Promjenljivo Lice Sjećanja the Changing Face of Remembrance

Izložba fotograﬁja MOnuMENTI prikazuje spomenike i njihove 'priče'pokazujući kako su se koncepti identiteta u zemljama zapadnog Balkana razvijali od ranog XX. vijeka pa do danas. Odnos prema postojećim spomenicima i uspostavljanje novih spomenika odražavaju regionalne kulture sjećanja i otkrivaju promjenljive koncepte identiteta. Fotograﬁje Marka Krojača dočaravaju ovaj razvoj, a komentari autora iz različitih akademskih oblasti kontekstualizuju svaki spomenik. Time, izložba ima želju da unaprijedi kritičko, a u isto vrijeme konstruktivno suočavanje s prošlošću.

The photo exhibition MOnuMENTI presents monuments and the ‘stories’ behind them in order to show how concepts of identity have developed in the countries of the Western Balkans from the early 20th century onwards. The attitude towards existing monuments and the establishment of new monuments reﬂect regional cultures of remembrance and reveal changing concepts of identity. The photographs by Marko Krojač visualise these developments and comments written by authors from different academic ﬁelds contextualise each monument. The exhibition thus wishes to promote a more critical and at the same time more constructive dealing with the past.

ISBN 978-86-915567-4-7 promjenljivo lice sjećanja the changing face of remembrance promjenljivo lice sjećanja the changing face of remembrance promjenljivo lice sjećanja the changing face of remembrance

Organizator / Organised by Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst (forumZFD)

U saradnji sa / In cooperation with pax christi im Bistum Aachen Botschaft der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Sarajewo Fondacija Publika Helsinški parlament građana, Banja Luka Regionalna mirovna inicijativa u BiH - ReMI mreža, Derventa

Finansira / Financed by Savezno ministarstvo za privrednu saradnju i razvoj (BMZ) Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ)

KATALOG / CATALOGUE

Izdavač / Publisher Prevodi / Translations Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst Luan Morina, Kristina Thaqi (Albanian) Kralja Milutina 11 Jelena Frančić, Sanja Katarić, Vahidin Preljević, Milica Radulović (Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian) 11000 Belgrade, Serbia Denise Dewey-Muno (English) Kristina Naceva, Rodna Ruskovska (Macedonian) Urednici / Editors Daniel Brumund, Christian Pfeifer Umjetnički direktor / Art director Aleksandar Milić - MILIĆ DESIGN Korektura / Proofreading Daniel Brumund, Milica Radulović Štampa / Printing Dobra knjiga d.o.o., Sarajevo Tekstovi / Texts © The authors | Autori © Belgrade, Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst (forumZFD)

Fotografije / Photographs 10. izmjenjeno izdanje za Zapadni Balkan 2014 | 10th revised edition for Western Balkans 2014 © Marko Krojač ISBN 978-86-915567-4-7 Fotografija strana 89 Daniel Brumund

2 sadržaj/content

Uvod Introduction 4 - - - Dr Lutz Schrader Spomenici i politika identiteta na zapadnom Balkanu Monuments and Politics of Identity in the Western Balkans 6 - - - Dr Bojana Pejić Jugoslovenski spomenici: Umetnost i retorika moći Yugoslav Monuments: Art and the Rhetoric of Power 10 - - - Mirjana Peitler-Selakov Memorijalna plastika u Srbiji od balkanskih ratova do danas Memorial Art in Serbia from the Balkan Wars until Today 14 - - - Dr Senadin Musabegović Simboličko značenje spomenika u Bosni i Hercegovini Symbolic Significance of Monuments in Bosnia and Herzegovina 18 - - - Dr Vjeran Pavlaković Osporavana istorija i monumentalna prošlost: Hrvatska kultura sećanja Contested Histories and Monumental Pasts: Croatia’s Culture of Remembrance 22 - - - Shkëlzen Maliqi Rat simbola: Sećanje na Kosovu The War of Symbols: Remembrance in Kosovo 26 - - - Valentino Dimitrovski Povratak u prošlost: Spomenici i sećanje u Makedoniji Back to the Past: Monuments and Remembrance in Macedonia 30 - - - Fotografije Photographs 34 - - - Marko Krojač Biografija Biography 92 - - - Biografije autora Authors’ Biographies 94

3 uvod

Predgovor Balkanu, koja je ujedinjena, a ne razjedinjena, i in the 1990s, but it continues to be present. The voluntaristisch, es ist das, was eine Gemein- Nakon više od 20 godina od pada socijalističkih i okrenuta ka budućnosti. Zahvaljujem se organi- challenges that stand before societies include schaft von einem historischen Ereignis als Erin- komunističkih sistema u centralnoj, jugoistočnoj zatoru „Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst“ i raduje me development of the culture of remembrance nerung bewahren will. Die Ausstellung „MOnu- i istočnoj Evropi, njihovi su spomenici i mje- veliki broj posjetilaca ove izložbe. with regard to historical truth and improvement MENTI“, die Abbildungen von Denkmälern und sta sjećanja postali atrakcije za turiste, i svoje of social connectedness, reconciliation and Gedenkstätten der Balkan-Region präsentiert, posjetioce inspirišu na razmišljanje o nestanku Christian Hellbach cooperation. verdeutlicht vor allem eines: die Rolle, die Ge- ideološki motiviranih svjetskih nacrta. Izložba Ambasador Savezne Republike Njemačke MOnuMENTI exhibition is critical reflection on dächtnis und Gedenken im Prozess des Nation na ovu temu istovremeno je od historijskog i u Bosni i Hercegovini practice of memory and remembrance in reality. Buildings im ehemaligen Jugoslawien hatte. estetskog interesa. This criticism is a prerequisite for honest, and, in Es gibt wohl keine zweite Region in Europa, in Spomenici i mjesta sjećanja su okamenjeno the same time, productive dealing with the past. der auch heute Gedächtnis und Gedenken derart pamćenje. Pamćenje nije isto što i historijska Prologue Therefore, I am convinced that the MOnuMENTI in der Tagespolitik präsent sind wie auf dem istina – ono je u određenom smislu i voluntari- More than 20 years after the fall of socialist and exhibition will contribute to the culture of remem- Balkan. Die Erinnerung an die beiden Weltkriege stičko, pamćenje je ono što jedna zajednica želi communist systems in Central, South- East and brance in the Balkans, which is united, and not wird mittlerweile überlagert von den Kriegen der sačuvati kao sjećanje u pogledu historijskog East Europe, their monuments and places of re- fragmented, and which is also forward-looking. 90er-Jahre, ist aber immer noch virulent. Die događaja. Izložba „MOnuMENTI“, u okviru koje membrance have become the tourist attractions, I express my gratitude to the organizer „Forum Herausforderung, der sich die Gesellschaften su prezentirani prikazi spomenika i mjesta sje- which inspire the visitors to reflect on disappear- Ziviler Friedensdienst“ and I am pleased to see gegenübersehen, ist die Entwicklung einer Erin- ćanja u regiji Balkana, razjašnjava prvenstveno ance of ideologically motivated global plans. so many visitors have attended this exhibition. nerungskultur, die sich um historische Wahrheit sljedeće: Ulogu koju je imalo pamćenje i sjećanje The exhibition which covers this topic is relevant bemüht und gleichzeitig gesellschaftlichen u procesu izgradnje države u nekadašnjoj Jugo- both in terms of history and aesthetics. Christian Hellbach Zusammenhalt, Versöhnung und Zusammenar- slaviji. The monuments, memorials and places of re- Ambassador of the Federal Republic of beit fördert. Vjerovatno ne postoji drugi region u Evropi, u ko- membrances represent a petrified memory. The Germany to Bosnia and Herzegovina „MOnuMENTI“ setzt sich kritisch mit der realen jem je i danas pamćenje i sjećanje toliko prisutno remembrance does not equal historical truth – it Praxis von Gedächtnis und Gedenken auein- u dnevnoj politici nego što je to na Balkanu. is something that is voluntary-based, to a certain ander. Diese kritische Distanz, diese Reflexion Sjećanje na dva svjetska rata je u međuvremenu extent. It is what a certain community wants to Vorwort ist Voraussetzung für einen aufrichtigen und zasjenjeno ratovima u 90-tim godinama prošlog preserve as memory with regard to a specific Über 20 Jahre nach dem Zusammenbruch der zugleich produktiven Umgang mit der Vergan- vijeka, ali je još uvijek prisutno. Izazov s kojima historical event. MOnuMENTI exhibition which sozialistischen und kommunistischen Systeme genheit. In diesem Sinne bin ich davon über- se društva suočavaju jeste da razviju kulturu presents the memorials and places of remem- in Mittel-, Südost- und Osteuropa sind deren zeugt, dass „MOnuMENTI“ ein Beitrag zu einer sjećanja u pogledu historijske istine i istovremno brance within the region of Balkans, primarily Denkmäler und Gedenkstätten zu Touristen- Erinnerungskultur auf dem Balkan leisten kann, unapređuju društvenu povezanost, pomirenje i aims to clarify the following: the role of memory attraktionen geworden, die ihre Besucher zu die in die Zukunft gerichtet ist und eint, statt zu saradnju. and remembrance in nation building process in Gedanken über das Scheitern von ideoligischen entzweien. Ich danke dem Veranstalter, dem Izložba „MOnuMENTI“ se kritički hvata u koštac former Yugoslavia. motivierten Weltentwürfen inspirieren. Eine „Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst“, und freue mich sa realnom praksom pamćenja i sjećanja. Ta Other regions in Europe can hardly compare Ausstellung zum Thema ist gleichermaßen von über die vielen Besucher der Ausstellung. kritička distanca, ta refleksija je pretpostavka za with the extent to which the remembrance and historischem und ästhetischem Interesse. iskreno i istovremeno produktivno suočavanje memory have been present in everyday politics Denkmäler und Gedenkstätten sind steinge-wor- Christian Hellbach sa prošlošću. U tom smislu sam uvjeren, da će in the Balkans. In the meantime, the memory of denes Gedächtnis. Gedächtnis ist nicht gleich Botschafter der Bundesrepublik Deutschland „MOnuMENTI“ dati doprinos kulturi sjećanja na two world wars was overshadowed by the wars historische Wahrheit - es ist in gewisser Weise in Bosnien und Herzegowina

4 introduction

Uloga spomenika je da slavi uspomenu na spe spomenik kao takav, već i njegovo okruženje. The role of monuments is to commemorate a tute “updates” of political concepts of identity cifičan događaj ili ličnost iz prošlosti da bi se Sa Markom Krojačem, dobili smo uspešnog specific event or personage from the past so and are consequently as “relevant to identity” politički stvorili popustljivi koncepti identiteta u fotografa, koji ne pruža samo izvanredno po- as to create politically compliant concepts of as the establishment of new monuments. sadašnjosti. Dok ovi koncepti identiteta mogu znavanje ove regije nego je u stanju da prikaže identity in the present day. While these con- Hence it is important for the MOnuMENTI exhi- podeliti narode i podstaći nasilje, oni takođe spomenike u njihovom prostornom kontekstu. cepts of identity can divide peoples and foment bition to not only show the monument itself, but mogu imati pomirljivo dejstvo i voditi ka formi- Izložba MOnuMENTI koju organizuje forumZFD violence, they can also have a reconciliatory ef- also the surrounding area. With Marko Krojač, ranju zajednica. Nakon raspada Socijalističke regionalna kancelarija za zapadni Balkan, biće fect and lead to the formation of communities. we successfully acquired a photographer, who Federativne Republike Jugoslavije, stvorili su se izložena i na drugim projektnim lokacijama kao Following the collapse of the Socialist Federal not only affords outstanding regional knowl- koncepti identiteta sa naglašenim nacionalnim što su Skopje, Priština i Sarajevo osim Beogra- Republic of Yugoslavia, concepts of identity edge but is also able to present the monuments predrasudama u novonastalim državama. Ti da. Potreba da se nađe drugi način suočava- with an acutely national bias were experienced in their spatial context. identiteti bili su često definisani razilaženjem od nja sa prošlošću i preispitivanje dominantnog in the succession states. These identities The MOnuMENTI exhibition was organised drugih, obližnjih nacionalnosti – kroz nagla- koncepta identiteta koji postoji u svim zemljama were often defined by the divergence from by forumZFD’s regional office for the Western šavanje religijske pripadnosti ili lingvističkih u regiji. U konkretnom smislu, to znači da se other, neighbouring nationalities – through the Balkans and will also be shown in other project razlika, na primer. Iako to može biti razumljivo s kritički razmišlja o sopstvenoj prošlosti, priznaju emphasis of religious affiliations or linguistic dif- locations such as Skopje, Priština and Sarajevo obzirom na malu veličinu i istorijski tok građenja žrtve drugih naroda, u skladu sa većim prizna- ferences, for example. Though this may be un- in addition to in Belgrade. The need to find nacije zemalja na zapadnom Balkanu, negativno njem povezujućih elemenata koji nesumnjivo derstandable in light of the comparatively small another way to deal with the past and to ques- utiče na stvaranje neophodnih procesa moder- postoje preko i dalje od etničkih granica. size and the historical course of nation building tion dominant concepts of identities exists in all nizacije u sve više umreženom svetu. Štaviše, to of the countries in the Western Balkans, it has countries in the region. In concrete terms, this otežava konstruktivnije suočavanje sa prošlošću Christian Pfeifer a negative impact on the realisation of neces- means reflecting critically on one’s own past, koje je zaista neophodno da bi se ubrzao regi- Regionalni menadžer za zapadni Balkan sary modernisation processes in an increasingly acknowledging the victims of other nations, and onalni dijalog o hitnim političkim i ekonomskim Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst (forumZFD) networked world. Moreover, it hinders a more according greater recognition to the binding el- pitanjima i uspostavio trajni mir. constructive confrontation with the past that is ements that undoubtedly exist over and beyond Sa izložbom MOnuMENTI, forumZFD želi da urgently required to accelerate the regional dia- the ethnic boundaries. prikaže kako su se koncepti identiteta razvijali logue on pressing political and economic issues u zemljama zapadnog Balkana tokom XX veka. and to bring about lasting peace. Christian Pfeifer S obzirom na njihovu ulogu, spomenici čine With the MOnuMENTI exhibition, forumZFD Regional Manager for the Western Balkans idealna sredstva za predstavljanje tih procesa wishes to show how concepts of identity have Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst (forumZFD) na interesantan način. Jedan isti spomenik po- developed in the countries of the Western nekad može posmatrače prisetiti na drugačije Balkans over the course of the 20th century. koncepte identiteta specifičnih geografskih i Given their role, monuments constitute the vremenskih razmaka. Transformacija, uništa- ideal means to present these processes in an vanje i zapuštenost postojećih spomenika interesting manner. One and the same monu- predstavljaju „osvežavanje“ političkih koncepta ment can sometimes even conjure up different identiteta i prema tome „važni su za identitet“ concepts of identity for specific geographic and kao i uspostavljanje novih spomenika. Stoga je temporal spaces. The transformation, destruc- bitno da izložba MOnuMENTI ne prikaže samo tion and neglect of existing monuments consti-

5 spomenici i politika identiteta na zapadnom balkanu

Dr Lutz Schrader i masovnom individualnom odvajanju od stanicom, nacija je sebi gradila novi spomenik. Politika identiteta na zapadnom Balkanu – korena. Vladajuće elite tražile su načine kako Pomeranjem centara i glavnih osa gradova između nacionalizma i „jugoslovenstva“ Nacionalna država, politika identiteta i bi rešile preteće nedostatke smisla i integra- dalje od zamaka i crkvi u raskošne parlamente, Očigledno paralelan razvoj u zapadnoj, spomenici tivne deficite. U tu svrhu dobro im je došla gradske većnice i univerzitete, bukvalno su u severnoj i srednjoj Evropi i na Balkanu Politika sećanja i identiteta oduvek je bila nacionalna zanesenost mladog građanskog kamen tesani novi odnosi snaga i nacionalne završio se završetkom Balkanskih ratova i domen vladajuće elite – najkasnije od nas- emancipacijskog pokreta. Nacionalnoj državi, elite koje se same po sebi podrazumevaju. Prvog Svetskog rata. U vreme osnivanja prve tanka institucionalne države kakva je nastala u koja je nastala pretežno na ekonomskom pri- zajedničke južnoslovenske države u decem- antičkom Egiptu, Grčkoj ili Rimu. Ipak prelazak tisku i racionalnosti zakona, bio je potreban jak Vrhunac i završetak gradnje nekog reprezen- bru 1918. godine narodi te države bili su u na moderne nacionalne države doneo je sa kulturni lepak koji bi je držao na okupu. Našli tativnog javnog objekta neretko je predstav- dilemi. Na jednoj strani je bila Srbija, koja je sobom promene. U srednjem veku i ranom su ga u svuda prisutnim elementima „osećanja ljalo otkrivanje spomenika. Forma tog rituala bila suviše oslabljena u ratu da bi bila u stanju novom veku „nacije“ su bile grupe naroda koje etničke pripadnosti“, u „jezičkoj zajednici“ i u do danas je ostala ista. Obično bi počelo da realizuje svoju hegemoniju u odnosu prema su se razlikovale po svojim kulturnim karakter- „istovrsnosti ritualnih životnih pravila uslov- inicijativom za izgradnju spomenika, potom zajedničkom nadnacionalnom identitetu. Na istikama i koje su u značajnoj meri postojale ljenih sličnim verskim predstavama“. bi usledile debate o njegovoj političkoj poruci drugoj strani su bili Hrvati i Slovenci, koji su nezavisno od političkih institucija kraljevina i i estetskom prikazu. Deo prikaza predstavlja pod Habsburškom vlasti doživeli preveliku na- kneževina. To se promenilo kada su naciona- Za Maksa Vebera ni dinamika nacionalizma uzbuđenost koju mediji prouzrokuju oko tog cionalnu osvešćenost da bi ponovo pristali na lni pokreti u nastanku otkrili kulturne resurse nije bila strana. Govorio je o „etničkoj časti“, u događaja. Kada je privučena pažnja, dogovor potčinjen položaj. Na početku je izgledalo kao koji su čučali u etničkim zajednicama. Da bi kojoj se sjedinjava „uverenost u nadređenost oko gradnje spomenika već je razvio svoj da ne postoji alternativa za srpsku dominaciju. modernoj birokratskoj „nacionalnoj državi“ sopstvenih i nižu vrednost tuđih običaja“ i u iz- politički i pedagoški efekat, još pre nego što je Ali vremenom je zajednička jugoslovenska udahnuli život, oni su „naciju“ prikazivali kao abranost sopstvenog naroda. Kao „specifična postavljen prvi kamen. Sa javnim raspravama ideja izgubila na težini. Ono što je ostalo bilo „sudbonosnu zajednicu“ koja pruža identitet. masovna čast“ etnička čast dostupna je svima o pogodnom umetniku i lokaciji, o nacrtima je neodgovarajuće insistiranje konzervativnih onima, koji pripadaju „zajednici porekla u i izvedbama, o pozivnicama i govorima na srpskih snaga na centralističkoj zajedničkoj Na „‘veštačko‘ poreklo verovanja u etničku koju se subjektivno veruje“. Veber je njenu otvaranju dovodi se u pitanje i jača se, ruši i državi. To je dodatno podstaklo težnju Hrvata, zajednicu“ rano je ukazao Maks Veber, uprkos popularnost objašnjavao na osnovu toga što, ponovo kreira nacionalni poredak značenja. Slovenaca i ostalih zajednica za autonomijom i nacionalističkom duhu vremena 19. veka. za razliku od staleških razlika, etničku čast samostalnošću. Po njegovom mišljenju to je u potpunosti „sebi pripisuje svaki pripadnik suprotstavljenih U jeku kreiranja modernih nacionalnih država odgovaralo „šemi pretvaranja racionalnih grupa u istoj meri“. Pri tome se etničko od- spomenici su dobili novu funkciju. U prvi plan Iz “nacije sa tri imena” nastao je sve ogorčeniji podruštvljavanja u lične odnose u zajednici“. bijanje vezuje za sve zamislive razlike sve do je došao izričiti nalog reprezentacije i edukaci- sukob između tri nacije u koji su se poste- A za Vebera je formiranje modernih nacional- načina nošenja brade i kose i pretvara svaki je u službi nacionalne ideje. Tu na pijedestal peno uključivali predstavnici ostalih narodnih država podstaknuto političkim interesima od tih detalja u predmet „etničkog dogovora“. dolaze muškarci koji su zaslužni za odbranu nosti. Taj rivalitet i dan danas je vidljiv na moći, birokratije i ekonomije predstavl- nacije na bojnom polju, za ponovno rađanje novim spomenicima. Umesto da se toliko jalo takav slučaj „svrsishodnog racionalnog Da bi se nacija formirala kao novi politički i za razvoj nacionalnog jezika kao i za ob- zagovaranoj zajednici jugoslovenskih naroda udruživanja“ (Veber 1964: 309). Na mesto subjekt izvan granica teritorije, jezika, kulture i likovanje nacionalne književnosti, umetnosti i prida odgovarajuća simbolika, prevagnula je porekla, običaja i tradicije došli su interesi, vere, nacionalizovana je i istorija odn. na- nauke. Široko rasprostranjena su i metaforička nacionalna metaforika. Čak i kod projugoslov- prava i tržište kao osnova političkog i ekonom- pisana je iznova „kao instanca za legitimaciju predstavljanja ključnih događaja iz naciona- enski orijentisanih Srba u prvom planu stajalo skog poretka. nove stvarnosti“ (Kašuba 2001: 31). Preko lne istorije. Zadatak je da se nacija okupi oko je izražavanje počasti sopstvenim zaslugama. svojih dramatizacija u književnosti, pozorištu, zajedničkih istorijskih iskustava, dostignuća i Mitovi i simboli različitih “plemena” na taj U suštini se dešavalo upravo suprotno u odno- muzeju i na univerzitetu, koje su u javnosti simbola. Pri tome se uspostavlja nova karto- način nisu mogli biti ujedinjeni u zajednički su na ono kako je izgledalo na površini. Nas- veoma efektne, nacionalizovane istorijske grafija ne samo sveta u kome živi publika već i identitet. Bez naslanjanja na poznate rituale, tanak industrijskog kapitalizma kao i anonim- predstave našle su put do glava ljudi. Posebnu čitavog javnog prostora u istorijsko-političkom slike, zvukove, stihove i koreografije “jugoslov- nih državnih birokratija i sekularnih masovnih ulogu igrala je pri tome arhitektura. Sa svakim smislu. enstvo” je ostalo prazna ljuštura, odsečena od društava vodilo je društvenom „raščaravanju“ novim pozorištem, muzejem ili železničkom sećanja i osećanja običnih ljudi.

6 Nakon Drugog Svetskog rata jugoslovenska civilnog društva došla je kultura redukovana naslanjanje na nacionalne, titoističke ili etno- ideja je doživela renesansu, koja ne bi bila na etnički aspekt kao suštinska, samodo- nacionalističke tradicije. Njihovi tvorci izgleda moguća bez diskreditacije srpske monarhije i voljna svrha integracije. Vraćanjem na stare, da su izgubili poverenje u donekle formirani bez nacionalista svih boja koji su sarađivali sa ponovo otkrivene i izmišljene tradicije načinjen herojski gest. Tradicionalnom tipu junaka su- silama osovine. Komunistima je, osim toga, je pokušaj da se postave kulise drugačijeg protstavljaju se predstave Rokija ili Boba Mar- bio potreban određeni integrativni faktor za kulturnog postojanja. U to su spadali i spo- lija. Statue su ravnopravne sa posmatračem. sprovođenje njihovog političkog programa. menici. Njihova politička poruka i njihova One pozivaju na dijalog i razmišljanje. Dekon- Značajan oslonac obnovljene jugosloven- estetika potvrdile su defanzivnu semantiku strukcija spomenika dešava se preko obrnutog ske ideje postao je mit o partizanskom ratu etno-nacionalističkih ideologija, okrenutu procesa: nije cilj da se ideje zajednice, ličnosti protiv nemačkog i italijanskog okupatora. Da ka prošlosti. Ipak, spomenici starim i novim i događaji idealizuju. Cilj je da se pozove u bi se etabliralo legitimno nasleđe nacionalne junacima nisu promašili svoju svrhu. Osvrtanje individualno približavanje i suočavanje sa onim istorije južnoslovenskih naroda, komunisti su na zajednička istorijska iskustva, sa kojima što je predstavljeno. Na taj način perspektiva dodatno pozajmljivali iz različitih pravaca kul- su povezani spomenici, zrači emocionalnom pojedinca postaje ne samo deo spomenika turnog i umetničkog nasleđa, od progresivnih snagom koja se ne sme potceniti. već deo tumačenja istorije... građanskih tradicija i emancipacijskih nacionalnih pokreta 19. veka i sa početka 20. veka. Izgleda da je iskušenje do danas ostalo ogromno da se ta emocionalna snaga iskoristi Literatura Mnoštvo izvora identiteta očitovalo se i na za određene političke, verske i intelektualne Kaschuba, Wolfgang (2001): Geschichtspolitik sadržajima i na jeziku formi novih spomenika, krugove. To, međutim, ima svoju cenu. Ta und Identitätspolitik. Nationale und ethnische koji su nicali kao pečurke između Drave i vrsta poruke koja se odnosi na identitet i Diskurse im Kulturvergleich, in: Binder, Beate/ Ohridskog jezera. Istorijski vladari i građanski simbolike održava u životu granične afekte Kaschuba, Wolfgang/Niedermöller, Peter pisci poput Ive Andrića zadržali su pravo da iz ratnih godina. Ponovo se politički i na- (Hrsg.): Inszenierung des Nationalen. Ge- koriste tradicionalnu estetiku spomenika od cionalni ciljevi predstavljaju kao ispunjenje schichte, Kultur und die Politik der Identitäten mermera i bronze. Za nove junake i mitove duboko usađenih težnji i proročanstava, kao am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts. Alltag und biran je, međutim, konsekventno moderan prevazilaženje vekovnih uvreda, kao ponav- Kultur Bd. 7, Köln: Böhlau Verlag, S. 19-42. pristup. Većina ogromnih spomen-kompleksa ljanje legendarnih pobeda ili kao nagrada za doživljavala se kao obeležje postnacionalnog jedinstvena dostignuća i vrline sopstvenog Weber, Max (1964): Wirtschaft und Gesell- podrazumevajućeg pristupa, koji teži univer- naroda, kao da se ne može drugačije. Es- schaft. Grundriss der verstehenden Soziologie, zalnom. Uprkos svekolikom avangardizmu tetika takođe istrajava na formalnom jeziku Köln, Berlin: Kiepenheuer & Witsch. oni svedoče o kontinuitetu u jednoj suštinski okrenutom unazad. Spektar se kreće od značajnoj stvari. Mnogo više od njihovih statue junaka preko metafore sa nadgrob- građanskih prethodnika komunisti su prihvatili nim spomenikom pa sve do monstruoznog industrijsku modernu. Njihova jugoslovenska pseudoantičkog citata. verzija, doduše, vrlo brzo je okrnjena kao i beton na tim spomenicima, koji predstavljaju Postoje, međutim, i novi spomenici, koji se eksplicitno izraženo slavlje. svesno nadovezuju na savremenu umetnost izgradnje spomenika, kao na primer Taj odnos prema moderni napustili su na spomenike Ivana Meštrovića. Neki drugi neonacionalistički naslednici titoizma 90tih opet radikalno čupaju sve korene. Oni su godina. Na mesto kulturno predstavljene rezultat potrage za savremenim sadržajima nacionalne integracije preko države, tržišta, i izrazima, koji upravo stoga negiraju svako

7 monuments and politics of identity in the western balkans

Dr Lutz Schrader and secularised mass societies led to widely through their effective public dramatisation and development of the national language, or spread individual uprooting and the “dis- in literature, theatres, museums and universi- shaping the national literature, art and science. Nation state, politics of identity and enchantment of the world” (ibid). The ruling ties. Architecture played a special role in this. Metaphorical representations of key events monuments elites sought ways and means to compensate With every new theatre, museum and railway in the national history were also popular. The The politics of memory and identity have long for the imminent lack of social meaning and station, the nation erected a monument in its nation was to be united around the historic been the domain of the ruling elite – at the integration. The national enthusiasm of the honour. By relocating the centres and main experiences, achievements and symbols, so latest since the formation of institutionalised young civil emancipation movement served axes of cities away from castles and churches to speak. In the process not only the public’s states such as those in ancient Egypt, Greece them well. The nation state primarily based on to the palatial parliament, town hall and univer- mindset but also the entire public space was and Rome. The transition to the modern nation inherent economic necessity and the rational- sity buildings, the new power relations and remapped historically and politically. states nevertheless marked a turning point. ity of the law required strong cultural ‘cement’. self-conception of the national elites were In the Middle Ages and Early Modern period, This could be found in the elements of “ethnic literally carved in stone. Politics of identity in the Western Balkans – “nations” were ethnic groups that differed in affinity” with an impact everywhere, in the between nationalism and “Jugoslavenstvo” their cultural characteristics and otherwise “language group” and in the “homogeneity of The construction of a new representative The obvious parallels between developments existed to a large extent independently of the the ritual regulation of life, as determined by public building was often completed with the in Western, Northern and Central Europe and political institutions of kingdoms and princi- shared religious beliefs” (ibid). inauguration of a monument. The ritual has the Balkan region ended with the outbreak palities. This changed when the newly formed changed little to this day. It generally began of the Balkan Wars and the First World War. national movements discovered the cultural Also the exclusive dynamics of nationalism did with the initiative to construct a monument, At the time of the founding of the first united resources that lay dormant within the ethnic not go unnoticed by Max Weber. He spoke of followed by the debates on its political mes- southern Slavic state in December 1918, the communities. To breathe life into the modern “ethnic honour” in the “conviction of the excel- sage and aesthetic form. The public excite- peoples involved found themselves facing a bureaucratic “nation state”, they portrayed the lence of one’s own customs and the inferiority ment created by the media and opinion lead- dilemma. On the one hand, Serbia had been “nation” as an identity-endowing “community of alien ones” and finally of the ‘chosenness’ ers formed part of realisation. Once attention too weakened by the burden of war to be able of fate”. of one’s own people. As “specific honour of had been drawn, the monument already began to assert its hegemony in favour of a shared the masses”, ethnic honour is accessible to to have a political and educational impact – transnational identity. On the other, Croats and Contrary to the nationalist zeitgeist of the 19th anybody who belongs to the “subjectively be- even before the first stone had been laid. In Slovenes were already too advanced in their century, Max Weber was one of the first, who lieved community of descent”. Weber derives this process national hierarchies of meaning national self-discovery under the Habsburg referred to the “‘artificial’ origin of the belief in its popularity from the fact that in contrast to were questioned and confirmed, overturned yoke to subordinate themselves once again. common ethnicity”. In his opinion, it corre- status differentiation, it can be “claimed to an and constructed. That is why all elements are At the beginning, the Serbian dominance ap- sponded to the “model of reinterpretation of equal degree by any and every member of the hotly debated: artists and locations, designs peared to be without alternative. Yet slowly rational socialisation in personal community mutually despising groups”. Ethnic repulsion and realisation, invitations to and speeches at but surely, the shared Yugoslav idea lost relations”. For him, the formation of mod- may consequently take hold of all conceiv- the inauguration. ground. What remained was the anachronistic ern nation states driven by political power, able differences – through to having a beard insistence of conservative Serbian forces on bureaucracy and economic interests involved or particular haircut – and transform them into The reason for increased public interest a centralised unitary state. This merely fuelled such a case of “purpose-rational association” “ethnic conventions” (ibid). had much to do with the new function of the aspirations of Croats, Slovenes and other (Weber 1964: 309). Interests, rights and mar- monuments during the formation of modern communities for autonomy and independence kets replaced ancestry, customs and tradition To shape the nation as a new political subject nation states. A decidedly representational even more. as the bases of political and economic order. over and above the spatial, linguistic, cultural and educational purpose in the name of the and religious boundaries, the history was also national idea came to the fore. Subsequently Successively, the “nation with three names” Thus, exactly the opposite took place at the nationalised, i.e. constructed and reconstruct- personalities – almost exclusively men – were turned into an increasingly fierce conflict core than appeared to be the case on the ed “as legitimation of a new present” (Kaschu- put on the pedestal, who had rendered out- between three nations, into which other surface. The development of industrial capi- ba 2001: 31). The nationalised portrayals of standing services to the nation by defending ethnic groups were drawn. The failure of an talism and anonymous state bureaucracies history found their way into people’s heads it on the battlefield, contributing to the rebirth authentic synthesis can be deduced from the

8 monuments and politics of identity in the western balkans

monuments of this period. Instead of (re-) were reserved for historic rulers and authors acknowledgement of extraordinary accom- Bibliography inventing an adequate symbolic form for the such as Ivo Andrić. In contrast, a consistently plishments and virtues of their people. How- Kaschuba, Wolfgang (2001): Geschichtspolitik much conjured shared characteristics of the modern gesture was adopted for the new he- ever, this type of politics of remembrance and und Identitätspolitik. Nationale und ethnische southern Slavic peoples, the different national roes and myths. The generally vast monument identity has its price. It keeps the exclusive Diskurse im Kulturvergleich, in: Binder, Beate/ self-images prevailed from the beginning. complexes were considered landmarks of a and divisive emotions of the war years alive. Kaschuba, Wolfgang/Niedermöller, Peter (Ed.): Even for the pro-Yugoslav Serbs, the focus post-national and universalist self-conception. Also the aesthetics persist in a retrograde Inszenierung des Nationalen. Geschichte, was on celebrating their own merits for the With all their avant-gardism, they nonethe- formalism. The spectrum ranges from statues Kultur und die Politik der Identitäten am Ende common cause. Thus the myths and symbols less showed continuity in one essential point: of heroic figures via tombstone metaphors to des 20. Jahrhunderts. Alltag und Kultur vol. 7, of the different ‘tribes’ could not be linked and Even more than their civil predecessors, the monstrous pseudo-antique quotes. Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, p. 19-42. combined in a shared identity. Without re- communists aspired to industrial modernism. course to the familiar rituals, images, sounds, However, their Yugoslav version cracked as However, there are also new monuments Weber, Max, Economy and Society. An outline phrases and choreographies, ‘Jugoslaven- rapidly as the concrete of the monuments representing a forward-looking approach. of interpretive sociology, Volume 2, edited by stvo’ remained an empty shell, cut off from almost emphatically celebrating it. Either they make conscious reference to Guenther Roth and Klaus Wittich, Berkley, the memories and emotions of the ordinary contemporary monumental art – such as the Los Angeles, London: University of California people. The reference to modernism was explicitly work of Ivan Meštrović. Or they radically cut all Press. rejected by the neo-nationalist successors of roots. The latter are the result of the search for After the Second World War, the Yugoslav Titoism in the 1990s. The culturally-mediated content and forms of expression, which deny idea experienced a renaissance in a way that integration by state, market and civil society any reference to national, Titoistic or ethno- would not have been possible without the was replaced by a culture reduced solely to nationalist traditions. Their creators seem to discreditation of the Serbian monarchy and ethnicity as the actual, self-sufficient purpose. have lost their trust in a somewhat strange the collaboration of nationalists from all sides With return to old, rediscovered and invented heroic attitude. Traditional heroes are counter- with the Axis Powers. And the communists traditions, attempts were made to erect the acted with representations of Rocky and Bob needed an integrative reference to realise their backdrops of cultural otherness. This also Marley. Statues stand eye-to-eye with their political programme. The myth of a civil upris- included monuments. Both their political mes- beholders. They invite to dialogue and reflec- ing against the German and Italian occupying sage and aesthetics largely confirm the back- tion. The deconstruction of monuments took forces became one of the most important ward semantics of ethno-nationalist ideology. place via a reversal: the focus is no longer on pillars of a renewed Yugoslav identity. To Yet still the monuments for heroes, old and exaggeration of and rapture about community- establish themselves as the legitimate heirs new, did not fail to have an impact on visitors. creating ideas, personalities and events. of the national history of the southern Slavic An emotional resonance emanates from the Rather, it is far more about inviting to a rather peoples, the communists also drew inspiration evocation of shared historic experiences as- individual approach and debate on the person from the different schools of cultural and artis- sociated with the memorial sites. or event represented. Thus the perspective of tic heritage, from progressive civil traditions, the individual not only becomes a part of the and from emancipatory national movements of To this very day, the temptation to take advan- monument but also a part of the interpretation the 19th and early 20th centuries. tage from the charisma of those places seems of history … great in certain political, religious and intel- The variety of identity-endowing sources lectual circles. As if one did not know better, was reflected in the subjects and aesthetic once again they use monuments to present language of the new monuments that now their political and national goals as the fulfil- sprung up like mushrooms between the Drava ment of the heartfelt aspirations and prophe- River and Lake Ohrid. The traditional shape cies, the overcoming of centuries-old insults, of pedestal made out of marble and bronze the re-enactment of legendary victories or the

9 jugoslovenski spomenici: umetnost i retorika moći

Dr Bojana Pejić stvari, već prikazi ili konstrukcije stvarnosti, javnim spomenicima ukazuje na činjenicu da je „bratstvo i jedinstvo“ „svih“ jugoslovenskih subjektivne pre nego objektivne pojave“. je stvaranje slika jednako staro kao i razbijanje naroda/narodnosti. Tako su se pojavila nova Naime, spomenik je javni fenomen; takav je po Dakle, „mi stalno ispravljamo svoja sećanja da slika. Stvaranje i razbijanje su karakteristični memorijalna mesta popunjena bezbrojnim spo- porudžbi koja ga je uzrokovala i kojoj je nami- bi odgovarala našim aktuelnim identitetima“. i za jugoslovenske produkcije spomenika, pri menicima koji su, kao i svi takvi javni objekti u jenjen. Fizički otvoreni prostor u kome postoji Javni spomenici, i oni posvećeni političkim čemu ne bi trebalo zaboraviti da su obe jugo- svetu, ponavljali kolektivno sećanje koje je, od tehnički je jedini mogući medij socijalno-psi- ličnostima i ljudima iz kulture, instrumentalni slovenske države i mnoge od post-jugosloven- 1945, postalo institucionalizovano kao „naša“ holoske sfere kojoj je spomenik upravljen: su u tim ispravkama: oni koji ne odgovaraju skih osnovane nakon ratova. istorija: to je istorija pobednika, a pobednici su duhovnoj realnosti svoje sredine. J a v n o s t „novim identitetima“ moraju da se uklone kako naklonjeni „selektivnom sećanju“. U predstav- s p o m e n i k a sva je njegova priroda; tako bi se napravilo mesta za nove spomenike koji Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, poznata ljanju ovog sećanja-kao-istorije, jugoslovenski spomenik raste, stoji ili pada: u javnosti je sva sada uobličavaju novokonstruisane identitete. kao „troimeni narod“, osnovana je 1918. posle spomenici koristili su razne „režime prikazivan- veličina ili ništavilo spomenika. Nedostaje li mu prvog svetskog rata. Novosagrađeni spomenici ja“. Oko 1952-54, bitka između socijalističkog dimenzija javnosti, on je u pravilu tek izvjesna Diskurs o političkim memorijalima (ili bilo kojem bili su namenjeni uspostavljanju javnog sećanja (uglavnom akademskog) realizma i modern- masa, ponekad čak dobra skulptura ili što drugom javnom spomeniku, što se toga tiče) na heroizam i patnju rata, ali ovo sećanje, avaj, izma u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji završila se drugo, a uvijek nesporazum koji prestaje tek koji danas možemo da uspostavimo, korenito moglo se ustanoviti samo u nekim delovima pobedom modernizma. Otuda su, od 1960-tih, uklanjanjem. se razlikuje od uobičajenog shvatanja spome- tek ujedinjene države, zapravo sastavljene od glavni jugoslovenski memorijali koji obeležavaju Eugen Franković, „Javnost spomenika“, Život nika tradicionalno diskreditovanih kao „umet- ratnih pobednika i ratnih gubitnika. Kada je ova „pale borce“ i „žrtve fašizma“ dobili apstraktne, umjetnosti, No. 2, 1966, p. 18. nost po komandi“ ili „umetnost po narudžbini“ država postala „jednoimeni narod“ i shodno tj. modernističke oblike; međutim, paralelno (Auftragskunst). Kao umetnička dela koja tome bila preimenovana u Kraljevinu Jugoslav- ovim produkcijama koje je pokrenuo i finansi- „Sećanje se vezuje za mesta…“ piše francuski naručuje javna agencija (nacionalna zajednica, iju (1929-41), počela je da promoviše ideologiju rao Savez boraca narodnooslobodilačkog rata, istoričar Pjer Nora. Spomenici i memorijali su veteranska organizacija ili čak državna/feder- unitarnog jugoslovenstva, koja je konstituisana spomenici zasnovani na figurativnom prika- zaista takva mesta. Kada danas pokušavamo alna administracija) za spomenike se smatra da ne samo diktaturom, već i preko spomenika zivanju i dalje su se gradili širom Jugoslavije do da ponovo napišemo istoriju umetnosti jugo- su u „službi“ određene moći, koju bi trebalo da jugoslovenskim kraljevima iz srpske dinastije kraja 1980-tih, i često su ih podržavale lokalne slovenskih mesta sećanja, suočavamo se sa „ilustruju“. Međutim, kada ispitujemo spome- Karađorđevića: Petru I „Oslobodiocu“ (umro veteranske organizacije. Čak i ako se ti spo- obeshrabrujućom činjenicom: takva istorija nike kao vizuelne reprezentacije, mi (bi trebalo 1921) i Aleksandaru „Velikom ujedinitelju“ menici zasnovani na ikoničkim ili realističnim zapravo nikada nije bila napisana. Odsustvo da) razumemo spomenik kao mesto na kome (ubijen 1934). Između 1923. i 1940, oko 215 predstavama ljudskih tela (po pravilu muških vrednih tekstova istorije i teorije umetnosti o moć postaje konstituisana. Kako tvrdi američki obeležja spomenika ili memorijala posvećenih tela) mogu činiti kao da nude lakšu identi- političkim i „kulturnim“ spomenicima po- istoričar umetnosti Dejvid Samers, „zamenske pokojnim vladarima podignuto je širom fikaciju i prijem kod „naroda“, apstraktno dignutim na teritoriji bivše Jugoslavije ne slike“ (predstave vladara) i prostor na kojem su Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Nijedan od ovih spo- oblikovani spomenici i dalje sugerišu istu odražava odsustvo spomenika. Naprotiv! I korišćene su „ipso facto ostvarenje moći, ne menika nije preživeo, ali vajari koji su ih kreirali ideologiju: nedostatak „humanizma“ (shvaćen prva (1918-1941) i druga jugoslovenska država izraz moći, već stvaran oblik koji moć poprima (Ivan Meštrović, Lojze Dolinar, Frano Kršinić, kao odsustvo telesnih predstava) doveo je do (1945-1991/92) ispoljila je istinsku pohlepu za na ovom ili onom mestu i vremenu“. Spomenici Antun Augistinčić i Sreten Stojanović) jesu. prisustva ogromnih apstraktnih skupltura naz- komemoracijama i iskrenu strast za upro- koje, kao i sve druge vrste vizuelnih predstava, Svi oni će ponovo biti angažovani u produkciji vanih „organska tela“ (po pravilu zasnovanih na storavnje kolektivnih sećanja. Svaki takav susrećemo u javnoj sferi (kao što su posteri, spomenika u „novoj“ Jugoslaviji. faličkim figurama kao što su obelisci, cilindri, projekat, međutim, zahtevao je sprovođenje dokumentarni i igrani filmovi, fotografije u uspravni oblici) koja su ponovo sugerisala re- naročite politike sećanja, a te politike su za- štampi i poštanske marke), igraju, prema tome, Druga jugoslovenska država, proglašena 29. toriku moći, i, poslednje ali ne i najmanje važno visne od onoga što je zamišljeno kao „kolek- konstitutivnu, a ne samo refleksivnu ulogu novembra 1943, takođe je bila država stvorena – militarizam. Tematski pomak dogodio se tivni identitet“ zajednice, nacije ili države. posle svršenog čina. iz rata. Posle 1945, Socijalistička Federa- krajem 1960-tih i početkom 1970-tih. Dok su Američki istoričar Džon R. Džilis naglašava da tivna Republika Jugoslavija prepustila se još „revolucionarne skulpture“ izrađivane do tada se i sećanjima i identitetima često pripisujue Diskurs o mestima sećanja u dvema jugo- jednom maniji podizanja skulptura, koja je sada vraćale na scenu ratnu pobedu i poraz fašizma, status nepromenljivih „materijalnih objekata“. slovenskim državama nije jedinstven. On se negovala sećanje na pravedan rat i pobedu kasnije modernističke produkcije memorijala, On pobija ovaj koncept: „Moramo da se ne razlikuje mnogo od drugih zemalja: još od nad fašizmom. Stečena transnacionalnim i izgrađenih na „mestima revolucije“, težile su podsetimo da sećanja i identiteti nisu fiksne barem francuske revolucije, postupanje sa multietničkim partizanskim snagama, negovala da prikažu sećanje na rat kao socijalističku

10 revoluciju: to se dogodilo tridesetak godina iti da su prikaz nasilja i upućivanje na njega Ugarske monarhije; one spomenike dinastiji memorations: The Politics of National Identity posle rata, kada su sećanja na njega počela specifični za spomenike podignute u našem Karađorđević koji nisu pali pod okupatorskim (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994) da blede i malo su značila mlađim generaci- „ratobornom i brutalnom“ regionu Balkana. snagama u drugom svetskom ratu smesta su jama. Osim toga, memorijalni kompleksi, koje Osim toga, kao i u drugim delovima sveta, sami nagrdile komunističke vlasti posle 1945; a po- Karge, Heike, Steinerne Erinnerung – verstein- su kreirali umetnici i/ili arhitekte kao što su spomenici su često izloženi nasilju. sle nasilnog raspada Jugoslavije, nacije-države erte Erinnerung? Kriegsdenken in Jugoslawien Bogdan Bogdanović, Dušan Džamonja, Slavko u nastajanju počele su da stiču svoj novi iden- (1947-1970), (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, Tihec i Miodrag Živković, i koji su podignuti U svom članku „Nasilje javne umetnosti“, titet ispravljanjem (nacionalističkih) sećanja, 2010). na mestima u prirodi na kojima su se odigrale američki istoričar umetnosti V. Dž. T. Mičel baveći se na taj način „radom na sećanju“ koji partizanske pobede, nagoveštavaju još jedan razlikuje dva tipa nasilja usmerenog prema je, kako ukazuje Džilis, „kao svaka druga vrsta Nora, Pierre, „Between Memory and History: aspekt: oni sugerišu da je revolucija prirodan spomenicima i drugim javnim umetničkim fizičkog rada, ugrađen u složene odnose klase, Les Lieux de Mémoire“, in Representations, no. proces. Dakle, trebalo bi napustiti tradicionalnu delima. Jedan je „zvanično“ nasilje policijske, pola i moći koji određuju šta je zapamćeno (ili 26, Spring 1989. dvojnost između prikazivačke (figurativne) i pravosudne ili zakonodavne vlasti, kao što zaboravljeno), kod koga, i zašto“. Mitchell, W.J.T., „The Violence of Public Art“, neprikazivačke (apstraktne) procedure. Umesto je bio slučaj sa uklanjanjem „komunističkog in W.J.T Mitchell, ed., „Art and the Public toga, trebalo bi se zapitati na koje načine su panteona“ posle 1989, koje je uglavnom zas- Što se tiče pitanja postavljenog u konceptu Sphere“, (Chicago and London: The University spomenici aktivno ostvarivali konstituisanje novano na parlamentarnim odlukama. Drugi je ovog projekta, „Postoje li elementi pomirenja of Chicago Press, 1992)/ komunističke ideologije, gde podela na ikoničke „nezvanično“ nasilje koje vrše gnevne „mase“. u današnjoj kulturi spomenika?“, moj odgovor i neikoničke predstave jedva da igra ulogu. On postavlja nekoliko pitanja: „Da li je javna je negativan. Dok se na neki način čini logično Pejić, Bojana, „,Tito’ or the Iconization of an umetnost sama po sebi nasilna, ili je provokaci- izgraditi Memorijal ubijenim Jevrejima Evrope Idea“, in Dejan Sretenović, Ed., Novo čitanje Od uspona nacionalističkih ideologija u Jugo- ja nasilju? Da li je nasilje ugrađeno u spomenik (2006) u Berlinu, pitanje je gde bi bilo „logično“ ikone (Beograd: Geopoetika, 1999), pp. 107- slaviji krajem 1980-tih, antifašistička tradicija po samom sopstvenom konceptu? Ili je nasilje podići memorijal žrtvama u Srebrenici. U Beo- 155. postala je izložena kolektivnoj amneziji, i u prosto nezgoda koja snalazi neke spomenike, gradu, naravno. Ali, ko bi ga sagradio tamo (ko većini post-jugoslovenskih država (ako ne stvar istorijskih sudbina?“ U ovom kontek- bi se usudio)? Spomenici, verujem, ne mogu Pejić, Bojana, „The Communist Body: Politics i svim) skoro je potpuno negirana, ako ne i stu, on nas podseća da su monumentalne da ponude pomirenje, ali ljudi, ponekad, mogu. of Representation and Spatialization of Power sasvim izbrisana. Razaranje i rušenje jugoslov- produkcije uglavnom posvećene jednoj temi: U javnom performancu održanom u Sarajevu in the SFR Yugoslavia“, doctorial dissertation enskih „komunističkih“ spomenika događalo se „Veliki deo javne umetnosti u svetu - memo- 1998, hrvatski vizuelni umetnik Slaven Tolj (in preparation for publishing). ne samo tokom jugoslovenskih ratova 1990- rijali, spomenici, slavoluci, obelisci, stubovi i pio je nekih 20 minuta bosansku šljivovicu i tih, već i kasnije. Novi spomenici podizani skulpture - prilično direktno upućuje na nasilje hrvatsku lozovaču, mešajući ih. U podnaslovu Rajčević, Balša, Zatrveno i zatrto - o uništenim (ili ponovo podizani) u post-jugoslovenskim u obliku rata ili osvajanja. Od Ozimandijasa do njegove predstave pisalo je: „U očekivanju srpskim spomenicima (Novi Sad: Prometej, suverenim državama obeležavaju heroje i žrtve Cezara do Napoleona i Hitlera, javna umetnost Vilija Branta“. Mi i dalje čekamo… 2001) ratova (1991. do 1999) ali ne samo njih. Svaka služila je kao vid monumentalizacije nasilja, i nacija-država gradila je sopstvene spomenike nikada moćnije nego kada predstavlja osvajača Sinkó, Katalin, „Political Rituals: The Raising koji sada predstavljaju nacionalističku ide- kao čoveka mira, namećući svetu Napoleonov Literatura and Demolition of Monuments“, in György, ologiju gledanu očima žrtvovanja i nacionalnog kodeks ili pax Romana.“ Mađarska istoričarka Baldani, Juraj, Revolucionarno kiparstvo (Za- Peter and Turai, Hedvig, Eds., Art and Society stradanja pod „stranim silama“ (po pravilu umetnosti, Katalin Šinko, koja razmatra uklan- greb: Spektar, 1977) in the Age of Stalin, (Budapest: Corvina, 1992 susednim narodom/državom), pod „komunisti- janje spomenika koje je preduzeo komunistički (German edition: Staatskunstwerk ~ Kultur in ma“, a čak i pod „međunarodnom zajednicom“. režim u njenoj domovini, naglašava verovatno Franković, Eugen, „Javnost spomenika“, Život Stalinismus, Budapest, Corvina, 1992). najznačajniji aspekt uklanjanja spomenika: umjetnosti, No. 2, 1966, p. 18. Sećanja ponovljena u političkim spomenicima i „Uništavanje skulptura kao ritualni čin poka- Gamboni, Dario, The Destruction of Art: Icono- Summers, David, „The Real Metaphor: memorijalima postavljenim na jugoslovenskim zuje se značajnim samo u sredini koja shvata clasm and Vandalism Since the French Revolu- Towards a Redefinition of the ,Conceptual teritorijama u dvadesetom veku uglavnom su i priznaje značenje takvih simboličnih činova“. tion (London: Reaktion Books. Gamboni, 1997) Image’“, in Bryson et al., Eds., Visual Theory, sećanja na nasilje i, u vezi sa njim, militarizam. Shodno tome, u prvim danima Kraljevine Gillis, John R., „Memory and Identity: the (New York: Harper Collins, 1991). Međutim, bilo bi istorijski pogrešno pretpostav- Jugoslavije, uklonjeni su svi znaci Austro- History of a Relationship“, in Gillis, ed., Com-

11 yugoslav monuments: art and the rhetoric of power

Dr Bojana Pejić objects”. He dismantles this conception: “We point to the fact that image-making is as old peoples/nations. Thus emerged new memorial need to be reminded that memories and identi- as image-breaking. Making and breaking are sites populated with numberless monuments A monument is namely a public phenomenon; ties are not fixed things, but representations or also characteristic of the Yugoslav memorial which, as any such public objects in the world, the public is the commission which reasoned it constructions of reality, subjective rather than productions, whereby it should not be forgotten replayed a collective memory that, since 1945, and to which it is dedicated. The physical open objective phenomena.” Therefore, “we are con- that both Yugoslav states and many of the post- became institutionalised as “our” history: this space in which a monument exists is technically stantly revising our memories to suit our current Yugoslav ones were founded after wars. was the history of the winners, and winners are the only possible medium of the socio-psycho- identities.” Public monuments, both those dedi- keen on “selective memories.” In spatialising logical sphere which the monument is intended cated to political figures and men of culture, are The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, this memory-as-history, Yugoslav monuments for: the spiritual reality of its milieu. P u b l i c n e instrumental in these revisions: those which do known as the “three-name nation” (troimeni exploited various “regimes of representation.” s s is the monument’s true nature; this is where not suit to “new identities” must be removed in narod) was founded in 1918 after the First World Around 1952-54, the battle between Socialist the monument grows, stands, or falls: in public- order to make place for new monuments which War. Newly built monuments were meant to (mainly academic) Realism and modernism in ness lies all the magnificence or nothingness now spatialise newly constructed identities. establish public memory of war heroism and Socialist Yugoslavia ended with the victory of of the monument. If it lacks this public dimen- suffering, but this memory, alas, could be insti- modernism. Hence, as of the 1960s, the major sion, the monument is just a mass, sometimes A discourse about political memorials (or any tuted only in some parts of the freshly reunited Yugoslav memorials commemorating “fallen a good sculpture or something else, but always other public monument for that matter) we state, actually composed of war winners and soldiers” (pali borci) and “victims of fascism” a misunderstanding that disappears with the can establish today, radically differs from the war losers. When this state became a “one- (žrtve fašizma) obtained abstract, i.e., modern- monument’s removal. usual comprehension of monuments tradition- name nation” (jednoimeni narod) and was ac- ist shapes; however, parallel to these produc- Eugen Franković, “Javnost spomenika” (The ally discredited as “art on command” or “art on cordingly renamed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia tions initiated and funded by the Association of Publicness of Monuments) commission“ (Auftragskunst). As artworks com- (1929-41), it started to promote the ideology of Veterans of the People’s Liberation War (Savez missioned by a public agency (a national com- unitary Yugoslavism, which was constituted not boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata), monu- “Memory attaches itself to sites …” writes munity, a veteran organisation, or even state/ only by the dictatorship but also via monuments ments based on figurative representation con- French historian Pierre Nora. Monuments and federal administration) monuments are believed to Yugoslav kings of Serbian Karadjordjević dy- tinued to be built all over Yugoslavia till the late memorials are indeed such sites. When we try to be in the “service of” a given power, which nasty: Petar I “the Liberator” (died in 1921) and 1980s, and often supported by local veterans to rewrite today an art history of Yugoslav sites they should “illustrate.” However, when exam- Aleksandar “the Great Unifier” (assassinated organisations. Even if those monuments based of remembrance, we are facing a depressing ining monuments as visual representations, we in 1934). Between 1923 and 1940, some 215 on iconic or realistic representations of human fact: such a history has actually never been writ- (should) understand the monument as the site in monuments or memorial marks dedicated to the bodies (as a rule male bodies) may appear to often. The absence of valuable art historical and which power becomes constituted. As American deceased rulers had been erected all over the fer an easier identification and reception by the theoretical texts about political and “cultural” art historian David Summers argues, “substitu- Yugoslav kingdom. None of these monuments “people,” abstractly shaped memorials continue monuments erected on former Yugoslav territo- tive images” (the representations of rulers) and survived, but the sculptors who designed them to connote the same ideology: a lack of “hu- ries does not mirror the absence of monuments. the space in which they are used, are “ipso (Ivan Meštrović, Lojze Dolinar, Frano Kršinić, manism” (understood as the absence of bodily On the contrary! Both the first (1918-1941) and facto realization of power, not expression of Antun Augistinčić and Sreten Stojanović) did. representations) brought about the presence of the second Yugoslav state (1945-1991/92) power, but actual form taken by power in one or All of them would again become engaged in the huge abstract sculptures called “organic bod- manifested a real greed for commemorations another place and time.” Monuments, like other production of memorials in “new” Yugoslavia. ies” (as a rule based on phallic shapes such as and genuine passion for spatialisation of col- types of visual representations we encounter in obelisks, cylinders, erected forms) which con- lective memories. Any such project, however, the public sphere (such as posters, documen- The second Yugoslav state, proclaimed on 29 noted again a rhetoric of power, and last but not necessitated the implementation of a particular tary and feature films, press photographs and November 1943, was also a state born of war. least – militarism. A thematic shift occurred in politics of remembrance and these politics are postage stamps), play, thus, a constitutive and After 1945, the Socialist Federal Republic of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Whereas “revo- dependent on what is imagined as “collective not merely a reflexive, after-the-fact role. Yugoslavia indulged yet again in a statue-mania, lutionary sculptures” produced till then restaged identity” of a community, a nation, or a state. A discourse on memorial sites in two Yugoslav which now spatialised the memory of a just war the war victory and defeat of fascism, later mod- American historian John R. Gillis stresses that states is not unique. It does not differ much and victory over fascism. Gained by transna- ernist memorial productions, built on the “sites both memories and identities are often at- from other countries: since at least the French tional and multiethnic partisans’ forces, it fos- of the Revolution” tended to incept the memory tributed the status of unchangeable “material Revolution, the treatment of public monuments tered “brotherhood and unity” of “all” Yugoslav of war as socialist revolution: this happened

12 some thirty years after the war, when memories specific for monuments erected in our “bellicose moved; those monuments to the Karadjordjević ry of a Relationship,” in Gillis, ed., Commemora- of it started to fade and meant little to younger and brutal” Balkan region. In addition, as in dynasty which did not fall under occupying tions: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: generations. In addition, memorial complexes, other parts of the world, monuments themselves forces in the Second World War were promptly Princeton University Press, 1994) designed by artists and/or architects such as are as often as not exposed to violence. defaced after 1945 by the communist authori- Bogdan Bogdanović, Dušan Džamonja, Slavko ties; and after the violent disintegration of Yu- Karge, Heike, Steinerne Erinnerung – versteinerte Tihec and Miodrag Živković and erected on In his article “The Violence of Public Art“, Ameri- goslavia, the emerging nation-states started to Erinnerung? Kriegsdenken in Jugoslawien (1947- the natural sites where partisan’s victories took can art historian W.J.T. Mitchell differentiates acquire their new identity by revising (nationalist) 1970), (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2010). place, imply yet another aspect: they suggest two types of violence directed against monu- memories, engaging thus in a “memory work” revolution to be a natural process. Therefore, ments and other public works of art. One is the which is, as Gillis points out, “like any other kind Nora, Pierre, “Between Memory and History: one should abandon a traditional dualism be- “official” violence of police, juridical, or legisla- of physical labor, embedded in complex class, Les Lieux de Mémoire,” in Representations, no. tween representational (figurative) and non-rep- tive power, as was the case of the post-1989 re- gender and power relations that determine what 26, Spring 1989. resentational (abstract) procedures. Instead, one moval of the “Communist Pantheon,” which was is remembered (or forgotten), by whom, and for Mitchell, W.J.T., “The Violence of Public Art,“ in should ask in which ways monuments actively in the main based on parliamentary decisions. what end.” W.J.T Mitchell, ed., Art and the Public Sphere,” performed a spatialisation of Communist ideol- The other is “unofficial” violence performed by (Chicago and London: The University of Chi- ogy, whereby the division between iconic and angry “masses.” He asks several questions: “Is As for the question asked in the concept of this cago Press, 1992)/ non-iconic representation hardly plays a role. public art inherently violent, or is it a provocation project, “Are there elements of reconciliation in to violence? Is violence built into the monu- today’s culture of monuments?”, my answer is Pejić, Bojana, “‘Tito’ or the Iconization of an Since the rise of nationalist ideologies in Yugo- ment in its own very conception? Or is violence negative. Whereas it appears somehow logi- Idea,” in Dejan Sretenović, Ed., Novo čitanje slavia of the late 1980s, the antifascist tradition simply an accident that befalls some monu- cal to built Memorial of the Murdered Jews of ikone (Beograd: Geopoetika, 1999), pp. 107- became exposed to collective amnesia, and in ments, a matter of the fortunes of history?“ In Europe (2006) in Berlin, the question is where 155. most (if not all) post-Yugoslav states it is almost this context, he reminds us that monumental it would be “logical” to erect a memorial to the completely negated, if not totally erased. The productions are generally dedicated to one victims in Srebrenica. In Belgrade, of course. Pejić, Bojana, “The Communist Body: Politics devastation and destruction of Yugoslav “com- theme: “Much of the world’s public art - memo- But, who would (dare to) built it there? Monu- of Representation and Spatialization of Power munist” monuments occurred not only during rials, monuments, triumphal arches, obelisks, ments, I believe, cannot offer reconciliation, but in the SFR Yugoslavia”, doctorial dissertation (in the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s, but also later. columns, and statues - has a rather direct refer- people, sometimes, can. In a public perfor- preparation for publishing). New monuments erected (or re-erected) in ence to violence in the form of war or conquest. mance held in Sarajevo 1998, the Croatian visu- post-Yugoslav sovereign states commemorate From Ozymandias to Caesar to Napoleon and al artist Slaven Tolj drank for some 20 minutes Rajčević, Balša, Zatrveno i zatrto - o uništenim heroes and victims of wars (1991 till 1999) but Hitler, public art served as a kind of monumen- Bosnian šljivovica and Croatian grappa, mixing srpskim spomenicima (Novi Sad: Prometej, not only them. Each nation-state built its own talizing of violence, and never more powerfully them. The subtitle of his performance read: 2001) monuments which now constitute nationalist than when it presents the conqueror as a man “Waiting for Willy Brandt.” We keep waiting… ideology viewed through the eyes of victi- of peace, imposing a Napoleonic code or a pax Sinkó, Katalin, “Political Rituals: The Raising misation and national suffering under “foreign Romana on the world”. Hungarian art historian, and Demolition of Monuments,” in György, powers” (as a rule neighbouring nation/state), Katalin Sinkó, who discusses the removal of References Peter and Turai, Hedvig, Eds., Art and Society under “communists” and even under (sic) the the monuments undertaken by the Communist Baldani, Juraj, Revolucionarno kiparstvo (Za- in the Age of Stalin, (Budapest: Corvina, 1992 “international community.” regime in her native country, stresses probably greb: Spektar, 1977) (German edition: Staatskunstwerk ~ Kultur in the most significant aspect of the monuments’ Stalinismus, Budapest, Corvina, 1992). Memories re-enacted in political monuments disfigurement: “[T]he destruction of statues as a Franković, Eugen, “Javnost spomenika,” Život and memorials put up on Yugoslav territories in ritual act proves significant only in an environ- umjetnosti, No. 2, 1966, p. 18. Summers, David, “The Real Metaphor: Towards the twentieth century are generally memories of ment which understands and acknowledges the Gamboni, Dario, The Destruction of Art: Icono- a Redefinition of the ‘Conceptual Image’,“ in violence and, linked to it, militarism. However, meaning of such symbolic acts”. Accordingly, clasm and Vandalism Since the French Revolu- Bryson et al., Eds., Visual Theory, (New York: it would be historically wrong to assume that in the early days of the Yugoslav Kingdom, all tion (London: Reaktion Books. Gamboni, 1997) Harper Collins, 1991). representation of and reference to violence is signs of Austro-Hungarian monarchy were re- Gillis, John R., “Memory and Identity: the Histo-

13 memorijalna plastika u srbiji od balkanskih ratova do danas

Mirjana Peitler-Selakov Sećanje na pale vojnike fašizma. Ovi objekti su često korišćeni i kao agitator i čuvar zvaničnog sećanja na rat jugo- Simbol građanina-vojnika i njegova spremnost simboli u procesu društvene integracije moder- slovenskog komunističkog režima” (Bergholz Istorijski i politički gledano, svaka novo uspo- žrtvovanja za domovinu nije samo glorifikacija ne jugoslovenske države. 2007: 63). O tome svedoče između ostalog stavljena vlast definiše i sebi svojstven odnos sećanja na rat, već se pojavljuje krajem XIX mnogi javni govori tadašnjeg predsednika prema prošlosti, rekonstruišući istoriju i nedav- veka kao snažan element učvršćivanja zajed- Spacijalizacija nove ideologije tekla je paralelno Tita, kao npr. onaj koji je držao na osnivačkom ne događaje onako kako to odgovara njenim nice te postaje paradigmom nacionalizovanih sa uništavanjem simbola koji su funkcionisali kongresu: “Vi niste članovi obične organizaci- interesima i ideologiji koju ona propagira, a društava. u prošlosti. Svi ti spomenici koji su svedočili o je… Vaš zadatak je da budete svuda u prvim što uključuje i „preuređenje“ javnih prostora. Tako i u Srbiji nailazimo na veliki broj spome- istorijskim događajima koje je nova socijalistič- redovima i da svuda gajite naše tradicije, da U procesu kreiranja identiteta jugoslovenske nika koji sećaju na pale vojnike iz Balkanskih ka zajednica naroda želela da izbriše i zaboravi čuvate velike tekovine Narodnooslobodilačke zajednice, bilo Kraljevine SHS ili nove socija- i oba Svetska rata. Naročito je u posleratnom ili stavi u novi kontekst morali su da nestanu. borbe”(citirano prema Bergholzu 2007: 63). lističke zajednice, jednu od ključnih uloga bez jugoslovenskom društvu od 1945.godine izrada Kasnije, nakon 1948.godine, u kojoj je došlo sumnje su nosili različiti vidovi memorijalizacije vojničkih spomenika nadilazila sve ostale forme do razdvajanja Titove politike od Staljinove, Kao što ističe Bergholz, borci u Jugoslaviji Balkanskih, Prvog i Drugog svetskog rata i i spomeničke predstave. Simbol palog vojnika došlo je do definitivnog razlaza jugoslovenskog koristili su različite metode građenja sećanja na glorifikacije stradanja vojnika i civilnih žrtava. izražavao je pobedu i moć oslobodilačke i sovjetskog komunističkog puta. Tako se, kao rat, kao što su to činili i drugi “aktivisti sećanja” No pored analize samih spomenika i memori- vojske. kontrapunkt predstavi vojnika Crvene armije, (Bergholz preuzima taj izraz od Jay Wintera) u jala, bitna je i njihova percepcija u tadašnjem Konstituisanje Federativne Narodne Republike pojavljuje simbol jugoslovenskog partizana, Evropi tokom decenija posle Drugog svetskog društvu, odnosno potenciranje ostvarivanja Jugoslavije na II zasedanju AVNOJ-a, 1943. u kojim je snažno promovisana ideja partizan- rata. Pored stvaranja muzeja, pisanja hronika, i njihove „veze“ sa stanovništvom. Ona se Jajcu, značilo je formiranje jedne nove Jugo- ske oslobodilačke borbe i njene ukorenjenosti drugih aktivnosti, njihov najvažniji zadatak bio uglavnom ostvarivala putem manifestacija slavije, na čelu sa Komunističkom Partijom i u narodu. Time se ne samo degradira uloga je podizanje spomenika i uređivanje grobova održavanih oko tih objekata – svojevrsnih me- novim društvenim uređenjem: socijalizmom. Sovjeta, nego se stvara mit o sopstvenom njihovim palim drugovima i drugim žrtvama sta sećanja, kojima su konstruisani kolektivno socijalističkom putu nove Jugoslavije, za koju fašizma. pamćenje i formirana državna istorija. Memo- Uprostoravanja državne ideologije su se nesebično borili svi njeni narodi. Njihova izuzetna aktivnost na polju izgrađivanja rijali i spomen-parkovi organizovani kao mesta Proces osvajanja javnog prostora, odnosno sećanja jasno pokazuje revnost boraca i države komemoracije ratnih tragedija, ali i herojstva upisivanje ideologije u njega stvaranjem novih “Čuvari sećanja” danas koji nastoje da njihova sadašnjost bude u skla- i mučeništva učesnika rata, imali su funkciju ideoloških simbola, imao je za cilj učvršćivanje Istoričar Max Bergholz u svojoj inovativnoj du sa ovom specifičnom verzijom prošlosti. upravo da rekonstruišu sećanja, ali i da ih kolektivnog zajedništva i stvaranje slike jedin- analizi “Među rodoljubima, kupusom, svinjama U svom smerodavnom istraživanju o odnosu uklope u sadašnjost. stvenog društva. i varvarima: Spomenici i grobovi NOR 1947.- između društvenog sećanja i spomeničke kul- Sećanja predstavljaju uvek procese rekon- U tom periodu naročito su prisutni objekti u 1965. godine” (Bergholz 2007: 61-82) podseća ture Bergholz postavlja značajno pitanje koje strukcije, te su zato i neodvojiva od društve- javnim prostorima kojima se čuvaju uspomene da je čuvar Narodnooslobodilačkog rata tj. se manje ili gotovo nikad nije ni razmatralo, nog konteksta u kome se obnavljaju. Sećamo na stradale u Drugom svetskom ratu. Nego- sećanja na njega nesumnjivo bio Savez boraca a to je kako su građani Jugoslavije reagovali se u zavisnosti od konteksta u kome se vanje dva javna diskursa - naglašavanje vojnih Narodnooslobodilackog rata (SUBNOR), orga- na ove hiljade spomenika NOR-a? Da li su nalazimo. stradalnika i veličanje civilnih žrtava imao je i nizacija partizanskih boraca osnovana 1947. zaista prihvatili i usvojili “novu tradiciju” koja je adekvatne spomeničke forme u javnim prosto- godine, koja je od početka društveno-politička slavila pale borce i žrtve fašističkog terora i da rima - vojnik u uniformi ili spomenik žrtvama organizacija stvorena da bude “glavni kreator, li su te “materijalne opomene” podsticale na

14 izgrađivanje socijalizma? Drugim rečima, da li mišljeno je bilo da spomenik podseća na velike riji više je nego problematičan. Tako da mnogi Fulgosi, A. et al: Mesta stradanja žrtava fašisti su obični ljudi, građani SFRJ bili i “potrošaci dane najnovije prošlosti i da vaspitava. Može li spomenici u javnim prostorima bivaju preselje- čkog terora na području grada Beograda, Ela- sećanja” (Bergholz 2007: 65)? on to sada, u stanju u kakvom se nalazi?“ (Po- ni, uništeni, preimenovani ili izbrisani. borat grupe autora, Zavod za zaštitu spomeni- beda: okružni odbor jedinstvenog narodnooslo- Politički poredak zasniva se na interesima, ali ka kulture grada Beograda, Beograd, 2008. Obično su ceremonije otkrivanja spomenika bodilačkog fronta Kruševac, 21. oktobar 1960. i na emocijama, na koje se veoma uspešno bile pompezne manifestacije sa stotinama pa i godine, citirano prema Bergholzu, 82) može delovati na nivou simbola. Tako danas Grupa autora, Kultura sjećanja: 1945, Disput, hiljadama učesnika i posetilaca. Kasnije su or- svaka politička stranka formira svoju politiku Zagreb, 2009. ganizovane ekskurzije preduzeća, škola i raznih Ovo i slična pitanja funkcije spomenika, mogla istorije. Ali ona nije svemoguća, baš kao što i udruženja, koje su uključivale i posete spomen bi se postaviti u današnjoj Srbiji, gde se, s njeni simboli to nisu. Halbwachs, Maurice : Les Cadres sociaux de la parkovima i grobljima. Na godišnjice polagani jedne strane spomenici Drugom svetskom mémoire, Paris, 1952. su venci i cveće i organizovane su priredbe. ratu ruše i skrnave, a bizarne spomen-figure Ono čega se društva sećaju, one uspomene Oficijelni programi očuvanja spomenika su “omiljenih junaka” usred sela i gradova postaju koje treba čuvati, ne može odrediti isključivo Nora, Pierre: Between Memory and History, koliko toliko bili sprovođeni, ali se, kako kon- kulturološki simbol ovih prostora. politika, već se ta sećanja nalaze duboko u trans. Marc Roudebush, Representations 26, statuje Bergholz, već od 1950-ih godina beleži Nova spomenička pomama, koju neki teoreti- snazi ličnih priča. Čuvanje sećanja zato nikad Paris, 1989. smanjeno interesovanje građana za ta mesta. čari umetnosti hrabro nazivaju i “nekom vrstom nije monopol vlasti, nego i proces usmenih Pejić, Bojana: „Postkommunistische Kör- Neka mesta bila su i zapuštena, okolina spo- postmoderne”, u Srbiji se pojavila od 2007, predanja unutar porodice, prijatelja i zajednice, perpolitik. Die Politik der Repräsentation menika neuređena, a spomenici oronuli. Neki kada je podignut spomenik Rokiju Balboi, a čiju snagu svaka politika istorije treba uzeti u im öffentlichen Raum,“ in: Die Kunst des su čak bili i skrnavljeni. Vrlo detaljno istražujući kasnije Bob Marliju i Džoniju Depu. Ovde je obzir. Baš kako to i nove umetničke prakse u Öffentlichen (Hrg. Marius Babias und Achim ovaj društveni fenomen, Bergholz zaključuje sigurno reč o nekoj vrsti “antispomenika”, koji spomeničkom diskursu čine. Könneke). Amsterdam, Dresden: Verlag der da su čak dopuštanje da trava i korov okruže ukazuju na krizu kolektivnog identiteta države, Kunst 1998., str. 38-54. grobove; da svinje traže hranu ispred spomeni- koja proističe iz nedostatka pozitivnih heroja iz ka i drugih problema samo neka od zapažanja nasilnih konflikata koji su usledili po raspadu Popović, Biljana et al: Susret sa jakim emoci- koje stanovništvo primećuje i saopštava bilo Jugoslavije. Te, sem “uvezenog” lika Srđana jama, Vodič za primenu programa Istraživanje u dnevnim listovima ili u pismima nadležnim Aleksića (opis spomenika za Srđana Aleksića Literatura: humanitarnog prava u postkonfliktnom kontek- organima. (Bergholz 2007: 61-82). podignutog u Pančevu/Srbija 2010), ne postoje Assmann, Aleida: Erinnerungsräume. Formen stu, MKCK, Beograd, 2006. ličnosti i heroji toga rata sa kojima bi se običan und Wandlungen des kulturellen Gedächtni- Bergholz uverljivo obrazlaže da takvo pona- čovek mogao i hteo identifikovati. Dok likovi sses, C.H.Beck, München, 1999. Sturm, Hermann: Denkmal & Nachbild. Zur šanje govori o neskladu između aktivnosti u holivudskih filmskih heroja i muzičara imaju te- Kultur des Erinnerns, Klartext Essen, 2009. kojima su bili angažovani aktivisti SUBNOR-a rapeutsko dejstvo, jer nose u sebi snagu dečjih Bergholz, Max: Among patriots, cabbage, pigs i sećanja i nivoa prihvatanja tih aktivnosti od snova o borcu za pravednu stvar i bolji svet. and barbarians: Monuments and graves of the nekih delova stanovništva. Ali isto tako da borci national liberation war 1947 – 1965, Yearbook i sistem ipak nisu mogli izgradnjom spomenika Danas, nakon ratova vođenih na tlu bivše for social history 1-3, 2007, str. 61-82. da formiraju jedinstven i stabilan sistem vredno- Jugoslavije, nakon formiranja novih država, Časopis: Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju, Udru- sti. Kao što je jedan borac, 1960. napisao: „Za- odnos prema bliskoj prošlosti i skorašnjoj isto- ženje za društvenu istoriju, Beograd, 1-3, 2007.

15 memorial art in serbia from the balkan wars until today

Mirjana Peitler-Selakov not only the glorification of the memory of war integration of the modern Yugoslav state. then President Tito, such as his speech at the but it appears at the end of the 19th century The spatialization of the new ideology pro- founding congress of the party: From a historical and political perspective, ev- as a strengthening element of the community ceeded parallel to the destruction of symbols “You are not members of an ordinary organ- ery newly appointed authority defines its own and becomes thus a paradigm of nationalised which had functioned in the past. All those isation… Your task is to be in the front lines relation towards the past; it is reconstructing societies. monuments had to vanish which testified everywhere and to continue nurturing our thus the history and the past events in a way In Serbia, a large number of monuments ex- to historical events that the new socialist tradition everywhere, to preserve the great ac- that suits its interests and its ideology, which ist which are made in the memory of fallen community wanted either to erase and forget complishments of the National Liberation War” includes also the “reconstruction” of public soldiers from the Balkan wars and from or to put in a new context. However, the divi- (cited in Bergholz 2007: 63). space. In the process of creating the identity both world wars. Especially in the post-war sion between Tito’s and Stalin’s politics in of a Yugoslav community, be it the Kingdom Yugoslav society after 1945, the creation of 1948also meant the definitive separation of According to Bergholz, the veterans in Yu- of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes or the new monuments for soldiers was the most frequent the Yugoslav and Soviet communist path. As goslavia used different methods of creating socialist community, one of the key efforts monument form. The symbol of the fallen the counterpart to the image of the Red Army memories of the war in the decades after the was, without doubt, the different forms of soldier expressed victory and the power of the soldier, the symbol of the Yugoslav partisan Second World War, just like other ‘memory commemorating the Balkan wars, the First and liberation army. appeared which strongly promoted the idea of activists’ in Europe, to use the phrase coined Second World War and the glorification of the The foundation of the Federal People’s the partisan liberation battle and its rooted- by historian Jay Winter.,. Besides creating fallen soldiers and civilian victims. Republic of Yugoslavia in 1943 at the second ness in the nation. This not only degraded the museums, writing chronicles, and other activi- Besides the analyses of the monuments and meeting of AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist Council of role of the Soviets to a subordinate position ties, their most significant task was in building memorials, their perception in the society of the People’s Liberation of Yugoslavia) in Jajce but it also created a myth about the socialist monuments and arranging the graves of their the time is also significant i.e. the highlight- meant the foundation of a new Yugoslavia path of the new Yugoslavia for which all its fallen comrades and other victims of fascism. ing of their ‘connection’ to the population. led by the Communist Party and a new social peoples have fought selflessly. Their extraordinary activity in the field of (re-) This was mostly realised through events order – socialism. creating memories clearly shows the diligence held around these objects – unique places “Guardians of Memory” Today of both the fighters and the state who were of memory which were constructing collec- Embedding State Ideology The historian Max Bergholz reminds us in his striving for their present to be in harmony with tive memory and creating the state history. The process of conquering public space, i.e. innovative analysis “Among patriots, cabbage, this specific version of the past. Memorials and memorial parks are organised embedding ideology in it by creating new pigs and barbarians: Monuments and graves In his path breaking research on the relation- as places for the commemoration of both war ideological symbols, aimed at strengthening of the national liberation war 1947-1965” ship between social memory and monument tragedies and the heroism of the combatants. the collective community and to create the (Bergholz 2007: 61-82) that the guardian of building, Bergholz draws attention to a key Their purpose was to reconstruct memories image of a unique society. the memory of the national liberation war has question that has hardly been discussed: how and also to embed them into the present. At that time, especially objects which pre- without a doubt been the Association of Fight- did the citizens of Yugoslavia react to the Memories always represent processes of served the memories of victims of the Second ers of the National Liberation War (SUBNOR), thousands of monuments commemorating the reconstruction. Therefore they are inseparable World War were present in public spaces. the organisation of Partisan veterans that national liberation war? Did they really accept from the social context in which they take The nurture of two public discourses – focus- was founded in 1947. It was from the begin- and adopt ‘the new tradition’ which celebrated place. We always remember depending on the ing on military victims and glorifying civilian ning a social-political organisation created the fallen soldiers and victims of the fascist context we live in. victims – was also adequately represented by to be the main “creator, agitator and keeper terror, and did these ‘material reminders’ monument forms in public spaces: the soldier of the official memory politics of the Yugo- encourage the building of socialism? In other Commemoration of Fallen Soldiers in uniform or monuments for the victims of slav Communist regime regarding the war” words, were the ordinary people, the citizens The symbol of the citizen-soldier and his readi- fascism. These objects have frequently been (Bergholz 2007: 63). This is documented in a of SFRJ, also the ‘consumers of these memo- ness to sacrifice himself for the homeland is used as symbols in the process of the social vast number of public speeches held by the ries’ (Bergholz 2007: 65)?

16 The inauguration ceremonies for new monu- This and other similar questions about the pur- on a symbolic level. Every political party is Grupa autora, Kultura sjećanja: 1945, Disput, ments were usually pompous events with pose of the monuments could also be asked in thus forming its own policy of history. But it is Zagreb, 2009. hundreds, even thousands of participants and Serbia today, where on the one side monu- not almighty and neither are its symbols. Halbwachs, Maurice : Les Cadres sociaux de visitors. Later there were visits of companies, ments of the Second World War are being de- What societies remember, those memories la mémoire, Paris, 1952. schools and different associations that usually stroyed and deteriorate, and on the other side that are worth keeping, cannot be decided on included always visits to memorial parks and bizarre memorial figures of ‘favourite heroes’ exclusively by politics because those memo- Nora, Pierre: Between Memory and History, graveyards. Wreaths and flowers were laid in the centre of villages and cities are becom- ries are buried deep inside the power of per- trans. Marc Roudebush, Representations 26, down on anniversaries. The official programs of ing the cultural symbols of this region. sonal stories. Keeping memories is therefore Paris, 1989. the preservation of monuments were kept in- A new monument hysteria, which some art beyond the control of any authorities. It is the tact more or less, but Bergholz shows that the historians are brave enough to call a “kind process of conveying oral legends of families, Pejić, Bojana: „Postkommunistische Kör- interest of the citizens for those places already of postmodernism”, has appeared in Serbia friends and the community, whose power has perpolitik. Die Politik der Repräsentation im began to decline by the 1950s. Some places since 2007 when a monument was raised for to be taken into consideration by every his- öffentlichen Raum,“ in: Die Kunst des Öffentli- were neglected, the surroundings of the monu- Rocky Balboa and later for Bob Marley and tory politics. Just like new art practices in the chen (Hrg. Marius Babias und Achim Kön- ments were untidy, and the monuments began Johnny Depp. Here we are most certainly monument discourse do. neke). Amsterdam, Dresden: Verlag der Kunst to slowly dilapidate. Some of them were even talking about a sort of ‘anti-monuments’. They 1998., pg. 38-54. desecrated. In his in-depth analysis on this point to a crisis of the collective state identity social phenomenon, Bergholz shows that the which also derives from a lack of positive Popović, Biljana et al: Susret sa jakim emoci- population started noticing grass and weeds heroes stemming from the violent conflicts jama, Vodič za primenu programa Istraživanje on graves, pigs looking for food around monu- that followed the break-up of Yugoslavia. humanitarnog prava u postkonfliktnom kontek- ments, as well as other problems, and they Apart from the “imported” character of Srdjan Literature: stu, MKCK, Beograd, 2006. started writing letters about that to newspapers Aleksić (description of the monument for Assmann, Aleida: Erinnerungsräume. Formen and the authorities. (Bergholz 2007: 61-82) Srđan Aleksić built in Pančevo/Serbia 2010), und Wandlungen des kulturellen Gedächtniss- Sturm, Hermann: Denkmal & Nachbild. Zur there are no personalities or heroes of that war es, C.H.Beck, München, 1999. Kultur des Erinnerns, Klartext Essen, 2009. Bergholz convincingly argues that such be- which an ordinary person could and want to haviour speaks to a discrepancy between the identify with. At the same time, the characters Bergholz, Max: Among patriots, cabbage, pigs activities by SUBNOR and the memories and of Hollywood film heroes and musicians have and barbarians: Monuments and graves of the the level of acceptance of those activities by a therapeutic effect.They carry within them the national liberation war 1947 – 1965, Yearbook some parts of the population. It also shows power of childhood dreams of a fighter for a for social history 1-3, 2007, pg. 61-82. that the activists and the system were not good cause and a better world. able to use the construction of monuments for Časopis: Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju, creating a unique and stable system of values. Today, after the wars on the territory of former Udruženje za društvenu istoriju, Beograd, 1-3, As one of the activists wrote in 1960: “The Yugoslavia and after the foundation of new 2007. monument was supposed to commemorate countries, the relationship towards the most the great days of the recent past and to edu- recent history is more than problematic. Many Fulgosi, A. et al: Mesta stradanja žrtava faši cate. Can it do that now, in the condition that monuments in public spaces are being moved, stičkog terora na području grada Beograda, it is in?” (Pobeda: okružni odbor jedinstvenog destroyed, renamed or erased. The political Elaborat grupe autora, Zavod za zaštitu spo narodnooslobodilačkog fronta Kruševac, Octo- order is based on interests and emotions both menika kulture grada Beograda, Beograd, ber 21, 1960, as cited in Bergholz, 82) of which can be very successfully influenced 2008.

17 simboličko značenje spomenika u bosni i hercegovini

Dr Senadin Musabegović predstavljen kako stoji nad otvorenom knji- desio se groteksni susret balkanskih ideologija cionalne fantazije prvenstveno je uvjetovan gom, dok u jednoj ruci drži pušku, a u drugoj, dvadesetog vijeka, koje su nastojale da svoj političkom prazninom, vakumom koji je nastao Po završetku Drugog svjetskog rata i izvojeva- bombu. Totalitarni režimi često inisistiraju legitimitet steknu kroz krv i žrtvu. Iako su ide- padom komunizma. U tom periodu često ne pobjede NOB-a nad fašizmom, legitimiran na mobilnosti mladih, jer oni predstavljuju ologije bile međusobno nekompatibilne, jedna su se rušili spomenici što su otjelotvoravali je mit o revolucionarnoj pravdi i istinskoj volji novu perspektivu. Stoga se oficijelna ideo- crta im je bila zajednička: simboličko predstav- komunističku tradiciju. Samo rušenje posjedo- Komunističke partije Jugoslavije da odredi tok logija posebno koncentriala na junačku smrt ljanje, kroz spomenike, viječitog duha ’naših valo je dvosmisleno značenje: želila se vlastita istorije. Isto tako, pobjeda ukazuje na moguć- maloljetnika, kako bi se konstituisao mit o poginulih borca’, što regenerišu političku istinu prošlost komunizma strušiti da bi se napra- nost da mali narodi, kao što su južnoslovenski, novoj generaciji, koja kroz smrt i stradanja i pravdu. A, osim što se na tom mjestu susreću vio prostor za nove identitete i, u isto vreme mogu odlučiti o sebi samima, mogu stvoriti dr- gradi novu sutrašnjicu. Bomba u ruci i puška razne ideologije, tu se dodiruju granični prelazi značilo je povratak na čistu ’iskonsku tradi- žavu i pobjediti znatno jačeg neprijatelja. Time na ramenu otjelotvoruju volju mladog ratnika novonastalih država poslije raspada SFRJ: ciju’. Međutim, iako se osuđivao komunizam je pobjeda pomirila dva mita: mit o ustaniku što stvara novu budućnost u kojoj radikalno Srbije, Bosne i Hercegovine i Crne Gore. Da- kao utopijska konstrukcija, nacionalisti su se i mit o revolucionaru. Narodnooslobodilački obračunavanje sa neprijateljem označava kle, političko tijelo i ’bratstvo i jedinstvo’ među okrenuli još većoj iluziji: utopiji koja sada više rat značio je pobjedu nad okupatorom, dakle, realizaciju utopijske istine i univerzalne pravde narodima i južnoslavenskom državnom zajed- nije utkana u budućnosti, nego u prošlosti. kroz pobjedu se dokazivala mogućnost da su za sve južnoslovneske narode. Otvorena knjiga nicom, sve ono za šta se Boško Buha borio i Time je mit o stvaranju utopijske figure tokom južnoslovenski narodi u stanju da konstituišu nad kojom on stoji simboliše svijest kolektivne poginuo, raspalo se. Iako njegova skulptura na komunizma zamenjen etno-nacionalističkim državu preko principa ’bratstva i jedinstva’. solidarnosti i novu budućnost kroz rad, rat svu sreću nije srušena, njen simbolički smisao mitom povratka u prošlost. Što znači da je rat ujedno značio i ‘rad’ na i znanje. Spomenik je postavljen na planini je izlapio: desilo se političko ubistvo! stvaranju novog društva i nove klasne svijesti. Jabuka kod Prijepolja u zapadnoj Srbiji, mjestu Upravo zbog simboličkog značaja Bosne i Upravo je stoga, socrealistička umjetnost na kojem je i poginuo. Duh mjesta i obožavanje U kontekstu Bosne i Hercegovine simbolič- Hercegovine (predstavljene kao ’Jugoslavije u na tlu bivše Jugoslavije nastojala, da kroz palog borca predstavlja jedan rasprostranjeni ka prezentacija NOB-a posjedovala je veliki malom’), konsekvence usled raspada socijal- ‘sakralna mjesta’ kao što su spomenici, kon- ritual u balkanskim narodima: kult pretka. Kult značaj, stoga što su se glavne bitke i ofanzive nog sistema, te jugoslovenske ideje ’bratstva i struiše mit za stvaranje ideje o revoluciji, ideje pretka označava bezvremenu statičnu prošlost vodile na njenoj teritoriji; također 1943. godine jedinstva’ tamo su bile tragičnije. Jedan od ra- o stvaranju novog čovjeka... Kroz spomenike prema kojoj živi isplaćuju dug mrtvima, dok u gradu Jajcu na drugom zasjedanju AVNOJ-a zloga zašto je rat između „bratskih“ naroda bio se nastojalo ovladati prošlošću kako bi se poginuli borac novu budućnost i novu utopij- formirana je nova Jugoslavija. Sam multietnički toliko krvav je i u tome što se zajednica počela kontrolisala budućnost. Isto tako, spomenici sku realnost koju preživjeli treba da izgrađuju. život u Bosni i Hercegovini kao da je odraža- iznutra raspadati i što ih je ideologija, u koju iako veoma često komemorišu pale borce, vao ’Jugoslaviju u malom’; tako se čak i geo- su vjerovali - socijalizam sa ljudskim licem, izražavaju duh optimizma i kretanje kolektivne Nedaleko od ovog spomeničkog kompleksa grafski centar Jugoslavije, obilježen kamenom napustila. Te su se iz tog raspada inventirale volje ka utopijskom besklasnom društvu. Duh postavljen je spomenik koji komemoriše borce skulpturom, nalazio nadomak Sarajeva. etnonacionalne fantazije i identiteti koji su se poginulog treba da inspiriše one koji su preži- poginule za vrijeme Prvog svjetskog rata. konstiuisali kroz isključivanje drugih i progla- vjeli rat i nove posljeratne generacije da u miru 1990-ih srpski nacionalisti, u cilju dekonstruk- Povratak u prošlost: šavanjem „bratskih“ naroda neprijateljskim, slijede tekovine revolucije. cije i devalvacije komunističkog mita borca, Uništavanje i reinterpretacija spomenika zločinačkim. Bliski narodi počeli su se odricati neposredno pored partizanskih spomenika, Krajem osamdesetih i devedesetih godina, vlastite prošlosti, pronalazeći neprijatelja u Uobičajena je bila praksa da se podižu postavili su spomenike srpskim vojnicima koji nadolazeće etnonacionalne fantazije fokusirale samome sebi, što će reći: među bratskim spomenici narodnim herojima - kao što je to su bili naklonjeni fašističkim snagama i koji su su se na ’rušenje komunizma’. Razlog zbog narodima „bratstvo i jedinstvo“ pretvorilo se u spomenik dječaku-borcu Bošku Buhi, koji je stradali od partizana. Dakle, na tom mjestu čega su ljudi masovno prihvatili ove etnona- bratoubistvo.

18 U nerazmrsivoj mreži tranzicijskih procesa de života u Bosni i Hercegovini. ’Stari most’ u Trenutna socio-politička klima obilježena je vedesetih godina, spomenici i građani u Bosni Mostaru, koji je strušen tokom borbi 1993, nije Daytonskim mirovnim ugovorom koji je samo i Hercegovini kao da su dijelili zajedničku sud- predstavljao identitet jednog naroda, već je on zaustavio rat, zamrznuo ga, stoga je on sjeci- binu: spomenici su se rušili, a isto tako, građa- otvarao mjesto za susret u kojem su se ukrštali šte kontradiktornih procesa koji se odražavaju ni su ubijani i zatvarani u konclogore. Rušenje mnogostruki identiteti raznih naroda. u novo podignutim spomenicima. S jedne stra- spomenika upravo je označavalo rušenje ne postoje nacionalne aspiracije o teritorijalnoj stare političke zajednice, dok je nicanje novih Sećanje u današnjoj Bosni i Hercegovini podjeli, te da se određene teritorije priključe služilo kao stvaranje nove političke imaginacije Zapravo, postavlja se pitanje: kako kroz spo- susjednim državama: Hrvatskoj i Srbiji. Tako i novog identiteta. Prelazak iz socijalizma u menike izraziti traumu kroz koju su prošle žrtve na jugozapadu Bosne u gradu Tomislovgrad, etnonacionalizam reflektiran je u simboličkoj tokom rata u Bosni i Hercegovini? Također, napravljen je spomenik srednjovjekovnom moći spomenika, i u njima je proizvođen. U na koji način skulptura može da komemoriše hrvatskom kralju Tomislavu, što otjelotvoruje ratnom vihoru u Bosni i Hercegovini devede- nevine, koji su nastradali u prošlosti, a da se mitsku prošlost čiji je cilj legitimisanje narod- setih godina, u ime ostvarivanja etnonacionali- svijest u zločinima ne cementira kao jedina nog suvereniteta na određenoj teritoriji, kao i stičkih politka, rušeni su ne samo komunistički paradigma koja treba da se ureže u kolektivno državnoj samostalnosti. Naime, srednjovjekov- spomenici, već i kulturni spomenici naroda sjećanje? Danas, ne postoji velika ideologija ni kralj ne predstavlja elitizam koji se uzdiže što je sada predstavljalo neprijateljsko tijelo u koja bi konstituisala smisao žrtava kao deo nad radničkom klasom, niti otjelotvoruje „našem narodu“, kao što su: skulptura Ive An- vizije budućeg progresa i napretka. Stoga se i aristokratsko-božansku plemenitost, nego drića u Višegradu, Stari most i Saborna crkva ne prave monumentalna djela koja bi formirala osvjetljavlja iskon nacionalne volje, snagu u Mostaru, Aladža džamija u Foči, Ferhadija novu političku svijest. Ali, postoji potreba ljudi nacionalnog jedinstva i sloge. S druge strane, u Banjaluci, Crkva Ive Krstitelja pored Jajca... – onih koji su preživjeli, i koji u sebi osjećaju sveopšta komercalizacija društva otupljuje Počinioci tih djela su bježali od samih sebe, od grižnju savijesti, kojima pripada i autor ovih smisao javnog dobra, te se ponekad jeftini vlastite prošlosti, tražeći izlaz u mitskoj proš- redova – da iskažu bliskost sa onima koji su ih simboli, i površni natpisi arbitrarno postavljaju. losti svetih kraljeva ili predaka koji bi trebali da napustili. Rijedak primjer je spomen mezarje Primjer je skulptura ’multietnički čovjek’, do- čuvaju i obnavljaju vlastito nacionalno tkivo. u Potočarima, pored Srebrenice, upravo kroz nacija Italije, postavljena u sarajevskom parku jednostvnost glatkog kamena i imena stradalih Svjetlost, koja u svojoj bezličnosti i banalnosti Iako je sudbina raspada Jugoslavije sa svim na njemu napisanih, odražava, kakav takav kao da negira samu ideju multietničnosti. tragičnim konsekvencama, tokom rata u Bosni odnos živih spram mrtvih. U samom spomeniku i Hercegovini do kraja ogoljena, možda se nije toliko istaknut lament nad genocidom u Danas, upravo porad stvaranja nove političke najočitljivije utkala u spomenicima ove zemlje, Srebrenici, već se iskazuje zaumna bol, što u zajednice, ili novog jedinstva Bosne i Hercego- nisu svi spomenici izrazi ’konstitucije politič- neiskazivosti prevazilazi razumsko poimanje i vine, nužno je sagledati sve linije razdvajanja kog tijela’ u vreme rata. Naprotiv, oni također razumjevanje. Na taj način, spomenik prevazi- i simboličku moć koja nas je dijelila, a koja je simbolišu mnogostruku tradiciju raznolikih lazi narcisoidnu svijest o kolektivnoj žrtvi, što se izražena u skulpturama i spomenicima. Tada bi kultura, koje se nisu formirale samo u otpo nažalost veoma često dešava u ritualiziranom i se najzad mogao izraziti katarzični krik ’osloba- ru jedna prema drugoj, već kroz suptilno populističkom diskursu bosanskohercegovačke đanja od krvave prošlosti’ i, time, ujedno otje- preplitanje, kakva je bila vijekovima forma političke i vjerske elite. lotvorio smisao za novo multietnično jedinstvo.

19 symbolic significance of monuments in bosnia and herzegovina

Dr Senadin Musabegović The common practice was to build monu- Serbian nationalists, with the intention of reflect a ‘miniaturised Yugoslavia’: even the ments dedicated to national heroes –such deconstructing and devaluating the commu- geographic centre of Yugoslavia, marked by a Following the Second World War and the vic- as a monument to the boy-fighter Boško nist myth of the fighter, built right next to it a stone sculpture, was located near Sarajevo. torious National Liberation War over fascism, Buha who was portrayed standing over an monument dedicated to Serbian soldiers who the myth of both revolutionary justice and the open book, holding a gun in one hand, and a were sympathetic to fascist forces and killed Return to the past: Destruction and true will of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia bomb in the other. Totalitarian regimes often by Partisans. This highlights a grotesque union Reinterpretation of Monuments to determine the course of history have been insist on youth mobilisation as it stands for a of Balkan ideologies of the 20th century that In the late 1980s and 1990s, rising ethno-na- legitimized. The victory also underlined the new perspective. The official ideology, thus, aimed to attain legitimacy through blood and tionalistic fantasies have focused on ‘under- prospects of small nations, such as South particularly focused on the heroic death of a sacrifice. Despite seeming grossly incompat- mining communism’. The reason why people Slavs, to decide their own future, to create a minor in order to establish the myth of a new ible, they held one common trait: a symbolic massively adopted these ethno-nationalistic state and to be triumphant over a much stron- generation that through death and suffering representation of the eternal spirit of ‘our fallen fantasies was primarily the political emptiness, ger enemy. The victory, thus, reconciled two is building a new tomorrow. The bomb in his fighters’ through monuments which regener- a vacuum created by the fall of communism. myths: the myth of uprising and the myth of hand and the rifle on his shoulder embody ate ‘political truth and justice’. Here, not only In this period, monuments that embodied revolution. The National Liberation War signi- the young fighter’s will to create a new future different ideologies but also borders of newly communist tradition were often demolished. fied a conquest over invaders, and therefore in which radical fighting against the enemy created states succeeding Yugoslavia meet: This destruction in itself had a double mean- the victory substantiated the ability of South symbolises the realisation of a utopian truth Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montene- ing: it sought to erase the communist past in Slavs to constitute a state rooted in principles and universal justice for all South Slavic gro. Consequently, the political body and the order to make room for new identities and, at of „brotherhood and unity“. The war also signi- people. The open book over which he stands ‘brotherhood and unity’ between the people the same time, it marked the return to a pure fied the ‘effort’ to create a new society and a symbolises awareness of collective solidarity and the South Slavic state community, all of ‘ancient tradition’. However, while condemn- new class consciousness. For that very rea- and a new future built through labour, combat which Boško Buha had fought and died for, ing communism as a utopian construction, son, socialist realist art in former Yugoslavia, and knowledge. The monument was set up has fallen apart. Even though his sculpture has nationalists turned towards an even greater through ‘sacral places’ such as monuments, at the Jabuka Mountain close to Prijepolje in fortunately not been torn down, it has been illusion: a utopia that is no longer bound to sought to create the myth that would underline western Serbia, the place where he was killed. stripped of its symbolic meaning: a political the future but to the past. Thus the myth of the idea of revolution, the idea of creating a The spirit of the place and the worship of fallen assassination took place! creating a utopian future during communism new man... The monuments were used in an fighters represent one of the most distinct has been replaced with the ethno-nationalistic effort to master the past in order to control rituals among Balkan nations: the cult of the In the context of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the myth of returning to the past. the future. Even though monuments mostly ancestor. It denotes a static timeless past for symbolical presentation of the National Libera- commemorated fallen soldiers, they were which the living must repay the dead, whereas tion War had a great significance because its Precisely because of the symbolic significance also used to articulate a spirit of optimism the fallen fighter symbolises a new future and main battles and offensives were fought on of Bosnia and Herzegovina (as representation and collective will directed towards a utopian a new utopian reality which the survivors need the country’s territory; also, in 1943, the new of a ‘miniature Yugoslavia’), the consequences classless society. The spirit of the deceased to build. Yugoslavia was established in the second following the collapse of the social system and ought to inspire both those who have survived session of the Anti-Fascist Council of People’s the Yugoslav idea of ‘brotherhood and unity’ the war and new post-war generations to Close to the monument of Boško Buha stands Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ) in the north- were more tragic there. One of the reasons further pursue revolutionary accomplishments another one commemorating soldiers who ern Bosnian town of Jajce. The multiethnic life why the war between the ‘fraternal’ nations in peace. fell during the First World War I. In the 1990s, in Bosnia and Herzegovina alone seemed to was so blood-soaked is that the community

20 began to fall apart internally, and the ideology Foca, Ferhadija in Banjaluka, John the Baptist impression that crimes are the only para- namely Croatia and Serbia. Thus, in the south- which people believed in – socialism with a Church near Jajce... The perpetrators of these digms to be embedded within the collective western Bosnian town of Tomislavgrad, stands human face – was abandoned. This inner de- acts were running away from themselves, from memory? Today, no great ideology exists that a monument showing the medieval Croatian cay gave rise to ethno-nationalistic fantasies their own past, seeking refuge in a mythical could give meaning to the victims as part of King Tomislav. The monument embodies a and identities that were based on exclusion past of holy kings and ancestors, who they a vision of future progress and improvement. mythical past aimed at legitimising national and the denunciation of once ‘fraternal’ na- believed would protect and renew their own Hence monuments that could form a new sovereignty over a certain territory as well as tions as hostile, criminal ones. Neighbouring ‘national fabric’. political consciousness are not built anymore. state autonomy. Therefore the medieval king nations started to disown their own past and However, a need of the people - of those who represents neither elitism that rises above the began finding an enemy within themselves. Even though the fate of Yugoslavia’s disinte- survived and feel remorse (among them the working class, nor does he embody any aristo- Thus ‘brotherhood and unity’ between frater- gration with all its tragic consequences, be- author of these lines) – still exists to express cratic or divine nobility. Instead he illuminates nal national turned into fratricide: the murder came fully visible during the war in Bosnia and closeness to those who have perished. A rare the origin of exclusive national will, the power of the brother. Herzegovina and was perhaps most notably example is the memorial cemetery in Potočari, of national unity and harmony. On the other woven into monuments in the country, not all close to Srebrenica. Through the simplic- hand, the general commercialization of society In this inextricable web of transition processes of the monuments were expressions to con- ity of its smooth stone and the names of the stultifies the meaning of public good, leading during the 1990s, monuments and citizens in stitute ‘political authority’ in times of war. On deceased written onto it, reflects some sort of to the arbitrary placement of cheap symbols Bosnia and Herzegovina seemed to share a the contrary, they also symbolise a manifold relation of the living towards the dead. It does and superficial memorial inscriptions. An common fate: monuments were demolished tradition of diverse cultures that did not form not emphasize the lament over the Srebrenica example is the sculpture ‘Multi-ethnic Man’, and, at the same time, citizens were killed in opposition to each other, but through subtle genocide but rather expresses an overwhelm- a donation from Italy that was placed in the and imprisoned in concentration camps. The intertwining and constant interaction which ing pain that in its ineffability exceeds rational Svjetlost Park in central Sarajevo. In its imper- demolition of monuments signified the col- had characterised the way of life in Bosnia and imagination and understanding. In this way, sonality and banality, the sculpture seems to lapse of the old political community while the Herzegovina for centuries. The famous ‘Old the monument eludes any narcissistic aware- deny the very idea of multi-ethnicity. emergence of new monuments pointed to the Bridge’ in Mostar, which was destroyed during ness of collective victimisation, the kind of creation of a new political imagination and a fighting in 1993, did not simply represent the which, unfortunately, is all too often part of the Today, in order to create a new political com- new identity. Thus the transition from social- identity of one nation, but it rather opened a ritualized and populist discourse of the politi- munity, or a new unity of Bosnia and Herze- ism to ethno-nationalism was reflected in the place for everyday encounters of manifold, cal and religious elite in Bosnia and Herze- govina, it is necessary to consider all lines of symbolic power of monuments and it was also intertwining identities from diverse nations. govina. separation and the symbolical power that has reproduced in them. In the winds of war that divided us and which is expressed by sculp- swept over Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Remembrance in Bosnia and Herzegovina The current socio-political climate is marked tures and monuments. Then, finally, we may 1990s, not only were communist monuments today by the Dayton Peace Agreement of 1995 that be able to let out the cathartic cry of ‘liberation destroyed in the name of ethno-national poli- Ultimately, the question arises as to how ended – or better: froze – the war and repre- from the bloody past’ and thereby at the same cies, but also any cultural heritage that now trauma experienced by the victims during sents an intersection of contradictory pro- time embody the sense for new multi-ethnic represented an enemy body in ‘our nation’ the wars in Bosnia and Herzegovina can be cesses that are reflected by newly built monu- unity. was removed: such as the Ivo Andrić sculp- expressed through monuments? In which way ments. On the one hand, national aspirations ture in Višegrad, the Old Bridge and Ortho- can a sculpture commemorate the innocents exist regarding the separation of territories and dox cathedral in Mostar, Aladza Mosque in that perished in the past without fostering the their annexation to neighbouring countries,

21 osporavana istorija i monumentalna prošlost: hrvatska kultura sećanja

Dr Vjeran Pavlaković nekadašnje Jugoslavije. Moderna Hrvatska, Hrvatsku (NDH), koja je bila nezavisna samo lokalne i regionalne inicijative i stilovi značili su koja je isplivala iz traumatičnog dvadesetog po imenu, jer su je podelili i okupirali i Nemci da sećanje na rat nije samo proces odozgo na Javni spomenici su možda najvidljiviji primer veka koga su obeležili usponi i padovi mno- i Italijani, a samo su je Sile osovine priznava- dole već je dogovoren sa različitim interesnim kulture sećanja jedne zemlje, i stoga su često gobrojnih carstva, država i ideologija, pruža le. Oni koji su stradali u borbi na „pogrešnoj grupama. U Istri, spomenici prikazuju i hrvatski u težištu kontraverzi tokom razdoblja političke jasnu studiju slučaja kako je njeno tumačenje strani“ ili one koje su likvidirali u posleratnim i italijanski natpis i naglašavaju činjenicu da je tranzicije. Socijalistička Jugosavija podigla istorije definisano (i redefinisano) kroz državne komunističkim masakrima, izbrisani su iz ova regija „vraćena“ Matici Hrvatskoj nakon je na hiljade spomenika, statua i memorijal- spomenike, posebno one koji se odnose na II kulture sećanja u novoj jugoslovenskoj državi. vladavine italijanskih fašista s kraja I Svet- nih ploča da bi slavila uspomenu na pobedu Svetski rat. Tu su uključeni i saradnici u drugim delovima skog rata. U Dalmaciji, simbolički opisi otpora partizana u II Svetskom ratu, a naročito da Jugoslavije, kao srspki i crnogorski četnici i Mletačkoj vladavini obuhvaćeni su u nekim bi dala legitimitet posleratnom režimu. Uz Spomenici, kao i ostali memorijalna mesta, slovenačke bele garde. Problem u Hrvatskoj, memorijalima, kao oni na ostrvu Korčula. U druge tipove sećanja koja nisu nužno fizička pokazuju ne samo istorijske događaje kojih kao i u drugim bivšim komunističkim zemljama delovima kontinentalne Hrvatske sa većinskim (državni praznici, nacionalni simboli, institucije političke elite žele da se sećaju, nego i one kao što su Litvanija, Letonija, Estonija i Slovač- hrvatskim stanovništvom, natpisi na statua- itd.) spomenici igraju važnu ulogu u slavljenju događaje koji, kroz isključivanje ili cenzu- ka, bio je da su u ‘90-tim saradnici dobili nove ma i pločama odnose se na bolju budućnost pobede jedne nacije i komemoraciji poginulih. ru, treba da se zaborave. Tranzicione vlade uloge kao patriote i antikomunisti, dok je njiho- koju je ponudila komunistička revolucija. Za Upravo zbog toga što su to fizički objekti, bilo moraju često da se suoče sa monumentalnim va uloga u Holokaustu i drugim svirepostima Srbe iz Hrvatske, antifašistički otpor postao je da je kamena ploča posvećena istorijskom zaveštanjem svojih prethodnika, veoma težak odbačena kao komunistička izmišljotina. sastavni deo njihovog identiteta i spomenici u događaju ili velikom slavoluku velikoj pobedi, zadatak za zemlje koje su izašle iz diktature ili opštinama sa srpskom većinom podsećali su spomenici predstavljaju i zvanično režimsko drugih represivnih političkih sistema. Štaviše, Spomenici u Hrvatskoj, stoga, imaju i ideološ- na ustaški teror. Ti memorijali često su koristili tumačenje prošlosti kao i izazov za umešnost ove vlade se suočavaju sa pitanjem da li će ili ku i etničku komponentu koja varira od regije ćirilično pismo, koje je 1990-tih od strane hr- nove vlasti da prevaziđe problematično istorij- ne memorijalna mesta služiti kao sredstvo za do regije, dok mnogim drugim porodicama i vatskih nacionalista viđeno kao strani element sko nasleđe. Tako da podizanje, uništavanje, pomirenje ili za provociranje podele koje stalno žrtvama komunističke represije nije dozvolje- u željenom državotvornom projektu. restauracija ili cenzurisanje državnih spome- podgreva nerešene konflikte. no da se javno seća svojih poginulih. ‘50-tih nika omogućava stručnjacima da analiziraju i ‘60-tih godina, memorijali su često herojski Od ‘60. godina pojavili su se novi trendovi u kako se političke elite trude da prenesu svoj Hrvatsko kulturalno sećanje tokom socijali- odslikavali partizanske borce ili patnju žrtava podizanju spomenika vezanih za II Svetski ideološki svetonazor i mehanizme koje koriste stičkog razdoblja sastojalo se od spomenika fašističkog terora. Mnogi Partizani prikazani rat: apstraktni dizajn koji više nije otvoreno u oblikovanju prošlosti za savremeni politički koji ne samo da su naglašavali revolucionarni su u bitkama ili kako nose oružje, dok je drugi prenosio ideološku poruku, već su to estetski legitimitet. Raspad komunizma i Jugoslavije aspekt partizanskog pokreta, već i jednakost uobičajeni motiv prikazivanja Partizana kako sofisticirana umetnička dela koja prevazilaze kao države značio je da je topografija par- Srba i Hrvata u borbi protiv fašističkog okupa- nose ranjene drugove. Žene su uglavnom kruti dogmatizam rane komunističke diktature. tizanskih spomenika izgubila svoju prvobit- tora i domaćih izdajnika. Tokom II Svetskog prikazane kao majke koje pate ili kao civilne Kolosalni oblici Dušana Džamonje (kao što je nu funkciju. Neki spomenici dobili su novo rata ustaški kolaboracionistički režim započeo žrtve, mada su ponekad mogle biti prikazane spomenik u Podgariću) i mistični simbolizam značenje, drugi su uništeni ili oštećeni a u je genocidni pohod protiv Srba, Jevreja i Roma i kako nose oružje u rukama, kao u central- Bogdana Bogdanovića (tipičan primer Jase- dosta slučajeva podignuti si novi spomenici i progonio Hrvate koji su mu se suprotsavi- nom spomeniku u Sisku. Iako je komunistička novački Cvet) najavili su novu eru spomenika da odraze nezavisne države koje su bile deo li. Ustaše su uspostavile Nezavisnu Državu partija konačno regulisala sadržaj spomenika, koju predstavlja jedinstvena i autohtona umet-

22 nička proizvodnja velikih razmera. Eksperi- uništen je 2004. i spomenik srpskim žrtvama u države; drugim rečima, greške prethodnog rata već i iz nedavnih sukoba, u naporu da mentalne inspiracije u proizvodnji spomenika selu Prkos ozbiljno je oštećen na jesen 2010. režima se ponavljaju. depolitizuje ta traumatska sećanja. Kako god, nikada se nisu prenele na dizajn stambenih je- dugotrajni ožiljci ratova ‘90-tih znače da treba dinica, koje većinom izgledaju kao monolitički, Nasilni napad na partizanske spomenike Posle Tuđmanove smrti 1999., politička klima da prođe još vremena pre nego što će istorija sivi i nehumani kompleksi zgrada koji još uvek ‘90-tih bio je više od revizionizma prošlosti, se dovoljno promenila da se više nije tolerisala II Svetskog rata prestati da bude bojno polje služe kao upozorenje na mane socijalističke to je bio sistematski napad na antifašističke otvorena upotreba fašističkih simbola i da za savremene politike u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. utopije obećane od strane režima. vrednosti na kojima je zasnovana moderna su se uništeni spomenici mogli restaurirati. Evropa nakon 1945. Štaviše, to je bio oči- Predsednici Stjepan Mesić (2000.-2010.) i Ivo Izbijanje nasilja ‘90-tih, kolaps komunističkog gledan napor radikalnih nacionalista da se Josipović (2010.-do danas) imali su ključ- monopola nad tumačenjem istorije, i pojava izbriše sećanje srpske manjine u Hrvatskoj. Na ne uloge u promeni državnog stava prema novih ili ranije potiskivanih oblika kolektivnog primer, imena žrtava ustaškog masakra u Glini, antifašističkom nasleđu, uključujući ponovnu sećanja značio je da je hrvatski krvavi rat za uključujići i civile koji su živi spaljeni u crkvi, izgradnju uništenih spomenika i negovanja nezavisnost bio praćen napadom na fizičke uklonjena su sa mesta koje je komemorisalo kulture sećanja koje promoviše pomirenje. simbole prethodnog režima, naime na mo- tragediju, dok je spomen dom pretvoren u Još uvek „crveno-crna“ podela u Hrvatskoj i numentalno nasleđe. „Cenzura“ partizanskih Hrvatski dom. Mnogobrojni drugi spomenici duhovi iz II Svetskog rata nastavljaju da utiču spomenika obuhvatila je ne samo njihovo ukla- bez otvorenih komunističkih simbola takođe na unutrašnju i spoljnu politiku. Renoviranje njanje od strane novih vlasti, već i vandalizam, su uništeni ili ozbiljno oštećeni. Sama razmera uništenih partizanskih spomenika u mestu Srb, oštećenja od oružja, potpuno uništenje od kulture amnezije ukazuje na činjenicu da je lokaciji masovnog ustanka 1941., predstav- strane paramilitaraca ili hrvatskih vojnika, i po- država Hrvatska ‘90-tih tolerisala napad na ljalo je promenu na nacionalnom nivou prema dizanje novih spomenika sa suprotstavljenim partizanske spomenike, naročito ako se uzme Partizanima i srpsko-hrvatskim odnosima, narativima koji su ustaški režim oslobodili faši- u obzir da nijedan pojedinac nije bio sudski ali su desničarske grupe organizovale kontra stičkih odlika. Napadi Jugoslovenske narodne gonjen za štetu nanetu kulturnom nasleđu komemoraciju koja je pokazala da suprotstav- armije, koji su još uvek koristili komunističke države. Uništavanje spomenika bilo je naročito ljena tumačenja prošlosti i dalje figuriraju na simbole 1991., izazvali su da se u borbi za intenzivno u ratom ugroženim regijama, kao nekim memorijalnim lokalitetima. Drugi istorij- hrvatsku nezavisnost iskali bes nad spomeni- što su Dalmacija, Lika, Banovina, Kordun i ski korak učinjen je u oktobru 2010., kada je cima koji su odslikavali komunizam. Udruženje Slavonija. Osim toga, potpuno nova kultura Josipović prisustvovao otkrivanju spomenika antifašističkih boraca Hrvatske procenilo da sećanja vezana za domovinski rat pretvorila posvećenog devet starijih srpskih civila ubi- je preko tri hiljade partizanskih memorijala je unakaženi predeo sa spomenicima koji jenih u selu Varivode kao posledica operacije oštećeno ili uništeno tokom 1990-tih, u nekim su odražavali estetiku i tumačenja građenja Oluja (1995.). To je prvi put da je podignut slučajevima napadi su se nastavili u sledećoj hrvatske nacije-države. Opasno je to što je zvanični spomenik za srpske žrtve u Domovin- deceniji: spomenik narodnim herojima na „pogrešna strana“, u ovom slučaju zajednica skom ratu. To je bio jasan znak da će nastaviti centralnom groblju u Zagrebu miniran je 2001., Srba u Hrvatskoj (posebno civilne žrtve u ratu), da ispunjava obećanje da ukazuje počast Titov spomenik u rodnom mestu Kumrovcu ponovo isključena iz politike kulturnog sećanja žrtvama sa svih strana, ne samo iz II Svetskog

23 contested histories and monumental pasts: croatia’s culture of remembrance

Dr Vjeran Pavlaković cases new monuments were built to reflect the and Roma, and persecuted Croats who op- grieving mothers or civilian victims, although independent countries that used to be part of posed the Ustaša dictatorship. The Ustaše occasionally they could be seen carrying a Public monuments are perhaps the most the former Yugoslavia. Modern-day Croatia, established the Independent State of Croatia gun in their hand, as on the central monu- readily visible examples of a country’s culture emerging from a traumatic twentieth century (NDH – Nezavisna Država Hrvatska), which ment in Sisak. Although the Communist Party of remembrance, and are therefore also often characterized by the rise and fall of multiple was independent in name only, since it was ultimately regulated the content of the monu- at the center of controversies during periods empires, states, and ideologies, provides an divided and occupied by both Germany and ments, local and regional initiatives and styles of political transitions. Socialist Yugosla- illuminating case study in how its historical Italy and was recognized only by pro-Axis meant that remembrance of the war was not via built thousands of monuments, statues, narrative has been defined (and redefined) regimes. Those killed in fighting on the “wrong just a top down process, but was negotiated and memorial plaques to commemorate the through public monuments, especially those side” or those who were liquidated in post-war with various group interests. In Istria, the Partisan victory in the Second World War and, related to the Second World War. communist massacres were erased from the monuments featured both Croatian and Italian more specifically, to provide legitimacy for the culture of remembrance in the new Yugoslav texts, and emphasized the fact that this region postwar regime. Along with other types of re- Monuments, like all memorial sites, indicate state. This included collaborators in other was “returned” to the Croatian homeland after membrance which are not necessarily physical not only the historical events national elites parts of Yugoslavia, such as Serb and Monte- being under fascist Italian rule since the end (public holidays, national symbols, institutions, want remembered, but also those events negrin Četniks and Slovenian White Guards. of the First World War. In Dalmatia, imagery of etc.), monuments play an important role in which, through exclusion or censorship, ought The problem in Croatia, as in some other resistance to Venetian rule was incorporated celebrating a nation’s victories and com- to be forgotten. Transitional governments of- former communist countries such as Lithuania, into some memorials, such as the ones on memorating its dead. But precisely because ten have to deal with the monumental legacies Latvia, Estonia, and Slovakia, was that in the the island of Korčula. In parts of continen- they are physical objects, whether a stone of their predecessors, an especially daunting 1990s the collaborators were recast as patri- tal Croatia with mostly Croat populations, plaque describing a historic event or a mas- task for countries emerging from dictatorships ots and anticommunists, while their role in the the texts on statues and plaques referred to sive victory arch, monuments both represent or other repressive political systems. More- Holocaust and other atrocities was dismissed the better future offered by the communist a regime’s official interpretation of the past as over, these governments are faced with the as a communist fabrication. revolution. For Croatian Serbs, the antifascist well as challenge a new administration’s ability question of whether or not memorial spaces resistance became an integral part of their to overcome a problematic historical legacy. will serve as tools for reconciliation or as fault The monuments in Croatia, thus, had both identity, and monuments in municipalities with Thus the construction, destruction, restora- lines that perpetuate unresolved conflicts. ideological and ethnic components which a Serb majority functioned as reminders of the tion, or censorship of a country’s monuments varied from region to region, while many other Ustaša terror. These memorials often used allows scholars to analyze how political elites Croatia’s cultural memory during the social- families and victims of communist repression Cyrillic script, which in the 1990s was seen by seek to transmit their ideological worldview ist period consisted of monuments which not were not allowed to publicly remember their Croatian nationalists as a foreign element in and the mechanisms they use in molding the only emphasized the revolutionary aspect dead. In the 1950s and 1960s, the memorials the desired state-building project. past for contemporary political legitimacy. The of the Partisan movement, but the equality often featured heroic depictions of Partisan dissolution of communism and the Yugo- of Serbs and Croats in fighting against the fighters or the suffering of victims of fascist By the 1960s new trends appeared in the con- slav state meant the topography of Partisan fascist occupiers and domestic collaborators. terror. Many Partisans were shown in battle or struction of monuments related to the Second monuments lost their original function. Some The Ustaša collaborationist regime during the carrying their weapons, while another common World War: abstract designs that no longer monuments obtained new meanings, others Second World War in Croatia embarked on motif depicted Partisans carrying wounded bluntly delivered an ideological message, but were destroyed or damaged, and in many a genocidal campaign against Serbs, Jews, comrades. Women were generally shown as were aesthetically sophisticated works of art

24 transcending the rigid dogmatism of the early dence to vent their anger at the monuments that no individuals were ever prosecuted for represented a shift at the national level to- communist dictatorship. Dušan Džamonja’s which also featured communist imagery. The the damage to the country’s cultural heritage. wards the Partisans and Serb-Croat relations, colossal shapes (such as the monument in Association of Antifascist Veterans of Croatia The devastation of the monuments was par- but right-wing groups organized a counter- Podgarić) and Bogdan Bogdanović’s mysti- estimated that over three thousand Partisan ticularly extensive in regions mostly affected commemoration that indicate that contested cal symbolism (exemplified in the Jasenovac memorials were damaged or destroyed in the by the war, such as Dalmatia, Lika, Banovina, narratives over the past still play out at certain Flower) heralded a new era of monuments 1990s, and in some cases the attacks contin- Kordun, and Slavonia. Moreover, an entirely sites of memory. Another historic step was which represented unique and autochthonous ued into the following decade: the monument new culture of memory related to the Home- taken in October 2010, when Josipović attend- artistic production on a large scale. The ex- to the People’s Heroes in Zagreb’s main cem- land War transformed the scarred landscape ed the unveiling of a monument to nine elderly perimental inspirations in monument produc- etery was damaged in 2001, Tito’s monument with monuments that reflected the aesthetics Serb civilians killed in the village of Varivode in tion never quite transferred to the design of in his hometown of Kumrovec was destroyed and state-building narratives of the Croatian the aftermath of Operation Storm (1995), the housing units, which for the most part resulted in 2004, and a monument to Serb victims in nation-state. The danger is that once again first time an official monument was built for in monolithic, grey, and dehumanizing apart- the village of Prkos was heavily damaged in the “wrong side”, in this case the Croatian Serb victims of the Homeland War. This was ment complexes that still serve as warnings to the fall of 2010. Serb community (specifically civilian victims of a clear sign that he would continue to pursue the flaws of the socialist utopia promised by the war), is being excluded from the cultural his promise to honor the victims from all sides, the regime. The violent attack on the Partisan monuments memory politics of the state; in other words, not only from the Second World War but from in the 1990s was more than just a reevalua- the mistakes of the previous regime are being more recent conflicts, in an effort to depoliti- The outbreak of violence in the 1990s, the tion of the past, but a systematic assault on repeated. cize those traumatic memories. However, the collapse of the communist monopoly on his- the antifascist values that modern Europe was lingering scars of the wars in the 1990s means torical narratives, and the emergence of new based upon after 1945. Furthermore, it was After Tuđman’s death in 1999, the political that still more time needs to pass before the or previously suppressed forms of collective evidently an effort by radical nationalists to climate changed enough that the open use of history of the Second World War ceases to be remembrance meant that Croatia’s bloody war erase the memory of Croatia’s Serb minor- fascist symbols was no longer tolerated and a battleground for contemporary politics in the for independence was accompanied by an ity. For example, the names of the victims that the destroyed monuments could slowly former Yugoslavia. attack on the physical symbols of the former of an Ustaša massacre in Glina, including be restored. Presidents Stjepan Mesić (2000- regime, namely the monument heritage. The civilians who were burned alive in a church, 2010) and Ivo Josipović (2010-present) were “censorship” of Partisan monuments included were removed from the site of the monu- instrumental in changing the state’s attitude not only their removal by the new authorities, ment commemorating the tragedy, while the towards the antifascist legacy, including the but vandalism, damage from various weap- memorial house was transformed into a rebuilding of destroyed monuments and fos- ons, complete destruction by paramilitaries Croatian cultural center. Many other monu- tering a culture of remembrance that promotes or Croatian soldiers, and the erection of new ments without overt communist symbols were reconciliation. Yet Croatia’s red-black (fascism monuments with counter narratives absolving nevertheless destroyed or heavily damaged. vs. communism, Ed.) divide and the ghosts of the Ustaša regime of its fascist characteristics. The sheer scale of this culture of amnesia the Second World War continue to affect both The attacks by the Yugoslav People’s Army, indicates that the Croatian state in the 1990s domestic and foreign politics. The rebuilding which still used communist symbols in 1991, tolerated the attack on Partisan monuments, of the destroyed Partisan monument in the provoked those fighting for Croatian indepen- especially when it is taken into consideration town of Srb, site of a massive uprising in 1941,

25 rat simbola: sećanje na kosovu

Shkëlzen Maliqi Srpske Pravoslavne crkve i Srpskog Patrijarha. se toj ideji sumnjajući u to da su te crkve i specifičnosti Kosova koju podržavaju sve U međuvremenu, za Kosovske Srbe (kao i za manastiri samo srpski. Najstariji deo pravo- zajednice koje tu žive. Stoga ne postoje spo- Nakon perioda od nekoliko decenija u so- Srbe iz Srbije) posebno je značajna spo- slavnog nasleđa potiče čak iz Vizantijskog men-obeležja tog specifičnog vremena koja su cijalističkoj Jugoslaviji, kada su na Kosovu men-kula na Gazimestanu, spomenik koji je carstva i upućuje na okupaciju i vladavinu Srba posvećena sećanju i međusobnom poštovanju spomenici predstavljali uobičajenu kulturu, podignut 1952. kao sećanje na boj na Kosovu na Kosovu u 13. i 14. veku kada su i Albanci svih Kosovara. raspadom Jugoslavije 90tih godina srušen je i 1389. Taj boj bio je fatalan za srednjevekovnu kao starosedeoci takođe bili hrišćani. Stoga pretendovani poredak simbola u „zajedničkom srpsku kraljevinu, zbog toga što je nakon tog se veruje da oni barem delimično imaju istu Samo na kratko nakon Drugog Svetskog rata, socijalističkom sećanju na prošle vekove“. događaja Srbiju okupiralo Otomansko carstvo. istoriju i tradiciju. Na drugoj strani je, međutim, od 1945. do kasnih 80tih, postojali su uslovi za Sećanje na Kosovu radikalno je prekinuto po- Moderna tradicija slavljenja te bitke na Vidov- islamizacija većeg dela albanske populacije kreiranje spomenika koji su težili da obeleže put političkih i teritorijalnih težnji dve osnovne dan, koji se slavi 26. juna, dobila je drugačije za vreme turske vladavine kao i dugogodiš- zajednički život i poštovanje za sve. U vreme etničke zajednice na Kosovu, Albanaca, koji značenje: to je istorijska osveta, jer Srbi koji se nja upotreba tog nasleđa od strane Srpske komunizma i Josipa Broza Tita tvrdilo se da predstavljaju 88% stanovništva, i Srba, kojih okupljanju kod spomen-kule na Gazimestanu Pravoslavne crkve zbog čega se to hrišćansko postoji jednakost svih nacija i nacionalnosti ima manje od 10%. Sećanje na koje upućuju kažu da oni na taj dan slave volju hrabrih kao i nasleđe doživljava kao srpsko. koje žive u Jugoslaviji. U to vreme na Kosovu albanski spomenici uopšte više nije u skladu Vidovdanski Zavet koji kaže: „Kosovo je uvek su građeni spomenici koji su predstavljali osvrt sa srpskim sećanjem i srpskim spomenicima. bilo i biće srpsko.“ Gubitak Kosova ponovo Uprkos suprotstavljanju srpskim istorijskim na slavne trenutke revolucije i komunizma ili 1999, kada je NATO intervenisao kako bi pretenzijama, kosovski ideolozi ne insistiraju koji su slavili mučenike antifašističkog rata. Ono što Albanci slave, Srbi odbijaju, a ono što pomogao da se završi konflikt između Kosova na zajedničkom nasleđu vizantijske kulture, Srbi slave, Albanci odbijaju. Mogli bismo i da (Kosovskih Albanaca) i Srba, oživeo je mit već naglašavaju specifičan identitet utemeljen Najznačajniji spomenici bili su oni koji su slavili zamenimo reč „odbijaju“ i da kažemo „mrze“ Vidovdanskog Zaveta i ponovnog gubitka koji na simbolima iz davnih vremena pre nego što bitke partizanskih brigada na Kosovu, kao što i ne bismo pogrešili, iako takva generalizacija će se jednog dana pretvoriti u pobedu. su Srbi (ili uopšteno govoreći: Sloveni) došli na je spomenik partizanskim rudarima u Mitrovici. nije poželjna u opisima društvenih fenomena. Balkan. Ti simboli uključuju simbole Dardana- U drugu kategoriju sećanja spadaju spomenici Manje pogrešno deluje, međutim, ako kažemo Za Albance, s druge strane, slavljenje izgu- ca, simbole albanskog otpora protiv turskih u čast slavnih heroja i mučenika antifašističkog „odbijaju“. To nam ostavlja prostora za malo bljene bitke i Vidovdana je beznačajno. Oni osvajača (koji je građen na kultu nacionalnog rata kao što je spomenik Bori Vukmiroviću i poštovanje sećanja i heroja na drugoj strani, smatraju da je to srpski nacionalistički mit za- heroja Đerđa Kastriota Skenderbega) kao i Ramizu Sadiku u Pristini. U stvari, svaka op- ali definitivno dolazimo do zaključka da ne snovan na izvrtanju i prilagođavanju istorije. U simbole buđenja albanske moderne nacional- ština na Kosovu ima sopstvene statue, groblja postoji nijedan heroj niti sećanje koje simboliše skladu sa istorijskim dokazima o Boju na Ko- ne svesti. Za ovo poslednje sveto mesto pred- žrtava i memorijalne parkove. Na tim mestima neku zajedničku vrednost. Štaviše, postojeći sovu, albanski istoričari, i ne samo oni, tvrde stavlja spomenik Prizrenske Lige, muzejski organizovala su se godišnja okupljanja u čast spomenici na Kosovu, i novi i stari, služe na- da to nije bila samo srpska bitka protiv Turaka kompleks u gradu Prizrenu. Tu je 1878. održan heroja, žrtvi i pobede revolucije. stavljanju rata simbola između dve zajednice. već da je to bio sukob udruženih hrišćanskih istorijski kongres albanskih vođa, na kome je Glavno bojno polje u toj podeli sećanja utiče snaga sa Balkana u kome su učestvovali i napisan i izdat željeni program za formiranje Na Kosovu je bio najrašireniji kult Crnogorca na istorijsko i versko nasleđe najdavnijih vre- albanski prinčevi. nezavisne albanske države. Bore Vukmirovića i Albanca Ramiza Sadikua, mena isto koliko i na nasleđe skorije prošlosti. dvojice prijatelja i vođa komunističkog pokreta Srbi srednjevekovne crkve i manastire na Ko- Kao što smo već rekli, podele i konflikti oko iz Peći, koji su zajedno pogubljeni u Landovici Ono što Srbi žele da slave kao sveta mesta sovu smatraju nekom vrstom istorijskog pose- Kosova u poslednja dva veka nisu ostavili blizu Prizrena 14. aprila 1943. Istorija muče- jesu srednjevekovni manastiri, pre svih Pećka da koji garantuje suverenitet Srbije na Kosovu. prostor za stvaranje sećanja i spomenika koji ništva predavala se po školama na Kosovu i Patrijaršija, koja predstavlja istorijsko sedište Albanski zapisi i istoriografija suprotstavljaju bi bili simbol zajedničkog života ili bilo koje pominjana je u javnom diskursu kad god je to

26 bilo moguće kao primer internacionalizacije, men-kompleksi kao što je onaj u Caralevu i Bila Klintona predstavlja primer spomenika bratstva i jedinstva. Mnoge škole, institucije i Landovici. Groblja žrtava u Prištini nisu više u lošeg kvaliteta, koji je bio izložen javnoj kritici. ulice bile su nazvane po Bori i Ramizu – kao funkciji, sada su tamo sahranjene neke žrtve Od umetničke zajednice nisu tražili da ponudi što je veliki sportski, kulturni i trgovinski kom- iz poslednjeg rata na Kosovu. Na jednom delu ideje kada se radilo na ovom spomeniku. I pleks koji je sagrađen 70tih godina u centru sahranjen je prvi izabrani predsednik Kosova, ostale statue i spomenici svuda na Kosovu Prištine. To je možda bilo poslednje preduzeće Dr Ibrahim Rugova 2006. (u to vreme Kosovo predstavljaju zanimljive primerke umetničkog na Kosovu koje je bilo simbol zvanične koje bilo protektorat UN, a ne nezavisna država.) socijal-realizma, koji pre toga na Kosovu nije munističke politike nekadašnje jugoslovenske Neki drugi spomen-parkovi nacionalnog oslo- postojao. Nakon 1999. ti stilovi su uvezeni iz federacije kada se radi o jednakosti naroda i bodilačkog rata kao što je onaj u centru Prišti- Albanije, gde su predstavljali obavezni sastav- narodnosti. ne ili onaj u Peći neuspešno su minirani ili je ni deo komunističkog vremena, a vajari iz tog zahtevano njihovo uklanjanje, ali oni su se ipak vremena sada rade na Kosovu. Uprkos tog jedinstva bilo je politika prema Ko- održali zahvaljujući međunarodnoj intervenciji. sovu koje su bile kontradiktorne: 50tih i 60tih Ti spomenici su u lošem stanju, ne poklanja S druge strane, spomenici Kosovskih Srba, godina bilo je elemenata progona i kontinuira- im se dovoljno poštovanja i pažnje tako da je koji su nastali za vreme Miloševićeve vlada- ne brutalnosti policije, a istovremeno, kasnih samo pitanje vremena kada će biti uklonjeni. vine, srušeni su nakon rata u mestima gde 60tih i 70tih godina to jedinstvo omogućilo je žive pretežno Albanci, a još uvek postoje u Kosovu i Albancima da uživaju široku autono- Nakon 1999. na mestu starih komunističkih srpskim enklavama. Zanimljiv primer pred- miju. Međutim, nakon Titove smrti došlo je do spomenika na Kosovu sagrađene su stotine stavlja spomenik ruskom konzulu Grigoriju povratka na metode policijske brutalnosti, a i spomenika i statua koje nas podsećaju na Stepanoviću Ščerbinu u Mitrovici. Pre rata taj do smanjenja autonomije i do rata 1998-1999. poslednji rat i njegove žrtve. Pored spomenika spomenik stajao je u južnom delu grada koji Nakon promena do kojih je došlo na Kosovu herojima ilegalnog otpora i oslobodilačkog rata sada pripada Albancima. Srušen je 2001. i Srbi krajem 80tih i 90tih godina uništeni su spo- Ademu Jašariju (Prekaz), Zenunu Pajazitu (Pri- su ga ponovo podigli 2007. na severnoj strani menici iz socijalističkih vremena ili se prestalo ština), Agimu Ramadaniju (Gnjilane) i Fehmiju grada koja pripada Srbima. Stoga, dok Albanci sa institucionalnim vođenjem računa o njima. Aganiju (Priština) podizani su i spomenici odaju poštovanje zapadu, Srbi na Kosovu Izgledalo je kao da su Titova ideologija i istorijskim herojima. Primere tih spomenika poštuju Rusiju kao da još uvek žive u vreme obećano bratstvo i jedinstvo praktično nestali predstavljaju spomenik Skenderbegu ispred hladnog rata. preko noći. (Tito je u svakom svom govoru zgrade Vlade i Kosovske Skupštine, spomenici ponavljao: „Bratstvo i jedinstvo jugosloven- poznatim ličnostima kao što su Majka Tereza Možda je potrebno da prođe više vremena da skih naroda moraju se čuvati kao zenica oka.“ (Priština), Bil Klinton (Priština) kao i spomenik bi nastala potreba za zajedničkim spomenici- Nakon njega, međutim, Jugoslavija se raspala zahvalnosti zbog intervencije međunarodnih ma na Kosovu. u seriji bratoubilačkih ratova!). Poštovanje za snaga (spomenik NATO-u u Prizrenu). spomenike revolucije i bratstva i jedinstva takođe je nestalo preko noći. Karakteristika većine tih novih spomenika jeste nedostatak kvaliteta kada se radi o mestu na Čitav niz tih spomenika uništen je, posebno kome su podignuti kao i kada se radi o nji- statue na javnim mestima, ali i veliki spo- hovoj umetničkoj vrednosti. Spomenik u čast

27 the war of symbols: remembrance in kosovo

Shkëlzen Maliqi religious heritage of the most ancient times, to historical evidence of the Battle of Kosovo, the Albanians’ resistance against the Otto- yet the most recent times as well. Albanian historians, and not only they, claim man invaders (built on the cult of the national After a period of several decades in socialist that it wasn’t just a Serbian battle against hero Gjergj Kastriot Skanderbeg) and those Yugoslavia, when memorials in Kosovo tended What Serbs want to commemorate as holy Ottomans, but that it was a confrontation of from the time of the awakening of the Albanian to represent common culture, the dissolution places are the medieval monasteries, most joined Christian forces from the Balkans in modern national revival. For the latter one, a of Yugoslavia in the 1990s also overthrew the notably the Patriarchate of Peja/Peč, which which Albanian Princes participated as well. holy place is the monument of the League of pretended symbolic order of the ‘common is the historical seat of the Serbian Ortho- Prizren, a museum compound in the town of socialist remembrance of the past centuries’. dox Church where the Serbian Patriarch is Serbs consider the medieval churches and Prizren. There in 1878, the historical congress Remembrance in Kosovo radically broke up solemnly ordained. Meanwhile, Kosovo Serbs monasteries in Kosovo as a type of historical of Albanian leaders took place during which just like the political and territorial aspirations (and those in Serbia) give special importance possession that guarantees Serbia’s sover- the desired program for the making of the of the two main ethnic communities in Kosovo, to the Gazimestan Tower, a monument built eignty over Kosovo. Albanian writings and Albanian independent state was written and the Albanians that compose around 88% of in 1952 commemorating the Battle of Kosovo historiography opposes this idea by doubting issued. the population, and the Serbs that make up in 1389. This battle was indeed fatal for the that these churches and monasteries are only less than 10%. The remembrance embodied medieval Serbian kingdom because it marked Serbian in their affiliation. The oldest part of As stated above, divisions and conflicts over by the Albanian memorials does not match the event after which Serbia was occupied by this orthodox heritage reaches back to the Kosovo in the last two centuries have left no any more at any point the Serbian remem- the Ottoman Empire. The modern tradition of Byzantine Empire and points to the occupation space for creating remembrance and monu- brance and memorials. commemorating this battle on St. Vitus Day and rule of Kosovo by Serbs in the 13th and ments that would symbolise a common life, (Serbian: Vidovdan) which is celebrated on the 14th century when Albanians as an indigenous or any particularity of Kosovo that would What Albanians celebrate and commemo- 26th of June has taken on a different mean- population were also Christian. Therefore it is be supported by all the communities liv- rate is rejected by Serbs, and what Serbs ing: the one of return or historical revenge believed that they share at least part of this ing there. Therefore there are no memorials commemorate and celebrate is rejected by because Serbs that gather at the Gazimestan history and tradition. However, on the other from this particular time that are dedicated to Albanians. We could replace the word ‘reject’ Tower say that on this day they commemorate side stands the Islamisation of the majority of the remembrance and mutual respect of all and say ‘hatred’ instead. We wouldn’t be both the will of the brave ones and ‘St. Vitus’ the Albanian population during the Ottoman Kosovars. wrong, but such generalisations are usually Oath’ (Serbian: ‘Vidovdanski Zavet’) which occupation, as well as the long time use of not preferred in describing social phenomena - says: “Kosovo has been, is and will remain this heritage by the Serbian Orthodox Church, Only for a short period of time after the Sec- however, it seems less wrong if it is described Serbian forever.” The loss of Kosovo again which has made this Christian heritage be ond World War, from 1945 until the late 80s, as rejection. This leaves space for a bit of in 1999, when NATO intervened to help end perceived as Serbian. conditions were created for the construction respect for the remembrance and the heroes the Kosovo(-Albanian) - Serbian conflict, has of monuments that aimed at ‘commonality’ of the other side, but we definitely come to revived the myth of ‘St. Vitus’ Oath’ of the re- Despite arguing against Serbian historical and respect by everyone. The Communist the conclusion that no hero or remembrance newed loss that one day will turn into victory. claims, Kosovo’s ideologues do not insist on times under Josip Broz Tito claimed to have exists that symbolises any common value. the common heritage of this Byzantine cultural provided equality for all the nations and Furthermore, existing memorials in Kosovo, For Albanians, on the other hand, the celebra- subsoil but emphasise the special identity em- nationalities living in Yugoslavia. At this time, both new and old ones, serve as a pretext to tion of the lost battle and St. Vitus Day is bodied by symbols from ancient times before many monuments were built in Kosovo that continue the war of symbols between the two meaningless. They consider it to be a Serbian Serbs (or more generally: Slavs) came to the recalled glorious moments of the revolution communities. The main battlefield in this divi- nationalistic constructed myth based on dis- Balkans. These symbols include the ones of and Communism, or those that paid tribute to sion of remembrance affects the historical and tortion and appropriation of history. According the ancient Dardanians, as well as those of the martyrs of the anti-fascist war.

28 The most important monuments were those In spite of this unity, some politics towards Rugova, was buried in 2006 (at that time under The artistic community was not asked for an which commemorate the battles of partisan Kosovo was contradictory: In the 1950s and the UN Protectorate and not an independent idea regarding the building of this monument. brigades in Kosovo, such as the monument 1960s there were elements of persecution and state.) Some other memorials of National Also other statues and monuments built all of partisan miners in Mitrovica. To another continued brutality by the police, but at the Liberation War such as the one in the centre of over Kosovo represent an interesting socialist category of remembrance and commemora- same time, in the late 1960s and the 1970s, Pristina or the one in Peja/Peč have been un- realism art style, which in Kosovo did not exist tions belonged monuments honouring promi- this unity made it possible for Kosovo and Al- successfully mined or their removal has been before. After 1999, these styles started to be nent heroes and martyrs of the anti-fascist banians to enjoy a wider autonomy. However, requested, but they survived mainly thanks imported from Albania, where they used to be war such as the Boro Vukmirović and Ramiz after Tito’s death there was a return to the to international intervention. Knowing that the an obligatory style during the time of Com- Sadiku monument in Pristina. As a matter methods of police brutality, and even to the situation for these monuments is dismal, there munism, and sculptors from that time now are of fact, every municipality of Kosovo had its abrogation of autonomy as well as eventually is lack of respect and care, and it’s only a mat- working in Kosovo. own lapidaries, statues, cemeteries of martyrs the war of 1998-1999. ter of time until they will be removed. and memorial parks. In such places, annual On the other hand, monuments of Kosovo gatherings were organised to commemorate Following the changes that took place in After 1999, in the places of the old Communist Serbs that were established in the time the heroism, sacrifice of the martyrs and the Kosovo by the end of the 1980s and 1990s, monuments, some hundreds of monuments of Milosevic’s ruling were removed after victory of the revolution. the monuments of socialist times were and statues were built in Kosovo that remind the war in those places where Albanians destroyed or left without respect and institu- us of the last war and its martyrs. Besides dominate, whereas they still exist within the In Kosovo, most widespread was the cult of tional care. It seemed as if Titos’ ideology and the monuments of the heroes of the illegal Serbian enclaves. An interesting example is the Montenegrin Boro Vukmirović and the Al- promise for brotherhood and unity practi- resistance and the KLA war, Adem Jashari the monument to the Russian consul Grigorije banian Ramiz Sadiku, two friends and leaders cally vanished overnight. (Tito used to repeat (Prekaz), Zenun Pajaziti (Pristina), Agim Stepanović Ščerbina in Mitrovica. Before the of the communist movement from Peja/Peč, himself in every speech he made by saying Ramadani (Gjilan) and Fehmi Agani (Pristina), war it used to stand in the southern part of the who were executed together in Landovica near “The unity and brotherhood of the Yugoslavian monuments of historical heroes have been city, which now belongs to Albanians. They Prizren, on the 14th of April, 1943. This history nations must be preserved as the pupils of built as well. Some examples of these are removed it in 2001 and Serbs then reinstated of martyrdom was taught in schools through- the eyes”; meanwhile, after him Yugoslavia the Skanderbeg Monument in front of the the monument in 2007 in the northern side of out Kosovo and mentioned in the public would fall apart in a series of fratricidal wars!). Government and Kosovo Assembly Building, the city, which belongs to Serbs. So, while discourse whenever possible as an example of And also the respect for the monuments of as well as monuments to well known person- Albanians do homage to the West, Serbs of internationalisation, brotherhood and unifica- the revolution and for brotherhood and unity alities such as Mother Teresa (Pristina), Bill Kosovo show respect to Russia, as if still living tion. Many schools, institutions and streets would disappear overnight as well. Clinton (Pristina), and the monument thanking in the time of the Cold War. were named after Boro and Ramiz– such as a the intervening powers (NATO monument in big sports, culture and trade complex that was A number of these monuments were de- Prizren). Perhaps more time is necessary before the built in the 1970s in the centre of Pristina. Yet stroyed, especially statues in public places, need for common monuments is shown in perhaps this was the last enterprise in Kosovo but also big memorial complexes such as Characteristic of the majority of these new Kosovo. that symbolised the official Communist politics the ones of Caraleva and Landovica. Today, monuments is a lack of quality regarding of the former Yugoslav Federation regarding the cemeteries of martyrs in Pristina serve as both the area where they are placed and their the equality of nations and nationalities. final resting places of some of the martyrs of artistic value. The monument honouring Bill the last war in Kosovo. In one part of it, the Clinton is an example of a qualitatively bad first elected President of Kosovo, Dr. Ibrahim monument which has been criticised publicly.

29 povratak u prošlost: spomenici i sećanje u makedoniji

Valentino Dimitrovski suštinska ideologija (tj. dominantan simbolički Kruševu. Mada se promenom socio-političkog bliži pogled na kulturu sećanja u ova dva red), značajna promena desila se i sa kulturom sistema, većina ovih spomenika postepeno perioda otrkiva nekoliko strukturalnih razlika, Prvobitna funkcija i poruka spomenika je da spomenika, naročito poslednjih par godina. zapuštala, čak i zaboravljala i preobratila u koje jasno ukazuju na određenu promenu ne komemoriše prošlost i usmeri sećanje na Ne radi se o tome da su spomenici podignuti neme svedoke i ostatke prošlog vremena. samo u ideološko-političkom okruženju i kul- ključne prekretnice u istoriji jedne zajednice. tokom socijalizma danas izgubili značaj pred Njihova prvobitna namena je izbledela i turnom kontekstu, nego i u karakteru izvesnih Preciznije, ova jedinstvena funkcija komemo- dominantnom ideološkom metanaracijom ili jedva da utiče na trenutne socio-političke ili „komemorisanih“ identiteta. risanja trenutaka iz zvanične isoriografske kulturom sećanja. Kako bilo, usled multidimen- istoriografske diskurse. Ovaj negativni trend meta-narative nacionalne i državne zajednice zionalnosti spomenika (u značenju, simbolici, zapostavljanja spomenika iz prošlosti može Tokom ere socijalizma, upotreba spomenika pretvara spomenike u instrumente i izlaže ih estetici i upotrebi prostora), oni nisu podložni biti delimično objašnjen činjenicom da su se imala je za cilj komemoraciju ili upućivanje diktatu dominantnog ideološkog simboličkog instrumentalizaciji u okviru trenutnog istorio- ljudi umorili od kulture spomenika u prošle na više slojeva identiteta. Pored nacional- reda. Ovaj ideološki diktat usmerava i grafskog diskursa u Makedoniji. Danas su ovi dve decenije. Došlo je do značajnog pada u nog sloja, postojala su još dva: prvi u vezi uobličava sećanje, ponovo procenjuje značaj socijalistički spomenici predmeti marginal- broju novo podignutih spomenika u poređenju sa aspiracijama za socio-političku slobodu u istorijskih događaja i obrađuje ih u jedan kom- izacije, napuštanja, zapuštenosti, i često većeg sa vremenom socijalizma kada je građeno istorijskom kontinuitetu, drugi vezan za diskurs paktan narativ. Na taj način, verovanje društva uništavanja zubom vremena ili vandalizmom. mnoštvo spomenika. Za istoriografiju i širu o univerzalističkom humanizmu, sa porukom u neprikosnovenu i neproblematičnu prirodu Suprotno tome, niz novih spomenika podignut kulturnu javnost u Makedoniji danas, ovi koja prevazilazi vremenska, socio-kulturna kao socio-kulturnih i etno-nacionalnih izgrađenih je prošlih godina – najviše u makedonskoj spomenici predstavljaju ideološke diskurse i nacionalna ograničenja i stereotipe. Mada struktura usađenih u simbolički red diktirajući prestonici, Skopju – što je u vezi sa trenutnim proteklog vremena i asociraju i sastavni su je većina spomenika podignutih nakon što smisao i prošlost i budućnost su ojačani. Time istoriografskim diskursom kojim dominira i koji deo političkog sistema koji je prevagnuo kada je Makedonija dobila nezavisnost, a naročito spomenici nisu tema tumačenja aktualne je ispolitizovan jednodimenzionalnim etno- su oni stvarani. Delimična izmena istorio- tokom nekoliko prošlih godina, smanjena na istorije, već sredstva za ideološku ponovnu centrizmom. U okviru ove kulture spomenika grafskih paradigmi danas značajno utiče na jedan sloj identiteta koji za cilj ima „komemo- kreaciju prošlosti i istorije. Oni su instrumental- (sećanja), gde su prethodno postojale uni- doživljavanje ovih spomenika. raciju“ ili „građenje“ nacionalnog identiteta u izovani da bi se stvorila neprikosnovena velika verzalne vrednosti (i u značenju, i u simbolici skladu sa dominantnim metanarativom koji se priča istorijskog razvoja nacije i države, bez radova) nestali su. Zamenio ih je novokom- Kultura spomenika, kao estetska disciplina i proteže iz prošlosti do današnjeg dana. obzira na kompleksnost i osobine objektivnih ponovani monumentalni folklor baziran na socio-kulturni fenomen, trajno je usmerena ka prilika i aktualnih dešavanja u prošlosti. rigidnim, prividnim, kolektivnim narativima kao komemoraciji i/ili stvaranju određenih iden- S obzirom da Makedonija nije imala ulogu ni i na neshvatljivoj retrogradnoj estetici. titeta. Glorifikacija i manipulacija identitetima u jednom od glavnih konflikata koji su usledili Ovakva ideološka instrumentalizacija karak- prisutna je tokom perioda razvoja monumen- nakon raspada Jugoslavije, nije došlo do teristika je kulture spomenika na zapadnom Danas, prvobitna namera spomenika iz vre- talne umetnosti u Makedoniji. U tom smislu, značajnih manifestovanja otvorenog nasilja ili Balkanu. To se odnosi i na Makedoniju, gde je mena kada su podignuti bila je značajno potis- ne može biti napravljena značajna distinkcija netolerancije prema spomenicima iz prošlosti. postojala bliska veza između ideološki dikti- nuta i gurnuta na margine javne svesti. Samo između kulture spomenika od II Svetskog Nešto što više zabrinjava u vezi sa situacijom rane istoriografije i upotrebe spomenika tokom najvažniji spomenici stvoreni u vreme socijal- rata do dana kada je Republika Makedonija spomenika podignutih tokom ere socijalizma jednopartijskog komunizma nakon II Svetskog izma poseduju specifični kompleks značenja zadobila nezavisnost 1991. pa do dana je to što su zapušteni, napušteni i o njima se rata, i u pluralističkom političkom okruženju i poruka koji je i danas relevantan zbog današnjeg. Tokom oba perioda, korpus nacio- nedovoljno brine kao tvorevinama, od kojih su od 1991. do dana današnjeg. S obzirom da njihove univerzalnosti (na pr. „Grobnica za nalnog identiteta bila je dominantna ideološka neke značajno doprinele razvoju monumen- se društveni sistem promenio, a sa njim i nepobeđene“ u Prilepu ili „Memorijal Ilinden“ u odlika, koja je definisala sećanje. Kako god, talne umetnosti Jugoslavije. Istaknutiji spomen

30 kompleksi tog vremena, koje su dizajnirali vatanje i tumačenje ovih spomenika isto je: poznati stvaraoci umetničke scene bivše Ju- striktno uslovljeno etničkim poreklom. Iako golsavije, imali su za cilj veličanje jedinstva, će aktuelni projekat monumentalne „obnove“ multikulturalnosti i slobode. Ta humanistička centra Skopja verovatno obuhvatiti i spo- ideologija napuštena je i zamenjena je kul- menik posvećen drugim nacionalnostima u turom sećanja koja se zasniva na isključivosti Makedoniji, činjenica je da u konceptualnoj nacionalnih paradigmi, ideologiji nacionalnog. ideologiji u pozadini današnje kulture spome- Može se reći da je ova pojava podjednako za- nika u Makedoniji, ne postoje aspiracije prema stupljena u svim društvima formiranim nakon jedinstvu u našoj zemlji što se procesa sećanja raspada Jugoslavije. tiče.

Ono što je specifično za kulturu spomenika u nekoliko proteklih godina je lokalni, makedonski fenomen neobične podele unutar dominantnog etničkog korpusa. Značajan broj novoizgrađenih spomenika podstakao je polemiku vezanu za njihovu opravdanost. Neki od ovih spomenika posvećeni su ličnostima koje po bilo kojoj pouzdanoj domaćoj i svets- koj istoriografiji, ne mogu dvosmisleno biti integrisani u nacionalni identitet: kao kraljevi ili ratne vojskovođe iz antičkih vremena. Ovakva praksa nesumnjivo stvara nepotrebne podele unutar ideološko-političkih, kulturnih i naučnih krugova. Ona nastaje iz određenog vida pro- vincijalizma istoriografskih diskursa i degra- dacije naučnih standarda koja su otpočela u vreme socijalizma.

Još jedna dominantna karakteristika u okviru aktuelne kulture spomenika je jasno raz- likovanje prema etničkom poreklu osobe ili događaja koji komemorišu. To se odnosi na spomenike posvećene ličnostima i događajima i iz makedonske i iz albanske istorije. Prih-

31 back to the past: monuments and remembrance in macedonia

Valentino Dimitrovski communism after the Second World War and considerably suppressed and pushed to the glorification and manipulation of identities has in the pluralistic political environment since margins of public consciousness. Only the been present throughout all development pe- The original function and message of monu- 1991 to the present day. Given that the social most significant monuments created in the riods in monumental art in Macedonia. In this ments is to commemorate the past and to system has changed, and with it the underly- times of socialism possess a specific complex sense, no significant distinction can be made direct memory to key milestones in the history ing ideology (i.e. dominant symbolic order), a of meanings and messages still relevant today between the culture of monuments since the of a community. Precisely this unique function significant change has also occurred regarding due to their universality (e.g. the “Tomb of Second World War to the day the Republic of commemorating moments in the official the culture of monuments, especially in the the Undefeated” in Prilep or “Makedonium / of Macedonia gained its independence in historiographic meta-narrative of the national past few years. It is not that the monuments Ilinden Memorial” in Kruševo). However, along 1991 and until the present day. During both and state community turns monuments into built during socialist times have lost their rele- with the changing socio-political system, most periods, the corpus of national identity was a instruments and exposes them to the dictate vance today to either the dominant ideological of these monuments have gradually been dominant ideological feature, which defined of the dominant ideological symbolic order. meta-narrative or the culture of remembrance. neglected, even forgotten, and turned into remembrance. However, a closer look at the This ideological dictate directs and models However, due to the monuments’ multidimen- mute witnesses, relicts of a time past. Their culture of remembrance in these two periods the memory, (re)evaluates the significance sionality (in meaning, symbolism, aesthetics original intention has faded and hardly influ- reveals several structural differences, which of historical events and works them into one and spatial use), they are not susceptible to ences current socio-political or historiographic clearly point to a certain change not only in compact narrative. In this manner, society’s instrumentalisation within the current historio- discourses. This negative trend of neglecting the ideological-political environment and the belief in the indisputable and unproblematic graphic discourse in Macedonia. Today, these monuments from previous times can partly be cultural context, but also in the character of nature of socio-culturally and ethno-nationally socialist monuments are subject to margin- explained by the fact that people have grown certain “commemorated” identities. constructed structures embedded in the sym- alization, abandonment, neglect, and often tired of a culture of monuments over the past bolic order dictating the sense both of the past also to significant devastation by the ravages two decades. There has been a significant During the socialist era, the use of monuments and the future is strengthened. Thus monu- of time or vandalism. In contrast, a series of drop in the number of new monuments built aimed at commemorating or making reference ments are not so much points for interpreting new monuments have been created in recent compared to socialist times when a variety to several identity layers. Besides the national actual history, but rather tools for the ideologi- years – most notably in Macedonia’s capital, of monuments were built. For historiography layer, two additional layers existed: the first cal recreation of the past and of history. They Skopje – which relate to the current historio- and the wider cultural public in Macedonia related to aspirations to socio-political free- are instrumentalised to create an indisputable graphic discourse dominated and politicised today, these monuments represent ideological dom in a historical continuity; the second to grand story of the historical development of by one-dimensional ethnocentrism. Within this discourses of a time past and are associated a discourse on universalistic humanism, with the nation and of the state, irrespective of the culture of monuments (and remembrance), with and integrated into the political system messages that surpass temporal, socio-cultur- complexity and character of objective circum- previously existing universal values (both in the that prevailed when they were created. The al as well as national limitations and stereo- stances and actual occurrences in the past. meaning and symbolism of the works) have partial shift in historiographic paradigms today types. However, most of the monuments built disappeared. They have been replaced by a significantly influences the experience of these after Macedonia gained its independence, Such ideological instrumentalisation is char- newly-composed monumental folklore based monuments. and especially over the past few years, were acteristic of the culture of monuments in the on rigid, illusory collective narratives as well as mainly reduced to one identity layer aimed at Western Balkans. It also applies to Macedo- incomprehensible retrograde aesthetics. The culture of monuments, both as an aesthet- “commemorating” or “constructing” a national nia, where a close bond has existed between ic discipline and a socio-cultural phenomenon, identity according to a dominant meta-narra- ideologically dictated historiography and the Today, the original intention of monuments is permanently directed towards commemo- tive that reaches from ancient times until the use of monuments both during single-party from the time they were built has been rating and/or creating certain identities. The present day.

32 Given that Macedonia was not a part of any of sary divisions within the ideological-political, the major conflicts following the break-up of cultural and scientific sphere. It arose, how- Yugoslavia, there have not been any signifi- ever, from a certain type of provinciality of cant manifestations of open violence or intol- historiographic discourses and degradation erance towards monuments in the past. More of scientific standards that already began in worrying about the situation of monuments socialist times. built during the socialist era is the silent neglect, abandonment and lack of care for those A further dominant characteristic within the creations, some of which were significant current culture of monuments is the clear contributions to the development of monu- differentiation according to the ethnic origin mental art in Yugoslavia. The more significant of the person or event commemorated. This complex monuments of that time, designed concerns monuments dedicated to personali- by renowned authors of the ex-Yugoslav art ties and events both from Macedonian and scene, aimed at glorifying unity, multicultural- Albanian history. The reception and interpre- ism and freedom. This humanistic ideology tation of these monuments is the same: it is has since been abandoned and replaced by strictly conditioned by the ethnic origin. Even a culture of remembrance that focuses on though the current project of monumental “re- the exclusiveness of the national paradigms, vamp” of Skopje’s centre will probably include the ideology of the national. One could say a monument dedicated to other nationalities that this phenomenon is equally present in in Macedonia, there is no doubt that in the all societies formed after the disintegration of conceptual ideology behind today’s culture of Yugoslavia. monuments in Macedonia, there is no aspira- tion towards unity in our country as far as the What is specific to the culture of monuments process of remembrance is concerned. in the past few years is a local, Macedonian phenomenon of unusual division within the dominant ethnic corpus. A significant number of the newly built monuments have prompted controversy regarding their justification. Some of these monuments are dedicated to personalities who, according to any reliable local and world historiography, cannot be unambiguous- ly integrated within the national identity: such as monarchs and war generals from antiquity. This practice undoubtedly creates unneces-

33 promenljivo lice sećanja fotografije

Komentare na spomenike napisali su autori iz različitih akademskih oblasti. Iako su pažljivo skicirani, tekstovi predstavljaju autorovo gledište koje ne odražava nužno i mišljenje forumZFD-a ili njegovih kooperaci- onih partnera. Kako god, cilj izložbe je da omogući i unapredi razmenu različitih pogleda, mišljenja i perspektiva.

Bosna i Hercegovina Dr Senadin Musabegović (sa Andreom Baotić)

Hrvatska Dr Vjeran Pavlaković

Kosovo Shkëlzen Maliqi

Makedonija Valentino Dimitrovski

Srbija Mirjana Peitler-Selakov

34 the changing face of remembrance photographs

The comments for the monuments were written by authors from different academic fields. Even though carefully drafted, the texts represent their authors’ points of view which do not necessarily reflect the opinion of forumZFD or its cooperation partners. However, the aim of the exhibition is also to allow and promote an exchange of different views, opinions and perspectives.

Bosnia and Herzegovina Dr Senadin Musabegović (with Andrea Baotić)

Croatia Dr Vjeran Pavlaković

Kosovo Shkëlzen Maliqi

Macedonia Valentino Dimitrovski

Serbia Mirjana Peitler-Selakov

35 Spomenik u Zaječaru, u istočnoj Srbiji, ko- The monument in Zaječar, in eastern Serbia, memoriše borce Timočke krajine koji su dali commemorates soldiers from the region who živote u Prvom balkanskom ratu (1912.-1913.) gave their lives in the First Balkan War (1912- i Prvom svetskom ratu (1914.-1918.). Otkriven 1913) and the First World War (1914-1918). je u centru grada, kada je obeležavana 100. It was unveiled in the city centre on the 100th godišnjica oslobođenja od turske vlasti. Kao anniversary of the liberation from Ottoman odgovor na prvi i drugi srpski ustanak protiv occupation. As a response to the first and Otomanskog carstva (1804.-1815.), Srbiji je second Serbian uprising against Ottoman rule dodeljen status autonomne pokrajine 1828. To (1804-1815), Serbia was granted the status of je bio važan korak ka punoj nezavisnosti Srbije autonomous principality in 1828. This marked koja je međunarodno priznata na Berlinskom an important step towards Serbia’s full inde- kongresu 1878. pendence which was internationally recognized during the Congress of Berlin in 1878. Interesantno za natpise na spomenicima je da oni često ne tako precizno formulišu kome ili Interestingly, the inscription on the monu- čemu su posvećeni. Tako se i u Zaječarskom ment is not very precise in the formulation of slučaju, pored oslobođenja pominje i ujedi- its dedication. While it mentions the wars for njenje, ali u tekstu ne stoji o čijem je ujedinje- liberation and unity, the inscription does not nju reč. Da li se tu misli na ujedinjenje Srba, say which unity it refers to: the unity of Serbs, Hrvata i Slovenaca u novonastaloj Kraljevini Croats and Slovenians in the Kingdom of Yu- Jugoslaviji (1918.), ili na oslobođenje i ujedi- goslavia (formed in 1918) or the liberation and njenje Srba? Posle Drugog svetskog rata, u unity of Serbs alone? After the Second World novoj socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji spomenik gubi War, in the newly formed socialist Yugosla- na značaju, mada se, u znak sećanja i dalje na via, the monument lost its significance, but it njega polažu venci, i biva posećivan od strane remained a place to lay wreaths and was still 1928. organizacija preživelih ratnika. visited by organizations of veterans. Spomenik palim borcima Timočke krajine u ratovima za oslobođenje i ujedinjenje Kasnije, posle raspada Jugoslavije, spome- Following the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the Lokacija: Zaječar, Srbija nik ponovo dobija na značaju. U devedestim monument once again gained significance: In Vajar: Frano Mengelo Dinčić komemoracije koje se tu održavaju, s jedne the 1990s, celebrations were being held at the Monument to the Fallen Soldiers from the region of strane sećaju na događaje iz XIX veka. Name- place in commemoration of the events from Timok in the Wars for Liberation and Unity ra je da se učvrsti srpski nacionalni identitet, the 19th century. The intention was to strengt- Location: Zaječar, Serbia negujući mit o borbenosti i junaštvu srpskog hen the Serbian national identity by nurturing Sculptor: Frano Mengelo Dinčić naroda u cilju sticanja nacionalne nezavisnoti. the myth of the heroism of the Serbian people in their fight for national independence. Spomenik je renoviran novembra 2008. godine. I danas se svake godine na 9. maj The monument was renovated in November polažu venci na spomenik, ali se ne održavaju 2008. Every year on May 9th, wreaths are laid posebne komemoracije. at the monument, but no special commemorations are taking place any more.

36 Podizanje statue u čast Grguru Ninskom, The building of this statue in honor of Grgur biskupu iz Nina (900.-929.), izazvao je oštru Ninski, Bishop of Nin (900-929), provoked debatu u Splitu u posleratnom periodu. some of the most heated debates in Split Hrvatska istoriografija tradicionalno je during the Interwar period. Croatian historiog- portretisala Grgura Ninskog kao branitelja raphy traditionally portrayed Grgur Ninski as hrvatskog identiteta, zbog njegovog napora a defender of Croatian identity because of his da se glagoljica i staroslovenski jezik umesto efforts to use the Glagolithic script and Old latinskog koristi u verskim obredima, što je Slavic language in religious services instead dovelo do sukoba sa Rimom u kome je Grgur of Latin, leading to a clash with Rome that izgubio. Na taj način, simbolizovao je hrvatski Grgur eventually lost. Thus, he symbolised otpor italijanskoj dominaciji, a 1920-tih bio Croatian resistance to Italian domination, and je čak korišćen kao simbol jugoslovenstva. in the 1920s, was even used as a symbol of 1929., osam metara visoka statua podignuta Yugoslavism. In 1929, the eight meter high na Peristilu u centru Dioklecijanove palate u statue was erected on the Peristyle in the Splitu, uprkos protestima istoričara umetnosti centre of Diocletian’s palace in Split, despite (koji su bili mišljenja da je spomenik pokvario protests from art historians (who thought the arhitektonski prostor) i italijanske zajednice u monument ruined the architectural space) and Dalmaciji (koja je to videla kao direktnu pretnju Dalmatia’s Italian community (who saw it as a italijanskom nasleđu u gradu). direct threat to the Italian legacy in the city).

Sadržaj političkih govora upristojenih prilikom The content of the political speeches given ceremonije otkrivanja otvoreno pokazuje da during the unveiling ceremony clearly indicate je spomenik razgraničio hrvatsku teritoriju i that the monument demarcated Croatian ter- predstavio pobedu nad italijanskim pretenzi- ritory and represented a victory over Italian jama u istočnom Jadranu. Tokom italijanske pretensions in the Eastern Adriatic. During okupacije Splita u II Svetskom ratu, vlasti su the Italian occupation of Split in the Second uklonile spomenik i isekle ga na komade, koji World War, the authorities removed the monu- su sačuvani u skladištu. 1950., komunističke ment and had it cut into pieces, which were vlasti restaurirale su spomenik, ali su ga posta- preserved in a storage facility. In the 1950s, 1929. vile van zidina Dioklecijanove palate. Danas the communist authorities restored the monu- Spomenik je statua oslobođena političkih kontraverzi, ali ment, but placed it outside of the walls of Grguru Ninskom je ipak zadržala auru misterioznosti: lokalno Diocletian’s palace. Today the statue has been Lokacija: stanovništvo trlja nožni palac Grgura Ninskog stripped of political controversy, but retains Split, Hrvatska za sreću. an aura of mysteriousness: locals rub Grgur Vajar: Ninski’s big toe for good luck. Ivan Meštrović Monument to Grgur Ninski Location: Split, Croatia Sculptor: Ivan Meštrović

37 Ova statua je jedan od prvih spomenika posve- The statue is one of the first monuments dedica- ćenih Petru II Petroviću Njegošu (1813.-1851.), ted to Petar II Petrović-Njegoš (1813-1851), Serbi- srpskom vladiki i vladaru Crne Gore, te poznatom an Othodox prince-bishop and ruler of Montene- pjesniku, najpoznatijem po poemi ‘Gorski vijenac’. gro as well as a well-known poet, most famous Podigao ga je srpski književnik i diplomat, Jovan for the epic ‘The Mountain Wreath’ (Gorski vije- Dučić, kao zadužbinu svom rodnom gradu Trebi- nac). The statue was funded by Serbian writer and nju u sjeveroistočnoj Hercegovini. diplomat Jovan Dučić as a legacy to his home town Trebinje in south-eastern Herzegovina. Prema Dučićevim zamislima je kip Njegošu trebao biti jedan od brojnih u aleji srpskih pjesnika i Dučić originally envisioned the statue of Njegoš to umjetnika. Kako ta ideja nije realizirana, Dučić je be one of numerous statues on an alley lined with poklonio statuu kako bi bila postavljena u gradski Serbian poets and artists. Since the idea was not park u sjećanje na značaj koje je Njegoševo delo realised, Dučić donated the statue to be part of imalo na jugoslovensku ideologiju. Kako je i sam a city park in commemoration of the significance kralj Aleksandar I Karađorđević, vladar Kraljevine Njegoš’s work had for Yugoslav ideology. On the Jugoslavije, povodom otkrivanja spomenika napi- occasion of the monument’s inauguration, king sao, ‘’Trebinje je rađalo heroje, naučnike i pesni- Aleksandar I Karađorđević, ruler of the Kingdom ke, tri najčistije kapi čovekove. Taj istorijski grad of Yugoslavia, wrote: “Trebinje gave birth to je oduvek mala, ali gorda predstraža Otadžbine i heroes, scientists and poets, three purest types of vredni čuvar vere u naš ideal i našu misiju’’. man. This historical town has always been a small but proud vanguard of the homeland and a valua- Premda je spomenik stavljao težište na kulturni ble guardian of faith in our ideal and our mission.” značaj Njegoševog književnog djela, u njemu su kasnije prepoznavani isključivo ‘prosrpski’ The monument, albeit focusing the cultural signi- elementi. Tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata, kada je ficance of Njegoš’s literary work, was soon per- Trebinje bilo dio Nezavisne države Hrvatske, koja ceived as being exclusively ‘pro-Serbian’. During 1934. je bila neprijateljski raspoložena prema srpskom the Second World War, when Trebinje was part Spomenik Petru II Petroviću-Njegošu stanovništvu, Njegoševa je statua kao, ‘čuvar of the ‘Independent State of Croatia’ which was Lokacija: Trebinje, Bosna i Hercegovina tradicije i srpskog duha,’ bila skinuta s postolja i hostile towards the Serbian population, the statue Vajar: Toma Rosandić obješena o drvo a navodno ju je spasio općinski of Njegoš, considered a ‘guardian of tradition and Monument to Petar II Petrović-Njegoš predsjednik Muho Resulbegović naredivši da se the Serbian spirit’, was taken off its pedestal and Location: Trebinje, Bosnia-Herzegovina odloži u podrum vatrogasnog doma. hung on a tree. Allegedly, the head of the Trebinje Sculptor: Toma Rosandić municipality, Muho Resulbegović, had it hidden in Statua je vraćena na svoje mjesto gdje je nakon the basement of a fire station. rata koegzistirala sa novopodignutim spomenič- kim bistama posvećenim herojima Narodnooslo- After the war, the statue was reinstated at its origi- bodilačke borbe. Mnoge od ovih bisti uklonjene nal place. It used to stand among busts dedicated su ili uništene tijekom devedesetih godina. U to heroes of the National Liberation War that were posljednje vrijeme obnavljaju se biste heroja NOB- built in the park after the war. Many of these busts a, ali tek onih za koje se vjeruje da su bili srpske were removed or damaged during the 1990s. nacionalnosti. Recently, the restoration of some of these busts has begun, but only regarding those dedicated to heroes believed to be of Serbian nationality.

38 Spomenik je posvećen Đorđu Petroviću, The monument is dedicated to Djordje koga su Turci zvali Karađorđe (turski: ‘crni Petrović (1762-1817), known by the Ottomans Đorđe’), bio je vođa Prvog srpskog ustanka as Karadjordje (Turkish: ‘Black Djordje’), who (1804.-1813.) protiv Otomanskog carstva i was the leader of the First Serbian Upris- rodonačelnik dinastije Karađorđevića. Spo- ing (1804-1813) against Ottoman rule and menik dominira centrom Topole, varošicom representative of the Karadjordjević dynasty. u centralnoj Srbiji koju je Đorđe izgradio u The monument dominates the city centre of periodu od 1811. do 1813. godine, koja je u Topola, a small town in central Serbia which narodu poznata i kao Karađorđev grad. Prika- Karadjordje built from 1811 until 1813 and zan je u pozi pobednika sa sabljom položenom which is known as the ‘City of Karadjordje’. He uz telo u desnoj ruci i ustavnom poveljom u is portrayed in the pose of a winner resting his levoj. Sablja seća na onu koju mu je ruski car right hand on a sabre and holding a consti- Aleksandar I poslao još na početku ustanka, a tutional charter in his left hand. The sabre koja je nosila posvetu: „Braniocu pravoslavne resembles the one he received from the Rus- vere i otečestva“. Povelja predstavlja ustavne sian Tsar Alexander I at the beginning of the reforme koje je Karađorđe uveo u Srbiji tokom uprising as the “defender of the Orthodox faith ranog XIX veka. and fatherland.” The charter represents the constitutional reforms Karadjordje introduced Tokom socijalističke Jugoslavije, sećanje na in Serbia during the early 19th century. Karađorđa i njegovu istorijsku ulogu se nešto posebno ne neguje. Nestankom Jugoslavije, In socialist Yugoslavia, commemorations for odavanjem državnih i vojnih počasti ispred Karadjordje and his historical role came to a Karađorđevog spomenika u Topoli, obeležava halt. Ever since the disintegration of Yugosla- se Dan državnosti Srbije 15. februara, via, state and military tributes in front of the godišnjica Prvog srpskog ustanka 1804. i monument in Topola mark the National Day of donošenje prvog srpskog ustava Kneževine Serbia every year on February 15th, the day Srbije koji je stupio na snagu 1835. Tako isto- when the First Serbian Uprising began in 1804 rijski lik ‘srpskog Vožda’ Karađorđa doprinosi and when the first Serbian constitution (of the učvršćivanju kolektivnog identiteta. Principality of Serbia) came into effect in 1835. Thus the historical character of the ‘Serbian Duke’ Karadjordje contributes to the strengthening of a collective Serbian identity.

1938. Spomenik Đorđu Petroviću ‘Karađorđu’ Lokacija: Topola, Srbija Vajar: Petar Palavičini Monument to Djordje ‘Karadjordje’ Petrović Location: Topola, Serbia Sculptor: Petar Palavičini

39 1948. Spomenik Titu Lokacija: Kumrovec, Hrvatska Vajar: Antun Augustinčić Monument to Tito Location: Kumrovec, Croatia Sculptor: Antun Augustinčić

40 Spomenik Titu u selu Kumrovec, rodnom mestu The monument of Tito in the village of Kumro- jugoslovenskog lidera, je jedna od najreprezen- vec, the Yugoslav leader’s birthplace, is one tativnijih statua njemu posvećenih, pokazuje ga of the most iconic statues dedicated to him na vrhuncu snage kao komandanta partizan- and shows him in the prime of his life as the skog pokreta otpora, što je snažna komponenta commander of the Partisan resistance move- Titovog kulta ličnosti koji je počeo da buja ment, which functioned as a powerful compo- posle 1945. Kopije ovog spomenika nalaze se nent of Tito’s cult of personality that flourished u drugim bivšim jugoslovenskim republikama. after 1945. Copies of the monument can also Kumrovec je služio kao značajno mesto sećanja be found in other former Yugoslav republics. tokom socijalističke Jugoslavije. 1981. Savez Kumrovec functioned as an important site of re- komunista Hrvatske otvorio je političku školu u membrance during socialist Yugoslavia. In 1981, tom mestu da bi obučavao svoj kadar. the League of Communists of Croatia opened a political school in the village to train its cadres. Posle 1990. Kumrovec gubi svoj politički karakter i pre svega funkcioniše kao etnografski After 1990, Kumrovec lost its political charac- seoski muzej koji oslikava život u devetnaestom ter, and primarily functions as an ethnographic veku. Međutim, u poslednjoj deceniji opet mu se village museum depicting life in the nineteenth vratio stari sjaj kao mesto okupljanja tzv. Tito- century. However, in the last decade it has once nostalgičara, naročito za vikend oko 25. maja, again flourished as a gathering spot for so- nekada zvaničnog praznika za Titov rođendan. called Tito-nostalgics, especially on the closest weekend to 25 May, once an official holiday for U decembar 2004. nepoznate osobe aktivirale Tito’s birthday. su eksplozivnu napravu kod spomenika i totalno ga uništile. Mnogi su sumnjali da je akcija In December 2004, unknown persons detona- ‘odmazda’ zbog odluke vlade da pod pritiskom ted an explosive device next to the monument, Evropske unije ukloni dva ustaška spomenika destroying it completely. Many suspected that ranije te iste godine. Spomenik je ubrzo restauri- the action was ‘retribution’ for the government’s ran i ostaje centralno mesto okupljanja, zatrpan decision to remove two Ustaša monuments vencima i cvećem, tokom majske komemoracije. earlier in the year under pressure from the European Union. The monument was quickly restored and remains a central gathering spot, buried in wreaths and flowers, during the May commemoration.

41 25 metara visoku Gazimestan kulu (‘Spome- The 25 metre tall Gazimestan (‘Place of He- nik kosovskim junacima’) izgradio je 1953. roes’) Tower was built in 1953 by the Serbian srpski arhitekta Aleksandar Deroko. Slavi architect Aleksandar Deroko and commemo- uspomenu na ‘Kosovski boj’ 1389. Nalazi se u rates the ‘Battle of Kosovo’ in 1389. It stands blizini Prištine na mestu gde se, po svoj prilici, near Pristina in the area where the battle pre- odigrala bitka. Kula je iznutra ukrašena sti- sumably took place. On the inside, the tower is hovima epskih pesama posvećenih boju koji je decorated with the words of epic songs dedi- vođen između Turaka predvođenih Sultanom cated to the battle fought between Ottoman Muratom I i hrišćanskih snaga sa celog Bal- forces led by Sultan Murat I and Christian forc- kana kojima je komandovao srpski car Lazar es from throughout the Balkans commanded Hrebeljanović. Po završetku bitke, oba vladara by Serbian prince Lazar Hrebeljanović. By the su ubijena. To se uzima kao ključni događaj end of the battle, the leaders of both sides nakon koga je Otomansko carstvo vladalo were killed. It is considered the key event after Balkanom skoro 500 godina. which the Balkans were occupied by the Otto- man Empire for almost 500 years. Proteklih godina, Gazimestan je postao kultno mesto za mnoge Srbe, naročito posle juna In recent years, Gazimestan has become a cult 1989. kada je proslavljeno 600 godina od place for many Serbs, especially after June srednjevekovnog boja. Slobodan Milošević, 1989, when the 600th anniversary of medieval tadašnji predsednik Socijalističke Republike battle was celebrated. Slobodan Milošević, Srbije kao deo jugoslovenske federacije, orga- at the time president of the Socialist Republic nizovao je veliku ceremoniju kojoj su prisust- of Serbia as part of the Yugoslav federation, vovale stotine hiljada Srba. U glavnom govoru, organised a big ceremony which was attended Milošević je potkrepio srpsko istorijsko pravo by hundred thousands of Serbs. In a major nad Kosovom. speech, Milošević reinforced Serbia’s historic 1953. claim over Kosovo. Posle NATO intervencije na Kosovu 1999, Memorijalni spomenik ‘Kosovska bitka’ u 1389. kula Gazimestan je pod protektoratom trupa After NATO’s intervention in Kosovo 1999, the Lokacija: Gazimestan, Kosovo KFOR-a, a od proglašenja nezavisnosti 2008. Gazimestan Tower was under protection of Skulptor: Aleksandar Deroko čuva ga kosovska policija. Srbi se i dalje KFOR troops, and since Kosovo’s declaration Memorial to the ‘Battle of Kosovo’ in 1389 okupljaju za Vidovdan, ali su to uglavnom male of independence in 2008, it has been watched Location: Gazimestan, Kosovo grupe koje nadgleda policija. Mnogi kosovski over by the Kosovo Police. Serbs still gather Sculptor: Aleksandar Deroko Albanci kritikuju to što spomenik slavi uspo- there for St Vitus Day (Serbian: Vidovdan), but menu samo na srpske junake u boju – kao što usually they are small groups supervised by je Miloš Obilić, vitez koji je po legendi ubio the police. Many Kosovo-Albanians criticise Sultana Murata i koga Srbi smatraju junakom. that the monument commemorates only Međutim, vojska koju je predvodio car Lazar Serbian heroes of this battle – such as Miloš sastojala se od ratnika sa celog Balkana, Obilić, the knight who according to the legend uključujući i albanske prinčeve. killed Sultan Murat and who is considered a national hero by Serbs. However, the army led by prince Lazar was comprised of fighters from throughout the Balkans, also including Albanian princes.

42 Ovaj spomenik je posvećen Crnogorcu Bori This monument is dedicated to the Montenegrin Vukmiroviću (1912.-1943.) i Albancu Ramizu Boro Vukmirović (1912-1943) and the Albanian Sadiku (1915.-1943.), dvojici prijatelja i najcenje- Ramiz Sadiku (1915-1943), two friends and nijih heroja antifašističke narodnooslobodilačke most respected heroes of the antifascist Natio- borbe u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Nalazi se u gradskom nal Liberation Movement in former Yugoslavia. parku u Prištini, gde je podignut 1961. It is located in the town park of Pristina, where it was installed in 1961. Boru i Ramiza ubili su italijanski vojnici aprila 1943. nakon što su ih uhvatili dok su putovali Boro and Ramiz were killed by Italian soldiers iz Đakovice za Prizren. Jedna od legendi koje in April 1943 after they were captured while kruže u vezi sa njihovom smrću kaže da su itali- travelling from Gjakova to Prizren. One of the janski vojnici i albanske brigade koje su uhvatile legends surrounding their death states that the obojicu ponudile Ramizu Sadiku da pobegne i Italian soldiers and Albanian brigades that cap- spase se, ali je on odbio da se odvoji od svog tured the two offered Ramiz Sadiku to escape ratnog druga i prijatelja Bore. Mučenička smrt and save himself, but he refused to part with his Albanca uz Slovena (Boro Vukmirović bio je sin comrade-in-arms and friend Boro. This martyr’s Crnogorca iz Peći) postala je simbol ‘bratstva death of an Albanian next to a Slav (Boro i jedinstva’ albanskog i srpsko-crnogorskog Vukmirović was the son of a Montenegrin man stanovništva. from Peja/Peč) became a symbol of ‘brotherhood and unity’ of the Albanian and Serb-Monte- 1999. tokom naleta uklanjanja i uništavanja negrin population. spomenika iz komunističkog vremena i ere Miloševića, Borina bista je sklonjena. Tako je In 1999, during a wave of removals and destruc- Ramiz ostao sam i ‘sačuvan’ na način koji je tions of monuments from communist times and potpuno suprotan originalnoj priči drugarstva the Milosević era, the bust of Boro was taken 1961. koje prelazi etničke granice. Politička poruka down. Thus Ramiz has been left alone and koja stoji iza uništavanja spomenika je potkre- ‘saved’ in a way which completely contradicts Spomenik Bori Vukmiroviću i Ramizu Sadiku pljena činjenicom da do danas nijedna zvanična the original narrative of comradeship beyond Lokacija: Priština, Kosovo vlast nije naložila popravku spomenika i da su ethnical borders. The political message behind Vajar: Nepoznat neke škole na Kosovu koje su prvobitno nosile the destruction of this monument is backed by Monument to Boro Vukmirović and Ramiz Sadiku naziv ova dva ‘heroja’, zadržale samo Ramiza u the fact that until today no official authority has Location: Pristina, Kosovo svom nazivu. ordered the repair of the monument and that Sculptor: Unknown some schools in Kosovo which had initially been named after these two ‘heroes’, kept the name of Ramiz but removed the name of Boro.

43 1961. ‘Prekinut Let’ – Park Šumarice Lokacija: Kragujevac, Srbija Vajar: Miodrag Živković ‘Interrupted Flight’ – Park Šumarice Location: Kragujevac, Serbia Sculptor: Miodrag Živković

44 Spomenik, deo spomen parka ‘Kragujevački The monument is part of the memorial park oktobar’, seća na oko 7000 građana Kra- ‘October of Kragujevac’ which commemorates gujevca streljanih od strane Vermahta u the around 7000 citizens of Kragujevac who Šumaricama pored Kragujevca u centralnoj were executed by the German Wehrmacht Srbiji u oktobru 1941. godine. in the area of Šumarice, near Kragujevac in central Serbia, in October 1941. Spomenik ‘Prekinut let’ posvećen je streljanim đacima i profesorima, preko 300 njih, koji su The monument ‘Interrupted Flight’ is specifi- bili među žrtvama. Ljudi su ga zvali ‘Razred cally dedicated to the more than 300 pupils V3’ kao simbol mnogo razreda srednje škole and teachers who were among the victims. u Šumaricama koji su streljani. Za vajara, People used to call it ‘Class V3’ in reference Miodraga Živkovića ono predstavlja „raspuklu to one of the many classes from the second- kamenu gromadu, koja je pokušala da se ary school in Šumarice that were executed. uzdigne kao ptica, a ostala je zauvek tu, u For the sculptor of the monument, Miodrag Šumaricama“. Živković, it represents a “broken stone which is trying to fly as a bird. Its flight has been cut Mada je debata o podizanju spomen parka off and it stayed here forever, in Šumarice.“ započeta već 1952. godine, do konačne realizacije je došlo deset godina kasnije. Ova Although a debate regarding the construction činjenica objašnjava se time da se ovde radilo of the memorial park had already started in o sećanju na civilne žrtve, a ne na partizane tj. 1952, it was not realised until ten years later. članove narodnooslobidilačkog pokreta, koji This delay can be explained by the fact that it su imali prednost u procesu kreiranja sećanja is a commemoration of civilian victims and not na Drugi svetski rat. of fallen partisans or members of the national liberation movement both of whom were of- Spomen park Šumarice se i danas, kao i ficially prioritised in the process of creating u vreme socijalističke Jugoslavije redovno memorials related to the Second World War. posećuje. Na njemu se svakog 21.oktobra – na dan Oslobođenja, održava pomen The memorial park in Šumarice has as many žrtvama. Pomen na kragujevačke žrtve zauvek regular visitors today as it had in socialist je sačuvan u poemi ‘Krvava bajka’, koju je Yugoslavia. A commemoration of the victims 1941. napisala srpska pesnikinja Desanka takes place yearly on October 21st, the official Maksimović. Danas su neki od spomenika ‘Day in Remembrance of National Second oštećeni i oskrnavljeni grafitima. 2011. ukraden World War Victims’. The memory of the victims je deo gorionika sa spomenika ‘Večnog in Kragujevac is also preserved in the famouse plamena slobode’. Nedostatak finansijskih poem ‘Bloody Fairytale’ written in 1941 by the sredstava otežava restauraciju spomen parka. Serbian poetess Desanka Maksimović. Today, some of the monuments have been damaged and desecrated by graffiti. In 2011, a part of the torch from the monument ‘Eternal Flame of Freedom’ monument was stolen. A lack of financial funds hinders restoration of the Memorial Park.

45 Spomenik posvećen palim herojima narodno- The monument dedicated to fallen heroes of oslobodilačke borbe podignut je u glavnom the National Liberation Movement was built gradu Kosova, Prištini, 1961. a radio ga je vajar in the capital of Kosovo, Pristina, in 1961 by Miodrag Živković. Nalazi se u jednoj od glavnih sculptor Miodrag Živković. It is located in one of gradskih ulica, između zgrade kosovskog Par- the city’s major avenues, between the Kosovo lamenta i zgrade skupštine grada. Spomenik se Parliament building and the Pristina Municipality sastoji iz dva dela: obeliska visokog 22 metra sa Parliament building. The monument consists tri stuba koji se otvaraju kao buket (ne vidi se na of two parts: a 22 metre tall obelisk with three fotografiji) a skulpura portretiše osam partizan- poles that open like a bouquet (not visible in the skih figura postavljenih deset metara ispred photograph) and a sculpture portraying eight obeliska. Oni stoje na prostranoj četvrtastoj partisan figures placed ten metres in front of ploči na kojoj je nekada bila fontana. the obelisk. They stand on a wide squared plate that once included a fountain. Na jeziku svakodnevice ovaj spomenik se zvao ‘Memorijal bratstvu i jedinstvu’. Treba da simbo- In everyday language this monument was lizuje bratstvo i jedinstvo među Albancima, Srbi- and still is called ‘Memorial of Brotherhood ma i drugim nacionalnostima. 1999. posle NATO and Unity’. It intends to symbolise brotherho- intervencije na Kosovu, pokušaj da se spomenik od and unity between Albanians, Serbs and uništi dinamitom nije uspeo. Kasnije su studenti other nationalities. In 1999, after NATO forces prefarbali partizanske figure motivima zastava intervened in Kosovo, an attempt to damage the zapadnih zemalja koje su podržale nezavisnost monument with dynamite failed. Later, students Kosova. Danas je spomenik prilično oronuo i repainted the partisan figures with the motives zapušten. Opština Prištine planira uskoro da ga of flags of western countries supportive of the ukloni da bi se na tom mestu izgradila podze- independence of Kosovo. Today the monument mna garaža. is considerably dilapidated and not taken care 1961. of. The municipality of Pristina has planned to Spomenik herojima narodnooslobodilačke borbe remove it in the near future in order to build an Lokacija: Priština, Kosovo underground garage in its place. Vajar: Miodrag Živković Monument to Heroes of the National Liberation Movement Location: Pristina, Kosovo Sculptor: Miodrag Živković

46 Sisak zauzima posebno mesto u kulturnom Sisak holds a special place in the cultural sećanju antifašističkog pokreta otpora jer je memory of the antifascist resistance move- tu oformljen prvi partizanski odred u Hrvatskoj ment because it was the location where the 22. juna 1941. Iako mnogi drugi memorijali u first Partisan unit in Croatia was formed on Sisku predstavljaju značajna mesta sećanja 22 June 1941. Although many other memori- – bazni logor za prvi partizanski odred u šumi als throughout Sisak denote important sites Brezovici, centralni Trg narodnog ustanka, i of remembrance – the base camp of the first mesto gde je nekada bio zloglasni logor za Partisan unit in Brezovica Forest, the centrally decu– masivna skulptura Antuna Augustinčića located Square of the People’s Uprising, and dominira centralnim gradskim grobljem. the place where an infamous camp for children had once stood – the massive sculpture Spomenik žrtvama rata sastoji se iz dva dela: by Antun Augustinčić dominates the central velika, trouglasta ‘zastava’ pokrivena mermer- town cemetery. nim pločicama povinuta u vazduh kao brodska krma i manja skulptura koja odslikava dva This monument to the victims of war consists Partizana koji nose ranjenog druga. Poslednju of two parts: a large, triangular ‘flag‘ cov- skulpturu kritikovali su izvesni komunistički ered in marble tiles thrusting into the air like zvaničnici zbog njene sličnosti sa religioznom the prow of a ship, and a smaller sculpture likom Pieta u Augustinčićevom rodnom depicting two Partisans carrying a wounded kraju Zagorje. Kosturnica koja sadrži ostatke comrade. The latter sculpture was criticised by nekoliko narodnih heroja i drugih revolucionara some communist officials because of its simi- nalazi se na stepenicima ispod spomenika larity to the religious Pieta imagery common in zastave. Augustinčić’s native Zagorje region. An ossu- ary containing the remains of several People’s Spomenik je izgubio svoju značajnu Heroes and other revolutionaries is located on 1965. komemorativnu funkciju padom komunizma the steps below the flag monument. Spomenik palim Partizanima i žrtvama fašističkog terora i Jugoslavije 1991, ali podizanje spomenika Lokacija: Sisak, Hrvatska posvećenog Domovinskom ratu neposredno The monument lost its important commemora- Vajar: Antun Augustinčić pored Augustinčićeve skulpture znači da tive function with the collapse of communism Monument to Fallen Partisans and Victims of Fascist Terror ga još uvek posećuju domaće delegacije and Yugoslavia in 1991, but the construction Location: Sisak, Croatia antifašista i veteranske grupe tokom memori- of a monument to the Homeland War imme- Sculptor: Antun Augustinčić jalnih dana. Trenutno je u lošem stanju usled diately next to Augustinčić’s sculpture means dotrajalih stepenika, grafita i otpalih mermernih that it is still visited by local antifascist delega- pločica. tions and veterans’ groups during memorial days. It is currently in bad shape due to crum- bling stairs, graffiti, and fallen marble tiles.

47 1966. Jasenovački cvet Lokacija: Jasenovac, Hrvatska Vajar: Bogdan Bogdanović Jasenovac ‘Stone’ Flower Location: Jasenovac, Croatia Sculptor: Bogdan Bogdanović

48 Memorijalni kompleks Jasenovac ostaje je probuđene ustaške države 1990-tih. Srbi su The Jasenovac memorial complex remains while Serb historians increased the numbers dno od najkontraverznijih mesta sećanja u zauzeli Jasenovac tokom Domovinskog rata one of the most controversial sites of remem- as proof of the genocidal nature of Croats. vezi sa II Svetskim ratom u Hrvatskoj. Nalazi (1991.-1995.) i organizovali komemoraciju čija brance related to the Second World War in Jasenovac and its monument, thus, became se na lokaciji koncentracionog logora koji je je poruka bila da Srbi i Hrvati nikada više neće Croatia. It stands at the location of a concen- key symbols in justifying the Serb rebellion uspostavio ustaški režim. Iako je Jasenovac moći da žive u istoj zemlji. tration camp, established by the fascist Ustaša against an allegedly reawakened Ustaša state mesto Holokausta gde su ubijene hiljade Je regime. Although Jasenovac was a Holocaust in the 1990s. Serbs occupied Jasenovac vreja i Roma, većinu žrtava činili su Srbi koje Posle operacije Oluja (1995.), hrvatska vlada je site where thousands of Jews and Roma were during the Homeland War (1991 – 1995) and su Ustaše progonile. Spomeniku nedostaju uspostavila kontrolu nad Jasenovcem. Jase- killed, the majority of the victims were Serbs organised commemorations whose message verska i nacionalna simbolika, a predstavlja novački cvet je renoviran 2003, a nova stalna persecuted by the Ustaše. The monument was that Serbs and Croats could never again ponovno rađanje i život. Često se pogrešno postavka u muzeju otvorena je 2006. Od 2000, lacks religious or national symbolism and live together in the same state. zove Kameni cvet, jer je naime spomenik hrvatska vlada povratila je značaj komemo- represents rebirth and life. While it is often napravljen od betona. Dopunjen je muzejem i racije da bi privukla pažnju na opasnost od mistakenly called the ‘Stone Flower’, the mo- After Operation Flash (1995), the Croatian drugim spomenicima u blizini koji obeležava- fašizma, ekstremnog nacionalizma i rehabilita- nument is actually constructed from concrete. government restored control over Jasenovac. ju druge logore ili stratišta. Pošto su Ustaše cije Ustaša koja se desila 1990-tih. Zbog toga, It is complemented by a museum and several The Flower Monument was renovated in 2003, uništile prvobitni logor, jasenovački spomenik Jasenovac simbolizuje i unutar hrvatski konflikt other monuments in the surrounding area and a new permanent exhibition in the muse- je dominantni objekat na tom mestu i težišna kontradiktornih politika sećanja. that designated other camps or killing sites. um opened in 2006. Since 2000, the Croatian tačka svih komemorativnih akrivnosti. Since the Ustaše destroyed the original camp, government restored the importance of the the Jasenovac monument is the dominating commemoration in order to draw attention to U Jugoslaviji, stotine hiljada učenika posećiva- structure at the site and the focus point of all the dangers of fascism, extreme nationalism, lo je muzej i vizuelne prikaze ustaških zločina, commemorative activities. and the Ustaša rehabilitation that had taken dok je komemoracija služila da potkrepi zva- place in the 1990s. Therefore, Jasenovac also ničan broj od 700,000 žrtava. 1980, hrvatski In Yugoslavia, hundreds of thousands of symbolises an inner-Croatian conflict of con- istoričari, posebno Franjo Tuđman, ponudili school children visited the museum and its tradicting policies of remembrance. su niže procene u pogledu broja žrtava, jer graphic depictions of Ustaša crimes, while the je verovao da je to korišćeno kao stavljanje commemorations served to reinforce the offi- kolektivne krivice na hrvatski narod, dok su cial number of 700,000 victims. In the 1980s, srpski istoričari povećavali broj kao dokaz za Croat historians, notably Franjo Tuđman, genocidnu prirodu Hrvata. Jasenovac i sam offered much lower estimates in the numbers spomenik, stoga, postali su ključni simboli of victims, which he believed was used to u pravdanju srpske pobune protiv navodne place collective guilt on the Croatian people,

49 1971. Glave narodnih heroja Darinke Radović, Sofije Ristić, Milana Blagojevića Španca i Milana Ilića Čiče Lokacija: Topola, Srbija Vajar: Nepoznat Heads of National Heroes Darinka Radović, Sofija Ristić, 1971. Milan Blagojević Španac and Milan Ilić Čiča Spomenik osnivanju kosmajske brigade Location: Topola, Serbia Lokacija: Kosmaj, Srbija Sculptor: Unknown Vajar: Vojin Stojić Monument to the Founding of the Kosmaj Brigades Location: Kosmaj, Serbia Sculptor: Vojin Stojić

50 30m visok spomenik posvećen palim borci- The 30 metre tall monument is dedicated Spomenik posvećen narodnim herojima iz Dru- The monument dedicated to four national ma kosmajske partizanske brigade, otkriven to the fallen soldiers of the Kosmaj parti- gog svetskog rata, nalazi se u Topoli, varošici u heroes of the Second World War is located in je na tridesetogodišnjicu osnivanja čuvenog san brigades and was unveiled on the 30th centralnoj Srbiji. the central Serbian town Topola. Milan Ilić Čiča partizanskog odreda na vrhu planine Ko- anniversary of the founding of the famous (1886-1942) participated in both the Balkan smaj, u centralnoj Srbiji nadomak Beograda. partisan detachment on the top of Kosmaj hill, Milan Ilić Čiča (1886.–1942.) učestvovao je u wars and the First World War. He was part of Kosmajski narodnooslobodilački partizanski in central Serbia near Belgrade. The partisan balkanskim i Prvom svetskom ratu. On uče- the partisan brigades of Šumadija. In 1944, he odred formiran je u julu 1941. godine, stekao detachment was formed in July 1941 and ear- stvuje i predvodi Odred u mnogim akcijama u was among the first soldiers to be declared a je slavu po učešću u proboju Sremskog fronta, ned fame for its participation in the breakthro- Šumadiji. 1944. godine, među prvim borcima je national hero. Darinka Radović (1896-1943) odbrambene linije koju su držale nemačke i ugh of the ‘Syrmian Front’ (Serbian: Sremski proglašen za narodnog heroja. Darinka Radović and Sofija Ristić (1900-1944) were offering hrvatske snage nadomak Beograda u aprilu Front), a defence line held by German and (1896.–1943.) i Sofija Ristić (1900.–1944.) refuge to partisans in their homes and caring 1945, što je predstavljalo kraj II Svetskog rata Croatian forces near Belgrade, in April 1945 primale su partizane u kuću, a kasnije lečile for both wounded soldiers and leaders of the u Srbiji. which marked the end of the Second World ranjene borce kao i vođe srpskog otpora. Milan Serbian resistance. Milan Blagojević Španac War in Serbia. Blagojević Španac (1905.–1941.) učestvovao (1905-1941) participated in the preparations of Spomenik je bio ne samo mesto održavanja je u pripremama za ustanak i u julu 1941. the uprising and in July 1941 became the first komemoracija nego i rado posećivana izlet- The monument used to be not only a place godine postao je prvi komandant Šumadijskog commander of the Šumadija partisan brigades nička destinacija. Danas se spomenik retko for holding commemorations but also was a partizanskog odreda, koji je razbio okupatorsku who crushed the occupational rule of the area. posećuje, a sam objekat i njegova okolina popular picnic destination. Today only few vlast u Šumadiji. Svo troje ubili su četnici polo- All three of them were killed by Chetniks in the zapušteni su. visitors come and both the monument and its vinom ‘40-tih, a za narodne heroje Jugoslavije mid-1940s and declared national heroes of surrounding have been neglected. proglašeni su posle rata. Yugoslavia after the war.

Spomenik u Topoli posebno značajan po seća- The monument in Topola is especially signifi- nju na žene narodne heroje. U Narodnooslobo- cant for its remembrance of female national he- dilačkoj vojsci Jugoslavije borilo se preko sto roes. In the National Liberation Army more than hiljada žena, od kojih je oko 25.000 poginulo, 100.000 women were fighting, around 25.000 a narodnim herojima proglašena je 91 žena. of whom died, and 91 women were declared Danas je spomenik, sem kao predmet naučnih national heroes. Today, the monument serves istraživanja, vezanih za ulogu žena u narodnoo- only as an object of scientific research regar- slobodilačkoj borbi, zarastao u okolno zelenilo, ding the role of women in the national liberation prilično nezapažen i zaboravljen. battle and has otherwise been forgotten.

51 Spomenik je središnji dio memorijalnog komplek- The monument is the central part of a memorial sa, posvećen žrtvama fašizma i poginulim bor- park dedicated to the victims of fascism and cima Narodnooslobodilačkog rata (1941.-1945.) the fallen soldiers of the National Liberation War iz Sanskog Mosta, na sjeverozapadu Bosne i (1941-1945) from Sanski Most, in the Northwest Hercegovine. of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Brdo Šušnjar, blizu Sanskog Mosta, na kome At the monument’s location, the hill Šušnjar, je podignuto spomen-obilježje, bilo je zapravo near Sanski Most, fascists executed twenty-se- mjesto gde su fašisti strijeljali dvadeset i sedam ven Bosnian Serbs in May 1941 as a warning to bosanskih Srba u maju 1941. kao znak upozore- those who had previously organised a rebellion. The victims were buried at the foot of Šušnjar nja onima koji su ranije organizirali pobunu. Žrtve which would later become a mass grave of su bile sahranjene na podnožju Šušnjara koji će several thousand Serbs who were executed in postati i masovnom grobnicom nekoliko hiljada August 1941. Due to the fact that around Sanski Srba koji su pogubljeni u augustu iste godine. Most also numerous Jews were killed and many Zbog činjenice da su na području Sanskog Mosta soldiers from the area died in the war, the park tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata stradali i brojni was dedicated to all victims, regardless of their Jevreji, te borci koji su svoj život dali u borbi, religious or ethnic affiliation. Memorial plaques spomen-obilježje je posvećeno svim žrtvama, ne- featuring their names award each victim indivi- ovisno o njihovoj vjerskoj ili etničkoj pripadnosti. dual but equal significance. Spomen-ploče s imenima nastradalih svakoj žrtvi During the war of the 1990s, the memorial park dale su pojedinačan, ali i ravnopravan značaj. was subjected to vandalism. When authorities of Po izbijanju ratnih sukoba devedesetih godina the Republika Srpska took control over Sanski memorijalni park doživio je izvjesne transformaci- Most, a cross was erected at the foot of Šušnjar je. Kada su vlasti Republike Srpske preuzele kon- emphasising the Orthodox faith of the victims trolu nad Sanskim Mostom, u podnožju Šušnjara from 1941. Memorial plaques with the names of podignut je krst ističući pravoslavnu vjeru žrtava iz fallen Bošniak and Croat soldiers were removed. 1941. godine. Spomen pločice s imenima strada- This new focus exclusively on crimes committed lih boraca, kako Bošnjaka, tako Hrvata uklonjene against the Serbian population strengthened the nationalist rhetoric and commemorative 1972. su. Ovaj novi fokus memorijalnog parka usmjeren Spomenik žrtvama fašističkog terora i borcima narodnooslobodilačkog practices that occurred with the disintegration of isključivo na zločine počinjene nad srpskim sta- Yugoslavia. The denial of all those victims who rata grada Sanskog Mosta i okoline novništvom jačao je nacionalističku retoriku i ko- were not of Serbian nationality (except for Jews) Lokacija: Šušnjar (Sanski Most), Bosna i Hercegovina memorativne prakse koje su nastupile raspadom intended to separate from Croats and Bošniaks Vajar: Petar Krstić Jugoslavije. Negirajući žrtve koje nisu bile srpske as well as from a common past. Monument to the Victims of Fascist Terror and the Fighters of the nacionalnosti (osim Jevreja), nastojalo se separirati Today the memorial park is under the auspices National Liberation War from the city Sanski Most and its surroundings od Hrvata i Bošnjaka, te zajedničke prošlosti. of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina Location: Šušnjar (Sanski Most), Bosnia-Herzegovina Memorijal je danas pod okriljem Federacije Bosne and since 2003 under protection of the Com- Sculptor: Petar Krstić i Hercegovine, te je od 2003. godine pod zaštitom mission to Preserve National Monuments of Komisije za očuvanje nacionalnih spomenika Bosnia and Herzegovina. This, however, did not Bosne i Hercegovine. To, nažalost, nije sprije- prevent further damage, now directed against čilo dalje uništavanje, sada upravljeno prema the commemoration of Serbian victims: as the komemorisanju srpskih žrtava: kao što fotografija photograph shows, the word ‘Serbs’ was scrat- pokazuje, riječ ‘Srbi’ izgrebana je sa jedne od ched out on one of the memorial plaques. Thus spomen ploča. Oštećen i u zapuštenom stanju, the monument’s vandalised and neglected state spomenik je pokazatelj je neriješenih povijesnih is an indicator of unresolved historical questions pitanja o zajedničkoj antifašističkoj prošlosti u of the common antifascist past in post-Dayton postdejtonskoj Bosni i Hercegovini. Bosnia and Herzegovina.

52 Spomenik koji je dizajnirao Bogdan The monument, designed by Bogdan Bogdanović, posvećen je lokalnim albans- Bogdanović, is dedicated to local Albanian kim i srpskim rudarima koji su se priključili and Serbian miners who joined the National narodnooslobodilačkoj borbi tokom II Svetsk- Liberation Movement during the Second World og rata a otkriven je 1973. Nalazi se na brdu War and was inaugurated in 1973. Located iznad grada Zvečan pored Kosovske Mitrovice on a hill overlooking the town Zveçan/Zvečan na severu Kosova. Spomenik dominira gradom near Mitrovica in Northern Kosovo, the monu- koji se smatra centrom pokreta radničke klase ment dominates the city that is considered the i komunističke ideologije na Kosovu. centre of the working class movement and of communist ideology in Kosovo. Spomenik drže dva kupasta stuba koji simbolišu vagone koji vuku rudu iz rud- The monument is held by two conic poles nika u topionicu. Na osnovu svog značaja u symbolising the wagons that haul minerals Jugoslaviji, bio je veoma vredan spomenik from the mine to the foundry. Based on its komunističkog režima na Kosovu, posle koga relevance in Yugoslavia, this was the most dolazi spomenik u Landovici koji se sagrađen valuable monument of the communist regime u spomen dvojici junaka, Bori Vukmiroviću i in Kosovo, followed by the monument in Ramizu Sadiku koji su zajedno ubijeni. Landovica that was built in memory of the two heroes, Boro Vukmirović and Ramiz Sadiku Danas je spomenik u severnom delu podeljen- who were shot together. og grada Kosovske Mitrovice, delu koji kontrolišu srpske vlasti. U današnje vreme Today the monument is in the northern part etničke podeljenosti i sukoba, spomenik nema of the divided city of Mitrovica, the part that nikakvu vrednost ni za jednu zajednicu, ni is controlled by Serb authorities. Nowadays, srpsku ni albansku. in times of ethnic division and conflict, the 1973. monument does not have any value for either community, neither Serbs nor Albanians. Spomenik rudarima junacima narodnooslobodilačke borbe Lokacija: Kosovska Mitrovica, Kosovo Vajar: Bogdan Bogdanović Monument to the ‘Mining Heroes’ of the National Liberation Movement Location: Mitrovica, Kosovo Sculptor: Bogdan Bogdanović

53 1973. Spomenik Bitke na Sutjesci Lokacija: Tjentište, Bosna i Hercegovina Vajar: Miodrag Živković Monument to the ‘Battle of the Sutjeska’ in 1943 Location:Place: Tjentište, Bosnia-Herzegovina Sculptor: Miodrag Živković

54 Spomenik sjeća na bitku na Sutjesci koja je The monument commemorates the ‘Battle of bila jedna od najtežih borbi partizanskih snaga the Sutjeska’ which was one of the toughest protiv njemačko-talijanskih trupa. ‘Peta nepri- combats of partisan forces against German- jateljska ofanziva’, kako se bitka zapravo zva- Italian troops. The battle, also called the ‘Fifth la, odvijala se od 15. maja do 15. juna 1943. g. Enemy Offensive’, took place from May 15th na prostorima Crne Gore, istočne Hercegovine to June 15th 1943 in the area of Montenegro, i istočne Bosne, a završne i najkrvavije borbe east Herzegovina, and east Bosnia. The final su se odigrale upravo na području rijeke Sutje- and bloodiest combats were fought along the ske i planina koje ju okružuju. Sutjeska River and the surrounding mountains.

Spomenik, kao i većina spomen-obilježja podi- The monument, similar to others built after gnutih nakon Drugog svjetskog rata imala je za the Second World War, intended to remind of namjeru podsjetiti na žrtve koje su podnešene sacrifices made in the fight against fascism u borbi protiv fašizma, a s ciljem stvaranja with the aim of creating a new social order novog društvenog poretka i klasne svijesti. and class consciousness. In the ‘Battle of the Bitka na Sutjesci, u kojoj su okružene jedini- Sutjeska’, the surrounded units of the National ce Narodnooslobodilačke vojske Jugoslavije Liberation Army of Yugoslavia succeeded in uspjele izvršiti proboj nad brojno nadmoćnim breaching the lines of a numerically superior neprijateljem, te u kojoj je izginulo nekoliko enemy, albeit suffering heavy losses of thou- hiljada partizana i ranjenika. Komemorira- sands dead or wounded. The commemoration njem ovog događaja, mogao se stvarati mit o of this event fostered the myth of both the snazi jugoslavenskih naroda i spremnosti na strength of the Yugoslav peoples and their vlastito političko samoodređenje. U tu svrhu je readiness for political self-determination. This otvoren nacionalni park i podignut memorijalni was the purpose for opening the national park kompleks na Sutjesci, čije središte predstavlja on the Sutjeska as a memorial complex at the spomenik Miodraga Živkovića. Sačinjen je centre of which stands the monument by Mio- od dvije simetrične i apstrahirane forme koje drag Živković. It is made of two symmetrical predstavljaju obale rijeke Sutjeske. Izlomljenim and abstract shapes that represent the banks oblicima spomenika, sugeriran je ‘’proboj’’ of the Sutjeska River. The broken form of the partizana, kao i njihova pobjeda. monument suggests the successful ‘breach’ of the partisans and their victory. Tijekom rata 1992.-1995. godine mnogi spo menici u memorijalnom parku uništeni su pod During the war of 1992-1995, many monu- naletom vojske Republike Srpske. Jedino je ments in the memorial park were destroyed središnji spomenik ostao čitav, navodno usli- by the army of Republika Srpska. Only the jed nedostatka eksploziva. Nacionalni park Su- central monument remained whole, allegedly tjeska je danas jedan od rijetkih primjera gdje because of a shortage of explosives. Today, se radi na institucionalnoj obnovi i revitalizaciji the Sutjeska national park is one of the few spomenika NOB-a. places where monuments commemorating the National Liberation War are actually being renovated through official funding.

55 Spomenik komemoriše narodni ustanak protiv The monument commemorates the popular Otomanskog carstva koji je poveo narodni po- uprising against the Ottoman Empire staged by kret ‘Unutrašnja Makedonska Revolucionarna the national movement ‘Internal Macedonian Organizacija’ (VMRO) na dan Sv. Ilije ili Ilindan Revolutionary Organisation’ (IMRO) on St. Elias 2. avgusta 1903. Podignut je u gradu Kruševu, - or Ilinden - Day, August 2, 1903. It was built in na jugu Makedonije, koji je bio centar ustanka. the southern Macedonian city Krushevo which was at the centre of the revolt. Ilindanski ustanak doveo je do proglašenja ‘Republike Kruševo’ 3. avgusta 1903. Iako su The ‘Ilinden Uprising’ led to the proclamation ga Turci ugušili nakon deset dana, smatra se of the ‘Krushevo Republic’ on August 3, 1903. najznačajnijom pretečom makedonske narodne Though crushed by the Ottomans after ten državnosti. U sećanje na te događaje, make- days, it is officially considered one of the most donski ‘Dan republike’ slavi se svake godine 2. significant precursors towards Macedonian avgusta. national statehood. In remembrance of these events, the Macedonian ‘Day of the Republic’ is Izgradnja ‘Makedoniuma’ podudarila se sa celebrated yearly on August 2. potvrdom novog ustava Jugoslavije 1974. koji je pružao veću autonomiju svakoj od šest The construction of the ‘Makedonium’ coinci- republika. Ustav je bio odgovor na rastuće sa- ded with the ratification of a new constitution mopouzdanje republika u odnosu na centralnu for Yugoslavia in 1974 which awarded greater državu. U liniji sa promenom socio-političke autonomy to each of the six Yugoslav repu- klime, ‘Makedonium’ ističe i nacionalni karakter blics. The constitution was the response to a Makedonije i njenu poziciju unutar zajedničkog growing self-confidence of the republics towar- jugoslovenskog društva. To se ogleda u umet- ds the Yugoslav central state. In line with the ničkim i simboličkim referencama ugrađenim u changing socio-political climate, the ‘Makedo- 1974. spomenik koji se odnosi na kontinuirani proces nium’ accentuates both the national character građenja makedonske nacije: od ilindanskog of Macedonia and its position within a common ‘Makedonium’ ustanka do ‘Narodnooslobodilačke borbe’ Yugoslav society. This is reflected by artistic Lokacija: Kruševo, Makedonija tokom II Svetskog rata prema formiranju make- and symbolic references built into the monu- Vajari: Jordan Grabuloski i Iskra Grabuloska (arhitektura), Borko Lazeski donske republike unutar Jugoslavije. ment which relate to a continuous process of (vitraž) i Peter Mazev (svodovi) Macedonian nation-building: from the ‘Ilinden ‘Makedonium’ Uprising’ to the ‘National Liberation War’ during Location: Krushevo, Macedonia the Second World War towards the formation Sculptors: Jordan Grabuloski and Iskra Grabuloska (architecture), Borko of a Macedonian republic within Yugoslavia. Lazeski (stained glass) and Peter Mazev (vaulted plastic)

56 Spomenik slobode blizu Berana, na severois- The ‘Freedom Monument’ close to Berane, in toku Crne Gore, seća na učešće ljudi iz ovog the Northeast of Montenegro, commemorates kraja u oslobodilačkim ratovima tokom XIX the participation of the people from the region i XX veka. Istorija ovih ratova zapisana je u in the liberation wars during the 19th and 20th četrdeset kamenih blokova koji stoje u blizini century. The history of these wars is inscribed spomenika. Ovaj kraj je poznat po bunama on forty stone blocks standing in the vicinity of protiv Turaka u XIX veku. U Prvom balkans- the monument. The region of Berane is known kom ratu (1912.-1913.), Berane je oslobođeno for riots against the Ottomans in the 19th cen- od turske vlasti i ovaj kraj je priključen tury. During the first Balkan War (1912-1913), Kraljevini Crnoj Gori. Berane was liberated from the Ottoman reign and the region was annexed by the Kingdom Naredne godine pokazale su kako se političke of Montenegro. prilike u Evropi preslikavaju i na beranski kraj: nakon okupacije Crne Gore od strane In the following years, the political develop- Austrougarske u Prvom svetskom ratu, veliki ments in Europe also had repercussions for broj meštana je utamničen; 1935. počinju Berane: after Montenegro’s capitulation to da se osnivaju komunističke partijske ćelije; Austria-Hungary in the First World War, a large aprila 1941. ovaj kraj su okupiral italijanske number of inhabitants were taken prisoner; in i nemačke snage; kao odgovor iste godine 1935, a local cell of the communist party was formirane su četničke i partizanske brigade. founded; in April 1941 the area was occupied Sve je to, na izvestan način, dovelo do krvave by German and Italian forces; as a response, međusobne borbe partizana i četnika, tokom both Chetnik and Partisan brigades were koje je neuporedivo više života izgubljeno formed in the same year. All this eventually led nego u borbi protiv strane okupacije. Od 21. to a war between Partisans and Chetniks dur- jula 1949. godine Berane se zvalo Ivangrad po ing which incomparably more lives were lost 1977. Ivanu Milutinoviću, komandantu crnogorskog than in the fight against the foreign occupa- krila narodnooslobodilačke vojske tokom tion. On July 21st 1949, Berane was renamed Spomenik slobode Drugog Svetskog rata, ali mu je 1992. godine Ivangrad after Ivan Milutinovic, commander of Lokacija: Berane, Crna Gora vraćen izvorni naziv. the Montenegrin arm of the National Liberation Vajar: Bogdan Bogdanović Army during the Second World War, but it was Freedom Monument Arhitektonski koncept spomenika je jednosta- given back its original name in 1992. Location: Berane, Montenegro van i integrisan u prirodno okruženje. Vizuelna Sculptor: Bogdan Bogdanović retorika spomenika ne drži se uobičajenog es- The monument’s architectural concept is tetskog koda, već pokušava da teret oprečnih simple and integrated into the natural environ- etničkih i religijskih kultura i političkih ideologi- ment. Its visual language goes beyond the ja regiona transcendentira u bezvremensku usual socialist aesthetic code: it tries to tran- arhaičnu simboliku. scend different ethnic and religious cultures as well as political ideologies of the region and incorporates them into a timeless archaic imagery.

57 1978. Spomenik na Makljenu Lokacija: Makljen, Bosna i Hercegovina Vajar: Boško Kućanski Makljen Monument Location: Makljen, Bosnia-Herzegovina Sculptor: Boško Kućanski

58 Spomenik na Makljenu je spomen-obilježje The Makljen monument stands in a memorial kojim se komemorira bitka na Neretvi (poznata park which commemorates the ‘Battle of the kao Četvrta neprijateljska ofanziva ili Bitka za Neretva’ (also known as the ‘Fourth Enemy ranjenike), jedna od najznačajnijih borbi NOV-a Offensive’ or the ‘Battle of the Wounded’), u Drugom svjetskom ratu. Tijekom vojnih one of the most significant combats of the akcija, koje su trajale od januara do aprila National Liberation Army in the Second World 1943. godine, partizani su uspjeli spriječiti War. During the military actions that lasted Sile osovine da unište centralnu komandu from January until April 1943, the partisans narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta, te zaštiti succeeded both in preventing the Axis forces oko 4000 povrijeđenih u glavnoj partizanskoj from destroying the central command of the bolnici. national liberation movement and in protecting around 4.000 wounded in the main partisan Spomenik na Makljenu je zapravo trebao hospital. podsjećati na trijumf antifašističkih snaga nad daleko moćnijim neprijateljem i na pobjedu The Makljen monument was built to com- humanosti. Stoga je kipar Boško Kućanski memorate the triumph of the antifascist forces spomen-obilježje koncipirao kao ‘vitalističku over a far more powerful enemy as well as the cvijetnu formu’ koja poprima volumene okolnih victory of humanitarianism. Therefore sculptor stjenovitih brda. Za podizanje ovog spomenika Boško Kućanski conceptualised the memo- je odabrana najviša tačka brda Makljen odakle rial in a ‘vital floral form’ that picks up on the se pruža jasan pogled ka teritorijamana na forms of the surrounding rocky hills. As the kojima se zapravo vodila jedna od partizanskih location for this monument the highest point ofanziva unutar Bitke za Neretvu. of the Makljen hill was selected, from where a clear view extends towards the territories Spomenik je kao takav, pogotovo u vrijeme iza where part of the partisan offensives during ratnih sukoba devedesetih godina, interp- the ‘Battle of the Neretva’ took place. retiran kao simbol komunističkog režima i socijalističke prošlosti s kojom nacionalističke The monument as such, particularly after struje i dan danas žele ‘raskrstiti’. Memorijal, the wars of the 1990s, was interpreted as a koji se danas nalazi na teritoriji Federacije symbol of the communist regime and social- Bosne i Hercegovine, gotovo potpuno je ist past which nationalist movements wished uništen 2000. godine, i to ‘pod nerazjašnjenim to break with. In 2000, the Makljen memorial okolnostima’ kako zvanični izvještaji navode. park, located in the Federation of Bosnia and ‘Sačuvana’ je samo njegova konstrukcija od Herzegovina, was almost entirely destroyed armiranobetonskih greda, koja je od 2010. go- – according to official sources ‘under unclear dine zaštićena zajedno sa prirodnim okolišem circumstances’. Of the monument, only the 1978. spomenika. inner core of reinforced concrete beams was Spomenik na Makljenu ‘preserved’. Since 2010, it has been under of- Lokacija: Makljen, Bosna i Hercegovina ficial protection along with its natural setting. Vajar: Boško Kućanski Makljen Monument Location: Makljen, Bosnia-Herzegovina Sculptor: Boško Kućanski

59 Spomenik na planini Petrova Gora predstavlja The monument on Petrova Gora Mountain jedan od naslavljenijih dostignuća u monu- represents one of the most celebrated achi- mentalnoj arhitekturi socijalističke Jugoslavi- evements in socialist Yugoslav monumental je. Petrova Gora imala je značajnu ulogu za architecture. Petrova Gora was an important partizanski pokret jer je služila kao glavni štab part of the Partisan movement since it served za Hrvatsku komunističku partiju tokom prvih as the Croatian Communist Party’s headquar- godina II Svetskog rata i bila je mesto centralne ters during the first years of the Second World partizanske poljske bolnice. Uz to, simbolisala War and was the location of the central Partisan je tragediju mnogobrojnih Srba iz Hrvatske koje field hospital. In addition, it symbolised the tra- je ustaški režim ubio u obližnjim selima. gedy of Croatian Serbs who were killed in large numbers by the Ustaša regime in surrounding Komunističke vlasti postavile su kamen teme- villages. ljac za spomenik Petrova Gora 1946, ali usled osiromašenja regije, gradnja nije završena do The communist authorities laid the foundation 1981. Spomenik je postao ozlogašen u mart stone of the Petrova Gora monument in 1946, 1990. zbog komemoracije koju su organizovali but due to the impoverishment of the region, lokalni komunisti koji su upozorili na navodno construction was not completed until 1981. vaskrsavanje Ustaša u liku Franje Tuđmana The monument achieved notoriety in March i njegove Hrvatske Demokratske Zajednice. 1990 because of a commemoration organi- Mediji su izveštavali o prisustvu Četnika i drugih sed by local communists who warned of an srpskih nacionalističkih likova, a mnogi su to alleged Ustaša resurgence in the form of Franjo shvatili kao pokušaj Beograda da manipuliše Tuđman and his Croatian Democratic Party. strahom Srba iz Hrvatske uoči prvih višestra- The media reported on the presence of Chetnik načkih izbora u Hrvatskoj od II Svetskog rata. and other Serbian nationalist imagery, and many perceived it as an attempt by Belgrade to Od Domovinskog rata (1991.-1995.), ceo manipulate the fears of Croatian Serbs on the memorijalni kompleks bio je uništen a vredne eve of Croatia’s first multiparty elections since metalne panele od kojih je sačinjena oplata the Second World War. spomenika neko je sistematski krao. Trenutno, Srpsko nacionalno veće, organizuje nekoliko Since the Homeland War (1991 – 1995), the radnih akcija godišnje da bi se mesto očistilo, entire memorial complex has been devastated a postoje i predlozi da se spomenik renovira and the valuable metal panels that form the i koristi kao muzej ili kao umetnički prostor. monument’s outer skin have been systema- Nažalost, visoka cena materijala korišćenog tically stolen. Currently, the Serbian National za ovaj spomenik i njegova izolovana lokacija Council organises several work actions per year znače da njegova obnova u bliskoj budućnosti to clean up the site, and there are a number of 1981. nije verovatna. proposals to renovate the monument and use Spomenik Petrova gora it as a museum or artistic space. Unfortuna- Lokacija: Petrovac (planina Petrova Gora), Hrvatska tely, the high cost of the material used in the Vajar: Vojin Bakić monument and its isolated location means that Petrova Gora Monument it is unlikely for the monument to be restored in Location: Petrovac (Petrova Gora Mountain), Croatia the near future. Sculptor: Vojin Bakić

60 Ideja o podizanju memorijala ratnicima palim The idea of building a memorial to the fighters u balkanskim ratovima rođena je u Kraljevu fallen in the Balkan Wars was first born in 1913. godine, po završetku Drugog balkan- Kraljevo shortly after the Second Balkan War skog rata. Do realizacije spomenika došlo je in 1913. The realisation of the monument, dvadeset godina kasnije, delimično zbog I however, was only finished twenty years later, Svetskog rata. 1932. sproveden je svojevrsni partly due to the First World War. Based on referendum među građanima i na osnovu nje- a referendum among the townspeople, the ga doneta je odluka da se spomenik postavi u monument was 1932 finally placed in the city centralnom delu gradskog trga, (iz nepoznatih centre (for unknown reasons, on the memorial razloga na sadašnjoj spomen-ploči stoji 1934. plaque it reads 1934). Another two decades godina). Nakon dve decenije u novembru on, in November 1959, the monument was re- 1959. godine odlukom Narodnog odbora moved by a decision of the socialist people’s opštine Kraljevo sklonjen je sa gradskog trga committee of Kraljevo Municipality because u vojničko groblje. Spomenik je na svoje staro the central square was to be turned into a mili- mesto vraćen u oktobru 1982. godine, posle tary cemetery. Following numerous requests brojnih zahteva Kraljevčana. by citizens of Kraljevo, the monument was officially restored at its old place in October 1982. Spomenik predstavlja figuru srpskog vojnika postavljenog na kamenom postamentu. Na The monument shows the figure of a Serbian severnoj strani kamenog postamenta izrađen soldier set on a stone pedestal. The north- je od kamena u reljefu grb Srbije. Na sve četiri ern side of the pedestal features a relief of strane postamenta su pravougaone niše, Serbia’s national emblem. All four sides of the predviđene za mermerne ploče sa imenima pedestal include rectangular niches intended ratnika ovog kraja, koji su izgubili život u for marble plaques with names of local fighters ratovima 1912.–1918. godine. Budući da su who lost their lives between 1912 and 1918. 1982. spiskovi imena za vreme Drugog svetskog Because the list of names was destroyed Spomenik srpskim borcima palim za oslobođenje rata uništeni, ugrađene su bronzane table sa during the Second World War, bronze plaques otadžbine 1912.-1918. od njihovih ratnih drugova i imenima bitaka u kojima su 1912–1918. izgi- were installed featuring the names of battles in zahvalnog naroda nuli srpski vojnici. which Serbian soldiers perished in the Balkan Lokacija: Kraljevo, Srbija Wars as well as the First World War. Skulptor: Živojin Lukić Kao jedno od obeležja grada, bio je i mesto Monument to Serbian Fighters fallen for the Freedom okupljanja mladih u vremenima kada je kraj As one of the town’s central features, the of the Fatherland 1912-1918 from War Comrades and njega bio gradski korzo. A u novije vreme monument used to be a gathering place for a Grateful Nation njegov postament je svojevrsna tribina za youths when the town promenade was lead- Location: Kraljevo, Serbia političke lidere koji pozivaju na demokratske ing next to it. Today, it has become a popu- Sculptor: Živojin Lukić promene i polaganje venaca kraj Spomenika lar tribune for political events and for laying obeležava i dan proboja Solunskog fronta wreaths in commemoration of the breach of 1918. kojim je Srbija oslobođena. the ‘Macedonian (also Salonika) Front’ in 1918 which resulted in the liberation of Serbia.

61 Spomenik je posvećen Desanki Maksimo- The monument is dedicated to Desanka Maksi- vić (1898.-1993), jednoj od najvećih srpskih mović (1898-1993), one of the greatest Serbian pesnikinja. On je podignut još za vreme njenog poetesses. It was erected during her lifetime života, u njenom rodnom gradu Valjevu 1990. in her hometown of Valjevo in 1990. Maksimo- godine. Iako je pesnikinja negodovala zbog vić protested against the construction of the izgradnje spomenika, meštani su je ubedili da monument, but locals from Valjevo persuaded je to samo spomenik poeziji, sa njenim likom. her that it was just a monument for poetry with Na njemu je sa prednje strane uklesana poruka her face on it. The engraving on the monument “Pesništvu na dar, pesnički narod”. reads accordingly: “To poetry from a poetic nation”. Desanka Maksimović je bila profesor književno- sti i član Srpske akademije nauka i umetnosti. Desanka Maksimović worked as a school Bila je poznata kao pesnik, pripovedač, roman- teacher of Serbian literature and was member sijer, pisac za decu, a povremeno se bavila i of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. prevođenjem. Njene pesme predstavljaju poziv She is most famous as a poet, storyteller, nove- ljudima da budu dobri, plemeniti, ponositi, list, children’s writer, and occasional translator. postojani, da poštuju ljude drugačijih uverenja Her poems represent a call for people to be i načela, mišljenja, boja i vera, i da budu strogi good, noble, proud, and steady; to respect pe- prema svojim manama kao i prema tuđim. Jed- ople of different beliefs and principles, opinions, na od njenih najpoznatijih pesama je „Krvava colours and religions; and to be strict towards bajka“ koju je napisala kada je čula za streljanje their own flaws as well as those of others. One učenika u Kragujevcu 21. oktobra 1941. Pesma of her best-known poems is ‘A Bloody Fairy je objavljena posle II Svetskog rata i u Jugo- Tale’ (Serbian: Krvava Bajka) which she wrote slaviji je bila obavezan deo nastavnog plana u after hearing of the execution of students in osnovnim školama u Jugoslaviji. Inspirisala je i Kragujevac on October 21st 1941. The poem 1990. film istog naslova snimljen 1969. was published after the end of the Second World War and became an obligatory part of Spomenik Desanke Maksimović I danas je poezija Desanke Maksimović u every elementary school curriculum in Yugosla- Lokacija: Valjevo, Srbija obrazovnim programima osnovnih škola Srbije, via. It also inspired a movie with the same title Vajar: Aleksandar Zarin a u Valjevu se svake godine 16. maja na Trgu made in 1969. Monument to Desanka Maksimović pesništva organizuje Poetski čas, posvećen Location: Valjevo, Serbia poeziji Desanke Maksimović. Tada se najboljim Still today, Desanka Maksimović’s poetry is Sculptor: Aleksandar Zarin liricima uručuje nagrada sa njenim imenom i included in the curricula of Serbian elemen- polaže cveće na njen Spomenik u centru grada. tary schools. Poetry lessons, dedicated to her poetry, are organized on the central ‘Poetry Square’ in Valjevo every year on May 16th. That day, the best lyrists are given an award named after her and flowers are laid at her monument in the town centre.

62 Spomenik ‘Protiv zla’ isklesan je u jednom The 2m-tall monument ‘Against Evil’ is carved mermernom bloku. Stilom podseća na drevnu out of a single marble block. Its style is remi- umetnost južnoameričkog naroda Maja, ali niscent of ancient South-American Mayan art, je njegova tema hrišćanska. Uklesani su but its theme is Christian. It features religious religiozni simboli iz Apokalipse, koji govore o symbols from the Apocalypse that speak of pravednoj kazni za učinjena nedela ili nagradi just punishment for one’s misdeeds or of za dobra dela. Delo je meksičkog skulptora reward for one’s good deeds. It is the work of Romo Miguela i donirano je od strane Meksika the Mexican sculptor Romo Miguel and was 1989. memorijalnom parku Šumarice, blizu donated by Mexico in 1989 to the memo- Kragujevca kao znak prijateljstva i saradnje. rial park Šumarice, close to Kragujevac, as a Spomenik je podignut 1991. token of friendship and cooperation. In 1991 it was finally erected. Memorijalni park komemoriše streljanje nekoliko hiljada stanovnika Kragujevca od The memorial park commemorates the execu- strane nemačkog Vermahta 21. oktobra 1941. tion of several thousand residents of Kragu- godine. U spomen na žrtve, čitav prostor jevac by the German Wehrmacht on October Šumarica je pretvoren u memorijalni park 21st 1941. In commemoration of the victims, ‘Kragujevački oktobar’. Brojne spomenike koji the whole Šumarice area was turned into the su nastajali u parku u periodu od 1959. pa sve memorial park ‘October in Kragujevac’ (Serbi- do 1994. godine, radili su uz manje izuzetke, an: Kragujevački Oktobar) in 1953. Numerous vajari i arhitekte iz skoro svih republika bivše monuments were created in the park between Jugoslavije. 1959 and 1994, made, with few exceptions, mainly by sculptors and architects from almost Tokom vladavine Slobodana Miloševića i all republics of former Yugoslavia. rastom nacionalizma u Srbiji, Srpska Pravo- 1991. slavna crkva izgrađena je u blizini spomenika During the rule of Slobodan Milošević and the ‘Protiv zla’ ističući religioznu pripadnost žrtava rise of nationalism in Serbia, a Serbian Ortho- ‘Protiv zla’ srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi i konceptu srpskog dox Church was built close to the monument Lokacija: Kragujevac, Srbija naroda kao žrtve. ‘Against Evil’ emphasising both the religious Vajar: Romo Miguel belonging of the victims to the Serbian Ortho- ‘Against Evil’ dox Church and the concept of the Serbian Location: Kragujevac, Serbia people as victim. Sculptor: Romo Miguel

63 1994. (prva konstrukcija 1984., first construction in 1984) ‘Krajputaš’ – Spomenik Ivi Andriću Lokacija: Višegrad, Bosna i Hercegovina Vajar: Ljupko Antunović ‘Roadside Monument’ to Ivo Andrić Location: Višegrad, Bosnia-Herzegovina Sculptor: Ljupko Antunović

64 Spomenik je posvećen Ivi Andriću (1892.- Interesantno je da na Andrićevo jedinstveno The monument is dedicated to Ivo Andrić Interestingly, Andrićs unique background 1975.), čuvenom jugoslavenskom književniku porijeklo ne može polagati pravo nijedna od (1892-1975), famous Yugoslav writer and prevents him from being claimed by either one i nobelovcu, koji je svjetsku slavu stekao ‘strana’. Rođen je u Travniku u Bosni i Herce- Nobel laureate who gained world fame with his ‘side’: He was born near Travnik in Bosnia and romanom ‘Na Drini ćuprija’. U spomenutom govini od hrvatskih roditelja, a veći dio života novel “The Bridge on the Drina” in which he Herzegovina to Croatian parents and spent romanu je oslikao život i društvo u istočno je proveo u Beogradu. Kao i njegovi romani, depicts life and society in the Eastern Bosnian much of his life in Belgrade. Like his novels, bosanskom gradu Višegradu iz šesnaestog cijenjeni izvan etničkih i državnih granica, on city Višegrad from the 16th century until the which are appreciated beyond ethnic and stoljeća do Prvog svjetskog rata . Most ne ‘pripada’ samo jednoj zajednici već sva- First World War. The Mehmed Paša Sokolović state borders, he himself does not ‘belong’ to Mehmed-paše Sokolovića, koji je inspirisao kome ko cijeni njegovo djelo. Stoga, spomenik Bridge, which inspired the book, was built in one community alone but to everyone who ap- knjigu, podignut je 1577. i na UNESCO-voj je Andriću treba biti lišen bilo kakvih političkih 1577 and named a UNESCO World Heritage preciates his work. Therefore, the monument listi od 2007. godine. konotacija koje je stekao kroz vrijeme; Site in 2007. to Andrić should be devoid of any political njegova prava namjera, sudeći po skulptoru connotations it gained over time; its real inten- Spomenik Andriću je prvi put podignut u Antunoviću, bila je odavanje počasti umjet- The monument was first built in Višegrad tion, according to sculptor Antunović, was to Višegradu 1984. godine i to na inicijativu nikovoj imaginaciji i književnom djelu. in 1984 on the initiative of several Bosnian pay homage to the artist’s imagination and bosanskohercegovačkih književnika. Otkriven Herzegovinian writers. It was inaugurated dur- literary work. je u sklopu kulturne manifestacije ‘Višegradske ing the cultural event ‘The Paths of Višegrad’ staze’ koja je okupljala književnike i umjetnike that used to gather writers and artists from all iz cijele tadašnje Jugoslavije. Kipar Ljupko over Yugoslavia. Sculptor Ljupko Antunović, Antunović, umjetnik iz Sarajeva, izradio ga an artist from Sarajevo, named it ‘Roadside je i nazvao ‘Krajputaš’, pošto je spomenik Monument’ and it was placed near the famous smješten u neposrednoj blizini Višegradskog bridge. mosta. Although its construction was initially not po- Premda motiv podizanju spomenika Ivi litically but culturally motivated, the ‘Roadside Andriću inicijalno nije bio političkog, nego Monument’ became a victim to political exploi- kulturnog karaktera, tijekom ratnih sukoba tation during the war in the 1990s. Destroyed devedesetih godina je ‘Krajputaš’ dobio i in 1991 by Bošniak forces, it was rebuilt three svoju političku dimenziju. Bošnjačke snage su years later on the initiative of the political ga uništile 1991. godine, a tri godine kasnije administration of Republika Srpska. Sculptor je njegovo ponovno podizanje inicirala vlast Antunović agreed to rebuild the monument Republike Srpske. Kipar Antunović pristao but refused to be present at the inauguration ga je isklesati i drugi put, ali ne i prisustvo- event in 1994 which was attended by Radovan vati činu njegove inauguracije 1994. godine Karadžić, first president of Republika Srpska kojoj je prisustvovao Radovan Karadžić, prvi from 1992 to 1996 and currently tried for war predsjednik Republike Srpske od 1992 do crimes at the International Criminal Tribunal for 1996. kome se trenutno sudi za ratne zločine the former Yugoslavia in The Hague. Taking u Međunarodnom krivičnom sudu za bivšu this into account and the fact that during the Jugoslaviju u Hagu. Uzimajući to u obzir war in 1992-1994 Višegrad was subjected to i činjenicu da je tijekom sukoba u Bosni, one of the most comprehensive campaigns of Višegrad bio podvrgnut jednoj od sveobuhvat- ethnic cleansing directed against its Muslim nih kampanja etničkog čišćenja upravljenog Bošniak population, the reinstatement of the protiv muslimanskog bošnjačkog stanovništva, monument became a means of ethno-national ponovna obnova spomenika postala je vid demarcation of space. etno-nacionalne demarkacije prostora.

65 Spomenik kralja Tomislava, vladara Hrvatske The monument of King Tomislav, ruler of the kraljevine u X stoljeću, posvećen je pripadnici- Croatian Kingdom in the 10th century, is de- ma ‘Brigade kralja Tomislava’ koji su poginuli dicated to the members of the ‘King Tomislav u vrijeme rata 1992-1995. godine. Brigada je Brigade’ who died during the war in 1992-1995. nastala u Tomislavgradu na jugozapadu Bosne Founded in Tomislavgrad, in the southwest of i Hercegovine, kao postrojba Hrvatskog vijeća Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a formation of the obrane, te je sudjelovala u vojnim operacijama Croatian Council of Defence, the brigade par- pri obrani duvanjskog kraja od agresije srpskih ticipated in military operations for the defence snaga. of the city and the surrounding Duvno valley against Serbian forces. Osnovni motiv spomenika je jačanje osjećaja pripadnosti duvanjskih katolika Hrvatskoj do- The monument strengthens a sense of belon- movini. Preko masivne brončane figure ‘prvog ging of the Catholics living in the Duvno valley hrvatskog kralja’ čije tijelo preuzima formu to Croatia, their ‘homeland’. The massive bron- križa, želi se podsjetiti na povijesni značaj kojeg ze figure of the ‘first king of Croatia’, whose je duvanjski kraj imao u formiranju hrvatskog body forms a cross, reminds the observer of identiteta. Vjeruje se da je Duvanjsko polje bilo the historical importance that the area of Duvno mjestom održavanja prvog Hrvatskog sabora assumed regarding the creation of a Croatian 753. godine, gdje je 925. godine Tomislav okru- identity. It is believed that the Duvno valley njen. Iako je predmet polemike među znanstve- is the place where in 753 the first Croatian nicima, uzimaju se kao povijesne činjenice koje assembly took place and where in 925 King nepobitno vezuju duvanjski kraj za Hrvatsku, Tomislav was crowned. Although still an object bez obzira na nove (ili promijenjene) političke of controversy among scholars, these events granice od tada. are by many considered to be historical facts irrefutably connecting the area of Duvno with Na granitnom postolju spomenika je spomen- Croatia, regardless of new (or shifting) political ploča s natpisom “Domovina što iz vaše ljubavi borders. raste živi u nama djeci Hrvata. Duvanjskim sinovima koji su dali život za hrvatsku domo- On the granite fundament of the monument, a vinu.“ Uzimajući u obzir da je podignut u kraju memorial plaque reads: “The Homeland that koji je većinski naseljen bosanskim Hrvatima, grows from your love lives in us, the children of i sadrži hrvatske ambleme i obilježja, spome- Croatia. To the sons of Duvno who gave their 1997. nik jača identificiranje s hrvatskim prostorom i lives for Croatia, their homeland.” Placed in an Spomenik kralja poviješću. area populated by a majority of Bosnian Croats Tomislava and featuring emblems and references to Croa- Lokacija: Tomislavgrad, tia, the monument strengthens the identification Bosna i Hercegovina with Croatian land and history. Vajar: Vinko Bagarić Monument to King Tomislav Location: Tomislavgrad, Bosnia-Herzegovina Sculptor: Vinko Bagarić

66 Spomenik je posvećen Agnes Gonxha Bojax- The monument is dedicated to Agnes Gonxha hiu (1910.-1997.), u katoličkom svetu poznata Bojaxhiu (1910-1997), known as the Roman kao sestra Majka Tereza. 1979. dodeljena joj Catholic nun Mother Teresa. She was awarded je Nobelova nagrada za mir i humanitarni rad i the Nobel Peace Prize in 1979 for her humani- kao osnivaču reda ‘Misionarke milosrđa’, koji tarian work and as founder of the congrega- se brine o bolesnim i ugroženim ljudima širom tion ‘Missionaries of Charity’, which cares for sveta. the sick and needy worldwide.

Statua stoji na nekadašnjem mestu katoličke The statue stands on the former site of the crkve ‘Sveto srce Isusovo’, u kojoj je majka Catholic church ‘Sacred Heart of Jesus’, in Tereza krštena neposredno nakon rođenja which Mother Teresa was baptized shortly 1910. U januaru 2009. otvoren je memorijalni after her birth in 1910. In January 2009, the dom majke Tereze (vidi se iza statue). Post- Mother Teresa Memorial House (seen behind avljena je stalna izložba o njenom životu, koja the statue) opened its doors. It holds a per- obuhvata i veliki broj ličnih stvari. manent exhibition about her life that includes numerous of her personal belongings. Iako je opšte poštovana po svojoj odanosti milosrđu i humanitarnom radu koji simboliše, Although universally respected for her devo- etničko poreklo majke Tereze bilo je predmet tion to charity and the humanitarianism she primetnih lokalnih kontraverzi u prošlosti. symbolises, Mother Teresa’s ethnic origin Kada su je predstavnici makedonske vlade u has been a matter of subtle local controver- više navrata nazvali ‘Skopjankom’ (‘ženom iz sies in the past. When representatives of the Skopja’: njen rodni grad), predstavnici alban- Macedonian government on several occa- ske zajednice to su kritikovali kao namerno sions referred to her simply as ‘Skopjankata’ nipodaštavanje njenog albanskog porekla. (‘the woman from Skopje’; her birthplace), 1999. Žalili su se i na udaljenost spomenika: Predlog representatives of the Albanian community albanskog građanskog društva da se postavi criticised this as a deliberate disregard of her Spomenik Majke Tereze blizu centralnog gradskog trga, gde je prvobi- Albanian origin. They further complained about Lokacija: Skopje, Makedonija tno bila njena kuća, odbijen je. Majka Tereza the rather remote location of the monument. Autor: Tome Serafimovski jednom je rekla u vezi sa svojim poreklom: „Po Proposals from the Albanian civil society to Monument to Mother Teresa krvi sam Albanka, po državljanstvu Indijka, po place it near the central city square, where Location: Skopje, Macedonia veri katolička časna sestra. Po mojoj voka- Mother Teresa’s original house used to stand, Author: Tome Serafimovski ciji pripadam svetu. Po svom srcu potpuno were rejected. Mother Teresa herself once pripadam srcu Isusovom.“ said regarding her origin: “By blood, I am Albanian; by citizenship, an Indian; by faith, I am a Catholic nun. As to my calling, I belong to the world. As to my heart, I belong entirely to the Heart of Jesus.”

67 Statua slavi uspomenu na Zahira Pajazitia The statue commemorates Zahiri Pajaziti (1952.-1997.), koji je bio jedan od aktivista i (1952-1997) who was one of the activists and osnivača oslobodilačke vojske Kosova (OVK). founders of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). U januaru 1997. ubila ga je srpska policija, on He was killed in January 1997 by the Serbian je bio prvi OVK komandant koji je poginuo u police, being the first KLA commander dying in oružanom sukobu sa Srbijom. 2008. proglašen the armed conflict with Serbia. In 2008, he was je za heroja rata na Kosovu odlukom tadašnjeg declared a hero of the Kosovo War by a decree predsednika Fatmira Sejdiua. Tokom rata OVK of then president Fatmir Sejdiu. During the jedinica dobila je ime po njemu. Srpske vlasti war, a KLA unit was named after him. Serbian optužile su Pajazitia za sprovođenje teroristič- authorities accused Pajaziti of conducting terro- kih napada na jedinice srpske policije. Njegov rist attacks against Serbian police units. His memorijal otvoren je 28. novembra 2000. na memorial was inaugurated on November 28th Dan zastave. 2000 for the Flags Day.

Posle rata 1998/9, spomenici i spomen mesta After the war of 1998/9, monuments and počela su da niču po Kosovu, uglavnom su ih memorial sites flourished in Kosovo, mainly podizale porodice koje su u ratu izgubile nekog erected by families that lost relatives during the svog. Ti spomenici i memorijali podignuti su da war. These monuments and memorials were slave uspomenu na vojnike i komandante OVK built to commemorate soldiers and comman- kao i na žrtve. Samo nekoliko od ovih spomeni- ders of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) as ka podignuti su pod pokroviteljstvom kosovske well as war victims. Only few of these memo- vlade ili na direktivu opštine. Mnogi su privatno rials were erected under the patronage of the inicirani. Lokacije memorijala su same po sebi Kosovo government or under the direction istorijska mesta, jer se često odnose na poreklo of municipalities. Most of them resulted from komemorisanog heroja ili mesto na kome je private initiatives. The locations of the memorial 2000. poginuo. Većina spomenika i memorijala na are historical venues themselves, as they often Kosovu, posebno oni sagrađeni posle rata, liče refer to the origin of the commemorated hero Spomenik Zahira Pajazitia na soc-realističku umetnost, dopunjenu nacio- or his place of death. Most of the monuments Lokacija: Priština, Kosovo nalnim simbolima. and memorials in Kosovo, especially those built Vajar: Muntoz Dhrami after the last war, resemble socialist-realist art, Monument to Zahir Pajaziti but complemented with national symbols. Location: Pristina, Kosovo

Sculptor: Muntoz Dhrami

68 Spomenik je centralni dio spomen parka The monument is the central part of the me- Rorovi, pored Goražda u istočnoj Bosni i morial park Rorovi, near Goražde in eastern Hercegovini, te komemorira borce poginule u Bosnia-Herzegovina, which commemorates otporu Goražda 1992.-1995. godine. Goražde the soldiers who died in the resistance of je tijekom ratnih sukoba devedesetih godina Goražde in 1992 - 1995. During the war in the bilo opsjedano nekoliko puta, a u njegovoj 1990s, Goražde was several times under siege obrani je sudjelovala Armija Bosne i Herce- and defended by the Army of Bosnia and Her- govine. Jedna od linija obrane grada, vodila je zegovina. One of the defence lines of the city preko Rorova, te je iz tog razloga odabran za led across Rorovi, which is why it was chosen memorijalni park. as the location for the memorial park.

Spomenik čini stilizirani nišan s motivima po- The monument has the form of a stylised lumjeseca i zvijezde, zlatnog ljiljana, te sablje. grave marker with engraved motives of a Ovi simboli odaju posebnu počast poginu- crescent moon and star, a golden lily, and a lim borcima muslimanske vjeroispovjesti sword. These symbols give special respect (šehidima). Rorovi su mjesto na kojemu se to fallen soldiers of Muslim faith (shaheed). obilježava čitav niz obljetnica, među kojima Among the many commemorations organised ‘Dani otpora’ svojim sadržajima i trajanjem in Rorovi, the ‘Days of Resistance’ stand out prednjači; kroz obilazak značajnih obrambenih both in content and duration: a tour along im- linija, držanje ‘časova istorije’, te polaganje portant lines of defence, a ‘history lesson’, and vijenaca, nastoji se učvrstiti sjećanje na ‘žrtvu the laying down wreaths all intend to preserve koja je počinjena radi oslobođenja od agreso- memories of the ‘sacrifice made for the libera- ra’. Kako se u okviru ‘Dana otpora’ slavi i Dan tion from aggressors’. Since the ‘Day of Vic- pobjede nad fašizmom, te se prisjeća na pogi- tory over Fascism’ dedicated to soldiers who nule u Drugom svjetskom ratu, komemorativna fell in the Second World War is celebrated at 2001. praksa na Rorovima na neki način izjednačava the same time, the commemorative practices sve žrtve, a borce, kako partizane, tako i in Rorovi in a way equalise all victims, both (možda ranije, maybe earlier) šehide, zajedno suprotstavlja ‘fašističkom partisans and shaheed, who jointly oppose the Spomen-park Rorovi neprijatelju’. ‘fascist enemy’. Lokacija: Goražde, Bosna i Hercegovina Vajar: Senad Pezo U Rorovima, gledajući na središnje spomen- Rorovi combines both religious and secular Memorial Park Rorovi obilježje i komemoracije koje se tamo obavl- codes: By giving respect to shaheed fallen Location: Goražde, Bosnia-Herzegovina jaju, miješaju se religiozni i svjetovni kôd. Kroz in defence of the city, the religious dimen- Sculptor: Senad Pezo odavanje počasti šehidima koji su pali u obrani sion is focused while the interethnicity of the grada se zapravo insistira na vjerskoj dimenziji Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina is neglected. i pritom se zanemaruje multietničnost Armije In the same way, religious symbolism is Bosne i Hercegovine. Stoga, ovaj spomenik equated with national identification of Bosnian nije toliko artikulacija bosanskohercegovačkog Muslims (Bošniaks). Thus this monument is multietničkog jedinstva, već više segregacije. not so much an articulation of Bosnian and Herzegovinan interethnic unity, but rather of segregation.

69 2003. Memorijalni centar Srebrenica-Potočari za žrtve genocida iz 1995. godine. Lokacija: Srebrenica Arhitekti: Ahmed Džuvić i Ahmet Kapidžić Memorial Centre Srebrenica- Potočari for the Victims of the 1995 Genocide Location: Srebrenica, Bosnia-Herzegovina Architects: Ahmed Džuvić and Ahmet Kapidžić

70 Memorijalni centar u Potočarima, u istočnoj The memorial centre in Potočari, in Eastern Bosni, posvećen je žrtvama genocida u Bosnia, is dedicated to the victims of the Srebrenici iz 1995. godine. Čine ga spomen- genocide in Srebrenica of 1995. It consists of obilježje i mezarje, koji su dio sakralne kom- a monument and a cemetery, both of which ponente memorijala. Od 2003. godine se na are part of the sacral component of the memo- ovome mjestu ukopavaju identificirane žrtve rial centre. Ever since 2003, the identified vic- srebreničkog genocida. tims of the genocide have been buried there.

Memorijalni centar podignut je na inicijativu The memorial centre was built on the initiative Visokog predstavnika za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, of the former High Representative for Bosnia Wolfganga Petritscha. Fondacija ‘Srebrenica- and Herzegovina, Wolfgang Petritsch. In 2001, Potočari’ je 2001. godine preuzela zadatak the newly created foundation ‘Srebrenica- izgradnje i održavanja memorijalnog centra. Potočari’ undertook the task of building and Čuva spomen na preko 8000 žrtava pokolja do maintaining the memorial centre. Its aim is to kojega je došlo u julu 1995. tijekom ofan- commemorate the more than 8000 victims zive što je izvršila Vojska republike Srpske, of the massacre which occurred in July 1995 predvođena Ratkom Mladićem, na enklavu during an offensive carried out by the Army of Srebrenice iako je to područje bilo proglašeno the Republika Srpska, led by Ratko Mladić, on zonom pod zaštitom Ujedinjenih naroda. the enclave Srebrenica even though the area had been declared a UN ‘safe zone’. Arhitekti su unutarnji, sakralni dio centra dizajnirali u formi cvijeta margarite koji ih je The architects designed the inner, sacral part privukao zbog svoje jednostavnosti i ‘čistoće’. of the centre in the form of a daisy which Na grobljanskom dijelu memorijala (mezarje) inspired them due to its simplicity and ‘purity’. je 8000 nišana grupirano u latice spomenutog The 8000 grave markers in the cemetery cvijeta oko središnje ‘musale’, otvorenog pros- (mezarje) are grouped like flower petals around tora za molitvu, koji je natkriven četveroslivnim the central ‘musala’, an open space for prayer krovom kao prepoznatljivim arhitektonskim el- covered by a four-sided roof reminiscent of ementom bosanskih kuća. Na ‘Zidu sjećanja’, traditional Bosnian architecture. On the ‘Wall granitnoj platformi koji obujmljuje musalu, of Remembrance’, a semicircular granite plat- ispisana su imena žrtava. form revolving around the musala, the names of the victims are inscribed. Oslobođen od nacionalnih simbola, memorijalni centar fokusira se na ukazivanje poštovanja Free from national symbols, the memorial cen- poginulima i trudi se izbjegavati bio kakvu tre focuses on paying respect to the dead and političku ili ideološku konstrukciju sjećanja na tries to evade any political or ideological ex- žrtve. Svojom cvijetnom formom simbolizira ploitation of the remembrance of the victims. više život nego smrt, zahvaljujući čemu ima Its form of a flower symbolises life rather than pomirljiv i dostojanstven ton. death, and gives the monument a conciliatory and dignified tone.

71 Spomenik ima dvostruku svrhu. Otkriven je The monument’s purpose is twofold: It was povodom obeležavanja šezdesetogodišnjice inaugurated during the commemoration of the smrti preko sto lokalnih albanskih stanovnika iz 60th anniversary of the killing of over a hundred sela Blace u severnoj Makedoniji, koje su ubili Albanian citizens from the village of Blace in Partizani u novembru 1944. U isto vreme funk- Northern Macedonia by Partisans in November cioniše i kao grobnica za albanske borce koji su 1944. At the same time, it serves as a cemetery poginuli tokom sukoba u Makedoniji 2001. for Albanian fighters who died during the internal conflict in Macedonia in 2001. U vreme Jugoslavije, bilo je skoro nemoguće podizati spomenike koji podsećaju na događaje In the time of Yugoslavia, it was nearly impossi- od nacionalne važnosti za jednu od narodnosti, ble to build monuments remembering events of kao što su bili Albanci u Socijalističkoj republici national relevance for one of its people, especi- Makedoniji. To se promenilo kada je Makedo- ally for minorities such as Albanians in the Soci- nija stekla nezavisnost 1991, nakon unutrašnjih alist Republic of Macedonia. This changed after sukoba 2001. koji su završeni potpisivanjem Macedonia gained its independence in 1991 Ohridskog sporazuma koji je doveo do pobolj- and following the internal conflict in 2001 which šanja interetničkih odnosa. Usled liberalizovanih ended with the signing of the Ohrid Framework pravila, albanska zajednica je mogla da izgradi Agreement that paved the way for improving spomenik Blace i on kao takav predstavlja vrstu interethnic relations. Due to liberalised regu- privatne komemoracije odvojeno od zvanične lations, the monument in Blace could be built (makedonske) kulture sećanja. Stoga je značaj- by the local Albanian community and as such niji za albansku manjinu nego za druge. it represents a type of private commemoration apart from the official (Macedonian) culture of remembrance. As such, it is more significant to the Albanian minority than to others. 2004. Spomenik albanskim žrtvama u Drugom svetskom ratu i u sukobu 2001 Lokacija: Blace, Makedonija Vajar: Selam Mustafa Monument to Albanian victims of the Second World War and the 2001 conflict Location: Blace, Macedonia Sculptor: Selam Mustafa

72 Spomenik je posvećen srpskim vojnicima koji The monument is dedicated to Serbian sol- su poginuli u ‘odbrambeno-otadžbinskom diers who died in the ‘Defensive Homeland ratu’ 1992.-1995. godine, kako bi to oficijelna War’ of 1992-1995, according to the official ideologija koja je i zaslužna za podizanje inscription of the memorial plaque. It was inau- spomenika rekla. Inauguriran je 13. jula 2004. gurated on July 13th 2004 along with several godine, uz više spomen-obilježja izginulom other memorials to the perished inhabitants stanovništvu ovog područja. Preko tri stotine of the area surrounding Mrkonjić-Grad in the ih je izgubilo živote prilikom operacije ‘Južni northern part of Republika Srpska. More than potez’ kada je 1995. godine Hrvatsko vijeće three hundred people lost their lives during the obrane zauzelo Mrkonjić Grad. ‘Southern Move’ operation when the Croatian Defense Council took over Mrkonjić-Grad in Spomenik je smješten na zaravnjenom platou 1995. ispred Doma kulture. Ima formu križa u čijem sjecištu krakova stoji manji grčki križ s četiri The monument is located on the levelled ocila, odnosno, četiri slova S, dok mu je u plateau in front of the House of Culture. It has donjem dijelu utisnuta figura vojnika koji se os- the form of a cross and in the intersection of lanja na pušku. Spomenik se od većine podig- its arms sits a smaller Greek cross with four nutih iza rata ne razlikuje mnogo, upravo zbog letters C, while in its bottom is engraved the svoje namjere da re-konstruira identitet nacije figure of a soldier leaning on his gun. The ili etničke grupe kroz prepoznatljiva nacionalna monument does not differ much from the obilježja i komemoriranje poginulih žrtava. majority of other memorials built after the war, precisely because of its intention to recon- Ono što je upečatljivije kod njega je činjenica struct the identity of a nation or ethnic group da je djelom istog kipara koji je 1973. izradio through recognisable national symbols and spomeničko rješenje na Sutjesci, Miodraga remembrance of victims. Živkovića. Samo na stvaralačkoj i političkoj transformaciji jednog umjetnika može se vidjeti However, more striking about this monu- do koje mjere se stvorio jaz među spomenic- ment is the fact that it is the work of Miodrag ima nastalim u vrijeme Jugoslavije i onima Živković, the same sculptor who in 1973 built 2004. nakon njezina raspada. the monument commemorating the ‘Battle on Spomen-obilježje the Sutjeska’. By looking at the creative and poginulim vojnicima political transformation of this one artist, one u odbrambeno- can see the extent to which a gap appeared otadžbinskom ratu between monuments originated in the time of Lokacija: Mrkonjić-Grad Yugoslavia and the ones after its disintegration. Bosna i Hercegovina Vajar: Miodrag Živković Monument to the Fallen Soldiers of the Defensive Homeland War Location: Mrkonjić-Grad, Bosnia-Herzegovina Sculptor: Miodrag Živković

73 Memorijal je posvećen Ademu Jašariju (1955.- The memorial is dedicated to Adem Jashari 1998.), bivšem glavno komandujućem oslobo- (1955-1998), former chief commander of the dilačke vojske Kosova (OVK). Kosovski Albanci Kosovo Liberation Army. He is perceived by poimaju ga kao jednog od glavnih ‘heroja’ Kosovo-Albanians as one of the main heroes kosovskog rata između 1998. i 1999. Nalazi se of the Kosovo War between 1998 and 1999. It u Prekazu, rodnom mestu porodice Jašari na stands in Prekaz, the hometown of the Jashari severnom Kosovu. family, in Northern Kosovo.

Savezna Republika Jugoslavija smatrala ga je The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia considered teroristom, što je dovelo do vojne akcije jugo- him a terrorist which eventually led to military slovenske vojske. U julu 1997, sud Jugoslavije action by the Yugoslav army. In July 1997, a osudio ga je u odsustvu za terorističke akcije Yugoslav court had convicted him in absentia na suđenju koje su međunarodne grupe za of terrorist actions in a trial condemned by ljudska prava kritikovale. U martu 1998. kuću international human rights groups. In March Jašarijevih opkolile su srpske policijske snage 1998, the Jashari house was besieged by Ser- koje su ubile Adema Jašarija i 54 člana njegove bian police forces that killed Adem Jashari and porodice. Jašarijeva smrt i nasilni sukobi izme- 54 members of his family. The death of Jashari đu jugoslovenske armije i OVK boraca u selima and violent clashes between the Yugoslav army Drenica, Likošane i Ćirez označavaju početak and KLA fighters in the villages of Drencia, Li- rata na Kosovu (1998.-1991.). koshan (Likošane) and Qirez (Ćirez) in the same month mark the beginning of the war in Kosovo 2004. kuća porodice Adema Jašarija u Pre- (1998-1999). kazu proglašena je za nacionalni memorijalni kompleks. Centralni deo kompleksa je spaljena In 2004, the house of Adem Jashari’s family kuća. Posle rata u kompleks su postavljene in Prekaz was declared a national memorial 2004. mermerne grobne ploče za sve ubijene članove complex. The central part of the complex is the porodice. Grobnicu Adema Jašarija stalno burned house. After the war marble tombs were Memorijal Ademu Jašariju i čuvaju kosovske snage bezbednosti. Memorijal arranged in the complex for all killed family njegovoj ‘mučeničkoj’ porodici u Prekazu danas je jedno od najsvetijih mesta members. Adem Jashari’s tomb is constantly Lokacija: Prekaz, Kosovo za kosovske Albance. Godišnje ga posećuju guarded by Kosovo Security Forces. The Vajar: Mumtaz Dhrami stotine hiljada ljudi. Štaviše, glavni aerodrom memorial in Prekaz nowadays is one of the Memorial to Adem Jashari and his u Prištini nazvan je po njemu a 2008. kosovski most sacred places for Kosovo-Albanians. It ‘martyr’ family premijer posthumno mu je dodelio titulu ‘heroja is visited by hundreds of thousands of people Location: Prekaz, Kosovo Kosova’. yearly. Furthermore, the main Pristina airport is Sculptor: Mumtaz Dhrami named after Adem Jashari and in 2008 the prime minister of Kosovo posthumously awarded him the title ‘Hero of Kosovo’.

74 Spomenik je posvećen hrvatskim vojnicima koji The monument is dedicated to Croatian soldiers su u Mostaru poginuli tijekom rata 1992.-1995. who died in Mostar during the war in 1992-1995 Godine. Postavljen je na Trgu velikana ispred and is placed on the ‘Square of the Greats’ in Hrvatskog kulturnog doma Herceg Stjepan front of the Croatian House of Culture ‘Herceg Kosača, u zapadnom dijelu grada s većinskim Stjepan Kosača’, in the western – mostly Croa- stanovništvom hrvatske nacionalnosit. tian - part of the city.

Nakon što je otkriven, spomenik je postao After it was uncovered, the monument became mjestom komemoracije pripadnika Hrvatskog the place for commemorations of members of vijeća obrane koji su poginuli u obrani Mostara the Croatian Defense Council who died in the prilikom napada JNA. Mjestom je i polaganja defence of Mostar during the attacks of Yugo- vijenaca kod obilježavanja obljetnica osnivanja slav People’s Army (JNA). It is also the place of Hrvatske Republike Herceg Bosne, koja je po- laying wreaths on the anniversaries of establish- stojala između 1991. i 1994. g., i koja je ukinuta ing the Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia sporazumom u Vašingtonu. Osim što šalje jasnu that existed between 1991 and 1994, and was političku poruku, jedan od problema spomenika, abolished by the Washington Agreement. kako ga Mostarci vide, leži u činjenici da svojim Other than sending a clear political message, vjerskim i nacionalnim obilježjima isključuje one one of the monument’s problems, as most of branitelje koji nisu bili hrvatske nacionalnosti, a Mostar’s citizens see it, lies in the fact that with koji su jednako ginuli u obrani grada. Spome- its religious and national symbolism, it excludes nik, naime, čini kubus od crnih izrezanih ploča those defenders who were not of Croatian čije ‘’praznine’’ na pročelju formiraju križ, dok nationality, but who died equally in the defence ih na punim stranicama s boka ukrašava prizor of the town. The monument consists of a cube Oplakivanje Krista. ‘’Negiranje’’ onih žrtava koje of black panels whose gaps form a cross on the nisu iste nacionalne i vjerske pripadnosti kao oni front, while the sides are decorated with scenes koji spomenik podižu, postavlja se kao još veći of the Lamentation of Christ. The ‘denial’ of problem kada se zna da je spomenik financiran those victims who are not of the same national 2005. od strane poreskih obveznika grada, te Federa- and religious affiliation as the ones who erected Spomenik poginulim hrvatskim vojnicima cije Bosne i Hercegovine. the monument raises an even greater problem Lokacija: Mostar, Bosna i Hercegovina considering that the monument was funded by Vajar: Slavomir Drinković U kontekstu ratnih sukoba koji su izbili između the city’s taxpayers and the Federation of Bosnia Monument to Croatian Soldiers who died in 1992-1995 bošnjačke i hrvatske strane u Mostaru između and Herzegovina. Location: Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina 1992. i 1995. godine, spomenik stoji i kao konti- In the context of the conflicts that broke out be- Sculptor: Slavomir Drinković nuacija njihovih daljnjih neslaganja i razdvajanja. tween the Bošniak and Croatian sides in Mostar Dakle, svrha mu nije katarza i oslobađanje od between 1992 and 1995, the monument stands patnje i ratnog stradanja, već uspostavljanje as the continuation of their further disagree- političkog identiteta zasnovanog na kultu ‘naše ments and separation. Its intention is not cathar- žrtve’. U gradu koji je tijekom rata najviše stra- sis and release from pain and war suffering, but dao, njegovi građani danas podijeljenost nose the establishment of a political identity based on kao zajedničku sudbinu. Granica, koja je, iako the cult of ‘our victim’. Mostar was one of the nevidljiva, sveprisutna; nju svi dijele, i nalazi se u cities most affected by the war and its citizens oba etnonacionalna entiteta. today still bear division as a common fate. The boundaries, though invisible, are omnipresent; everyone shares them and they exist in both ethno-national entities.

75 2006. Spomenik Skenderbegu Lokacija: Skopje, Makedonija Vajar: Thoma Thomai Monument to Skanderbeg Location: Skopje, Macedonia Sculptor: Thoma Thomai

76 Spomenik je posvećen Đurađu Kastrioti The monument is dedicated to Gjergj Kastrioti Skenderbegu (1405-1468), poznatom kao Skënderbeu (1405-1468), commonly known as ‘Skenderbeg‘, vođi otpora protiv otomanskog ‘Skanderbeg’, leader of the resistance against osvajanja današnje Albanije i Balkana u XV the Ottoman conquest of present-day Albania veku. and the Balkans in the 15th century.

Spomenik simboliše oslobodilačke aspiraci The monument symbolises libertarian aspira- je Balkana u vreme tadašnje superiornosti tions of the Balkans at a time of great supe- Otomanskog carstva u pohodu na ovu regiju. riority of the Ottoman Empire in its conquest Pošto je poslednje dve decenije svog života of the region. Having dedicated the last two posvetio borbi protiv strane okupacije, značaj i decades of his life to the fight against foreign napori Skenderbega cenjeni su širom Balkana. occupation, Skanderbeg’s importance and efforts are widely respected throughout the Nakon što je Makedonija objavila nezavisnost Balkans. 1991, etnička albanska zajednica u zemlji osetila je poriv da stvori svoj javni prostor After Macedonia declared its independence nacionalnog sećanja. Ali je tek Ohrdiski spora- in 1991, the ethnic Albanian community in the zum, koji je 2001. okončao kratko ali intenziv- country felt the desire to create its own public no izbijanje nasilja između makedonske države places of national remembrance. But only after i albanskih pobunjenika, postavio temelje za the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agree- poboljšanje prava Albanaca i drugih manjina u ment, which in 2001 ended a short but intense Makedoniji, i tako omogućio realizaciju zapo- outbreak of violence between the Macedonian četih spomenika manjina. state and Albanian insurgents, a basis had been established for improving the rights of Nakon Ohridskog sporazuma, skopska opština Albanians and other minorities in Macedonia, Čair, započela je i finansirala podizanje spo- and thus enabled the realisation of monu- menika Skenderbegu. Iako je spomenik izuzet- ments initiated by minorities. no važan za albansku manjinu u Makedoniji, njegovo otkrivanje nisu toplo prihvatili samo In 2006, the Skopje municipality of Cair initi- etnički Albanci, koji se osećaju ponosnim ated and financed the construction of the što vide ‘svog’ nacionalnog heroja u Starom Skanderbeg monument. Although, the monu- bazaru u centru Skopja, već je i makedonska ment is especially relevant for the Albanian politička i intelektualna elita pozitivno reagova- identity in Macedonia, its inauguration was not la i smatrala da je spomenik doprinos imidžu only appreciated by ethnic Albanians, who feel Skopja kao evropske metropole. a certain pride to see ‘their’ national hero at the Old Bazar in central Skopje, but also the Macedonian political and intellectual elite re- acted positively and consider the monument a contribution to Skopje’s image as a European metropolis.

77 Spomenik ‘Slomljena krila’ posvećen je 54 ma- The monument ‘Broken Wings’ is dedicated kedonskih vojnika koji su poginuli u borbama to 54 Macedonian soldiers who were killed Jugoslovenske armije tokom 1991/92. u ratovi- fighting for the Yugoslav Army during the ma u Sloveniji i Hrvatskoj. Spomenik je iniciralo 1991/92 wars in Slovenia and Croatia. The Makedonsko udruženje roditelja poginulih i ra- monument was initiated by the Macedonian njenih vojnika JNA-a. U Makedoniji predstavlja Association of the Parents of Fallen and Woun- jedino mesto sećanja na ovo poglavlje istorije ded Soldiers of the Yugoslavian National Army. zapadnog Balkana. It represents the only place of remembrance in Macedonia for this chapter of Western Balkan Spomenik su na privatnu inicijativu podigli ro- history. ditelji vojnika i njegovo finansiranje je išlo iz pri- vatnih donacija. Do podizanja spomenika došlo The monument was built on a private initiative je relativno kasno usled vremena potrebnog by the soldiers’ parents, and also the funding da se sakupe neophodne donacije i mobiliše was based on private donations. The relatively dovoljno pristalica. late construction of the monument occurred due to the time needed to collect necessary Činjenica da je ovaj spomenik privatna inicijati- donations and to mobilise sufficient supporters. va pokazuje da se u Makedoniji politički diskurs o ratovima na tlu bivše Jugoslavije uopšte od- The fact that this monument is a private initiati- vija. To je delom zbog toga što Makedonija nije ve indicates that in Macedonia a political disco- bila uključena ni u jedan od glavnih konflikata urse on the wars in the territory of Ex-Yugosla- tokom ‘90-tih. via is hardly taking place. This is partly due to the fact that Macedonia was rarely involved in any of the major conflicts during the 1990s.

2006. ‘Slomljena krila’ Lokacija: Skopje, Makedonija Vajar: Žarko Bašeski ‘Broken Wing’ Location: Skopje, Macedonia Sculptor: Žarko Bašeski

78 Spomen statua u Kosovskoj Mitrovici, na The memorial statue in Mitrovica, in northern severu Kosova, slavi uspomenu na prvog Kosovo, commemorates the first Russian con- ruskog konzula u gradu, Grigorija Stepanovića sul of the city, Grigorije Stepanović Ščerbina Ščerbinu (1868.-1903.). Carska Rusija poslala (1868-1903). Tsarist Russia sent Ščerbina to je Ščerbinu u Kosovsku Mitrovicu u martu Mitrovica in early March 1903 in order to moni- 1903. da bi nadgledao uslove u kojima je tor the conditions of the local Serbian popula- živela lokalna srpska populacija. Albanci su tion. Albanians rejected the presence of the odbili prisustvo konzula u Mitrovici jer su to consul in Mitrovica because they perceived doživeli kao pretnju svojim aspiracijama da it as a threat to their aspirations of creating stvore albansku nacionalnu državu. Mesec an Albanian national state. One month later, dana kasnije, Ščerbinu je ubio Albanac u Ščerbina was killed by an Albanian at a time vreme kada je Kosovo još uvek bilo deo Oto- when Kosovo was still part of the Ottoman manske imperije stalno potresane pobunama. Empire but constantly shaken by riots.

Ubistvo konzula učinilo ga je mučenikom The murder of the consul made him a martyr po mišljenju mnogih Srba. Oni kažu da je for many Serbs. They said that Ščerbina “has Ščerbina „umro za sveto pravoslavlje i slo- died for the sacred orthodoxy and liberty of bodu srpskog stanovništva“. 1928. statua za the Serbian population”. In 1928, a statue was Ščerbina podignuta je na železničkoj stanici built for Ščerbina at the train station in south- u južnoj Mitrovici gde je ubijen. Posle 1999. ern Mitrovica where he was killed. After 1999, statua je ostala u albanskom južnom delu the statue remained in the Albanian southern Kosovske Mitrovice, ali je 2001. uklonjena. part of Mitrovica, but in 2001 it was removed. 2007. Ščerbinova statua je ponovo izgrađena In 2007, Ščerbina’s statue was rebuilt in the u severnom delu Kosovske Mitrovice gde živi northern part of Mitrovica where a majority of većina Srba. Dakle, spomenik služi i kao sim- Serbs live. Thus, the monument serves also bol dubokih etničkih razlika između Albanaca as a symbol of the deep ethnic differences i Srba. between Albanians and Serbs.

2007. Spomenik ruskom konzulu Grigoriju Stepanoviču Ščerbinu Lokacija: Kosovska Mitrovica, Kosovo Vajar: Nepoznat Monument to Russian Consul Grigorije Stepanovič Ščerbina Location: Mitrovica, Kosovo Sculptor: Unknown

79 2007. Spomenik Rokiju Balboi Lokacija: Žitište, Srbija Vajar: Boris Staparac Monument to Rocky Balboa Location: Žitište, Serbia Sculptor: Boris Staparac

80 Spomenik filmskom liku, bokseru Rokiju Bal- The monument to the movie character boxer boi (koga igra Silvester Stalone) otkriven je 18. Rocky Balboa (played by Sylvester Stallone) avgusta 2007. u ‘Parku zabranjene umetnosti’ was uncovered on August 18th 2007 in the u Žitištu, gradiću na severu Srbije. ‘Park of Forbidden Art’ in Žitište, a small town in northern Serbia. Za stanovnike Žitišta ovaj spomenik predstavlja pokušaj da se promeni imidž grada i For the residents of Žitište, the monument privuku turisti. “Cilj nam je da od ovog grada represents an attempt to change the town napravimo brend. Do sada je Žitište bilo image and attract tourists. “Our goal is to poznato samo po lošim stvarima -- poplava- make a brand out of this town. So far Žitište ma, svinjskoj kugi. Ovde ima puno ljubitelja has only been known for bad things - floods, italijanskog fudbala i (američki glumac italijan- swine fever. There are a lot of fans of Italian skog porekla) Stalone i Roki se jednostavno football here and (US-Italian actor) Stallone uklapaju“, izjavio je gradonačelnik Žitišta, and Rocky simply fit in,” said the city’s mayor, Zoran Babić. Zoran Babić.

Spomenik je izgrađen na inicijativu lokal- The monument was built on initiative of the nog udruženja građana ‘Roki Balboa’ koga local citizen’s association “Rocky Balboa” čine uglavnom mladi ljudi tog grada koji su that mainly consists of local youths who were bili inspirisani izgradnjom spomenika u čast inspired by the construction of a monument in kung-fu legende Brusa Lija u Mostaru, u Bosni honour of kung fu legend Bruce Lee in Mostar. i Hercegovini, oni su došli na ideju da naprave Croatian sculptor Boris Staparac heard of jedan u čast Rokija. Hrvatski vajar Boris Sta- the plans and offered to make the monument parac čuo je za planove i ponudio je da uradi without any compensation: “The idea to build spomenik bez ikakve nadoknade. “Ideja da se and dedicate a monument to a movie hero is spomenik izgradi i posveti filmskom junaku je quite odd, and I am incredibly interested and prilično čudna, a mene neverovatno interesuju attracted by all wonders and strange things.” i privlače sva čuda i neobične stvari“. The association explained the choice of Rocky Članovi udruženja svoj izbor objašnjavaju time by the fact that the movie hero started off as da je filmski junak od neuspešnog boksera an unsuccessful boxer and by the end became postao svetski šampion, pobedivši sve svoje a world champion, defeating all his opponents protivnike i savladavši sopstvene demone. A as well as overcoming his inner demons. This to je upravo ono što su i meštani grada želeli is what the town residents wanted to achieve da učine kako bi pomogli napredak svog in order to promote the progress of their town. grada. Po njihovom mišljenju cilj je postignut: In their opinion, this aim was reached: The Neki svetski mediji su preneli vest iz Žitišta, unveiling of the monument was covered by čak je i kanadska ekipa snimila film o otkriva- international media and a Canadian crew even nju spomenika. Ali toliko željene investicije na filmed it. However, much desired investments osnovu ove reklame su ipak izostale. attracted by this advertisement fell short of expectations.

81 Spomenik Bobu Marliju (1945.-1981.) legen- The monument to Bob Marley (1945-1981), darnom jamajkanskom rege muzičaru, otkriven the legendary Jamaican reggae musician, was je 2008. godine u dvorištu osnovne škole u unveiled in 2008 in the yard of the elementary Banatskom Sokolcu. U okviru četvrtog rok- school in Banatski Sokolac, in north-eastern rege-bluz-fank festivala ‘Rokvilidž’ spomenik su Serbia. As part of the fourth music festival otkrili najpoznatiji rok muzičari sa prostora bivše “Rock Village”, the monument was inaugurated Jugoslavije. by some the best-known rock musicians from the territory of former Yugoslavia. Ideja za spomenik došla je od organizatora festivala, koji su meštani nazivali ‘banatski The idea for the monument was developed by Vudstok’. Od njegovog začetka 2005, festival the organisers of the festival, which locals also je okupio na hiljade ljubitelja muzike svake call “The Banat Woodstock”. Since its start in godine. Organizatori su istakli da je Bob Marli 2005, the festival has gathered thousands of koristio muziku kao medijum da širi ljubav, mir music fans every year. The organisers pointed i toleranciju širom sveta. Budući da festival ima out that Bob Marley used music as medium to sličnu filozofiju, organizatori su odlučili da odaju spread love, peace and tolerance among peo- trajno priznanje ovom čuvenom muzičaru. ple worldwide. Since the festival has a similar philosophy, the organisers decided to pay per- Iako je Banatski Sokolac sa svega 300 stanov- manent tribute to this distinguished musician. nika zaostalo selo u Vojvodini, ono je ipak ušlo u legendu, jer jedino u Evropi ima spomenik Although Banatski Sokolac with its 300 inhabi- Bobu Marliju. Na natpisu na spomeniku stoji: tants is a remote village in Vojvodina, it is now “borcu za slobodu, jednakost i ravnopravnost, s known as the site of the only monument to Bob gitarom u ruci“. Marley in Europe. The monument’s inscription reads: “The fighter for freedom, equality, and 2008. equal rights, with guitar in hand.”

Spomenik Bobu Marliju Lokacija: Banatski Sokolac, Srbija Vajar: Davor Dukić Monument to Bob Marley Location: Banatski Sokolac, Serbia Sculptor: Davor Dukić

82 Tri metra visoka statua bivšeg američkog The three metre tall statue of former US-pres- predsednika Bila Klintona izgrađena je na ident Bill Clinton was built on a small avenue malom trgu u Prištini, duž bulevara koji nosi in Pristina, along a boulevard named after him. njegovo ime. Sam Bil Klinton prisustvovao je Bill Clinton himself attended the inauguration inauguraciji spomenika u oktobru 2009. of the monument in October 2009.

Klinton je veoma cenjen među albanskom Clinton is well respected among the Alba- populacijom na Kosovu zbog njegovog nian population of Kosovo for his important značajnog doprinosa okončavanju rata na contribution to end the Kosovo War in 1999, Kosovu koji je 1999. odobrio NATO bombar- by authorizing the NATO bombings against dovanje Srbije. Međutim, u Srbiji je ovo bom- Serbia. However, in Serbia these bombings bardovanje shvaćeno kao nepravedna i ilegal- are perceived as an unjustified and illegal na agresija pozivajući se na povelju Ujedinjenih aggression with regard to the United Nations nacija, koja ne dozvoljava vojne intervencije na Charter. It does not allow military interventions druge suverene zemlje uz izuzetke, o kojima in other sovereign countries with few excep- treba da odluči Savet bezbednosti Ujedinjenih tions which, in general, need to be decided nacija. Zemlje članice NATO-a usaglasile su upon by the United Nations Security Council. se da pokrenu intervenciju protiv Srbije bez The NATO member states agreed to go ahead formalne odluke Saveta bezbednosti. with the campaign against Serbia without formal backing from the Security Council. Kao i mnogi drugi spomenici podignuti posle rata, i ovaj je izgrađen na privatnu inicijativu. Just like many other monuments built after the Izgradnja je bila predvođena organizaci- war, this one too was built on a private initia- jom zvanom ‘Prijatelji Amerike, prijatelji Bila tive. Its construction was led by an organisa- Klintona’ u znak priznanja Klintonu i Americi. tion called ‘Friends of America, Friends of 2009. Umetnička zajednica na Kosovu izrazila je Bill Clinton’ as a sign of acknowledgment to svoje razočaranje zbog lošeg kvaliteta statue i Clinton and the USA. The artistic community in Spomenik Bilu Klintonu nepoštovanja standardnih procedura za post- Kosovo has pointed out their disappointment Lokacija: Priština, Kosovo avljanje spomenika na javnom prostoru. with the poor quality of the statue and for not Vajar: Izeir Mustafa respecting the standard procedures for install- Monument to Bill Clinton ing monuments in public areas. Location: Pristina, Kosovo Sculptor: Izeir Mustafa

83 2009. Spomenik ‘Nevinim žrtvama NATO agresije na SR Jugoslaviju’ Lokacija: Grdelička klisura, Srbija Vajar: Nepoznat Monument to the ‘Innocent Victims of NATO Aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia’ Location: Grdelica Gorge, Serbia Sculptor: Unknown

84 Stoji blizu železničkog mosta koji prelazi Standing next to the railroad bridge cross- Grdeličku klisuru na jugu Srbije, spomenik ing the Grdelica Gorge in southern Serbia, seća na civilne žrtve napada NATO-a u aprilu the monument commemorates the civilian 1999. Otkriven je na desetogodišnjicu napada victims of a NATO attack at the site in April na inicijativu SUBNOR-a, porodica nastradalih 1999. It was unveiled on the 10th anniversary i vlasti. Na spomeniku je uklesan tekst: „Ne of the attack on the initiative of the ‘Associa- treba se bojati ljudi, nego neljudskog u njima.”. tion of Fighters in the National Liberation War’ (SUBNOR), relatives of the victims and political Intervencija NATO-a protiv Jugoslavije (foku- authorities The engraving on the monument sirana na Republiku Srbiju) počela je u martu, reads: “We should not be afraid of humans, but nakon što međunarodni pregovori, koji su se of the inhuman in them.” odigrali u Rambujeu i Parizu u Francuskoj, nisu uspeli da okončaju rat na Kosovu koji je počeo The NATO operation against Yugoslavia godinu dana ranije. Intervencija je izvršena (focused on the Republic of Serbia) began in bez odobrenja Saveta bezbednosti UN-a, a March 1999, after international negotiations uz obrazloženje da srpske snage bezbednosti taking place in Rambouillet and Paris in France vrše etničko čišćenje nad Albanacima. had failed to end the war in Kosovo which had started a year earlier. The operation was 12. aprila 1999. godine, na drugi dan pravo- launched without backing from the UN Security slavnog Uskrsa, putnički voz Beograd-Ristovac Council with the explanation that Serbian secu- koji je prelazio preko železničkog mosta na rity forces were guilty of ethnic cleansing of the Južnoj Moravi, pogodio je NATO avion. U Albanians in Kosovo. eksploziji izginulo je i povređeno mnogo putnika, a tačan broj do danas nije sa sigurnošću On April 12th 1999, the second day of the utvrđen. Prema izjavi konduktera, u vozu je bilo Orthodox Easter, a passenger train on the više od 50 putnika, među njima Srba, Roma, railroad line Belgrade to Ristovac which was Albanaca i Makedonaca. crossing the railroad bridge on the river Južna Morava was hit by a NATO airplane bombing Prethodni spomenik sa pločom sa imenima 50 the bridge. Many passengers were hurt and identifikovanih žrtava i reljefom voza u plamenu killed in the explosion but the exact number bio je izložen vandalizmu i prilično oštećen, ali of casualties has not been established so far. je nedavno obnovljen. Celina je postala memo- According to the train conductor, more than rijalno mesto za rodbinu i prijatelje koji se tamo 50 passengers – among them Serbs, Roma, okupljaju svake godine na godišnjicu napada Albanians and Macedonians – were on board da polože vence u spomen žrtvama. at the time of the attack.

A previous monument, featuring plates with the names of the 50 identified victims and a relief of the burning train, had been subjected to vandalism and considerably damaged but has recently been renovated. The place has become an important memorial site for relatives and friends who gather there every year on the anniversary of the attack to lay wreaths in commemoration of the victims.

85 2010. NATO Spomenik Lokacija: Prizren, Kosovo Vajar: Nepoznat NATO Monument Location: Prizren, Kosovo Sculptor: Unknown

86 Spomenik je posvećen Severno-Atlantskom The monument is dedicated to the North- savezu (NATO) kao priznanje za ‘doprinos Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as an slobodi, miru i stabilnosti na Kosovu’. Otkriven acknowledgement of its “contribution to je u junu 2010 prilikom jedanaestogodišnjice freedom, peace and stability of Kosovo”. It dolaska NATO trupa na Kosovo i ‘oslobađanja’ was inaugurated in June 2010 on the occasion Prizrena na jugu Kosova. of the 11th anniversary of the arrival of NATO troops in Kosovo and the ‘liberation’ of Prizren Spomenik, podignut na inicijativu opštine Priz- in southern Kosovo. ren, postavljen je u ulici na ulasku u Prizren, blizu lokalne baze kosovskih snaga (KFOR). The monument was created on the initiative of Ima oblik NATO simbola i replika je spomenika the municipality of Prizren and is placed on an postavljenog ispred NATO centrale u Briselu. avenue at the entrance of the city, close to the Postolje na kom stoji je u obliku kosovskih local base of the Kosovo Force (KFOR). It has granica. Oko spomenika stoje zastave NATO the form of the NATO symbol and is a replica zemalja članica. of the monument placed in front of the NATO headquarters in Brussels. The pedestal it NATO upravlja KFOR-om, međunarodnim stands on has the shape of Kosovo’s borders. mirovnim snagama koje su stacionirane na Surrounding the monument are the flags of the Kosovu od juna 1999. da bi se uspostavila NATO member states. bezbedna sredina. Poimanje intervencije NATO-a veoma se razlikuje: kosovski Al- NATO leads KFOR, an international peace- banci uglavnom doživljavaju i NATO i KFOR keeping force which has been stationed in kao glavne garante mira i bezbednosti na Kosovo since June 1999 to establish a secure Kosovu. Marta 2012. na trinaestogodišnjicu environment. The perception of NATO’s NATO intervencije na Kosovu, predsednik intervention differ widely: Kosovo-Albanians Atifete Jahjaga naglasila je da su „uspešne generally perceive both NATO and KFOR as operacije NATO-a preduzete u odbranu mira the main guarantor of peace and security in i sprečavanje hegemonije, ugnjetavanja i Kosovo. In March 2012, on the 13th anniver- diktature“. U Srbiji, s druge strane, interven- sary of the NATO intervention in Kosovo, cija se shvata kao ilegalna agresija. Prilikom President Atifete Jahjaga pointed out NATO’s obeležavanja godišnjice početka NATO bom- “successful operations undertaken in defence bardovanja Srbije, Boris Tadić, predsednik of peace and the avoidance of hegemony, Srbije, izjavio je da taj dan treba „da pod- oppression and dictatorship”. In Serbia, on the seti na one (Srbe) ubijene i izrazi uverenje da other hand, the intervention is generally per- država Srbija može ponovo da se uzdigne. Taj ceived as an illegal aggression. On the occa- rat je zločin protiv naše zemlje, protiv našeg sion of the same anniversary of the beginning naroda, i nemam više ništa da dodam“. of the NATO bombings against Serbia, Boris Tadić, President of Serbia, declared that the day should serve to “remember those (Serbs) killed and to express confidence that the Serbian state can raise again. That war was a crime against our country, against our nation, there’s nothing more to add”.

87 Mladog Srđana Aleksića (1966 – 1993) iz Young Srdjan Aleksić (1966 – 1993) from Tre- Trebinja, na jugu Bosne i Hercegovine, 21. ja- binje, in the South of Bosnia and Herzegovina, nuara 1993. godine pretuklo je na smrt četvoro was beaten to death on January 21st 1993 pripadnika Vojske Republike Srpske, pošto ih je by four members of the Army of Republika video kako napadaju njegovog prijatelja Alena Srpska after he saw them attacking his friend Glavovića, Bošnjaka iz istog mesta. Glavović je Alen Glavović, a Bošniak from the same city, preživeo i sa suprugom i dvoje dece sada živi and tried to defend him. Glavović survived and u Švedskoj. Svake godine dolazi u Trebinje da lives today in Sweden with his wife and two poseti Srđanovu porodicu i obiđe njegov grob. children. He returns to Trebinje every year to visit Srdjan’s family and his grave. U Pančevu, blizu srpske prestonice Beograda, spomen ploču posvećenu Srđanu Aleksiću u In the city of Pančevo, close to the Serbian okviru proslave Dana grada 8. novembra 2010. capital Belgrade, a memorial plaque for Srdjan godine otkrila je gradonačelnica Vesna Martino- Aleksić was unveiled during the celebration of vić. Ploča je postavljena u prolazu koji je nazvan the ‘Day of the City Pančevo’ on November 8th po Aleksiću kod zgrade Gradske uprave. Na 2010 by Mayor Vesna Martinović. The plaque ploči stoji “Heroj je onaj koji daje život za najviši was put up in a street renamed after Aleksić smisao života”. U znak sećanja na Srđana next to the city administration. Its inscription Aleksića svake godine polaže se cveće ispod reads: “A hero is someone who gives his life spomen ploče u Pančevu. Inicijativu za spomen for the highest meaning of life.” In memory of ploču kao i da prolaz ponese njegovo ime Srdjan Aleksić, flowers are laid beneath the pokrenula je nevladina organizacija ‘Građanska plaque every year. The initiative for both the akcija Pančevo’. memorial plaque and renaming the street originated from the NGO “Civil Action Pančevo”. Poslednjih godina priča o Srđanu Aleksiću če- 2010. sto se nalazila u medijima te je postala poznata In recent years, the story of Srdjan Aleksić has širom Srbije i Bosne i Hercegovine. Predsednik been frequently mentioned in the media and Spomenik Srđanu Aleksiću Srbije Boris Tadić posthumno je odlikovao Sr- it is now widely known throughout Serbia and Lokacija: Pančevo, Srbija đana Aleksića zlatnom medaljom ‘Miloš Obilić’ Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbian President Bo- Vajar: Ivana Rakidžić-Krumes za ispoljenu hrabrost i delo ličnog herojstva ris Tadić awarded Srdjan Aleksić posthumously Memorial Plaque to Srdjan Aleksić povodom Dana državnosti 14. februara 2012. with the gold medal ‘Miloš Obilić’ for bravery Location: Pančevo, Serbia Takođe, srpski režiser Srđan Golubović pravi and personal heroism on the National Day of Sculptor: Ivana Rakidžić-Krumes film o Aleksiću nazvan ‘Krugovi’ koji će biti pre- Serbia on February 14th 2012. Serbian director mijerno prikazan 2012. Srđan Aleksić, je tako Srdjan Golubović is making a film about Aleksić postao simbol prijateljstva između ljudi različitih named ‘Circles’ (Krugovi), which is planned to nacionalnih i verskih pripadnosti. Njegov gest premiere in 2012. Srdjan Aleksić has thus beco- može biti primer moralne snage u vreme nasilja me a symbol of friendship between people of i mržnje. different nationalities and religions. His behavio- ur can serve as an example of moral courage in times of violence and hatred.

88 Anonimno nazvan ‘Ratnik na konju’, spomenik Anonymously called the ‘Warrior on Horse- se odnosi na Aleksandra III Makedonskog (356 back’, the monument clearly refers to Alexan- - 323 p.n.e.), poznatog kao Aleksandra Velikog, der III of Macedonia (356 - 323 BC), known as kralja antičkog makedonskog kraljevstva u Alexander the Great, king of the ancient Mace- četvrtom veku pre nove ere. Spomenik je deo donian kingdom in the fourth century BC. The vladinog projekta ‘Skopje 2014’, monumental- monument is part of the government project ne obnove državne svojine. Brojne nove zgrade ‘Skopje 2014’, a monumental revamping of the i spomenici, podsetnici antike u stilu i veličini, country’s capital. Numerous new buildings and grade se duž cele prestonice. monuments, reminiscent of antiquity in style Projekat ‘Skopje 2014’ podstakao je kontra- and largesse, are being constructed through- verzne diskusije u Makedoniji i šire. On može out the capital. biti shvaćen kao odgovor makedonske vlade The Project ‘Skopje 2014’ triggered controver- na tekuće nesuglasice sa susednim zeml- sial discussions in Macedonia and beyond. It jama oko naziva države (Grčka insistira na can be understood as a response by the Mace- zvaničnom imenu ‘Bivša Jugoslovenska Re- donian government to ongoing disputes with publika Makedonija’), nepriznavanje autonomije neighbouring countries regarding the country’s Makedonske pravoslavne crkve (od strane name (Greece insists on the official name Srpske pravoslavne crkve), kao i nepriznavanje ‘Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’), the makedonskog jezika (od strane Bugara). U tom non-recognition of the autonomy of the Mace- smislu, ‘Skopje 2014.’ izgleda kao pokušaj donian orthodox church (by the Serbian Ortho- makedonske vlade da neguje i naglašava dox church) as well as the non-recognition of drugačiji nacionalni identitet. the Macedonian language (by Bulgarians). In Mišljenja vezana za monumentalni pro- light of all this, ‘Skopje 2014’ appears as an at- jekat prilično se razlikuju. Jedni ga smatraju tempt of the Macedonian government to foster značajnim obeležavanjem makedonskog and emphasise a distinct national identity. identiteta koji je postojao od antičkih vremena. Opinions regarding the monumental project Drugi ga kritikuju kao istorijsko veličanje i vary considerably. Some regard it as a signifi- ideološku zloupotrebu istoriografije koju prip- cant commemoration of a Macedonian identity isuju provincijalizmu diskursa o identitetima u that has existed since antiquity. Others criticize Makedoniji. Značaj figure Aleksandra Velikog it as historical glorification and ideological u tekućim debatama pojačan je veličinom exploitation of historiography which they at- spomenika i njegovom pozicijom nasred ‘Trga tribute to the provinciality of identity discourses Makedonija’ u centru Skopja. in Macedonia. The importance of the figure 2011. Za manjine, ovaj zvanično naglašen antički Alexander the Great in these ongoing debates ‘Ratnik na konju’ makedonski identitet, ostavlja malo prostora za is underlined by the monument’s large size Lokacija: Skopje, poistovećivanje. Stoga ‘Skopje 2014’ pred- and its position in the middle of ‘Macedonia Makedonija stavlja opasnost jačanja podela i isključivosti Square’ in central Skopje. Vajar: Valentina umesto simbolizacije nacionalnog jedinstva For minorities, this officially highlighted antique Stevanovska i negovanja nacionalnog identiteta za sve Macedonian identity leaves little room for ‘Warrior on Horseback’ građane Makedonije. identification. Therefore, “Skopje 2014” entails Location: Skopje, the danger of strengthening divisions and Macedonia exclusiveness instead of symbolising national Sculptor: Valentina unity and fostering a national identity for all of Stevanovska Macedonia’s citizens.

89 2011. Golub mira i prosperiteta Travnika i Bosne i Hercegovine Lokacija: Travnik, Bosna i Hercegovina Vajari: Ismet Begović-Ipet i Luej Maktouf Pigeon of Peace and Prosperity for Travnik and Bosnia and Herzegovina Location: Travnik, Bosnia-Herzegovina Sculptors: Ismet Begović-Ipet and Luej Maktouf

90 Spomenik je posvećen autohtonoj pasmini The monument is dedicated to both an auto- travničkog kratkokljunog goluba, odnosno, chthonous breed of short-beaked pigeons of miru i napretku Travnika, te cijele Bosne i Travnik, in central Bosnia and Herzegovina Hercegovine. and to peace and prosperity of Travnik and the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Spomenik je otkriven 9. maja 2011. godine, prigodom obilježavanja Dana pobjede nad The monument was unveiled on May 9th, 2011, fašizmom, a podigli su ga članovi udruženja on the occasion of celebrating the ‘Day of Vic- golubara ‘Tulika’, te udruženja ‘Josip Broz tory over Fascism’. It was funded by members Tito’. Sličan spomenik je 2007. godine podi- of the association of pigeon breeders ‘Tulika’ gnut drugoj autohtonoj pasmini travničkog and the ‘Josip Broz Tito’ association. In 2007, kraja ‘bosanskohercegovačkom-hrvatskom a similar monument had been built in Travnik planinskom psu tornjaku’. Preko ovih spome- dedicated to another autochthonous breed, nika, Rasterećenih povijesnih, nacionalnih, te the ‘Bosnian and Herzegovinian dog Tornjak’. vjerskih konotacija, i golubu i psu se “ukazuje Disburdened of any historical, national or re- poštovanje“ jer “obitavaju i žive sa svim naro- ligious connotations, both the pigeon and the dima bez obzira na nacionalnost i vjeru“. dog are ‘given respect’ because they ‘reside and live with all people regardless of nationali- ‘Golub mira i prosperiteta’ bi se u kontekstu ty and religious belief’. poslijeratne spomeničke plastike u BiH mogao smatrati novom formom, kojom se bježi od In comparison with other monuments built etniciteta i bilo kakvog konfliktnog sadržaja. after the war in the 1990s in Bosnia and Her- Spomenik je lišen monumentalnosti i reprezen- zegovina, the ‘pigeon of peace and prosperity’ tativnosti, te, kao što je to bio slučaj sa statu- represents a new form of commemoration that om Bruce Lee-ja u Mostaru, zadržava ironijski escapes ethnicity and any sort of conflictu- karakter, oslikavajući tako grotesknu stvarnost al content. As is the case with the statue of postratne Bosne i Hercegovine. Bruce Lee in Mostar, the monument maintains a certain character of irony, thus reflecting in a way the grotesque reality in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina.

91 marko krojač

92 Rođen 1968. u Hajdelbergu/Nemačka, Marko fasciniran monumentalnošću većine spomen Born in 1968 in Heidelberg/Germany, Marko really about. So while travelling to various Krojač je fotograf samouk od 1990. Kasnih mesta, njihovom arhitekturom i okruženjem. S Krojač has been a self-educated photographer events by different organisations in the re- devedesetih godina počeo je da sarađuje obzirom da ti spomenici slave uspomenu na since 1990. In the late nineties, he started to gions, Marko began to visit monuments along sa organizacijama i grupama koje se bave događaje i ličnosti iz II Svetskog rata, shvatio cooperate with organisations and groups that the route. Quickly he became fascinated with umetnošću, kao i mlađim i starijim ljudima koji ih je i kao deo svoje istorije kao Nemac. 2007. deal with art as well as with young and older the monumentality of many memorial sites, su isključeni iz društva; posao kojim se i dan godine igrom slučaja dan posle posete Bogda- people excluded from society; a work he con- their architecture and their surroundings. danas bavi. Od 2002. redovno je na putu iz- nu Bogdanoviću, poznatom umetniku i vajaru tinues to do to this day. Since 2002, he has As these monuments commemorate events među Nemačke i zapadnog Balkana, boraveći brojnih spomenika u regiji, od pijanog redara been a regular commuter between Germany and persons related to the Second World War, najviše u Beogradu. Danas živi u Nemačkoj. u Kumrovcu/Hrvatska dobio je detaljnu knjigu and the Western Balkans, living mostly in Bel- he understood them also as part of his own koja dopunjuje mapu koju je kupio tri godine grade. Nowadays he resides in Germany. history as a German. As chance would have Izlagao je u Nemačkoj, Italiji, Sloveniji, Hr- pre toga. it, in 2007, one day after Mark visited Bogdan vatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini, Srbiji i Japanu He has exhibited in Germany, Italy, Slovenia, Bogdanović, famous artist and sculptor of (Tokio). Prve izložbe ticale su se bespravno Od tada, Marko je sistematično dokumen- Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and numerous monuments in the region, a drunken useljenih kuća u istočnom Berlinu 1990ih. tovao i fotografisao više od 500 spomenika Japan (Tokyo). First exhibitions focused on janitor in Kumrovec/Croatia gave him a de- Četiri godine fotografisao je sve događaje širom zapadnog Balkana. Njegov cilj je da the East-Berlin Squats (occupied houses) in tailed book that complements the map he had na istočno-nemačkom brodu i kulturnom istraži ne samo namere njihovih tvoraca, već the 1990s. For four years he has been taking bought three years earlier. transporteru ‘MS Stubnitz’ na kome je živeo i da odgovori na zvaničnu politiku zapostav- photographs of all events on the East-German i kojim je putovao. Pokrivajući žive nastupe ljanja ovih mesta sećanja. Njegove fotografije ship and cultural transporter ‘MS Stubnitz’ Ever since, Marko has systematically docu- bendova koji su svirali na brodu skoro svaki ne portretišu samo artefakte prošlog vremena. which he lived on and travelled with. Covering mented and photographed more than 500 dan, specijalizovao se za fotografiju „uživo na Oni odražavaju pozadinu a često i drama- live bands that played on the ship nearly every monuments throughout the Western Balkans. sceni“. tičnu lepotu predela koja okružuje spome- day, he specialised in ‘live on stage’ photog- His aim is to not only explore the intention Marko je prvobitno bio fasciniran prelepim nike. Marko Krojač dopunjava ovaj projekat raphy. of their creators, but also to counter official predelima Balkana, pa je po prvi put počeo da dokumentovanja sve većom arhivom istorijskih Marko initially became fascinated with the politics of neglect regarding these sites of pravi fotografije na kojima nema ljudi. 2003. publikacija i artefakata iz svakodnevnog života wonderful landscapes of the Balkans, and remembrance. His photographs are not just počeo je da volontira za ‘Zdravo da ste’, grupu zapadnog Balkana. began for the first time to take pictures without portraying artefacts of a time past. They also psihologa sa sedištem u Beogradu koja od people. In 2003 he started volunteering for reflect the setting and often dramatic beauty 1991. radi sa izbeglicama. U to vreme počinje Njegove dokumentarne fotografije savremenog ‘Zdravo da ste’, a Belgrade-based group of the landscape surrounding the monuments. da putuje i istražuje zemlje bivše Jugoslavije života na zapadnom Balkanu ukazuju na još of psychologists working since 1991 with Marko Krojač complements this documenta- i upoznaje posledice ratova iz 1990ih kroz jednu njegovu strast: a to je želja da na pažljiv i refugees. During that time he began to travel tion project with a steadily growing archive of kampove za izbeglice. Ponovo, glavni motivi suptilan, ali isto tako pošten i sirov način uhva- and explore the ex-Yugoslav countries and got historical publications and artefacts of every- njegovih fotografija postaju situacije iz svakod- ti trenutke života i odnosa između samih ljudi, to know the after-effects of the 1990s wars day life in the Western Balkans. nevnog života. kao i njihovog gradskog ili seoskog okruženja through refugee camps. Once again, the main u sadašnjosti i prošlosti. motives of his photography became everyday His documentary photographs of contempo- Markov lični interes za spomenike širom life situations. rary life in the Western Balkans show another zapadnog Balkana pojavio se 2004, nakon passion of his: One of catching in a careful, što je našao staru mapu sa nazivom Turistič- Marko’s personal interest in monuments sensible but also honest and raw way the mo- ka mapa spomenika revolucije u prodavnici throughout the Western Balkans was sparked ments of life and relationships between people polovne robe u Beogradu. Iako je već video in 2004, after he found an old map titled The themselves as well as their urban or rural sur- neke od tih spomenika, skoro da nije znao šta Tourist Map of the Monuments of the Revolu- roundings in both the present and the past. oni zaista predstavljaju. Putujući na razne do- tion in a second-hand shop in Belgrade. Even gađaje različitih organizacija u regiji, Marko je though he had already seen some of these počeo da obilazi spomenike. Ubrzo je postao monuments, he hardly knew what they were

93 biografije autora

Andrea BAOTIĆ, rođena 1983. u Sarajevu/ u nedeljniku Java (2001.-2002.) i MM - mixed ratu. Skore publikacije obuhvataju „Sumrak savremene umetnosti u Budimpešti (2000.) i Bosna i Hercegovina, diplomirana je povje- magazine philosophy, literature, art, politics revolucionara: Naši Španci i kraj Jugoslavije“ na glavnoj železničkoj stanici u Berlinu (2000.- sničarka umjetnosti i romanistica. Od 2007. etc. (1995.-2011.). Njegova izdanja obuhvataju u Europe-Asia Studies (Studije 2010), „Hr- 2001.), kao i 49. Oktobarski salon u Beogradu godine radi kao asistentica za podučavanje Nyja e Kosovës (The Kosova Knot, Ljubljana, vatska, ICTY i General Gotovina kao politički (2008.) i Gender Check u MUMOK u Beču i istraživanje na Katedri za historiju umjetno- 1990; reprint Priština 2010), Kosova: Sepa- simbol“ Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 62, No. 10 (2009.-2010.). sti Univerziteta u Sarajevu. Pretežito se bavi rate World (Priština/Peć, 1998; 3. izdanje (decembar 2010), i „Simboli i kultura sećanja u izučavanjem umjetnosti 19. i početka 20. sto- 2001), Why Kosovo peaceful resistance failed Republici Srpska krajina“ u National Papers. Dr Lutz SCHRADER, rođen 1953. u Vajma- ljeća, te je objavljivala radove i sudjelovala na (Priština, 2011.) i Shkelzen Maliqi: Shembje ru, Nemačka, je istraživač za mir i konflikte konferencijama u zemlji iz spomenute oblasti. e Jugosllavisë, Kosova dhe rrëfime të tjera: Mirjana PEITLER-SELAKOV, rođena 1965. na Institutu za mir i demokratiju Otvorenog Član je Međunarodnog saveta za spomenike dijalog me Baton Haxhiun (Tirana, 2011). u Somboru/Srbija, diplomirala je na Elektro- Univerziteta u Hagenu, Nemačka. Glavna tema i spomeničke celine (ICOMOS) komiteta u tehničkom fakultetu (1990.) Univerziteta u njegovih istraživanja su mirovne i konfliktne Bosni i Hercegovini od 2011, a svoja recentna Dr Senadin MUSABEGOVIĆ, rođen 1970. Novom Sadu i Istoriju umetnosti (2006.) na teorije, procedure i metode transformacije istraživanja je usmjerila i ka pitanjima skulpture u Sarajevu /Bosna i Hercegovina, profesor Univerzitetu u Gracu. Još dok je radila kao konflikata kao i uloga i aktivnosti subjekata u javnom prostoru. Trenutno je kandidatkinja je filozofije na Univerzitetu u Sarajevu gde razvojni inženjer, postala je aktivna na umet- građanskog društva u transformaciji konflika- na doktorskom studiju povijesti umjetnosti na predaje sociologiju kulture i teoriju umetnosti. ničkoj sceni kao kustos i teoretičar umetnosti ta i građenju mira. Od 2005. tesno sarađuje Filozofskom fakultetu u Zagrebu, sa prijavlje- Tokom rata u Bosni (1992.-1995.), radio je (2003.-2008.). Između 2008. i 2010. radila je sa forumZFD. Glavne teme konsultacije i nom disertacijom na temu Skulptura u Bosni i kao novinar i počeo objavljivati poeziju, eseje kao kustos ‘Medienkunstlabor’ u izložbenom kooperacije je analitička i evaluaciona podrška Hercegovini u periodu Austro-Ugarske uprave i priče. Njegova prva zbirka pesama „Udarci prostoru ‘Kunsthaus Graz’. 2010 započela je za ZFD projekte na zapadnom Balkanu sa teži- 1878-1918. tijela“ objavljena je 1995. Njegova druga knjiga doktorkse studije na istoriji umetnosti. Tema: štem na politiku identiteta i rad na identitetu u poezije „Odrastanje domovine“ (1999.) dobila Umetnost, istorija i politika sećanja na javnom post-konfliktnim društvima. Valentino DIMITROVSKI, rođen 1954. u Sko- je nagradu Društva pisaca Bosne i Hercego- prostoru. Interesuje je umetnost (Jugo-)istočne pju/Makedonija, radi na Odeljenju za zaštitu vine za najbolju knjigu, kao i nagradu Planja, Evrope, umetnost u javnim prostorima i ek- kulturnog nasleđa, koji je deo makedonskog za najbolju knjigu pjesama objavljenu u Bosni sperimentalna umetnost u zajedničkoj oblasti Ministarstva za kulturu. Diplomirao istoriju i Hercegovini te godine. Njegova poslednja nauke, umetnosti i tehnologije. umetnosti na Univerzitetu u Skopju. Između knjiga poezije „Rajska lopata“ objavljena je 1978. i 2004. radio je na Institutu za zaštitu 2004. Doktorirao je na političkoj teoriji 2004. Dr Bojana PEJIĆ, rođena 1948. u Beogradu/ spomenika kulture Republike Makedonije. na Evropskom institutu u Firenci sa radom Srbija, je istoričar umetnosti, živi u Berlinu od Izdao je članke iz istorije umetnosti, umetničke naslovljenim „Rat – konstitucija totalitarnog 1991. Piše o savremenoj umetnosti od ranih kritike i arhitekture. Skore publikacije obuhva- tijela”. Objavio je teoretske radove u međuna- 1970ih. Od 1977. do 1991. bila je kustos u taju „Provincijalizaciju i degradaciju javnog rodnim magazinima i knjigama i držao preda- Studentskom kulturnom centru Univerziteta u prostora“, Udruženje vizuelnih umetnosti i vanja kao gostujući profesor na evropskim i Beogradu. Maja 2005. odbranila je doktorat kulture, Novi Sad (2008.) i „Aspekti trenutne američkim univerzitetima. na temu “The Communist Body: Politics of umetničke scene“, Muzej savremene umetno- Representation and Spatialization of Power in sti, Skopje (2003.) Dr Vjeran PAVLAKOVIĆ, rođen 1974. u the SFR Yugoslavia (1945-1991)” (u pripremi Zagrebu/Hrvatska, je profesor asistent na Od- za štampu) na Univerzitetu Oldenburg/Ne- Shkëlzen MALIQI, rođen 1947. u Orahovcu/ seku za kulturalne studije Univerziteta u Rijeci, mačka. Bila je gostujući profesor na Humboldt Kosovo, je filozof, politički analitičar, umetnički Hrvatska. Doktorirao je 2005. na Univerzitetu u Univerzitetu u Berlinu (2003.) i Institutu za kritičar, prevodilac, izdavač i novinar. Radi Vašingtonu i objavio članke o politici sećanja, kulturološke studije Univerziteta Oldenburg kao direktor Centra za humanističke studije Komemoracije II Svetskog rata u nekadašnjoj (2006./2007.). Izložbe koje je ona uredila „Gani Bobi“ Priština/Kosovo. Radio je i kao Jugoslaviji , uticaj Međunarodnog krivičnog obuhvataju After the Wall - Art and Culture in glavni urednik za nekoliko časopisa kao što su suda za bivšu Jugoslaviju na domaću poli- post-Communist Europe u Moderna Museet Arta – mesečni dodatak za vizuelne umetnosti tiku i Jugosloveni u Španskom građanskom u Štokholmu (1999.), prikazana u Muzeju

94 authors’ biographies

Andrea BAOTIĆ, born 1983 in Sarajevo/Bos- has also worked as editor in chief of several the politics of memory, World War Two com- at the University of Oldenburg/Germany. She nia-Herzegovina, is a graduated Historian of periodicals such as Arta – monthly supplement memorations in the former Yugoslavia, the was guest professor at the Humboldt Uni- Art and Romance philologist. Since 2007 she for visual arts in weekly Java (2001-2002) and impact of the International Criminal Tribunal versity in Berlin (2003) and the Institute for has been working as a teaching and research MM - mixed magazine philosophy, literature, for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) on domestic Cultural Studies at the University of Oldenburg assistant in the Art History Department at the art, politics etc. (1995-2011). His publications politics, and Yugoslavs in the Spanish Civil (2006/2007). Exhibitions she curated include University of Sarajevo. She is particularly inter- include Nyja e Kosovës (The Kosova Knot, War. Recent publications include “Twilight of After the Wall - Art and Culture in post- ested in art from the 19th and early 20th century Ljubljana, 1990; reprint Pristina 2010), Kosova: the Revolutionaries: Naši Španci and the End Communist Europe at the Moderna Museet and she has published articles and partici- Separate World (Pristina/Peja, 1998; 3rd edi- of Yugoslavia” in Europe-Asia Studies (Sep- in Stockholm (1999), also presented at the pated in local conferences related to the topic. tion 2001), Why Kosovo peaceful resistance tember 2010), “Croatia, the ICTY, and General Museum of Contemporary Art in Budapest She has been a member of the International failed (Pristina, 2011) and Shkelzen Maliqi: Gotovina as a Political Symbol,” Europe-Asia (2000) and at Hamburger Bahnhof in Berlin Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) Shembje e Jugosllavisë, Kosova dhe rrëfime të Studies, Vol. 62, No. 10 (December 2010), (2000-2001), as well as the 49th October Committee in Bosnia and Herzegovina since tjera: dijalog me Baton Haxhiun (Tirana, 2011). and “Symbols and the Culture of Memory in Salon in Belgrade (2008) and Gender Check at 2011, and her recent research also focuses Republika Srpska Krajina,” forthcoming in MUMOK in Vienna (2009-2010). on questions regarding sculptures in public Dr Senadin MUSABEGOVIĆ, born 1970 in Nationalities Papers. spaces. Currently she is pursuing a Ph.D. in Sarajevo/Bosnia-Herzegovina, is a professor Dr Lutz SCHRADER, born 1953 in Weimar/ Art History at the University of Zagreb with her of philosophy at the University of Sarajevo Mirjana PEITLER-SELAKOV, born 1965 in Germany, is peace and conflict researcher thesis on Sculpture in Bosnia and Herzegovina where he teaches sociology of culture and art Sombor/Serbia, holds a degree in Electrical at the Institute for Peace and Democracy of in the period of Austro-Hungary administration theory. During the Bosnian war (1992-1995), Engineering (1990) from the University Novi the Open University in Hagen, Germany. His 1878-1918. he worked as a journalist and began publish- Sad and in Art History (2006) from the Univer- main research interests are peace and conflict ing poetry, essays and stories. His first collec- sity Graz. While still working as a development theories, procedures and methods of conflict Valentino DIMITROVSKI, born 1954 in Sko- tion of poems “Body Strikes” was published in engineer, she became active in the art scene transformation as well as the role and activities pje/Macedonia, works in the Cultural Heritage 1995. His second book of poetry “The Matur- as a curator and art theorist (2003-2008). of civil society actors in conflict transforma- Protection Office which is part of the Macedo- ing of Homeland” (1999) received both the Between 2008 and 2010 she worked as cura- tion and peace-building. Since 2005 he is nian Ministry of Culture. He holds a degree in Bosnian-Herzegovinian Writers’ Association tor of the ‘Medienkunstlabor’ of the exhibition working closely with forumZFD. Main topic of Art History from the University of Skopje. Be- Award for best book and the Planjax Award for hall ‘Kunsthaus Graz’. In 2010 she started consultancy and co-operation is the analytical tween 1978 and 2004 he has been working at best book of poetry published in Bosnia and her Ph.D. studies in art history. Topic: Art and and evaluative support for ZFD projects in the the Institute for the Protection of the Cultural Herzegovina that year. His latest book of po- History and Politics of Remembrance in the Western Balkans with the focus on identity Monuments of the Republic of Macedonia. etry “The Heavenly Sphere” was published in Public Space. She focuses on (South-) Eastern politics and identity work in post-conflict He has published articles on the history of art, 2004. He received his Ph.D. in Political Theory European art, art in public spaces, and experi- societies. art critique and architecture. Recent publica- in 2004 from the European Institute in Florence mental art at the interface between science, tions include “Provinciality and Degradation of with his thesis entitled “War—Reconstruction art and technology. Public Space” (Provincijalizacija I degradacija of the Totalitarian Body”. He has published javnog prostora), Association of Visual Arts theoretical papers in international magazines Dr Bojana PEJIĆ, born 1948 in Belgrade/ and Culture, Novi Sad (2008) and “Aspects and books and held lectures as a guest pro- Serbia, is an art historian living in Berlin since from the Current Artist Scene”, Museum of fessor at European and American universities. 1991. She has been writing on contempo- Contemporary Art, Skopje (2003). rary art since the early 1970s. From 1977 to Dr Vjeran PAVLAKOVIĆ, born 1974 in 1991 she was curator at the Student Cultural Shkëlzen MALIQI, born 1947 in Rahovec/ Zagreb/Croatia, is an assistant professor in Center of Belgrade University. In May 2005 Kosovo, is a philosopher, political analyst, art the Department of Cultural Studies at the she defended her Ph.D. thesis “The Com- critic, translator, publisher and journalist. He University of Rijeka, Croatia. He received his munist Body: Politics of Representation and works as director of the Center for Humanis- Ph.D. in History in 2005 from the University Spatialisation of Power in the SFR Yugoslavia tic Studies “Gani Bobi” Pristina/Kosovo. He of Washington, and has published articles on (1945-1991)” (in preparation for publishing)

95 promjenljivo lice sjećanja the changing face of remembrance

Organizator / Organised by Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst (forumZFD)

The Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst (Civil Peace Service | forumZFD) is a German organisation that was Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst (Civilna mirovna služba | forumZFD) je njemačka organizacija established in 1996. It trains and sends peace experts to conflict regions where they work together osnovana 1996. Obučava i šalje mirovne eksperte u konfliktne regije u kojima rade zajedno sa with local partners to promote peaceful coexistence and non-violent conflict resolution. lokalnim partnerima na unapređenju mirne koegzistencije i nenasilnom rješavanju konflikata. forumZFD carries out projects of the Civil Peace Service in the Middle East, the Western Balkans, forumZFD sprovodi projekte civilne mirovne službe na Bliskom istoku, zapadnom Balkanu, the Philippines and in Germany. In the Western Balkans, the focus is on projects working in the field Filipinima i Njemčkoj. Na zapadnom Balkanu, težište je na projektima u okviru suočavanja s of dealing with the past and on fostering dialogue between opposing parties. This includes school prošlošću i zagovaranju dijaloga između suprotstavljenih strana. To obuhvata projekte medi- mediation projects, the support of civil society, reintegration of former combatants or enhancing jacije u školama, podršku civilnom društvu, reintegraciju bivših boraca ili jačanje kapaciteta media capacities for a more constructive way of dealing with the past. za konstruktivniji način suočavanja s prošlošću.

www.forumzfd.de

U saradnji sa / In cooperation with pax christi im Bistum Aachen Botschaft der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Sarajevo Fondacija Publika Helsinški parlament građana, Banja Luka Regionalna mirovna inicijativa u BiH - ReMI mreža, Derventa

96 Izložba fotograﬁja MOnuMENTI prikazuje spomenike i njihove 'priče'pokazujući kako su se koncepti identiteta u zemljama zapadnog Balkana razvijali od ranog XX. vijeka pa do danas. Odnos prema postojećim spomenicima i uspostavljanje novih spomenika odražavaju regionalne kulture sjećanja i otkrivaju promjenljive koncepte identiteta. Fotograﬁje Marka Krojača dočaravaju ovaj razvoj, a komentari autora iz različitih akademskih oblasti kontekstualizuju svaki spomenik. Time, izložba ima želju da unaprijedi kritičko, a u isto vrijeme konstruktivno suočavanje s prošlošću.

ISBN 978-86-915567-4-7 promjenljivo lice sjećanja the changing face of remembrance