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Romanian Political Science Review Vol. XXI, No. 1 2021
Romanian Political Science Review vol. XXI, no. 1 2021 The end of the Cold War, and the extinction of communism both as an ideology and a practice of government, not only have made possible an unparalleled experiment in building a democratic order in Central and Eastern Europe, but have opened up a most extraordinary intellectual opportunity: to understand, compare and eventually appraise what had previously been neither understandable nor comparable. Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review was established in the realization that the problems and concerns of both new and old democracies are beginning to converge. The journal fosters the work of the first generations of Romanian political scientists permeated by a sense of critical engagement with European and American intellectual and political traditions that inspired and explained the modern notions of democracy, pluralism, political liberty, individual freedom, and civil rights. Believing that ideas do matter, the Editors share a common commitment as intellectuals and scholars to try to shed light on the major political problems facing Romania, a country that has recently undergone unprecedented political and social changes. They think of Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review as a challenge and a mandate to be involved in scholarly issues of fundamental importance, related not only to the democratization of Romanian polity and politics, to the “great transformation” that is taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, but also to the make-over of the assumptions and prospects of their discipline. They hope to be joined in by those scholars in other countries who feel that the demise of communism calls for a new political science able to reassess the very foundations of democratic ideals and procedures. -
European Union Launches Full Scale War Against Internet Privacy with #Chatcontrol (Eprivacy Derogation)
European Union launches full scale war against internet privacy with #ChatControl (ePrivacy Derogation) On July 6, 2021, the European Union voted on the new “ChatControl” proposal. With a shocking number of 537 Members of the European Parliament voting in favor, 133 voting against and 20 abstentions, it was approved. The proposal was put forward under the banner of “emergency measures” and it allows internet companies to scan users’ private messages for material containing child sex abuse. This controversial decision is supposed to fix problems with the European Electronics Communications Code, which came into force last December. The so called “e-Privacy Interim Regulation” (2020/0259(COD)) requires online messenger and email service providers to automatically scan private message content in real time for suspicious text and image content using error-prone artificial intelligence. All cases identified by AI would be automatically disclosed to investigative authorities in the EU, without the individuals concerned knowing about it. This is intended to counter the spread of child pornography on the internet, at least that is the story behind it. But the EU’s plans for ChatControl have beenconfirmed to violate fundamental rights by a former judge of the European Court of Justice. The delegation of the European Pirate Party inserted in the Greens / EFA group has strongly condemned what it considers automated mass surveillance, which as they say means the end of privacy in digital correspondence. German Pirate Party Member of the European Parliament Patrick Breyer plans to take legal action against the regulation and is looking for victims of abuse who would file such a complainant. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Dear President of the European Parliament, Dear President of The
Dear President of the European Parliament, Dear President of the European Council, Dear President of the European Commission and Dear President of the French Republic, We all have a responsibility for the shared future of Europe. In this time of crisis, it is high time to re-evaluate some of the rules we have upheld till now and focus on the most important aspects of the European project, which will help us move forward. An unprecedented health crisis is currently affecting millions of people in Europe and tragically taking thousands of lives. However, this is not the end. The economic crisis will crush the hopes and dreams of generations of Europeans. We sincerely hope that we will all do whatever is in our power not to leave anyone behind. We firmly believe that the European Parliament needs to take on its responsibility and share the burden since it is the highest European directly elected body. We need to be part of the solution, not part of the problem. If we want the people to have confidence and trust in the European project, we need to show them that we are also ready to make concessions. Therefore, we would like to ask you to do everything in your power to change the treaties in order to have just a single seat of the Parliament in Brussels. This call has again gained a large majority of support in the 2018 Parliament discharge resolution adopted on 13 May 2020 and shall now be taken into account and acted upon. The financial and environmental costs of moving the Parliament are, especially in these times of digitally connected Europe, extremely high and hard to justify. -
Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Countries
POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES POWER, COMMUNICATION, POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES The Nordic countries are stable democracies with solid infrastructures for political dia- logue and negotiations. However, both the “Nordic model” and Nordic media systems are under pressure as the conditions for political communication change – not least due to weakened political parties and the widespread use of digital communication media. In this anthology, the similarities and differences in political communication across the Nordic countries are studied. Traditional corporatist mechanisms in the Nordic countries are increasingly challenged by professionals, such as lobbyists, a development that has consequences for the processes and forms of political communication. Populist polit- ical parties have increased their media presence and political influence, whereas the news media have lost readers, viewers, listeners, and advertisers. These developments influence societal power relations and restructure the ways in which political actors • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, & Lars Nord • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard communicate about political issues. This book is a key reference for all who are interested in current trends and develop- ments in the Nordic countries. The editors, Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, and Lars Nord, have published extensively on political communication, and the authors are all scholars based in the Nordic countries with specialist knowledge in their fields. Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Nordicom is a centre for Nordic media research at the University of Gothenburg, Nordicomsupported is a bycentre the Nordic for CouncilNordic of mediaMinisters. research at the University of Gothenburg, supported by the Nordic Council of Ministers. -
Party Group Re-Affiliation in the European Parliament: Analysing the Individual- and System-Level Determinants of Switching
Party Group Re-affiliation in the European Parliament: Analysing the Individual- and System-Level Determinants of Switching Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades an der Sozialwissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München vorgelegt von Aaron Russell Martin, MA 2020 Erstgutachter: Prof. Dr. Klaus H. Goetz Zweitgutachter: Prof. Dr. Paul W. Thurner Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 15.7.2020 ii Abstract Party switching in national parliaments has become an established field of political science research entailing studies of single legislatures as well as cross-national analyses. In the case of the European Parliament (EP), approximately ten percent of all members (MEPs) change their party group label each session. When compared to national parliaments, only Brazil and Italy surpass this level of member volatility. The literature analyzing this phenomenon includes descriptive accounts and qualitative case studies, as well as single- and multi-session examinations. While this research produces valuable insights, the results have not yet provided scholars with a clear explanation for why so many MEPs change group labels. This cumulative dissertation analyzes and explains the causes of party group switching in the EP. In order to fully understand why MEPs re-affiliate so frequently, I examine not only the individual correlates of switching, but I also re-evaluate the EP’s system of party groups. In order to characterize the incentive structure MEPs face when choosing whether or not to switch groups, the first two papers examine the components of the EP party group system, including its format and mechanics. The second two papers then apply what is learned about the EP’s unevenly institutionalized party group system to the analysis of party group switching. -
Encore the ANNUAL RESEARCH MAGAZINE of the ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT INSTITUTE for INTERNET and SOCIETY
encore THE ANNUAL RESEARCH MAGAZINE OF THE ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT INSTITUTE FOR INTERNET AND SOCIETY VOLUME 2015 encore THE ANNUAL RESEARCH MAGAZINE OF THE ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT INSTITUTE FOR INTERNET AND SOCIETY VOLUME 2015 EDITORIAL Jeanette Hofmann, Director of the Humboldt Institute for Internet and Society Not a day goes by without news about the digitalisation of our everyday life, its great promises but also its clashes with established norms and values. Are we ready for chips to be implanted under our skin? Do we embrace the idea of a decentralised digital currency? Will we be outperformed by the miracles of artificial intelligence and what can we expect from algorithmic regulation? Schumpeter’s “creative destruction” challenges us to shed new light on all the things we usually take for granted and to ask ourselves how we can give direction to the ongoing processes of transformation that modern societies face. As an interdisciplinary research institute, the Alexander von Humboldt Institute for Internet and Society (HIIG) contributes in many ways to address these big questions. First of all, the HIIG has established itself as an important node in a growing network of researchers in the area of Internet and society. In 2015, Julian Staben, one of our first PhD students, submitted his thesis; many more will follow him in 2016. In view of the completion of our first generation of doctoral students, we revised our research programme and placed greater emphasis on interdisciplinary and cross-divisional issues. In addition to the Digitaler Salon, by now a well-established monthly discussion panel co-organised with DRadio Wissen, we organised a number of public and academic events. -
Russian and European Gas Interdependence Can Market Forces Balance out Geopolitics?
Laboratoire d'Economie de la Production et de l'Intégration Internationale Département Energie et Politiques de l'Environnement (EPE) FRE 2664 CNRS-UPMF CAHIER DE RECHERCHE LEPII Série EPE N° 41 bis Russian and European gas interdependence Can market forces balance out geopolitics? Dominique FINON Catherine LOCATELLI janvier 2007 LEPII - EPE BP 47 - 38040 Grenoble CEDEX 9 - France 1221 rue des Résidences - 2e étage - 38400 Saint Martin d'Hères Tél.: + 33 (0)4 56 52 85 70 - Télécopie : + 33 (0)4 56 52 85 71 [email protected] - http://www.upmf-grenoble.fr/lepii-epe/ 1 Russian and European gas interdependence. Can market forces balance out geopolitics? Dominique FINON, CIRED, CNRS and EHESS, Paris Catherine LOCATELLI, LEPII-EPE, Université de Grenoble Summary This article analyses the economic risk associated with the dominant position of the Russian vendor in the European market, with a view to assessing the relevance of possible responses by European nations or the EU. It considers various aspects of the Russian vendor's dependence on the European market, before turning to the risks that Gazprom exerts market power on the European market. It concludes by considering the relevance of the possible responses open to the EU and member states to limit any risks by creating a gas single buyer or more simply by encouraging the development of a denser pan-European network, with additional sources of supply and increased market integration. 2 1. Introduction A great deal has been written recently on relations between European Union countries and Russia with respect to gas. Alarmed by the fears stirred up by the supply cuts following the gas dispute between Russia and Ukraine in January 2006, European states are increasingly concerned about their growing dependence on Russian gas (40% of imports) and the strategy of the quasi-public company Gazprom, which aims to take control of some major gas companies in certain countries without offering anything very substantial in return. -
How Political Parties, Rather Than Member-States, Are Building the European Union
How Political Parties, Rather than Member-States, Are Building the European Union Josep M. Colomer Higher Council of Scientific Research (CSIC) and Pompeu Fabra University, Barcelona Abstract Political party formation and coalition building in the European Parliament is being a driving force for making governance of the highly pluralistic European Union relatively effective and consensual. In spite of successive enlargements and the very high number of electoral parties obtaining representation in the European Union institutions, the number of effective European Political Groups in the European Parliament has decreased from the first direct election in 1979 to the fifth in 1999. The formal analysis of national party¹s voting power in different European party configurations can explain the incentives for national parties to join large European Political Groups instead of forming smaller nationalistic groupings. Empirical evidence shows increasing cohesion of European Political Groups and an increasing role of the European Parliament in EU inter-institutional decision making. As a consequence of this evolution, intergovernmentalism is being replaced with federalizing relations. The analysis can support positive expectations regarding the governability of the European Union after further enlargements provided that new member states have party systems fitting the European Political Groups. JEL: C71, D72. H77 Keywords: Political parties, Coalitions, Power indices, Political institutions, European Union. Address: Prof. Josep M. Colomer. Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Department of Economics. Ramon Trias Fargas 25. Barcelona 08005 Spain. e-mail: [email protected] 1. Introduction The evolution of the European Community (EC) and the European Union (EU) demonstrates that not only formal institutions, but also organizations, such as political parties, can play an aggregating role, rendering institutional decision-making feasible in a pluralistic community. -
European Parliament Elections 2009 RESEARCH PAPER 09/53 17 June 2009
European Parliament Elections 2009 RESEARCH PAPER 09/53 17 June 2009 Elections to the European Parliament were held across the 27 states of the European Union between 4 and 7 June 2009. The UK elections were held concurrently with the county council elections in England on 4 June. The UK now has 72 MEPs, down from 78 at the last election, distributed between 12 regions. The Conservatives won 25 seats, both UKIP and Labour 13 and the Liberal Democrats 11. The Green Party held their two seats, while the BNP won their first two seats in the European parliament. Labour lost five seats compared with the comparative pre-election position. The Conservatives won the popular vote overall, and every region in Great Britain except the North East, where Labour won, and Scotland, where the SNP won. UKIP won more votes than Labour. UK turnout was 34.5%. Across Europe, centre-right parties, whether in power or opposition, tended to perform better than those on the centre-left. The exact political balance of the new Parliament depends on the formation of Groups. The UK was not alone in seeing gains for far-right and nationalistic parties. Turnout across the EU was 43%. It was particularly low in some of the newer Member States. Part 1 of this paper presents the full results of the UK elections, including regional analysis and local-level data. Part 2 presents summary results of the results across the EU, together with country-level summaries based on data from official national sources. Adam Mellows-Facer Richard Cracknell Sean Lightbown Recent Research -
Composition of Parliament
Composition of Parliament First legislature : 19791984 Incoming Parliament (Constituent) Political group Seats S 112 EPP 108 ED 63 COM 44 L 40 DEP 22 CDI 11 NI 10 Total 410 S : Socialist Group EPP : Group of the European People's Party (ChristianDemocratic Group) ED : European Democratic Group COM : Communist and Allies Group (SF, Ind. Sin.) L : Liberal and Democratic Group DEP : Group of European Progressive Democrats CDI : Group for the Technical Coordination and Defence of Indipendent Groups and Members NI : Nonattached First legislature : 19791984 Outgoing Parliament Political group Seats S 124 EPP 117 ED 63 COM 48 L 38 DEP 22 CDI 12 NI 10 Total 434 S : Socialist Group EPP : Group of the European People's Party (ChristianDemocratic Group) ED : European Democratic Group COM : Communist and Allies Group (SF, Ind. Sin.) L : Liberal and Democratic Group DEP : Group of European Progressive Democrats CDI : Group for the Technical Coordination and Defence of Indipendent Groups and Members NI : Nonattached Second legistature : 1984 1989 Incoming Parliament (Constituent) Political group Seats S 130 EPP 110 ED 50 COM 41 L 31 RDE 29 ARC 20 DR 16 NI 7 Total 434 S : Socialist Group EPP : Group of the European People's Party (ChristianDemocratic Group) ED : European Democratic Group COM : Communist and Allies Group (SF, Ind. Sin.) L : Liberal and Democratic Group RDE : Group of the European Democratic Alliance ARC : Rainbow Group: Federation of the Green Alternative European Links, AgelevEcolo, the Danish People's Movement against Membership of the European Community and the European Free Alliance in the European Parliament DR : Group of the European Right NI : Nonattached Second legistature : 1984 1989 Outgoing Parliament Political group Seats PES 166 EPP 113 ED 66 COM 48 LDR 45 RDE 30 ARC 20 DR 16 NI 14 Total 518 PES : Group of the Party of European Socialists EPP : Group of the European People's Party (ChristianDemocratic Group) ED : European Democratic Group COM : Communist and Allies Group (SF, Ind. -
The Nordic Council – Our Council the Nordic Council – Our Council © Nordic Council, 2012 ISBN 978-92-893-2372-7 DOI ANP 2012:737
The Nordic Council – our council The Nordic Council – our council © Nordic Council, 2012 ISBN 978-92-893-2372-7 DOI http://dx.doi.org/10.6027/ANP2012-737 ANP 2012:737 Editors: Silje Bergum Kinsten and Heidi Orava Design: Jette Koefoed Photos: Karin Beate Nøsterud; Ingram; Image Select; Ojo; Søren Sigfusson; Ludwig Ehlers/Landesarchiv Berlin; Photos from “50 år Nordisk Råd 1952–2002” Copies: 1500 Print: Rosendahls-Schultz Grafisk, Albertslund Printed in Denmark Nordic co-operation Nordic co-operation is one of the world’s most extensive forms of regional collaboration, involving Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Åland. Nordic co-operation has firm traditions in politics, the economy, and culture. It plays an important role in European and international collabora- tion, and aims at creating a strong Nordic community in a strong Europe. Nordic co-operation seeks to safeguard Nordic and regional interests and principles in the global community. Common Nordic values help the region solidify its position as one of the world’s most innovative and competitive. Nordic Council Ved Stranden 18 DK-1061 Copenhagen K Telefon (+45) 3396 0200 www.norden.org The Nordic Council – our council Council Nordic The This brochure will provide you with a deeper insight into what the Nordic Council is all about. You will discover that the work of the Council exerts an influence on your life. Perhaps you would like to help exert influence on the Council. 4 The Nordic Council – our council Introduction 7 Out of the ashes 8 The first steps 10 Timeline 10 What issues does the Nordic Council address? 14 Closer to the people 17 Facts about the Nordic Council 22 It is also important that the people of the Region continue to consider the Council relevant to their lives.