HOW CAN WE QUARANTINE WITHOUT A HOME? RESPONSES OF ACTIVISM AND URBAN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN TIMES OF COVID-19 PANDEMIC CRISIS IN LISBON
LUÍS MENDES Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning, Universidade de Lisboa, R. Branca Edmée Marques, Lisboa, 1600-276, Portugal. E-mail: [email protected]
Received: April 2020; accepted May 2020
ABSTRACT In Lisbon, during the COVID-19 pandemic period, new spaces for contestation and the action of urban social movements intensified, capitalising on the visibility for the right to housing, as a basic human right and an unconditional public health imperative, to fulfil the duties of lockdown and social isolation, imposed by the State of Exception. Its narrative and strategies reinforces the counter-hegemonic movement that denounces the logics of commodification and financialisation in the housing sector, placing hope in a post-capitalist transition in the post-COVID horizon. We conclude that the actors in this urban struggle have limited power over the changes they initiate, or make an effort to inflict, if they are not involved in a concerted and politically integrated action, not least because the achievements they obtain are temporary and exceptional, like the state of emergency imposed by COVID-19.
Key words: Urban social movements; urban struggles; housing rights; COVID-19; Lisbon
INTRODUCTION crisis, not only turns out to be a condition of worsening socio-territorial inequalities and res- A global emergency situation due to the out- idential segregation of the pre-COVID, but also break of the COVID-19 pandemic obliges an obstacle to full compliance with sanitary Governments to mobilise resources to enable standards. Now, the collectives and associations the response of health authorities and imple- that defend this right were able to capitalise on ment economic recovery plans that protect the it as a human right, focusing on the difficulty most fragile citizens from the impacts of the of access to housing in conditions of decent crisis caused by the pandemic. The situation habitability that allow the isolation required of an authentic State of Exception (Agamben by the political health authorities, catapulting 2010, 2020) that exists in Portugal due to the this issue to the top of the social and political expansion of the COVID-19 pandemic and agenda. Digital protests, campaigns, petitions, the triggering of the state of emergency1 with open letters and memoranda addressed to the mandatory social isolation and lockdown, political authorities with responsibility in the as well as limitations on freedom of movement, matter have multiplied. After all, how can we resistance and economic activities, intensified quarantine without a home? (Accornero et al. the discussion around the right to housing in 2020; Mendes 2020). Portugal. It demonstrated how poor access to The period of COVID-19 has exposed the right to housing, in the midst of a pandemic the contradictions of the Portuguese urban
Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie – 2020, DOI:10.1111/tesg.12450, Vol. 111, No. 3, pp. 318–332. © 2020 Royal Dutch Geographical Society / Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig HOW CAN WE QUARANTINE WITHOUT A HOME? 319 economic recovery model of the last decade in and some recent interventions and papers on the post capitalist crisis 2008–2009, based on COVID-19, the methodological line is com- the pillars of the dynamics of real estate and the posed of qualitative methods and techniques touristification of the territory, generating rapid (semi-structured interviews to activists2 and crit- growth, but with little environmental, social ical content analysis of social media and other and economic sustainability (Seixas et al. 2015; propaganda) that allow a macro analysis of the Barata Salgueiro et al. 2017). The economic re- various laws that produced quarantine urban- covery was based on a rentist, extractivist and ism during this period of state of emergency, predatory model of austerity urbanism that crossed with a micro analysis of ethnographic generated numerous phenomena of accumu- fieldwork of the performance of those various lation by dispossession taking advantage of the associations and movements, taking into ac- capital gains produced by an overheated hous- count the research-action work developed by ing market, especially in the inner city of Lisbon the author as activist in the last three years. (Harvey 2012; Peck 2012; Sevilla-Buitrago 2015; The paper is organised in three main Mendes 2017). The urban restructuring of the parts. The first part very briefly frames the main Portuguese cities, especially Lisbon, pro- debates on activism and urban social move- duced phenomena of strong socio-spatial injus- ments on the right to housing in general, its tice, massive evictions never seen in Portuguese principles and recent developments. The sec- urban history, based on transnational gentrifi- ond part addresses the new spaces of contes- cation, real estate speculation and financialisa- tation created by anti-evictions urban social tion of housing (Aalbers 2012, 2016; Mendes movements in pre-COVID period in Lisbon, 2018a; Sequera & Nofre 2019). The dynamics of namely, their characteristics and organisa- social protest, demands and pre-COVID urban tional forms, assessing the political potential struggles are now essential in order to capitalise for reversing the current situation of hous- on collective learning, the social capital of the ing crisis. The third part explores the recent networks created and the impact they have had dramatic expansion of the pandemic and the on placing the issue of the right to housing on effectiveness of the COVID-19 contingency the public and political agenda, in the last years plan, and how the intervention of urban col- (Mayer 2010; Colomb & Novy 2016; Sequera & lectives, associations and social movements Nofre 2018). for the right to housing and the multiple and How are the urban social movements that innovative strategies they used were funda- formed in Lisbon in the pre-COVID respond- mental to compel representative democracy ing to the growing and aggravated inequali- to understand and act in conformity with the ties in the housing market during the current categorical imperative of housing defence for pandemic? Even though we know that the everyone. The paper concludes with a sum- COVID-19 pandemic crisis is recent, and that mary of main findings. the problem of the right to housing is as old in Portugal, as in the world, this paper aims to contribute to fill the knowledge gaps that exist SETTING THE SCENE FOR PRE- in the national and international literature on COVID RIGHT TO HOUSING SOCIAL this matter. Did the reorganisation of the strat- MOVEMENTS: DEBATES AND egies of these activisms during COVID-19 allow PERSPECTIVES the response of the government, the party sys- tem and representative democracy, which were Manuel Castells (1973) defines urban struggles made with a sense of urgency, by immediately as reclaim practices that attempt to modify or suspending evictions and moving forward with alter the contradictions that cross the capital- temporary and extraordinary measures to ist city. When there is a convergence of these guarantee the basic right to housing or shelter, struggles with the workers’ struggles, we are wit- that allowed isolation in lockdown period? nessing the emergence of urban social move- In order to answer these questions, and in ments. These, also according to the author, are addition to a review of the national and inter- specific practices of urban struggles with ability national literature on urban social movements to transform structurally dominant urban logic
© 2020 Royal Dutch Geographical Society / Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig 320 LUÍS MENDES
(Pickvance 2003). For many authors who have political parties) gave rise to the emergence of come to address this problem (e.g. Castells, other forms of protest more diffuse and flex- Touraine, etc.), one of the purposes of urban ible, in terms of organisation, and also wider social movements is that they participate in the and holistic in with regard to the issues in transforming capacity of the mass movement question – from labour relations, civil rights, by virtue of correlation of forces that are estab- political models and the cultural and artistic lished within it. Without this joint action, for expressions. It is not that traditional forms example, with the labour movement – the cen- of left organising (left political parties and tre of gravity of the historical struggles – urban militant sects, labour unions and militant en- struggles lose all its transforming potential vironmental or social movements such as the (Miller 2000; Köhler & Wissen 2003). There landless peasants movement in Brazil) have is thus a need to expand the urban struggles disappeared. But they now all seem to be part to a whole multiplicity of urban contradictions of more diffuse oppositional movements that conferring legitimacy organisation. Such an lack overall political coherence (Mayer 2010; organisation can only process on the basis of Künkel & Mayer 2012). mutual respect and support to the self-worth of Besides trade unions’ action, several col- each battlefield for different pressure groups lective actors who fit in the spectrum of the involved (Künkel & Mayer 2012; Mayer et al. network social movements emerged, clarify- 2016). ing the relevance of collective responses for In the past few years, several theses have social critical needs. The new social move- emerged stressing the loss of centrality or ments that have arisen in Western societies even the end of work as a decisive value in from the 1980s are characterised by: a hetero- structuring society. Important authors con- geneous nature; localised character, scattered tend that we are witnessing a disenchantment and ephemeral; radicalism and spectacular in respect to work and a relegating of the actions; and lack of programmatic ideologies. work sphere to a secondary plane. Instead, They are also defined by the internal diversity alternative dimensions of exercising citizen- of the subject of their social action, the de- ship, such as associativism, activism, voluntary velopment of contentious cultural practices work and third sector areas, have been chosen and the rejection of institutional politics. as primary spheres for civic participation and The apparently opposed character of these factors in social cohesion and change. The movements could be put in the same level of breakdown of the old Fordist wage relation, the antagonistic character of the Marxist class the crisis of the Welfare State, the increase in approach to social protest and the critique to competitiveness at a global scale, especially it which is implicit on the new social move- from the mid-1980s onward, occurred as a ment theory. The fact that they are markedly new liberal wave emerged, largely grounded streamlined through the layers of the edu- on technological innovation and the IT cated youth, conveyed through cyberspace, revolution (Sousa Santos 1994; Estanque marked by flexible organisation, networking, 2009). These trends are generating profound with no identified leaders, making use of per- changes and new contradictions and social formative and dramatic arts, unrelated to any inequalities in every area of contemporary structured political programme, reveals its societies, with striking results in the recom- spontaneity, which does not mean that they position and destandardisation of traditional lack a clearly defined mission that guides forms of work, beyond that strongly demo- them, as well as a strategic vision and inno- bilise any critical movement that challenged vative practices that produce consequences or attempted critique of neoliberal ideolog- for public opinion, in the mobilisation of the ical system (Beck 1992; Castells 2002) in re- most vulnerable people and also the critical claiming social and spatial justice (Soja 2010; lines of the university to pressure the insti- Harvey 2009, 2014). tuted political power. The erosion of forms of contestation and Other features have to do with: a relative reclaiming, typical of modernity and very decentralisation in organisation, assembled effective until the 1970s (trade unions and and initiated by digital networks quickly and
© 2020 Royal Dutch Geographical Society / Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig HOW CAN WE QUARANTINE WITHOUT A HOME? 321 predominantly with media distribution; the and social agenda in the contemporary cities complex relationship between the individual (Brenner et al. 2012; Colomb & Novy 2016; subject and the movement as collective iden- Martínez 2019). tity; a complex social composition of the actors in these movements in its multireferential, composite and flexible identity; the political SPACES OF CONTESTATION AND struggle based on the calling for more hetero- THE EMERGENCE OF NEW URBAN dox forms of political organisation and political SOCIAL MOVEMENTS SEEKING FOR and democratic participation in the margins SPATIAL JUSTICE AND THE RIGHT FOR of institutions; and the internationalisation of HOUSING: THE PRE-COVID PERIOD very localised and territorialised movements, but not necessarily localist (Estanque 1999; In this context and focusing specifically on the Miller 2000). Portuguese case, the resurgence of popular pro- The blurring of class-based conflict (espe- test and new urban social movements not only cially labour), fragmentation and casualisa- continued to be primarily associated to the an- tion of wage relations, mass and simultaneous ti-austerity ideology, as gave a new impetus to individualisation of consumption and life- collective action in the field of struggles for the styles, the atomisation and fragmentation of right to housing and the city. In fact, since 2011, everyday behaviours, no sharing of problems/ Portugal experienced the largest protest cycle collective projects and consequent fading of since the 1974 democratic revolution (Sousa collective identity and sense of sharing within Santos 2011; Estanque 2014; Queirós et al. the community, all these factors contribute to 2015). Lisbon´s housing activism has strength- an experience of growing loss of mobilising ened and trigged diverse and innovative spaces capacity of traditional associative structures of contestation, strongly underpinned by an- (union, party, etc.; Hamel et al. 2000; Harvey ti-gentrification and anti-displacement claims 2012). (Mendes 2018b; Tulumello 2018). Despite an apparent detachment from the The economic crisis that erupted in 2008, apparatus of institutional and party democ- deepens the fragmentation and social exclu- racy, these new urban social movements gain sion in the territories and intensifies social du- emancipatory potential for critical transforma- ality of the central urban areas. It also increases tion of the urban reality. This was particularly the indebtedness of the cities through the ram- evident in the upsurge of urban struggles and pant use of credit, tried to respond to increas- urban social movements in the aftermath of ing social demands. But the housing crisis that the 2008–2009 capitalist crisis (Castells 2013; has been going on in Lisbon since 2015 is due Mayer et al. 2016; Simões et al. 2018). The to the combination of a specific conjuncture triggering of the 2008–2009 capitalist crisis of pluriescalar causes that ended up producing and its prolongation for the next half decade a ‘perfect storm’ in the local housing market. has aggravated socio-spatial inequalities, hav- In the pre-COVID period, between 2009 ing given rise to a wave of social protests and and 2019, a neoliberal turn on fiscal and demonstrations that, in turn, give visibility to urban policies emerged, driven by post- the issue of the right to housing, in a count- crisis capitalist international austerity inter- er-hegemonic movement that denounces the vention 2011–2014 in Portugal. Both national logics of commodification and financialisation as urban government has discovered the po- in the housing sector and of exclusively pri- tential of touristification and overtourism in vate appropriation of other facilities that were regenerating inner-city traditional housing from collective and public urban use (Aalbers areas, in order to increase the competitive- 2012, 2016; Rolnik 2015). Some of these social ness of the city and certain neighbourhoods protests and urban struggles have given rise to in the global context of urban competition. the configuration of urban social movements, This catapulted the city of Lisbon onto the whose action has been oriented, especially, world map, making it a favourite destina- to affirm the issue of housing on the political tion for attracting tourist flows and foreign
© 2020 Royal Dutch Geographical Society / Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig 322 LUÍS MENDES investment, tying fixed capital from its trans- 2018; Sequera & Nofre 2018) on the scale of national capital flows in Lisbon’s built envi- districts most affected by tourist accommoda- ronment and housing stock. tion, financialisation of housing and luxury The creation of aggressive programmes real estate for the new middle classes (Aalbers to attract foreign investment (as the Golden 2019), anything else would not be expect than Visa and the Non Habitual Residents), the the resurgence of urban protest movements new urban rental law, the new tax regime for (Domaradzka 2018; Seixas & Brito Guterres Property Investment Funds, the new law of tour- 2018; Mehan & Rossi 2019). In the Lisbon ist lodging (short-rental), along with a intense case, an interesting and emancipatory connec- rent gap in the inner-city, a full liberalisation tion has emerged between the transforming at the level of urban land use in the city mu- ability of these joint movements with the class nicipal master plan, as well as a strong growth struggle to create pressure on the local and in tourism in the city of Lisbon, introduced national urban policy process, as with popular significant changes in the residential market, movements fighting for homes and the right which went from an abrupt pause to a high to the city in the post 25 April 1974 Portugal level of demand, with supply now beginning (democratic revolution). to fall short. This situation led to a very quick With specific orientation for the Right to take-up of the new and good quality residen- the City and Housing, the collective ‘Habita tial stock that was available, located mostly in – Collective for the Right to Housing and the the city’s historic centre. The rapid take-up of City’, emerged in 2009, however constituted as apartments, the new tourism drivers – with an an Association in 2014, but had already been ‘alternative’ demand for stays in apartments – active for more than a decade. This is a lively and tax incentives to boost urban regenera- collective that fights for the defence that the tion, have created renewed interest among realisation of these fundamental rights are es- many national and international developers, sential to human life, since they are recognised leading to a great rise in the refurbishment of by national and international law, in particu- buildings in Lisbon’s historic district (Mendes lar relating to the Article 65 on the right to 2017; Cocola Gant & Gago 2019; Lestegás housing and urban planning, as are arranged 2019). in the Portuguese Constitution. This collective As a result of the increasing volume of real belongs to several international networks and estate interventions, physical and architectural brings together activists with many years work improvements become increasingly visible. As experience in this area and that, over time, de- a result, house prices in historic neighbour- veloped a dialogue with organisations and gov- hoods begin to climb very rapidly. Without ernment agencies in several instances, fighting regulation or moderate control over rent in- for human dignity and fundamental rights in creases, the eviction process expands to more terms of production and appropriation of the aggressive forms as neighbourhood real estate city (Interviews 1, 3, 4, 5 and 7). values also increase and the state approves In its statement of principles the collec- legislation that facilitates private initiative and tive Habita maintains that all people have evicts local residents and retailers from local the right to adequate housing. This is a fun- and traditional retail. The better maintained damental human right for the experience of housing and commercial properties become all economic, social, cultural rights as well as part of the upper- and upper-middle class mar- civil and political, and therefore have to be ket as homeowners seek to take advantage of respected and treated in an integrated man- the area’s enhanced notoriety, which in turn ner with other rights. Moreover, housing is a leads to further displacement3 (Mendes 2018a; right recognised by the Universal Declaration Sequera & Nofre 2019). of Human Rights, the International Covenant Given the urban contradictions gener- on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and ated by the omnipresence of economic and the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic. financial crisis and the negative impacts on The collective maintain that all people have the housing local market by touristification the right to the city, and equal access usu- and transnational gentrification (Hughes fruct to its various social spaces and active
© 2020 Royal Dutch Geographical Society / Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig HOW CAN WE QUARANTINE WITHOUT A HOME? 323 participation in its production and appropri- housing, defending the creation of solidarity ation process. The right to the city is closely networks and the active and participative con- linked to the right to housing and challenge struction of alternatives, whose pre-COVID the multiple processes of segregation, insecu- experience has proved essential as an urban rity, discrimination, vulnerability and expul- struggle strategy (I6). As residents and/or sup- sion that limit the right to housing, as well as porters of the struggle for decent housing and services, equipment and public spaces of our the right to the city, they present themselves cities. They argue that housing and urban as a supportive collective, understanding that development should be part of a truly partic- the issue of housing is a social, political and ipatory public policy and for combating all economic problem. They are constituted as a forms of property speculation. The Habita platform of encounter and space for the con- organisation fights against housing seen as a vergence of individuals, collectives and move- financial asset and commodity, which is only ments fighting for the right to decent housing seen as exchange value and devoid of use and for an inclusive and fairer city (I3). They value excluding the most vulnerable people, also demonstrate their willingness to form al- who are expelled from their homes and their liances with grassroots feminist, anti-racist, places when they cannot afford the inflated anti-fascist and anti-capitalist movements, with prices that for decades have favoured the real whom they admit to sharing ways of seeing estate and banking sector (I4 and I7). The the world and fighting for a better one (I7). collective claims a dwelling compatible with Stop Despejos is a horizontal collective (there people’s incomes, adequate and integrated are no hierarchies and decisions are taken in in the city, with access to mobility, culture, assembly), non-partisan (does not belong to equipment and services. They also fight for or support any political party), self-financed the rights to housing and the city, looking (does not accept state subsidies) and autono- for foster self-organisation and awareness of mous (does not depend on any other organi- people and the training of activists (I5). This sation) (I3). collective combines coherently the study and They claim the right to collective construc- reflection of the root causes that limit the tion of the spaces where they live, the right to right to housing and the city; with direct in- public space, the end of precariousness and tervention, complaint, political pressure and the crisis in access to housing. ‘In a country public to change systems, legislation and pol- where real estate profits are privileged and laws icies, supporting struggles and working for disrespect the right to a decent life and hous- formulating policy proposals (I4). ing, disobedience is legitimate and necessary’. Associated with the Habita Association, That is why, in addition to communication and the collective Stop Despejos/Stop Evictions claim campaigns, they practise direct action emerged about three years ago. It is collec- and support the occupation and obstruction of tively fighting for the end of evictions, for the evictions (I5): defence of the right to housing and for the Despite the big complexity and diversity of collective, inclusive and fairer construction of grassroots actors at play, emergent struggles our cities (I5). In this context, they present have had in common the capacity to play on themselves as a tool of struggle and resistance different arenas – seeking media visibility, ne- ‘to the wave of financial real estate specula- gotiating with institutional actors, acting in tion and to the neoliberal policies that gov- confrontational way, producing alternative ern cities, privatise public space, attack our data – with the explicit goal of fighting back lives, threaten and trample fundamental the commodification of housing in ‘post-aus- rights’ (see https://stopdespej os.wordp ress. terity’ Lisbon. (Tulumello 2018, p. 62) com/). They defend the right to decent hous- ing for all, the right to the city and the right Although these new urban social move- to remain in their neighbourhood, the right ments are quite autonomous against the to stay put. manipulations of the political and partisan ide- They seek to join the struggles of all who ology of representative democracy, the truth are in a situation of eviction, or of precarious is that they no longer have a social base really
© 2020 Royal Dutch Geographical Society / Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig 324 LUÍS MENDES organised (I2). The new social movements public debt interest rates from skyrocketing) – are located outside the sphere of work and developing countries are not so lucky. We are production, away from the ideal of workers’ not ‘all in the same boat’ and this will also struggle at developing a critical and contesta- be reflected in the deep recession that lies tion action, focusing, above all, in a particular ahead. On the other hand, decades of neo- and specific aspect of the general conditions liberalism and the most recent period of aus- of existence – housing rights, ignoring all oth- terity after the capitalist crisis 2008–2009 has ers. They are characterised by a generalised left a major part of the population and terri- distrust of the state (and political parties), by tories totally exposed and ill prepared to face strong criticism to anti-conscience parties, and a public health crisis on the scale of corona- dominated by specific particularities which virus (Harvey 2020; Ferreira 2020; Tulumello give them of a peripheral character in relation 2020). to the central contradictions between capital With regard to access to the right to hous- and labour. They express a new political cul- ing, the ineffectiveness of guaranteeing the ture, centred on the right values to be differ- application of preventive measures, such as ent, but do not have a connection with the maintaining personal hygiene and guarantee- various fronts of struggle, which is a relatively ing distance and social isolation, the pandemic weak policy (Harvey 2012; Queirós et al. 2015; dramatically exposed the contradictions of the Fonseca 2018). capitalist production of urban space and aggra- vated the lines of socio-territorial inequalities and residential segregation that came from the ‘EVEN AT HOME, THE FIGHT DOES NOT pre-COVID-19 period. How to wash your hands QUARANTINE!’ ‘SOFA ACTIVISM’ AND if there is not even soap and domestic access ALTERNATIVE PRACTICES OF CRITICAL to water? How to think about social isolation CITIZENSHIP in overcrowded houses? Again, how can we quarantine if we don’t have a home? (I3) The The COVID-19 pandemic crisis took us by collectives and urban social movements with surprise, imposing unexpected pressure on emergence and action in the pre-COVID-19, families and essential public services and which helped to put the right to housing on demanding challenges to the economy and the public and political agenda, are the ones labor. We are going through a health, social that are better prepared to defend the most and economic crisis like we have never lived vulnerable social groups in access to decent before. The outbreak of COVID-19 and mea- housing living conditions and proved to be de- sures of social distance took people and states cisive in the public pressure of the Portuguese by surprise and brought about profound rou- government towards the adoption of urgent tine changes. Given the unpredictable nature and exceptional temporary measures, during of the virus, there is a dominant narrative in the COVID-19 crisis, but also in the socio- the media that we are in the presence of a economic crisis and the very strong recession ‘symmetrical shock’, that is, something that that is looming post-COVID-19, as all respon- affects everyone equally (countries and peo- dents mentioned. ple) and that we all suffer the consequences, On 18 March 2020, a state of emergency regardless of your socio-economic status. was declared in Portugal, through the Decree- More critical opinions have recently paid Law of the President of the Republic no. more attention to the uneven impact of the 14-A/2020, of March 18. The World Health virus on societies. Inequality begins to be Organisation had qualified the current pub- noticed between countries: while the most lic health emergency situation caused by the advanced economies have mechanisms to epidemic of the disease COVID-19, making it mitigate economic impacts – for example, imperative to provide measures to ensure its the role of central banks in the injection of treatment, through a regime appropriate to liquidity in the markets that allows to con- this reality, that allows establish exceptional tain the panic of investors and facilitate the and temporary measures to respond to the conditions of state financing (preventing epidemic.
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Manifesto: ‘How can we quarantine without cultural associations, etc. All these measures a home?’ Negotiating with institutional actors enacted as a way of protecting the family and – In the previous weekend, Association individual home while the pandemic and quar- Habita and the collective Stop Despejos had antine situation persists. produced a manifesto entitled ‘How can we The Assembly of the Portuguese Republic quarantine without a home?’, subscribed by welcomed with approval and with a sense of more than 60 associations and collectives, urgency some of the proposals made, and the including the Morar em Lisboa platform. This consensus of the plenary led the President of manifesto gave rise to a petition that gathers the Republic to promulgate the Law 1-A/2020 around 2,500 signatures in a few days. The on 19 March ‘Exceptional and temporary mea- manifesto calls for an immediate end to the sures response to the epidemiological situation evictions, the immediate resettlement of all caused by the coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 and evicted people and families and those living the disease COVID-19’ where it is determined on the street, the requisition of empty houses, that the eviction actions, the special eviction may they be tourist, luxury or municipal procedures and the processes for delivery of apartments, for emergency resettlement. the leased property are suspended, when the On the other hand, they also ask for the tenant can be placed in a situation of fragility suspension of the payment of rent for all due to lack of housing. tenants affected by the crisis, the suspension On the other hand, an extraordinary and of the payment of housing loans and transitional tenant protection regime was cre- mortgages, the suspension of rent for social ated, which determines that until the cessation spaces, such as collectives and associations, of the prevention, containment, mitigation as well as the small businesses affected by the and treatment of COVID-19, as determined by crisis and that had a suspension of income. the national public health authority, it is not This petition sensitised thousands of people possible to cancel the housing rental agree- in civil society and helped to catapult the most ments (including retail and associations) made primary contradictions inherent to the prob- by the landlord and foreclosure on property lem of the right to housing onto the public that constitutes permanent housing. agenda. This collective effort, associated with the sending of various memorandums that the ‘Resisting from home’: seeking media visibility Lisbon Tenants Association (a century-old as- and producing alternative data – In addition sociation and of a more institutional character, to the petition and the sending of memos that belongs to Morar em Lisboa) produced (direct communication with the political in those weeks of March and which sent to the authorities) (I2 and I7), some more creative Prime Minister of Portugal, the entire govern- and innovative strategies in the performative ment and parliamentary groups, ended up hav- sense were carried out, since the right to resist ing an effect, both on government discourse as and to circulate or manifest in public space in the measures adopted (I2, 6 and 7). It was had been suspended by the state of emergency suggested that, taking into account the gravity (I3 and I5). How to continue to resist from and the exceptionality of the COVID-19 mo- home? This was the primary issue with which ment, not only should evictions be suspended, social and collective movements were now but also that rental legislation should be sus- confronted. I would like to highlight four pended with regard to terms, which should strategies that seem relevant to me in this only start counting after the end of the period field: holding virtual platform assemblies, contingency. It was considered that landlords creation of a network of studies on housing should not be able to invoke the denunciation (Rede H) at the academic level that promotes or opposition to the renewal of the rent con- action research, email bombing and local tract during the contingency period. Finally, networks of mutual support. it was also defended the deferral of the pay- Regarding the first, Habita had been hold- ment of installments of loans for the purchase ing weekly Assemblies in the last months, where of housing by the ordinary citizen or in the weaknesses, strengths and strategies of struggle case of the acquisition of property for social, were discussed with the victims of evictions or
© 2020 Royal Dutch Geographical Society / Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig 326 LUÍS MENDES threats of eviction. The moment was crucial to order to avoid risks to individual, family and empower the most vulnerable victims of resi- public health. This immediate use, if necessary dential segregation, and to encourage social- through a request as provided for in the decla- isation and collectivisation of problems. The ration of state of emergency, should primarily aim is not to find an individual solution but for benefit people in situations of homelessness, solutions to be thought and taken collectively, families living in conditions of extreme hous- strengthening class consciousness (I5, e I7). ing precariousness or overcrowding, victims As these presential meetings are no longer of domestic or gender violence, workers pre- possible due to the abolition of the right to re- carious housing and, if necessary, health pro- sistance established during the state of emer- fessionals. They also ask for an automatically gency, in the absence of face-to-face meetings, extention of the rental contracts (housing or these started to take place on digital platforms not) during the national emergency period, and online social networks. plus an adequate period to search for new The second strategy, founded in February permanent and decent housing, in the case of 2020, Rede H – National Housing Studies contracts that had already ended. They alert Network brings together about 60 people, in- to the prevention of the increase in housing cluding academics, activists and other civil soci- charges, through the reduction or suspension ety actors, united by their interest in studying the of payments of rents and credit loans for fam- topic of housing. In mid-March, before the decla- ilies that suffer a decrease in income. Protect ration of the state of emergency, they published smallholders whose income constitutes a sub- an open letter to the Portuguese government stantial part of their livelihood, with fiscal re- and society, addressing several urgent measures lief and financial support measures (I1). to be implemented in order to strengthen the Rede H has two main objectives (see right to housing in this pandemic period. This https://www.redehabita cao.pt/), the first open letter marks the beginning of a path of is related to the research carried out in the reflection and active participation in the debate field of housing studies and the second to on housing in Portugal during and after the the approximation of housing studies with COVID-19 pandemic, although this network the non-academic context. Each main objec- had been formed since June 2019, at the time, tive is divided into secondary objectives that seeking to create an exchange of experience be- support the realisation of the vision of Rede tween different scientific projects and studies on H. The first objective is to develop collabora- housing, tourism and social movements. tion within the field of housing studies: facili- The 60 individuals who are part of the net- tate the creation of projects and work groups; work understand that the measures approved articulate studies in different territorial con- so far by the Parliament (such as the suspen- texts; bring together groups and individu- sion of evictions, the effects of the termina- als with similar research interests, avoiding tion of rental agreements and the execution overlapping studies; share results and data- of mortgages) and by some city councils (such research outputs, worked data and, possibly, as the suspension of evictions from the social raw data. The second objective is to enhance housing park) are positive, but still insufficient the visibility of housing studies outside the in view of today’s needs. Under a high risk of academic context and other contexts specifi- non-compliance with the Housing Basis Law cally interested in the topic (e.g. activism, real and the National Contingency Plan COVID-19, estate) (I8). Here is important to: produce as well as with the various information circulars alternative data and contribute to public de- from the Directorate-General for Health and liberation through active participation in the the Ministry of Health, they request immedi- public debate; facilitate access for journal- ate compliance with a set of measures directed ists, politicians, technicians, and other inter- at housing, namely, the following. Mobilise ested parties, to studies and research results, the available spaces (hotel industry, airbnb or through a repository organised by key themes short-rental accommodation, municipal dwell- and with priority to open access material; and ings that can be temporarily assigned) to meet stimulate public debate on housing and the self-insulation and quarantine compliance in necessary knowledge in this field (I8).
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But, above all, Rede H favours the approach support, especially the solidarity canteens, of the scientific world and its habitus to the where dozens of activists from the aforemen- practical field of activism, which will also have tioned groups now collaborate (I3). This type been mobilised by the participation of research- of social strategy that already existed in a net- ers and members of the network in activism in work of social support institutions and com- the last years, with the production of reports, munity centres, is now reinforced throughout opinions, political participation and in the the city of Lisbon, with the appearance of im- consultation of political parties and even in provised cafeterias, even often in the spaces various organs of institutional democracy and of the associations, aimed at providing meals, the legal system, for example, the Lisbon mu- especially for individuals and families in a sit- nicipal assembly, Parliament’s housing and land uation of socio-economic vulnerability. The planning committee and directly influencing localism of these networks of solidarity and the institutional environment in the adoption mutual help promote a cooperative model of social measures for the right to housing. of production and consumption and are not The collective learning cemented by some of disconnected from a political intention and its members, who reconcile the academic with from access to a manifesto that also allows the activist, feeds the Network’s willingness to class awareness (I5). put pressure on political power and influence the taking of political measures legitimised by scientific knowledge, based on public decisions FINAL REMARKS made and legitimised by technique and science. Thus, the production of alternative scientific Currently, with the pandemic crisis of COVID- knowledge, in addition to escaping the status 19, a new wave of protest seems to have revived quo of a positivist and hegemonic paradigm of the theoretical debate on the praxis of urban scientific production, feeds civic intervention social movements and collective action not and active citizenship practices. on public space, but in everyone’s individual Another important strategy adopted was home, pushing the reinvention of strategies the email bombing. The collectives proposed of resistance, even in times of lockdown. The that on 8 April at 12pm, thousands of activists post-austerity social movements have called and citizens would simultaneously send an av- again attention to the academy, the public alanche of electronic messages with the same opinion, the civil society, the media and the recipients, in this case political sovereignty political power. bodies (Prime Minister, Minister of Housing, And, especially in this period, the con- Secretary of State for Housing, among oth- tradictions of capitalist production of urban ers), in order to flood the e-mail boxes of space gain relevance and brutally expose the sovereign bodies with their demands. In extreme inequalities in access to the right Internet usage, an email bombing is a form to housing. This situation, associated with of net abuse consisting of sending large vol- the narrative of the panoptic moral duty of umes of email to an address in an attempt self-government, through forced and com- to overflow the mailbox. Mass mailing is a pulsory lockdown, in order to respect the common strategy used by organisations like compliance with the sanitary rules of pub- Amnesty International. The objective con- lic health authorities, further evidence the sists of sending numerous duplicate mails to brutality of cases of residential segregation, the same email address not only to block the evictions and spatial injustice. Associations, service of sending and receiving institutional collectives and social movements in defence emails, acting in a confrontational way, but as of the right to housing were able to capital- a symbolic strategy to alert and dramatically ise on these aspects, anchoring the urban wake up the political authorities of the need struggle in housing as a human right, essen- for robust intervention in the housing field, tial to life; conquering, even temporarily and in this pandemic crisis (I7). exceptionally, important objectives such as The last strategy, but no less important, suspension of evictions, suspension of mort- is the formation of local networks of mutual gage payments, resettlement of the most
© 2020 Royal Dutch Geographical Society / Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig 328 LUÍS MENDES vulnerable on Airbnb or hotel rooms, thus attendance, production, consumption and dis- imposing the right to housing on the right to tribution. It seems that within these processes property, setting precedents that can be use- an intensive production of the common devel- ful in post-COVID-19 social struggle. ops. The common emerges as both the form In this recent dramatic context of the and the content of social relations that tran- expansion of the pandemic and the contin- scend the limitations and contradictions of the gency plan, the intervention of these and hegemonic capitalist, neoliberal and market other associations was essential to compel system, putting emphasis not just only in a set representative democracy to understand and of products and services to be shared, or in a act in accordance with the categorical imper- set of organisational choices to ensure a more ative of defending housing for all. Some more just distribution of the crucial means for sur- moderate, some more radical, some more in- vival to those in need, but also in a more collab- stitutional, others more grassroots, reveal an orative and community way of life. effort of participatory citizenship towards an- While the traditional left (communist and other political agenda. But the greatest value socialist in orientation) typically espoused of this broad spectrum of intervention, quite and defended some version of democratic differentiated, is precisely in the diversity centralism (in political parties, trade unions, of action, but, above all, in the complemen- and alike), other principles are frequently tarity, integration and unity in the struggle advanced – such as ‘horizontality’ and ‘non- (Mendes 2020). And the capitalisation of a hierarchy’ – or visions of radical democracy culture of participation and critical interven- and the governance of the commons (Castells tion in civil society, as well as the mobilisation 2013; Dardot & Laval 2015), that can work of collective learning developed in post- for small groups but are impossible to oper- austerity urban struggles, is now proving, in ationalise at the scale of a metropolitan re- this period of pandemic crisis, essential to gion. That is, an excessive horisontality can make resistance consistent to shake the in- be an obstacle to the victory of urban strug- stalled political power. gles. The challenge is thus to generate urban In a certain sense, the pandemic caused an social movements capable of enhancing new interesting change in the centre of gravity of the subjectivities and critical and transformative activism of urban social movements in Lisbon: social practices as well as spaces of freedom the objective of giving visibility and exposing the with interstitial and cross-cutting, in the form contradictions of inequalities in access to the of rhizome, refusing authoritarian discipline, right to housing, thus raising public awareness formal hierarchy of order priorities decreed and the political agenda for this problem, has from above (top-down). These are the het- been replaced by a strategy of more reflective erotopias of Foucault; the rhizome of Deleuze and purposeful actions in order to mobilise the and Guattari; the transduction, experimental community and expand networks of mutual utopia and the urban revolution of the right to support at different scales and pressure the po- the city of Lefebvre; the dialectical utopianism litical powers to take a more assertive decision of Harvey; or a new emancipatory political cul- and action regarding measures that promote ture to a high-intensity democracy, proposals an effective right to housing. of Boaventura Sousa Santos. But this should The coronavirus pandemic crisis also has not be seen as contradictory to the implemen- triggered a new wave of collective practices tation of course of inevitable, necessary and that gesture towards another form of social or- even desirable decision centres. But at the ganisation that is urgently needed. As Stavrides same time we must ensure sustainability of (2020) states: different neighbourhood ini- struggle and constant critical scrutiny against tiatives, movement organised campaigns, dis- conformity, free of devitalised and amorphous persed rhizomatic acts of solidarity, community institutions, but also allows representation based management of local places are spread- and decision-making in a democratic process. ing throughout the world, under the radar In conclusion, the actors in this urban of dominant institutions, as well as bypassing struggle have limited power over the changes market and capitalist hegemonic channels of that they initiate, or make an effort to inflict,
© 2020 Royal Dutch Geographical Society / Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig HOW CAN WE QUARANTINE WITHOUT A HOME? 329 if they are not involved in a concerted and internal or international armed conflicts. Due politically integrated action. Despite their to the continuous expansion of the COVID- weak capacity for mobilisation, their limited 19 pandemic, on 18 March 2020, a state of and fleeting character, the truth is that new emergency was declared in Portugal, through urban social movements often include social Decree-Law of the President of the Portuguese and political innovation, as they aim at ‘trans- Republic No. 14-A/2020. The measures imple- formative’ changes and new responses that mented will be addressed later in this paper. imply transformation in power relations in On the other hand, the State of Exception is the contemporary city. Although aware that characterised by the temporary suspension these are exceptional and temporary mea- of constitutional rights and guarantees, in sures, and that they correspond, therefore, which power is divided and decisions depend to very ephemeral conquests associated with on the approval of a plurality of agents – de- the state of emergency generated by this pan- cision-making agility is compromised. The demic crisis, some see in the post-COVID-19 State of Exception is a temporary situation of horizon that these anti-capitalist policies restriction of rights and concentration of pow- taken for a robust welfare state can anticipate ers that, during its term, brings a State under some change to a post-capitalist transition re- democratic regime closer to authoritarian- gime. Let us not forget, however, that these ism. Aware of the current situation, Agamben are biopolitical measures, taken in a con- (2020) and Sousa Santos (2020) argue that the text of neoliberal systemic totality, in order COVID-19 pandemic crisis attests to the grow- to reproduce the bodies and the masses of ing tendency to use the state of exception as the labor and consumption forces. After all, a normal paradigm of contemporary govern- something needs to change so that every- ment at the service of neoliberalism. It argues thing stays the same. that most states reacted with a strong dispro- portion by triggering drastic temporary mea- sures of State of Emergency that suspend many Acknowledgements constitutional rights normally guaranteed. We acknowledge financial support from FCT – 2. Eight in-depth interviews were conducted with Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, I.P., under members and activists from the following as- the project HOPES: HOusing PErspectives and sociations, collectives or social movements Struggles Futures of housing movements, policies operating: Habitar Porto (I1), Lisbon Tenants and dynamics in Lisbon and beyond (PTDC/GES- Association (I2), Left Hand Rotation (I3), URB/28826/2017). The author would like to thank Morar em Lisboa, Living in Lisbon (I4), Stop the anonymous referees and the editors for their Despejos, Stop Evictions (I5), Neighbors of valuable comments which helped to improve the Arroios (I6), Association Habita (I7) and Rede manuscript. H, Network H (I8). The anonymity of the in- terviewees will be maintained, but identified Notes throughout the paper, whenever the reference to the content of the interview justifies it. To 1. A country’s government can declare that it is all of them, I am grateful for the in-depth con- in a state of emergency. This means that the tribution of practical knowledge that they have government can suspend and/or change some offered me. of the functions of the executive, the legisla- 3. Between 2013 and 2017, the districts, already ture or the judiciary powers while the coun- so depopulated in the inner city of Lisbon, lost try is in this exceptional state, while alerting about 15 per cent of their population (CML ). its citizens to adjust their behaviour accord- ing to the new situation, in addition to com- mand government agencies to implement REFERENCES emergency plans. A government can declare a state of emergency in response to natural or Aalbers, M., eds. (2012), Subprime Cities: The man-made disasters, periods of civil unrest, Political Economy of Mortgage Markets. Oxford: Wiley and declarations of war or situations involving Blackwell.
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