives to a plain square, situated on a lower level that the residential area. The area centre is found by the square, but it is unclear where the 4,314 apartments are to be found. Climbing up the stairs, spread-out groups of buildings can be glimpsed between the pine-trees.

Illustration 23: Vårby Gård subway station and square. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

Swedens first supermarket, OBS! I Vårby, was opened in Masmo in 196315, largest in Sweden by that time with an indoor area of 15,000 square meters, but the building is sparsely used today. The most dominant building in Masmo today is Ormen Långe, (the Long Snake), named after a viking ship. The building is drawn by architect Andreas Carsten. The intention was a building with sculptural character and architectonical integrity with lot of free space around the house. The building is 320 meters long, and has 10 floors with together 400 apartments. It was a huge debate about it when it was built due to its

15 https://web.archive.org/web/20150930104050/http://www.mersmak.kf.se/Toppmeny- startsida-/KFBibliotek/Kooperativ-kronika-startsida/Sok/KF-Kronika---Visa-artikel/?articleid=514 56 large scale.

Illustration 24: Ormen Långe, Masmo. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

In the area there are also a few tower blocks and a subway station but no commercial centre. The first tenants in the Million homes area moved in 1973.

The Million homes buildings in Masmo are not protected, but the natural and cultural environment has been declared having big cultural heritage value (Huddinge kommun 2003).

When arriving in Masmo by subway, all you see, literally, is the huge building Ormen Långe and the mountain next to it. The visitor has to walk to the other side of Ormen Långe to discover a grass/gravel area with six tower blocks. Between the trees behind them, a hamburger bar is illuminating in the distance.

57 Illustration 25: Masmo subway station. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

Vårby consists of two geographically separated parts, but the statistics are presented as one area. The area is among the largest in the study with 10,727 inhabitants. In the area there are 86.1% rental apartments whereof 51.1% is owned by Huge, 12.6% condominiums and 1.3% single-family homes. The rate of employments possibilities to inhabitants is 35.8%, the second lowest after Fittja. The average income in the area is 217,300 SEK/year, 59.7% of the average income in Stockholm municipality but average compared to the other areas in the study, and so is both the rate of people born outside Sweden, and the unemployment rate.

There has not been any area analysis made by the company from what I've been told, so a full social sustainability analysis cannot be made. Information available for this analysis have been statistics from Huddinge municipality and the Swedish election authorities, and information from interviews. In 2018, 93 persons responded to the citizen enquiry, compared to a population of 10,727 inhabitants. The numbers in brackets () in the presentation below shows the average of Huddinge municipality.

Analysis

Personal aspects. Vårby is on the police list of exposed areas as being a risk area (the lowest level of three in the ranking of risk areas), defined by violence and drug-dealing in public, and an opposition against authorities. In the citizen enquiry of 2018, 14% (6%) of the respondents state they are dissatisfied with their area, in 2014 the rate was 11% (4%).

58 30% (17%) feel insecure going out at night in their neighbourhood, down from 46% (24%) in 2014, and 12% (4%) feel insecure going out in daytime in their neighbourhood, not reported for 2014. Neighbourhood security surveys have been held earlier, but not during the last year due to reorganisations. Huge is working together with the police to prevent crime, and work actively with security measures like lightning, visibility, safer basements, and security cameras in the garages. There have been night-watchers in the area but not the last year. The interviewees believe populating the area will diminish the criminal activities. Also, a lightning project in Masmo has shown to decrease criminal activities. Considering the decrease of inhabitants feeling unsafe in public space, the work has been favourable.

The company works with tenant-initiated renovation, giving the tenants possibility to decide what level of renovation they want, and can afford. The area between buildings are car-free. In the citizen survey, 29% of the people think their apartment is too small, something that will be addressed in coming physical upgrades of buildings in Vårby Gård.

Interpersonal aspects. Two of the factors of interpersonal aspects are belongingness and engagement. Voting in the municipal elections can be an indicator of engagement. In the 2018 election, 60.11% of the population in Masmo (Haga) voted (79.01%), and in Vårby Gård Östra 55.53%. Of the inhabitants, 54% (25%) don't think they can trust most other people, almost the double from 28% (21%) in 2014. 13% (18%) have high trust in the police and 2% (2%) in the municipality politicians. 39% (30%) had not participated in any activities together with others during the last 12 months before the enquiry, in 2014 the rate was 35%. The interviewees say it is difficult to engage people in neighbourhood security surveys, but many come to the tenant meetings regarding upgrades. There are many clubs in the area, and the company is sponsoring some of them. The company is also providing summer jobs together with the municipality and other companies in the area. They have been discussing terms in procurement for hiring local people but has not implemented it. None of the interviewees have mentioned activities to make the tenants get to know each other.

Person to place aspects. The huge building Ormen Långe is a statement in Masmo. There are large natural areas around the buildings, and the shore of Albysjön is 150 meters from the subway station on the other side of a highway, but can be reached through a pedestrian tunnel. The premises of what used to be the first supermarket in Sweden is more or less des deserted. Vårby Gård, too, is located by the water, with large

59 natural areas, and a beach within walking distance. There is a shopping centre and library, churches and schools. Both areas are connected to Stockholm with the subway and to Huddinge by buss, but there are uninhabited land between them and other residential areas. The interviewees mention that the tenants tend to move out of the area in a higher degree in Vårby than in the other areas where the company has apartments, and that enquiries have shown that the inhabitants don't feel being a part of the Huddinge community. The lack of bigger apartments is also given as an explanation. Among the citizens, 40% where actively looking for a new apartment in 2018, 47% in 2014. 46% of the respondents in the citizen enquiry thought littering was a big problem in the area, in 2014 it was 47% (22%). In Masmo most of the buildings have been upgraded, and a total renovation have been made in the apartments at the same time. The buildings had been neglected and the company tried to do as much as possible while working on them, and the tenants have been evacuated during the work. The rent increase after upgrade has been around 30%. The interviewees say it is an expensive strategy and that a continuous maintenance is preferred. In the next upgrade phase, Vårby Gård, only bathroom, kitchen and electricity will be made. An upgrade of the outdoor areas has been made in Vårby Gård, with grants from Boverket, creating gardens between the buildings that will attract families, with playgrounds, barbecues and gardening possibilities.

Democracy aspects. Huge has an area office with customer reception in Vårby since autumn 2018. The company has tenant-initiated renovation of the apartments. There has been a conflict with tenants in Masmo about level of renovation during structural upgrades. During the latest face of the upgrade in Masmo, an agreement has been made with Hyresgästföreningen giving the tenants different options of apartment upgrade to choose between during the structural upgrade, something that will be used in Vårby Gård as well.

Integrational aspects. The interviewees talk about a bad reputation of the area that is difficult to improve. They talk about a need to lift the area, and they believe new construction and more activities in the centre might be a means for that. A new construction project is being discussed to physically integrate the area with Vårberg, the neighbouring area in northeast. They also think preventive maintenance and care for the area will benefit the reputation, and they work by a model called Broken window theory16, a criminological theory that visible signs of crime and disorder create an environment that

16 http://www.lakeclaire.org/docs/BrokenWindows-AtlantaicMonthly-March82.pdf 60 encourages further crime and disorder, including serious crimes. The theory suggests that targeting minor crimes such as vandalism and public drinking, help to create an atmosphere of order and lawfulness, thereby preventing more serious crimes. There are no promotional activities made by the company to improve the reputation of the area.

Time aspects. The interviewees are careful to point out the long-term aspect of maintenance, that you need to be persistent. Activities need to be done to make tenants want to stay in the area. A high rent increase after renovation may force some tenants to move out.

Summary Vårby

Even though the perceived safety in Vårby has improved drastically, according to one interviewee because of the police breaking a criminal gang in the area, the over-all satisfaction with the area has not increased. The fact that the statistics comprise inhabitants from two rather different areas, where different measures have been made, it is difficult to draw any conclusions from the material. In line with the broken window theory, the littering problem in the area should need to be addressed.

Flemingsberg Flemingsberg was farmland until the 1950s. The main building of Flemingsberg manor, dating from the end of the 18th century, has been preserved. There are Neolithic graves found around the farmhouse, and the land around it has been kept as a nature area (Huddinge kommun 2003).

In 1973 the first tenants moved to new Million homes area in Flemingsberg. The new regional hospital for Stockholm south, Huddinge university hospital with construction start in 1968, was located in the new area, and the residential area was built in connection to it. In the area plan was the hospital and medical education centre, 5,000 apartments, a city centre and industries, providing a mixed area with workplaces, homes and services (Söderqvist 1999).

Hans Martell was responsible for the area plan. To save unexploited land, only high multifamily houses with 8 to 12 floors were built. It was the Stockholm Region-owned Flemingsbergs Bostäder who built the area close to the hospital called Grantorp, that now

61 belongs to Huge (Areskär 1995). Architect was EGÅ arkitekter and Lars Johannesson. Aesthetic details, like creating a single roof line when seen from a distance by placing higher buildings on lower land, were used.

Illustration 26: Flemingsberg. Photo from Google maps.

Also used was a new construction method of moulding “tunnel elements” with two walls and a floor segment in one single mould. This was revolutionary by the time, and representatives from the industry from all parts of the world came to watch it. The bright colours of the buildings, created with spray-painted metal sheets and designed by the artist Gert Marcus, were to compensate for the scale and dominance of the buildings, to give identity to the area, help children orientate and to give passers-by a colourful experience (Söderqvist 1999). Apart from Grantorp, there were other parts of the area developed by other constructors. Despite the high ambitions and the colourful buildings, the over-all impression of the area is brought down by the big roads and railway tracks going through the centre.

62 Illustration 27: Flemingsberg centrum. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

Flemingsberg had problems from the start. The shopping centre was not ready until 1976, and the railway station didn't open until 1987, leaving the area with poor communication. Few of the hospital employees accepted housing in the new apartments (Areskär 1995). In 1974, 44% of the apartments were inhabited (Söderqvist 1999). Since the area was ready in the last yeas of the Million homes programme, there were no longer a housing shortage in Stockholm, and people with better economic possibilities chose to move elsewhere.

Huge was subcontracted for maintaining the area in 1972, and in 1983 Flemingsbergs bostäder was incorporated in Huge. In 1987 and 1990, turnaround projects were run in Flemingsberg, and during 1989-90, 493 apartments were sold and converted to condominiums. Today, Huge has about 25.5% of the total number of dwellings in the area. The shopping centre, owned by Huge, was renovated in 2008 (Areskär 1995). In 1996 Södertörns Högskola, a university college, was established in Flemingsberg, today having 17,000 students and being the 8th biggest campus in Sweden17.

An ambitious development plan has been made for Flemingsberg by Stockholm Region together with Huddinge and Botkyrka municipalities and representatives from business and organisations (Utveckligsprogram Flemingsberg). About 10,000 new homes are to be built in the area, as well as a new east-west-going railway line, tying together the districts of the south Stockholm region. The foundation Flemingsberg Science is a strong promoter for the area with an ambition to turn Flemingsberg to an international business

17 https://www.sh.se/p3/ext/content.nsf/aget?openagent&key=hogskolan_i_siffror_1306161305937 63 district, Stockholm South Business District (Utvecklingsprogram Flemingsberg).

A cultural heritage evaluation of Flemingsberg has been made by Huddinge municipality together with Stockholm Regional Museum. The report states that due to being a clear example of construction and city planning during the 1970s, the large scale and the colouring of the buildings, as well as the traffic-separated area between them, and details as entrances and balconies, the buildings are recommended to be kept unchanged as an example of development from the era. The character and identity of the area shall be kept, including materials, colour and the nature areas around it (Huddinge 2003).

Illustration 28: Grantorp, Flemingsberg. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

Flemingsberg is the biggest area in this study with 16,651 inhabitants. The rate of occupation possibilities to inhabitants, including higher education, is 183%. The dwellings in Flemingsberg is divided in 74% rental apartments, whereof 53% owned by Huge, 18.4% condominiums and 7.7% single-family homes. In 2016 there were also 735 student apartments in the area. The area has a high rate of citizens 25 to 64 years old, and the highest education level of the studied areas, 41.4% (58.4%), probably thanks to the university and the student homes. The number of people born outside Sweden is average compared to the other areas in the study, and higher than the Stockholm average, 51% (38.2%). The average income in the area is second highest after Sätra, 239,500 SEK/year, 65.8% of the average in Stockholm municipality and 76.2% of the average in Huddinge municipality. 64 There was an area analysis made for Flemingsberg in 2016 by Huge. Other information available for this study have been statistics from Huddinge municipality and the Swedish election authorities, as well as information from interviewees. In Flemingsberg 346 inhabitants were selected for the citizen enquiry in 2018, compared to a population of 14,958 citizens aged between 18 and 84. The number of respondents was only 90 persons. Due to the low response rate the answers may not be representative. For the 2014 enquiry, the number of respondents is not presented.

Analysis

Personal aspects. Results from the citizen enquiry of 2018 show that 11% (6%) of the inhabitants are dissatisfied with their area and 33% is actively looking for a new apartment. In the enquiry there are no follow-up questions to why the citizens are dissatisfied. 28% (19%) feel unsafe going out in the area at night, 31% in 2014. 7% (4%) feel unsafe outdoors in daytime. The inhabitants worry the most about vandalization and littering (17%), drug abuse (14%) careless driving, dark areas and thefts (13% each). Huge have security guards in Flemingsberg centre. Activities to prevent illegal subletting is taken. Neighbourhood security surveys have been made. Unfortunately, there is no area coordinator left in the company to present the results, but other interviewees mentioned tidying up the area and holding fire prevention education together with the fire brigade as results from the surveys. The roads and railway, passing through the centre of the area, are barriers for pedestrians to move from one part of the area to the other, something that is also noted in the future plans for the area (Utveckligsprogram Flemingsberg). The area between buildings is car-free. The company works with tenant-initiated renovation, giving the tenants possibility to decide what level of renovation they want, and can afford. According to the citizen survey, 19% of the present inhabitants think their apartment is too small, something to consider in planning of new apartments.

Interpersonal aspects. An indicator of belongingness and engagement in a community is voting in political elections. Voting rate in the municipal election by the tenants of Huge in Flemingsberg was between 47.08% in Grantorp östra and 57.4% in Grantorp norra in the 2018 election, compared to 79.01% in Huddinge municipality, showing a low community engagement18. The 2018 citizen survey had a question “Do you think, in general, that you can trust most other people?” (translated). Among the citizens of

18 https://data.val.se/val/val2018/slutresultat/K/valdistrikt/01/26/0403/index.html 65 Flemingsberg 32% (25%) answered negative, in 2014 the number was 25%. The same enquiry shows that 15% (18%) have high trust in the police, and only 2% (2%) in the local politicians. 36% (30%) have not participated in any activity together with others during the last 12 months before the inquiry, in 2014 the rate was 32%. The answers might indicate distancing from society. The only measure mentioned by the interviewees to engage the tenants, is summer jobs for youngsters being created in the area.

Person to place aspects. The colourful buildings in Flemingsberg are landmarks in themselves, and public art is strengthening the colourful impression. The buildings in the centre are tall and spread out. Busy roads through the centre create barriers for moving between different parts of the area. There are churches, a library and a shopping centre with approximately 20 shops, restaurants and cafes in the area. The buildings need upgrading including re-plumbing, a work that has not yet started. Higher education and a university hospital are present in the area, as well as the district court for South Stockholm region. The regional and commuter rail station and buses provide good access to the area. There is a sports arena offering ice hockey. Football, skiing, jogging tracks, boule, and gym are available, and good access to nature areas. There are gardening possibilities for the tenants. Events held in the area includes a yearly festival, and a spoken-word competition held a couple of years ago.

Democracy aspects. In 2016 an area analysis and long-term plan, including a SWOT analysis, was made for Flemingsberg, but the participation of the citizens is unclear. Huge has an area office in Flemingsberg with customer reception. Tenant inquiries are, or have been, held in the area. Huge has had a tenant-initiated renovation program for the apartments since 1985. Due to a restructuring of the company in 2017, the improvement plans for the area were put on hold, and according to the interviewees there has not been much done in the area after that. The municipality, however, are making great plans for developing the area, without much participation from the inhabitants (Utvecklingsprogram Flemingsberg). In the report from the project, among the challenges mentioned was bridging the barriers between the inhabitants, and between the inhabitants and the actors in the area centre. The exclusion of tenants in the development planning might instead lead to increased barriers.

Integrational aspects. Many people from other parts of the region come to Flemingsberg to work, to study, or to visit the hospital, getting a first-hand experience of the area. Considering the tenant surveys saying littering and vandalization are major

66 problems in the area, the first-hand experience might not be as good promotion as could be. According to the development program (Utvecklingsprogram Flemingsberg) the area reputation for both living in and starting businesses in Flemingsberg needs to be improved. Huge is actively promoting the area on social media. Flemingsberg also have a homepage (Flemingsberg.se) run by Flemingsberg science, a foundation started 2011 for cooperation between companies, academy and the municipality. The foundation tries to attract new companies and schools to the area. Among others, Stockholm regional museum is moving to Flemingsberg19. There is a good mix of functions and people in the area, but the branding of the area is not sufficient according to the report (Utvecklingsprogram Flemingsberg).

Time aspects. The 2016 start of upgrading Flemingsberg was seen as a long-time effort but was interrupted by a reorganisation of the company where they lost their area coordinators. The present plans made by the region and the municipality is not including the tenants in the area. Social mixing is promoted in the plans, active gentrification is not mentioned (Utvecklingsprogram Flemingsberg). The great changes to the area, the interruption of the 2016 plan, and little possibility to influence the planning may cause insecurity about the future for the tenants.

Summary Flemingsberg

The benefits of Flemingsberg are the high number of workplaces, education and the hospital, giving a mix of people and an exchange between the area and the rest of the region, and the colourful buildings that create a statement and give identity to the area. Still, the area suffers from poor reputation. The central part of Flemingsberg is crossed by roads and the railway. There is no inviting square with shops, cafes and other activities meeting the commuters coming there. A living centre is, however, one of the goals in the new development plan.

In the citizen enquiry, citizens report a high perceived unsafety, especially during night-time, and they are bothered by vandalization, littering and drug abuse. The biggest issue of the personal aspects is crime. It may be a police issue, but a cooperation between housing company, municipality and police could be a way to address it. The company could hire security guards or area host recruited from the tenants, sponsor local

19 https://flemingsberg.se/aktuellt-sv/slojd-stockholm-oppnar-i-flemingsberg-centrum/ 67 night patrols and neighbourhood watch groups, and improve lightning in the area. Another way is to increase the livelihood in the area by giving the inhabitants options for outdoor stays, by creating destinations in the area, evening activities, a living community centre, outdoor recreation possibilities etc. These measures could be done in cooperation with the municipality and the businesses in the area.

The need for larger apartments is also brought up in the enquiry. The coming upgrade of the buildings and the plans for new construction could take into account the need for varied apartment sizes.

There are signs of low community engagement in the area. The housing company, as well as the development project, could promote community engagement by including the tenants in future plans, holding dialogues, information meetings and workshops, collaborate with schools to engage children and youth in area improvement, but also by providing social interaction possibilities by offering premises for hobbies, meetings and activities. Creating jobs during procurement by requiring subcontractors to hire someone from the area, or as project jobs together with the employment agency, is a means to get the inhabitants engaged. Cultural activities can be used to engage people, especially children and youth. A joint project to improve the impression of the area, initiated by housing company and municipality, for tidying up the area, or to decorate the environment in cooperation between the citizens and an artist, may lead to inclusion and less vandalization. Activities for tenants to get to know each other better may lead to social cohesion and also to a stronger connection to the place. Finding area hosts who are interested in organising activities like barbecue, fika, house meetings or crafts, with the company sponsoring the activities, are other possibilities. Exhibitions about the area and its history, not least the modern history, can promote the sense of place.

Inclusion of tenants in future plans of the area that concerns them is important. It is vital to make the inhabitants feeling included, to avoid protests similar to the ones in for example Husby in 2009 and 2013 (de los Reyes 2013) . There is a risk of citizens feeling overrun by the rigorous plans for the area, and Huge, being the landlord of many of them, may be negatively affected.

To get representative results in the citizen enquiries, it would be valuable to make inquires with a larger number of participants, and questions that are consistent over the years. When the housing company makes own surveys, an effort could be made to get more specific information. The reason for the dissatisfaction indicated in the citizen survey 68 has not been analysed. It could be discussed in tenant meetings as an important measure to fully understand the issue, and to make the tenants feel listened to. Interviews, or a survey with a larger number of citizens invited to participate and with questions trying to reveal the factors behind the dissatisfaction, could be made.

Most of the mentioned measures can be done without compromising the cultural heritage values of the area. When upgrading the buildings and improving the insulation, efforts should be made to keep the exterior of the buildings. The plans for the area by the municipality includes bridging roads and densifying the area, the details are not known but should be weighted against both cultural heritage and social sustainability.

Botkyrkabyggen, Botkyrka Botkyrka was a rural area until 1907, when the expansion of Stockholm led to an increased population in the neighbouring municipalities, among them Botkyrka. The social democrats came to power in the municipality in 1919 and remained so until 1973. The northern part of the municipality, where the areas included in this study are located, was included in the Stockholm regional plan in the late 1950s. Plans for a new town, Botkyrkastaden, for 40,000 inhabitants were made. It was the biggest construction project in Sweden, and it was built during only five years. During those five years, the population of Botkyrka grew from 20,000 inhabitants to 60,000 inhabitants. Stockholm municipality owned the land, and they drove the development. A private construction company developed Fittja. The houses were bought by Stockholmshem a few years later, and by Botkyrkabyggen in 1985. Botkyrkabyggen developed Alby (Sundström 1982).

Botkyrkabyggen, founded in 1957, has 10,682 apartments, 8,500 of them need upgrading whereof 8,000 are in buildings from the Million homes program. The company directives state the construction shall be 300 homes per year and the upgrading of the present stock shall intensify. In this study the areas Fittja and Alby in Botyrka are included.

Both Alby and Fittja are on the police list of exposed areas in the highest level, and the company have a tight cooperation with police and municipality in which the situation is analysed, and efforts are coordinated on a weekly basis. They are very positive to the police work and the focus on their areas. The police force has doubled in the areas because of the list.

69 The interviewees talk about safety as a baseline for property management and about the importance of respecting the tenants, of making instant actions when problem arise with both long- and short-term measures to address the problems, and then maintain them so the problems won’t come back. Project work is not sufficient, long-sightedness with permanent organisations for permanent improvements is preferred. They believe the benefit for Botkyrka is their systematic and continuous work with social questions.

Botkyrkabyggen requests an income that leave 4,814 SEK/month for signing a rental contract with them. Public financial aid is not accepted as income.

In presentation of statistics, the average for Botkyrka municipality is shown within brackets ().

Alby

Alby has been populated since the stone age. During excavations, stone age and iron age graves have been discovered. Before the development in the 1970s, the area was farmland. L M Ericsson, the founder of the Swedish company Ericsson, owned the farm between 1895 and 1916, when the farm was transferred to his son, and used for development of agriculture. The buildings of Alby farm are preserved and listed. The barn of 15,000 square meters is used for a creative cluster, Subtopia, with more than 80 organisations and companies and 200 actors20. The first tenants of the Million homes area moved in 1971.

Alby is the second largest area in the study with 13,388 inhabitants. It is a heterogenic area with around 50 ethnical groups and a relatively young population. The dwellings consist of 77.3% rentals, of which 53.1% belongs to Botkyrkabyggen, 5.2% condominiums and 17.5% one-family houses. There are development plans for a large new business area in Eriksberg, next to Alby, and around 2,000 new homes.

20 https://www.subtopia.se/om-subtopia/ 70 Illustration 29: Alby centre and subway station, with the new buildings on Albyberget in the background. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

An area analysis was made from an urban planning perspective by the company Spacescape in 2011, covering e.g. accessibility, safety, and facilities, but participation by citizens are not mentioned in the report. Other information available for this analysis have been statistics from Botkyrka municipality and the Swedish election authorities, and information from interviews. In the citizen enquiry from 2018, 270 people from Alby responded, 2.7% of the population. 48% of the respondents were women. The number of invited respondents is not reported.

Analysis

Personal aspects. Alby is on the police list of exposed areas in the highest level. The criteria for the level are social problems, presence of criminal groups where threats and violence prevent persons from participating in justice and the police to fulfil their duties in the area (Polisen 2017). In the citizen enquiry for 2018, 49% (62%) consider it safe or very safe to live in the area. In 2017 the number was 36% (50%) showing an improvement with 13 units, but the safety still needs to improve. There are no follow-up questions in the enquiry to what is causing unsafety in the area. There has been a lot of measures made to improve security of the areas during recent years, like neighbourhood security surveys twice a year, strong cooperation with police and municipality in crime prevention, cooperation with neighbourhood watch organisation and night-watchers, and there have been activities in the area centre to populate the area. Improved lightning, cleaning of the

71 area, rebuilding of entrances in one area where the entrance doors have been moved and glassed to enable free sight to what is in the building before you enter, are other measures taken. In other buildings, a renovation of the entrances has been made. Renovations inside the apartments have been done on a tenant-initiated process, where certain renovation measures are connected to a fixed rent increase. From 2019 this system is abandoned. The area is traffic separated and there are playgrounds close to the buildings.

Illustration 30: Vegetable market in Alby. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

Interpersonal aspects. In the 2018 municipal elections, in Albydalen C the voting rate was 56.82% (71.42%), an increase with 5.68 units since 2014, and in Albydalen Ö the voting rate was 54.89% (71.42%), an increase of 8.35 units. The participation is low but with a strong improvement since the last elections, showing a positive trend. The citizen enquiry in 2014 contained a statement “I trust people in my residential area” (translated), and the rate of people answering positive was 44% (56%). The trend cannot be shown since the question was not in the enquiry for 2017. Unfortunately, there are no questions about trust for police or politicians in the enquiry. The citizens report being happier with the municipal service than the Botkyrka population in average 45% (37%), and 49% (35%) believe they can influence political matters in the municipality, higher than the average for the municipality. The increase in voting rate and the feeling of being able to influence might indicate the measures taken in the area has been positive, but the trust for other people in the area is still lower than average for the municipality. Person to place aspects. The interviewees mention a strong sense of place and 72 pride in the area among the citizens. People live close to friends and families. There are many active organisations in the area, and Botkyrkabyggen has sponsor agreements with local clubs with the condition they provide summer schools for both boys and girls in the area. The company arrange gatherings for leaders of local clubs for networking and cooperation, and they cooperate with schools, e.g. the decorations of the entrance of a building (hand-prints from children in pre-school) for engaging the children, to beautify the entrance and in an (successful) effort to stop vandalization. They engage garden ambassadors, tenants who want to arrange activities for the inhabitants, anything from gym to soup kitchen to cleaning of area, with the company sponsoring the activities. The company also engage youth ambassadors (youngsters) trying to engage young people in different activities. There are gardening possibilities free of charge, and the company provide meeting facilities in the area free of charge for arrangements made by the tenants. In the 2018 citizen enquiry the statement “Botkyrka is a place where it is easy to implement new ideas and initiatives” (translated) was answered positively by 45% (32%) of the respondents, with Alby having higher rates than average in the municipality. The structural upgrade is not started, but continuous maintenance has been done on the buildings. An ambitious outdoor area upgrade has been made over several years. The area upgrade, comprising painting of the houses in bright colours, and a complete update of the areas between the buildings with play areas, barbecues and gardens, have given character to the area and strengthens the sense of place.

Illustration 31: Area between buildings, Alby. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

73

Integrational aspects. The employment to inhabitants ratio is 41.1%, the nearby Eriksberg area not included, which is lower than average among the studied areas. The area analysis shows that in 2011, few people from other parts of Stockholm came to Alby, giving a low exchange of people. The municipality works with area identity, promotion in media and through the activities of other organisations. One example is Cirkus Cirkör21 that was offered premises in Alby around year 2000, that has benefitted the area and promotes Alby in the rest of Stockholm. The interviewees state the present negative media picture affects the inhabitants of Alby negatively. Democracy aspects. Botkyrkabyggen has an area office with customer service in the area. Municipality politics have dialogue forums in the area about 4 times per year. Tenant meetings are held by the company at least twice a year, to discuss issues and decide improvements of the outdoor area. In the meetings, the company presents ideas for tenants to discuss and decide about. An area analysis was made in 2011 by the consultant company Spacescape. The report covers hard factors like architecture, but not social factors. The inhabitants have not been part of making the analysis. There is an ambitious development plan for the project Södra Porten22, an area next to Alby, to attract offices and trade to the area, and plans for new apartment buildings on Albyberget, something that will affect the area. Time aspects. Many of the activities mentioned above have been going on for years, e.g. the upgrade of areas between buildings that has been ongoing for 8 years. The company wants to work on a long-time basis.

21 https://cirkor.se/om_cirkor 22 https://www.botkyrka.se/bo--bygga/botkyrka-pa-langre-sikt/botkyrka---sodra-porten-till-stockholm.html 74 Illustration 32: Area between buildings, Alby. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

Summary Alby The area has problems, but in the last citizen inquiry there are signs of improvement. There has been a strong cooperation between municipality, police and housing company to prevent crime and to improve the security in the area. There is a dialogue between tenants and company, as well as between politicians and citizens, and the area has been going through a thorough external upgrade during the last years, a measure that has built a sense of place according to the interviewees. Different measures to engage the citizens, not least the youth in the area, have been made, and the company is having close cooperation with organisations. The mix of functions in the area could be improved, as there are few workplaces, and the number of people coming to the area is quite low according to the area analysis from 2011. The plan for Eriksberg may improve this. The company is promoting the area in media, and is trying to weight out the present negative picture. A wider knowledge about the creative cluster Subtopia could attract more people to the area. When studying the area, I get a picture of a multi-cultural area, with lots of cultural activities happening in the nearby Subtopia, and a population that is relatively engaged in their society. To promote the cultural identity of the place could be a way of giving the area uniqueness.

Fittja The village of Fittja was founded in the middle ages. Fittja was the main community in

75 Botkyrka between 1660, when the main road south from Stockholm was built there, and until mid-19 century. Fittja manor was built as a coaching inn and station for post riders. The present main building of the manor dates 1812 and is now used by Mångkulturellt centrum23, a multidisciplinary research environment studying international migration, ethnic and transnational relations and intercultural issues. Studies are carried out in three disciplines: critical cultural studies, urban living conditions and racial discrimination.

Illustration 33: Main building of Fittja manor. Picture by Ingrid Närlund

Fittja is one of the smallest areas in the study with 7,727 inhabitants, and with a population among the youngest in the study. The first inhabitants in the Million homes buildings moved in 1970. There are 83.1% rental apartments in the area, whereof Botkyrkabyggen owns 64.2%, 2.5% condominiums, and 14.5% one-family houses. It is the area with the highest rate of people born outside Sweden, 65.0% (compared to 32.8% in Stockholm) but the population is described as quite homogenous with a high share of people from Turkey, as they, or their parents, came to Sweden as labour force in the 70s. About 70% of the inhabitants have lived in the area for more than 20 years according to one of the interviewees. The area has the lowest education rate 24.1% (58.4%) among the studied areas and the lowest average income, 195,100 SEK/year, only 53.6% of the average income in Stockholm. The rate of occupation possibilities to inhabitants is 21.0%, by far the lowest in the study.

23 http://mkcentrum.se/om-mkc/ 76 Arriving in Fittja by subway, on the platform you pass a sculpture of a revolver with the pipes tied to a knot. Outside, most of what you see is hard surfaces. A bus terminal, brownish tall buildings, and asphalt. Small shops are facing the bus terminal. With a little guesswork you find the entrance to the area centre. Once inside, small shops and a small indoor vegetable market welcomes you.

Illustration 34: The bus terminal in Fittja. Photo by Ingrid Närlund

For this study I have not had access to any analysis of the area. Information available for this analysis have been statistics from Botkyrka municipality and the Swedish election authorities, and information from interviews. The number of respondents in the citizen enquiry for 2018 was 131 persons, 2.3% of the population 20 years and older, and 49% were women. There is no information on how many were invited to participate in the enquiry.

Analysis

Personal aspects. In the citizen enquiry of 2018, only 35% (62%) believe it is safe to live in the area, in 2014 it was 43%, and only 11% could recommend a friend to move there, 39% in 2014. 55% (33%) believe there is a problem with littering in the area. The area is on the police list of exposed areas in the highest level, meaning social problems and presence of criminal groups, where threats and violence prevent persons from participating in justice and the police to fulfil their duties in the area (Polisen 2017). Botkyrkabyggen holds tenant meetings and tenant security surveys at least twice a year,

77 they cooperate with neighbourhood watch organization and night-watchers and there are employed security hosts in the area Friday to Sunday, hired among local people. Measures like rebuilding of entrances to move entrance doors, and glassing so you can see what is in the building before you enter, has been made. There is a problem with drug-dealing in public places. The company works from the idea of trying to reclaim the public space by holding activities to push criminality out of the area. There are plans to upgrade the parking deck area into a recreational space to reclaim the area for the tenants. A successful trial was made in 2018, and a permanent upgrade has been decided. Giving an example of the company work; an emergency meeting between tenants of one building and leaders of community and housing company was held on the tenants’ request in 2017 to discuss drug abuse in the stairway. The discussion led to employment of security hosts, and tenants were moved from the ground level apartments. To increase the presence of people in the house, an art project got premises in the ground floor of the building, the stairway cleaning schedule was increased, and the company engaged night-watchers among the tenants to patrol the building. The tenants report increased safety in the building after the changes.

Renovations inside the apartments have been done on a tenant-initiated process, where certain renovation measures are connected to a fixed rent increase. From 2019 this system is abandoned. The area between the buildings is car-free.

Interpersonal aspects. In the 2018 municipal elections, 49.9% of the residents on Krögarvägen voted, down 3.02 units since 2014, and on Värdshusvägen 53.42, up 1.05 units. The voting rate for the whole Botlyrka was 71.42%. Still, 44% (35%) state in the citizen enquiry that they can influence political decisions in their area. The citizens report being happier with the municipal service than the Botkyrka population in average, 46% (37%). The statement “Botkyrka is a place where it is easy to implement new ideas and initiatives” (translated) was answered positively by 35% (32%) of the respondents. 21% (10%) is happy with the schools in the area, twice as many as the average of the municipality. Unfortunately, there are no questions about faith for police or politicians in the enquiry. The trust between neighbours is low. 40% (56%) believe they can trust other people in the residential area, the question was not in previous enquiries. The outdoor space is described by some of the interviewees as being male dominated, and efforts are made to create activities in the area that attract women and children. Since 2016 an art club, a project led by an artist, has been run. The first year the target group was children,

78 the next two years women were invited to create art together. The opening of the exhibitions was celebrated. One interviewee says it is not difficult to engage people in area matters, people want to improve the area, but it is difficult to support their work, to give them tools, to keep their engagement. There are efforts made to mobilise people to break the resignation and powerlessness towards criminal gangs, to bridge the distance between “we” and “them”. One interviewee say the youth in the gangs are also part of the society, they are someone's son, and we need to solve this together, dare to talk about the problems, create parent groups and provide tools to handle their children's situation, and also to help youngsters wanting to get out of the gangs.

There are many organisations in the area. The company has sponsor agreements with local clubs with the condition the clubs provide summer schools for both boys and girls in the area. The company host gatherings for leaders of local clubs for networking and cooperation, and offer sponsoring for garden ambassadors who want to create activities in the area. There are gardening possibilities free of charge, and some apartments on ground floor have private outdoor space. There has been an increase in employment rate the last years due to efforts to get women working. In a project Qvinna I Botkyrka, a group of local long-time unemployed women was offered short-term employments with cleaning in the area, instead of having subcontractors for cleaning. The project was successful. The area was cleaner compared to when the subcontractor did the job according to the interviewees, and the youth showed respect for the women resulting in less conflicts between cleaners and youngsters. The women were offered regular employments in the company, and now the project has started in another area in the municipality, Norsborg.

Person to place aspects. The interviewees mention a strong sense of place and pride in the area. People live close to friends and families and many have been living in the area for decades. There is a yearly festival, Fittjafestivalen, held in the area. There is indoor swimming in the area, and there is a beach 400 m from Fittja centre. Structural upgrade work has been going on for a couple of years. Upgrades are made with the possibility for the tenants to stay in the apartments during the work. There are different levels of renovation during the structural upgrade, where the lowest level will generate a rent increase of about 20%. Integrational aspects. The employment to inhabitants ratio is 21% which is the lowest among the studied areas. There are not many workplaces, malls or events to

79 attract people from other parts of the region. The area is not strong in attracting business, but the new owner of the area centre is active, investing in the area centre and apartments in connection to it. Botkyrka art centre was moved to the area from Tumba in 2018. The municipal social administration had an office in Fittja but is moving. There is a research institute in the area, Mångkulturellt centrum (multicultural centre), with an art gallery and a library open for public. The reputation of Fittja is low, and many newspaper articles write critically about the area. The interviewees state the presented negative media picture affects the inhabitants negatively and increase the perceived unsafety. Botkyrkabyggen works with promotion in media to provide positive news. Democracy aspects. Botkyrkabyggen has an office in the area but there is no reception for customers. Municipality politics have dialogue forums in the area about 4 times per year. Tenant meetings are held by the company at least twice a year, to discuss issues and decide improvements of the area. There is a densifying project going on and the centre building is being upgraded, I have no information about citizen engagement In the project.

Illustration 35: Fittja. Picture by Ingrid Närlund

Time aspects. The company want to work on a long-time basis, providing people a possibility to remain in the area.

Summary Fittja

Fittja is located in a beautiful place, right by the lake of Albysjön, and with natural areas

80 close to the buildings. It is the second smallest area in the study, with a quite small area centre.

The area has problems with criminality and is on the police list of exposed areas. The joint effort between the police, municipality and housing company during the last 1.5 years has resulted in a clear picture of the safety issues, but there has not, to my knowledge, been made any area analysis to get a complete picture of strengths and weaknesses in the area. Botkyrkabyggen has made a lot of measures the last years to increase social sustainability in the area, working with most aspects discussed in this study, but the effect has been less successful than in Alby. Criminal gangs and drug- dealing has to be fought to make the inhabitants feel safer. The interviewees believe it is extremely important to engage the youngsters in the area and by this prevent them for being recruited by criminal gangs, to stimulate youth to get an education, and to see the benefit of having an education. They mention people from the area that have succeeded are functioning as role models for youth, proving they, too, can make a future despite coming from a stigmatised area. There has not been as much work on the outdoor environment in Fittja as in Alby, and improvements of the areas between buildings could be made.

Among the studied areas, Fittja is the area with the highest level of segregation, and the lowest employment to inhabitants ratio, according to statistics. Efforts to socially and physically integrate the area could be made. The area may benefit from the construction of Södra Porten. The art gallery and Mångkulturellt Centrum are assets for promoting the area. The interviewees mentioned a high cultural activity in the area, and cultural identity could be highlighted, as well as the cultural heritage of Fittja.

Concluding discussion This thesis is about the Swedish Million homes program as being a part of our cultural heritage, a part that is threatened by lack of social sustainability in the areas, vandalization and deterioration, and also by attempts by the property owners to solve these problems through rebuilding. The ambition is to study what social (un)sustainability connected to residential areas consists of, and what alternatives there are to improve it, in order to preserve the cultural heritage of the Million Homes Programme. First, the background of the Million homes areas is presented, as an illustration of

81 the areas and of the cultural heritage values they may have. Connected to this, the Swedish model of public housing companies is presented, as these companies have had a vital role in the development of the areas, and still own a big part of the property there. A definition of social sustainability is sought. In this thesis, social sustainability in residential areas is defined as the present populations' needs connected to their residential area, now and in the future. Different parameters of social sustainability in the context of residential areas are identified and grouped into aspects, creating a classification model to be used for evaluations of social sustainability. In line with the research objectives, the thesis focuses on factors that property owners are able to influence. The aspects are  Personal aspects: safety, comfort and equity of the inhabitants  Interpersonal aspects: inclusion, social cohesion, trust, and belongingness  person to place aspects: the residents’ connection to and pride of the area.  Integrational aspects: the area's, and the residents', relation to other areas and regions.  Democracy aspects: possibilities for inhabitants to influence and participate in area matters.  Time aspect: planning horizon and stability.

Personal, interpersonal, person to place and integrational aspects are aspects of what the companies can work with to improve social sustainability. In addition, democracy and time aspects are identified as aspects of how the companies can work with social sustainability. There are difficulties to measure social sustainability in residential areas. The citizen surveys made by municipalities and housing companies in the case study were not sufficient for making an analysis of all aspects of social sustainability. A need for better information about the present level of social sustainability in residential areas is identified and discussed in the thesis, as well as how to collect it. Today there is no single method for collecting the complete information needed for a social sustainability analysis as defined in this thesis. More than one way of gathering information is needed to make a full analysis of the area including information from all stakeholders. In the material available for this study there were information missing, especially on interpersonal and person to place aspects. The interviewees mentioned that the public surveys do not give enough information about the situation in the areas, but the companies get additional information

82 from cooperation with police and from being present in the areas. Information about interpersonal aspects, and the connection of people to the place, cannot be obtained from the present surveys, but dialogues with the residents is a possible way for collecting additional information. There is a need for tools that allows all aspects of social sustainability to be monitored. This could be an area for future studies, as well as studying some areas during a longer time frame with the help of these tools to connect certain measures to actual improvements. Property owners can improve social sustainability in residential areas in several ways. Ways to improve the personal aspects may start with a security survey together with the citizens to get an understanding of the situation in the area, resulting in an improvement programme. Depending on the findings, possible measures might be improved lightning and visibility, or remodelling area or buildings to avoid dark and deserted places. Means to populate the area can be made, for example by providing benches, walkways, destinations in the area, facilities for cafés and shops, cultural activities or sport areas. To improve safety security guards could be hired, night-watching may be sponsored, and area security hosts could be appointed among the residents. Cooperation between municipality, property owner and police has shown to be beneficial. Women report lower perceived safety than men, being a barrier for participation in activities in night-time in the studied areas, making security a matter of gender equality. Comfort may be improved by tenant-initiated renovation of the apartments, but also by providing apartment sizes that fit the needs of the present population. In the Million homes areas, the majority of the apartments have two or three rooms with a population varying between single households to large families. When renovating, apartments might be rebuilt, for example by merging two three-room apartments to create a six-room apartment, or a one-room and a four-room apartment, depending on needs. Changes in buildings and area layout might work against conservation of the tangible cultural heritage, while the engagement and inclusion of the tenants and the increased use of the areas may benefit the intangible cultural heritage. Interpersonal aspects can be improved in several ways. Meetings and dialogues could be held with the inhabitants to increase community engagement, as could cooperation with schools to engage the children and youths, initiating work groups for regenerating the area, providing facilities for meetings and clubs or to improve interaction between different groups through joint activities. Engaging tenants by appointing them as area hosts or to work with area improvements, or provide cheap facilities for residents

83 wanting to start their own businesses, are other means to improve area engagement. To raise the livelihood of the areas and the connection between tenants and groups of tenants would enhance the intangible cultural heritage. Person to place aspects is improved in ways that create pride of the area. Many areas lack values that the inhabitants can identify with. Cultural heritage can be a means to become connected to a place. Artwork or a specific landmark can give identity to the area. Place identity, the uniqueness and specific characteristics of the place may be promoted in cooperation with the residents. Pride of one’s home may also include a renovated home or a beautified neighbourhood. Urban gardens to be used by tenants may create connection to the area for the people using them and also beautify it for the benefit of everyone. Designing the space between buildings in private, semi-private and public space will give a more homely feel to the area around the buildings. Redesigning the area by either densifying or deconstruction will change the appearance of the area, the former will also provide new facilities and homes. In areas where the layout and spacing between buildings is considered worthy of protection these measures could work against preservation. On the other hand, the intangible cultural heritage may be strengthen. Integrational aspects can be improved through higher interaction between the area and people from other parts of the city. Attracting visitors through events, workplaces or education possibilities will give people from other parts of the city a first-hand experience of the area. Developing the area with housing of different sizes and standards might attract new groups of residents. Creating and promoting a positive identification of the area, for example through culture or cultural heritage, might change people’s perception of the area over time. Place-making is a strategy to load an area with culture and meaning in order to make people associate it with something positive. Cultural identity comprises people, their backgrounds, preferences, experiences, talents and traditions, and may be an attractive asset to an area if promoted. Developing or densifying the areas will work against preservation of the tangible heritage, but most suggestions in this section would promote the specifics and culture of the areas and by this improve and visualise the intangible cultural heritage. Democracy aspects includes possibility for inhabitants to influence and participate in area matters. It is essential to initiate dialogues and cooperation with tenants when improving the area and offer participation in both planning and decisions. Active participation in area upgrade could be encouraged. Tenant-initiated renovations gives the residents the possibility to influence both living standard and costs of living. The tenants

84 could also be encouraged to become engaged in Hyresgästföreningen or other associations to improve their possibilities for influencing their housing situation. The effect on the tangible cultural heritage depends on the opinions of the tenants, but the joint work may lead to a higher sense of responsibility for the area. Time aspects includes planning horizon and stability, both from the housing company by having long-time plans and engagement as well as daily maintenance and by this show intention of permanent improvements, but also to give the tenants a possibility to keep their homes over time by keeping rents down, something that is in line with preservation of the areas. A case study is performed as part of this thesis, including three public housing companies and six residential areas from the Million homes program where the companies own property. The companies chosen are Stockholmshem in Stockholm municipality, Huge Bostäder in Huddinge municipality and Botkyrkabyggen in Botkyrka municipality. All studied areas are located in the southwestern part of the Stockholm region. An analysis of the present level of social sustainability in the studied areas is made, as well as a mapping of measures that the companies have made in the areas. Historically, public housing companies have had a unique function for the Swedish housing market, being used as political tools during the 20th century. Today they operate on the same market conditions as other housing companies. Ownership is still a difference; the public housing companies are under political control and can be used to implement political ambitions. They are also affected by the risk of changed directives every fourth year, after political elections in the country, a short timeframe to operate from in construction. All companies in the study are taking high social responsibility. As some of the interviewees in this study point out, social sustainability work is part of the mission for public housing companies, corporate social responsibility is in their directives. The study shows that the companies do a lot to improve social sustainability in their areas, and many of the measures made are the same for all three companies. Still, some of the areas have more factors indicating higher social sustainability than others, even two neighbouring areas in the same municipality can differ a lot. The study shows that social sustainability work by the companies in the study is concentrated around safety. Interpersonal and person to place aspects are mainly included as means to improve safety in the area. Few of the interviewees reflect over integration of the area to the rest of the region, and there was no clear strategy for

85 diminishing bad reputation of areas. The possibility of participation in future plans for the area is limited for the tenants. The interviewees from Botkyrkabyggen were giving more examples of tenant participation than the others. The lack of influence in one’s own residential area may lead to dissatisfaction, which could generate problems for the property owners. Regarding time aspects, all interviewees agreed on the importance of long-sightedness and persistence. During the years, the different companies have had different levels of maintenance of their buildings. Stockholmshem has carried out continuous maintenance on their houses, while the other two companies have done less according to the interviewees. Previous levels of maintenance result in different status of the areas today, different levels of structural problems, and different requirements for upgrading. Financial conditions for upgrading vary between the companies. Stockholmshem has a property stock where 24% are Million homes buildings that need structural upgrades, for Huge it is 65% and for Botkyrkabyggen 75%, an enormous undertaking. Botkyrkabyggen also has the largest problems of low perceived safety and high criminal activity in the study, causing higher needs and costs for social sustainability work. The differences are not only between the companies but also between areas with buildings owned by the same company. Some of the areas in the study have been structurally upgraded. Some have had a complete upgrade of the areas between buildings. Some have an intense police monitoring. Some have had more than one of the above. Yet some have had none of the measures but have fewer problems anyway. For Stockholmshem, Sätra has had less problems than Skärholmen for a long time. For Botkyrkabyggen, with two areas with social problems and intense improvement efforts, one of the areas has improved a lot while the other has not. To understand why, an extended area analysis needs to be made, something that has not been possible for this study due to time constraints. One difference between the areas is the time the apartments were ready for move- in. In the early years of the Million homes program there was a shortage of apartments and the new areas filled up, like Sätra and Skärholmen. Later areas, like Flemingsberg, had a lot of vacancies from the start. The municipality tried to fill up the vacancies with social contracts, creating a foundation for segregation. The design of the areas differs, too, with smaller scales of both buildings and area size in the beginning, and large-scale areas in the later years of the program. Other parameters influencing the popularity of the areas could be the distance from central Stockholm, a parameter for many people when

86 selecting a home. A 12 minutes extra commuting time single way, the difference between the closest and furthest of the studied areas and Stockholm central station, makes 2 hours extra commuting time every week. The different tax rates in the municipality may affect the decision as well. For a couple each having a yearly income of 250,000 SEK, the difference in tax rate between Stockholm and Botkyrka means a difference of 12,000 SEK in yearly net income for the family. In the case study I have learned that the aspects of social sustainability influence each other. Appearance of the area is important for a sense of place, but also to break the bad reputation, since a poor appearance may verify the preconception for outsiders coming to the area. The broken window theory connects poor maintenance to criminal activity that give lower perceived security. Also, all companies worked from the theory that high social interaction, in addition to creating belongingness and sense of place, can push crime away. Applied to Maslow's hierarchy of needs24, the personal aspects would correspond to the second level, safety needs, and interpersonal and person to place aspects to the third level, love and belonging. The integrational aspects could in parts be corresponding to the fourth level, esteem. According to Maslow’s theory, personal aspects need to be fulfilled before measures to improve other aspects will be successful. Relating this to the case study, the physical integration planned for e.g. Vårby and Flemingsberg, may not give the expected result of lifting the area until the needs for safety and belonging is fulfilled. This view may also explain why Flemingsberg, with a high mix of functions, still is not a very attractive place to move to or to start a business in, according to the development project. It does not explain, however, how measures fulfilling the psychological needs, Maslow's third level, like populating the public areas e.g. the Flamingo Park, or beautifying e.g. Alby, or instant maintenance, e.g. the broken window theory, could decrease criminal activity and by this raise perceived security, the second level in the Maslow hierarchy, arguing against the model. The answers might be that the measures fulfil more than one aspect. If it were possible to optimise the measures, by selecting exactly the ones improving the problems in the area, the sustainability work would become more efficient. The question on how the aspects interact could be an area for future studies (illustration 37).

24 Maslow, A. H. (1943). A theory of human motivation. Psychological Review, 50(4), 370-396. 87 Illustration 36: Interaction between social sustainability aspects is a possible area for future studies

If an area has problems with drugs in public places, does it matter what you do? The case Alby indicates it does. I have not learned about any breaking of criminal gangs in the area that would increase perceived safety, but still the perceived safety in the area has increased during last year. In the information available for this study, it is not possible to understand the difference in results between two of the studied areas, Alby and Fittja, where in the latter there has been no improvement of perceived safety last year. The only obvious difference between the areas is the improvement made of the outside space in Alby. There could very well be other differences, not visible in the information that has been available to me for this study, that may have been discovered in a thorough investigation. In Vårby, the police efforts have resulted in less criminal action in the area, increasing the perceived safety in the area, but the over-all satisfaction with the area has decreased, as well as trust for other people. The available material for this study cannot explain the reasons for this. Also, there is no study about if the drug-dealing has moved to other areas instead, making the situation worse in other places in the area, or in other areas. Some of the interviewees have mentioned that possibility. Many of the measures and activities mentioned by the interviewees was recently initiated, and the possible effects might not show yet. The effect of planned changes on tenant satisfaction is not discussed in the thesis. The possibility of positive or negative reactions or expectations about an upgrade or new construction in the area could perhaps show in surveys already when the change is planned and communicated.

88 To analyse the social sustainability of an area, it is not enough to study only one of the property owners. In most areas there are many landlords with different ambitions and abilities to work with social sustainability, and their efforts, or lack thereof, will affect social sustainability in the rest of the area. The result of the municipality surveys covers tenants from all property owners. The companies are themselves making CSI surveys, customer satisfaction index, but the responses may be influenced by the over-all impression of the area, not only the part of the area the property owner manage. The interviewees all agree on the importance of interaction and cooperation with the other property owners in the areas, although the involvement level differ between the companies in the study. Smaller property owners may have the same challenges in their property as the public housing companies, but not the same preconditions to solve the problems. For them, it is even more important to cooperate with other actors in the area. There is no study of how the social sustainability in an area is affected by the presence of a dominant property owner leading the way instead of many small actors, and not if there is better social sustainability in areas where a public housing company is strong. Whether social sustainability of an area has changed after public property owners have sold part of the stock to private owners could also be an area for future studies. Another area for future studies is the relation between economic, environmental and social sustainability, how they interact and counteract in upgrades of residential areas, and also the possibility of making economic evaluations of the effects of improved social sustainability. Financial aspects brought up during interviews includes large costs for area improvements and the benefits of the grants from Boverket enabling the work. Large structural investments await the companies, and the possibilities for rent increase are low in the areas. Selling is seen as one alternative, but selling part of the stock in an area means losing control of the management and ownership. The effect of a new property owner not maintaining the property may spill over and cause more problems for the company, as discussed earlier. Interviewees mentioned a relation between well-maintained areas and property values. Improved infrastructure, too, may increase property values. Some interviewees mention bad reputation of an area as being an obstacle for getting investors interested in the area, while investments in services, and more inhabitants, will benefit the area. An exploitation of a neighbouring area, as in the case of Alby and Södra Porten, could also increase the property values. Even though selling is not an option, property values will give more favourable terms for borrowing money as an alternative to rent increase, and by

89 this keep rents down, giving more tenants possibility to stay in their homes. The possible relation between a well-kept area and less vandalization is also mentioned by the interviewees, another thing that will keep costs down. The hiring of youths during summer is believed by the interviewees to decrease vandalization due to an increased sense of responsibility. The same argument was used about the children in Alby decorating the stairway of a building with handprints. Hiring of the cleaning ladies in Fittja has led to better cleaning and lower costs compared to the subcontractors previously used. All these measures can be seen as costs in a short perspective but lead to lower costs in the long run. During an upgrade of a building, achieving the same environmental requirements of energy efficiency as in construction of new buildings are required by the authorities. It is vital to lower the CO2 emissions, but it drives cost. The tenants with the tightest economy are the ones least able to keep their apartment after renovation, especially if the rent is increased with 30% as with one of the companies in the study. In this case there is a contradiction between social and ecological sustainability. This thesis is about the Swedish Million homes program as being a part of our cultural heritage. Cultural heritage values in modernistic suburbs are debated. The cultural heritage evaluations that have been made by Stockholm city museum and Stockholm regional museum of some of the studied areas are focusing on the exterior of the buildings, and in some cases on the relations between the buildings and the layout of the area. Experiential values, as defined by Unnerbäck, have not been evaluated by Stockholm city museum. Interpersonal and person to place aspects are related to experiential values. RAÄ 2006B points out the inhabitants right to define their own heritage, and that the heritage values vary between groups of people. A definition of cultural heritage that contradicts the view of the inhabitants may lead to alienation. Cultural heritage of Million homes areas includes several things. The areas illustrate the Swedish political history of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s with a strong, centralised government with the power, ideology and ambition to create a new and better life for its members by undertaking a construction programme like the Million homes program to erase poverty and class differences. It also illustrates construction history, the new way of construction with large scale, prefabricated modules and standardised buildings and areas. The areas also show us the architectural ideas of late Modernism, and in many of the areas there are artwork form the time. Some of the buildings are landmarks themselves and have symbolic values. The cultural heritage of the areas also

90 includes the history of the early citizens moving there, of the people who have shaped the areas and of the people living there today, all bringing their own culture and traditions. In some of the areas the majority of people come from one country, keeping their traditions alive, in other areas a unique culture has developed from the blend of people and cultures. Present cultural activities and traditions also form the cultural heritage of the areas. Many of the areas have a rich history from before the Million homes program that also could define the place. The cultural heritage evaluations of these areas must be widened to include the intangible cultural heritage as well, as it defines the tangible cultural heritage and give meaning to it. Cultural heritage can benefit social sustainability in several ways. The intangible cultural heritage varies between the areas and defines them as communities. Participation and engagement in cultural heritage evaluations may raise interest in the own residential area, the sense of place, pride and connection to it, and by this improve the social sustainability in the area. Working with the intangible cultural heritage in a residential area is a way to improve social sustainability by creating engagement and promote influence and democracy. Participation by, and dialogue with, the tenants is essential to capture different views and opinions, since the perception of heritage varies between class, gender, generation and ethnicity. The citizens’ cultural heritage should be identified and communicated together with the tangible heritage of their residential area. Highlighting the uniqueness of an area could improve the conception of that place and by this improve social sustainability in several ways. Interpersonally it might lead to a stronger connection between the inhabitants, for person to place aspects it can generate a pride in and a strong connection to the area, and in an integrational perspective it may generate a positive perception of the area for people living in other parts of the city. It could also lead to higher engagement in the area by citizens of all ages and bring groups of people together, breaking isolation and bringing activity to the outdoor area. Inviting residents to meet and get to know their neighbours, through culture and cultural heritage, can break isolation and create a sense of connection and improve the perceived safety. Social sustainability can benefit cultural heritage, too. Strong social sustainability will give lively, interesting and inviting areas that appeals to people, both residents and visitors. It may attract new residents and more businesses, and make the areas more valuable, both for people in general and for the property owners, being an argument for protecting the areas for the future. Property owners have spent large amounts of money over the years on rebuilds in

91 order to make Million homes areas more aesthetically attractive to tenants, and to increase the popularity of the areas. Protection of the facades prevent this work. If studies show that improved physical presentation of the areas will not improve social sustainability, remodelling is not needed for this reason, but there might be other reasons to accept changes in the areas. Protection of the building exteriors may prevent improved insulation, and by this counteract energy savings and ecological sustainability. Protecting area layouts with traffic separation and pedestrian bridges may hinder police work and emergency vehicles. Protecting the area layout from densifying will prevent new homes to be built. Different interests need to be weighted against each other in decisions about protecting the tangible cultural heritage of the Million homes areas, and a dialogue is needed between different stakeholders, including tenants, about conservation versus aesthetics, energy saving, security and social sustainability. Less restrictions on changing the tangible cultural heritage may enhance the intangible cultural heritage of the areas.

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100 Illustrations Illustration 1: Arial photo of Masmo. Source: Google maps...... 10 Illustration 2: Stockholms Lokaltrafik. Linjekarta...... 31 Illustration 3: Photo from Google Maps...... 32 Illustration 4: Photo from Google Maps...... 32 Illustration 5: Photo from Google Maps...... 33 Illustration 6: Photo from Google Maps...... 33 Illustration 7: Photo from Google Maps...... 34 Illustration 8: Photo from Google Maps...... 34 Illustration 9: Source: Områdesfakta...... 35 lustration 10: Source: Områdesfakta...... 35 Illustration 11: Source: Områdesfakta...... 36 Illustration 12: Source: Områdesfakta...... 36 Illustration 13: Source: Områdesfakta...... 37 Illustration 14: Vegetable market in Skärholmen. Photo by Ingrid Närlund...... 41 Illustration 15: Information from citizen survey by Stockholm municipality 2017...... 42 Illustration 16: Information from citizen survey by Stockholm municipality 2017...... 42 Illustration 17: Skärholmen shopping mall. Photo by Ingrid Närlund...... 44 Illustration 18: The cable railway in Skärholmen. Photo by Ingrid Närlund...... 45 Illustration 19: Houses facing Sätraparken. Photo by Ingrid Närlund ...... 48 Illustration 20: Information from the citizen survey by Stockholm municipality 2017...... 50 Illustration 21: Information from the citizen survey by Stockholm municipality 2017...... 50 Illustration 22: Vårby church from 1974. Listed. Photo by Ingrid Närlund ...... 56 Illustration 23: Vårby Gård subway station and square. Photo by Ingrid Närlund ...... 56 Illustration 24: Ormen Långe, Masmo. Photo by Ingrid Närlund ...... 57 Illustration 25: Masmo subway station. Photo by Ingrid Närlund...... 58 Illustration 26: Flemingsberg. Photo from Google maps...... 62 Illustration 27: Flemingsberg centrum. Photo by Ingrid Närlund ...... 63 Illustration 28: Grantorp, Flemingsberg. Photo by Ingrid Närlund...... 64 Illustration 29: Alby centre and subway station, with the new buildings on Albyberget in the background. Photo by Ingrid Närlund...... 71 Illustration 30: Vegetable market in Alby. Photo by Ingrid Närlund...... 72 Illustration 31: Area between buildings, Alby. Photo by Ingrid Närlund ...... 73 Illustration 32: Area between buildings, Alby. Photo by Ingrid Närlund...... 75 Illustration 33: Main building of Fittja manor. Picture by Ingrid Närlund ...... 76 Illustration 34: The bus terminal in Fittja. Photo by Ingrid Närlund ...... 77 Illustration 35: Fittja. Picture by Ingrid Närlund ...... 80 Illustration 36: Interaction between social sustainability aspects is a possible area for future studies...... 88

101 Appendix

Appendix A: interview template

Changes in are (since 2008)

The buildings

What renovation has been done on the buildings? What renovation has been done in the apartments? Have you changed apartment sizes? Are the laundry rooms improved? How? Have outdoor space been added to the apartments on the ground floor? Are the entrances rebuilt? Are facilities created for social activities? Are facilities created for more companies? Other?

Safety

Have outdoor lightning been improved? Have you arranged security surveys? Have you rebuilt dark and/or deserted areas? Other safety measures?

Outdoor space

What have you done to tidy up the area? Have you changer the area between buildings? (Structure, planting, walkways...) have you created the following in near access of the buildings? seating playgrounds walkways sport facilities (outdoor gym, boule, skate park, jogging tracks...) spaces for other outdoor activities decoration and art

102 gardening facilities semi private areas/gardens? Are they fenced?

Contact with tenants

What possibilities do the tenants have to influence the development of the area? Do the tenants decide level of renovation of the own apartment? Has an area analysis, e.g. SWOT, been done for the area? Do you provide job possibility for tenants, e.g. Youth summer jobs, area hosts? Do you have an office in the area? Other staff/functions in the area?

The surroundings

Has there been made improvements of infrastructure (roads/public transport)? Have you tried to get more companies/cultural actors/sports arrangements/clubs to the area? Do you work to promote the public picture of the area? How? Have there been public events in the area? (concerts/exhibitions/markets/carnivals...) Do you collaborate with other actors, e.g. school, Läxhjälpen, Huskurage, Stadsmissionen, other property owners in the area/police/municipality?

103