T-S H15.46: by Judah ha-Levi; poem of condolence to Moses b. Ezra on the death of his brother Judah. Bibliography: Benabu/Yahalom, Romance Philology XL, p 146, 154 m Benabu/Yahalom, Tarbiz LIV, p 256 m Brody, _Shirey ha-Hol MIE_ I, p 271-2, 276-7 Y Brody, _Shirey ha-Hol MIE_ II, p xxii M David Y, _Ibn Ghiyyat_, p 505 (index) Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 19 m Schirmann, SRIHP II, p 187-189 Y Schirmann, Te`uda I, p 122 M Pl. Stern, Al-Andalus XIII, p 315 Y Stern, _Chansons Mozarabes_, p 5-6 Y

T-S H15.91: Muwashshah by Judah ha-Levi; panegyric Bibliography: Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 19 m Schirmann, Te`uda I, p 100 M Stern, Al-Andalus XIII, p 316-17 Y Stern, _Chansons Mozarabes_, p 6-7 Y Stern, _HAS Poetry_, p 137 M

T-S H15.127: Muwashshah by Judah ha-Levi; panegyric in honour of Abu Hassan b. Qamniel, courtier and physician at the court of Almoravid princes. Bibliography: Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 19 m Stern, Al-Andalus XIII, p 317-18 Y Stern, _Chansons Mozarabes_, p 8 Y

T-S J1.4 List of allocations of alms. Jews from Spain are mentioned.

T-S J1.29: Trousseau list (translated Goitein IV, pp. 322–325) The richest trousseau reported in the Geniza contained three lamps, one for candles and "two complete Andalusian lamps" (col. 3, line 27), but all three are lumped with other copper utensils. Even where a lamp is described as "artistically ornamented" (manāra muqaddara) its price is included in the total of the copper. Unfortunately no description of the two Spanish lamps is given. The Spanish lamps differed much from those manufactured

1 in Egypt and in that period (ca. 1300). Bibliography: Ashtor, Histoire des Prix et des Salaires, p 152, 153, 155, 158, 159, 162, 163, 165, 166, 169, 170, 171, 175, 176, 177 M Goitein: AJSR II, p 107-10 X Goitein, Med Soc I, p 135, 432 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 125, 129, 137, 355, 387, 414, 453, 454, 456, 506 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 298-305, 380-81, 387-94, 430, p 322-25 m tx Goitein, Yemenites, p 106, m Reif, Jewish Archive, p 203, 267 m Reif Sh/Reif S, History in Fragments, p 9 m Stillman Y, Folklore RCS IV, p 300 M Stillman Y, Textile Hist X, p 194, 195 M Stillman Y in: Gil com I, p 242 m Stillman Y in: Patterns of Everyday Life, p 207-8 m

T-S J2.71 Copy of a letter from Hisdai ibn Shaprut (Spain, 10th century) to Empress Helena of Byzantium about the oppression of the Jews; 11 century; Hebrew; paper Hisdai b. Shaprut was a leading dignitary in the Abbasid court in Cordoba. In this letter he pleads with the Empress Helena, wife of the Byzantine Emperor, Constantine Porphyrogenitus (died 959 CE) for imperial protection to be granted to the Jews living in Byzantine territory. He points to his own warm relations with the Muslim Caliph in Cordova as well as the well-being of the Christians dwelling in Muslim Spain. In doing so, Hasdai also refers to the Jewish Khazar kingdoms (ereṣ al-Khazar) of the Eurasian steppes, whose alliance with Byzantium was instrumental in thwarting Muslim penetration of eastern Europe. Bibliography: De Lange, BJGS V, p 14 m De Lange, BMGS XVI, p 45 m Fleischer in: _Ben-Sasson com II_, p 208 y Golb in: _Popoli e Paesi_ I, p 184-86 ty NCG Golb/Pritsak, _Khazarian Heb Docs_, p vii, 79-84 m pl. Golb/Pritsak, _Khazarian Heb Docs_ (Rus.), p 120-23 m pl.iv-v Kaplony, _Ibrahim ibn Ya'qub_, p 143 m Mann, _Texts_ I, p 10-12 M Mann, _Texts_ I, p 21-3 Y Reif, _Jewish Archive_, p 176, 267 m Reif in: _Cambridge Genizah Collections_, p 16, 238 m Reif in: _Jewish Studies Twentieth Century_ I, p 591 m

2 Reif Sh/Reif S, _History in Fragments_, p 14 m Shaked, _Ten Bib_, p 151 M

T-S K2.70: Fragment of a commentary on Zacuto's astronomical tables by Abraham Gascon who lived in Cairo in the middle of the 16th century. Bibliography: Goldstein, Isis LXXII, p 240 M Goldstein, Isis LXXII, p 244, 245, 247, 248 M Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 20 m

T-S K3.32a: List of books left by a deputy judge, dated October 1150. Bibliography: (T-S K3.32) Delbes, _Documents Datés_ II, p 41 (index) Goitein, _Education_, p 129, 150 M Goitein, _Med Soc_ I, p 64, 406 M Goitein, _Med Soc_ II, p 216, 567, 572 M Goitein, _Med Soc_ III, p 284, 490 M Golb, JNES XXXIII, p 142 M

T-S K6.189: Calligraphic letter. A Spanish merchant residing in Jerusalem requests Abū Naṣr Faḍl b. Sahl al-Tustarī (spelled: Dustarī) in the most humble terms (but three times) to send him an exact account and the resulting balance. Bibliography: Bareket, Jews of Egypt, p 99 m Constable, Trade and Traders, p 89 m Gil, Palestine II, p 512-14 xt Gil, Palestine III, p 586 (index) Gil, Tustaris, p 56 m Goitein, Letters, p 88, 238 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 451 M Goitein, Med Soc V, p 333, 598 m Mann, Texts I, p 377 M

T-S K7.4: Paper, conjoined leaves, Sephardi oriental hand (17th century ?), popular medicine and prescriptions in Judaeo-Spanish: Azeite de arodel machukado bien y bien ... puziste en un sakode jul ... esprimido bien kon ... se mee en una redoma de garganta larga y el azeite ke sale ensima se akoje ... muy bueno para todo modo de esfrialdad o para bentozidad ...

3 Bibliography: Gutwirth, Anuario de Filología IX, p 220 ty Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 24 m Isaacs, _Medical Manuscripts_, p 1 m

T-S K7.51: Judah Hayyuj, two leaves of Kitāb al-ḏawāt ḥurūf al-līn (Book of geminate verbs) Bibliography: Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m

T-S K9.2: Dunash b. Labrat, Teshuvot Bibliography: Carrete Parrondo, Helmantica XXXII, p 294 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m Sáenz-Badillos, Genizah Fragments VII, pl.2 Sáenz-Badillos, _Teshubot de Dunash ben Labrat_, p. xxx-xxxi M Supp. Sáenz-Badillos, _Teshubot de Dunash ben Labrat_, p. xxx-xxxi m Sáenz-Badillos in: _Barthélemy com I_, p 362 m

T-S K10.1: Zoomorphic figures, Catalan (early 14th century) Bibliography: Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 19 m, pl.xxii Narkiss, _Heb Illuminated Mss British_ I (Part I), p 99-100 m Narkiss, _Heb Illuminated Mss British_ I (Part II), pl.110 Reif, _Jewish Archive_, p ix m, pl.xxxiii Reif Sh/Reif S, _History in Fragments_, p 5 m

T-S K14.47: Astrological prognostications, horoscopes for male and female: Mazal sarṭan li- neqeva La ke su mazal es en sartan sera fermosa de forma y ... kuerpo y de mucha karne y buenos ojos y buena su voz ... elle de kuerpo y buen kabello y ciegara de sus ojos. Y de año y medio adolecera y torna mucha fazienda y engrandecer a sus parientes y ayudara a ellos y se alegrara kon ellos y no terna mala fama. Es angustiada kada hora por muchos celos de la fermosura y de la fazienda y la tacharan sus parientes u otros y su marido la kera bien en su koraxon y adolecera de cinco anos y de trenta ocho y de kuarenta y nueve y de 64 ... morira de enfermedad de kalientura y tiene senial en sus tetas y en sus manos y en su vientre y en su kojenturas y en si kaveza feridas ... Bibliography: Fenton in: _Monde Juif et l'Astrologie_, p xii m Gutwirth, Anuario de Filología IX, p 220 ty Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 24 m Isaacs, _Medical Manuscripts_, p 4 m

4

T-S K15.14 and 66 (forming one document): List of allocations of alms. Jews from Spain are mentioned. a list of about a hundred persons, all male, foreigners, laborers, craftsmen mostly of lower standing, community officials, persons called ġulām (slave, freedman) or ṣabī (employee), and five others designated as ḍamīn, persons for whom security was given. They contribute or are asked to contribute from 1/6 to 3/4 dinar, that is, a partial payment of the poll tax, the community making up the balance. The sums following the names may also indicate the amounts to be paid by the community. The notables whose employees are mentioned (Dōsā, Ibn Sighmār. Ibn `Awkal, son of the famous Joseph; Bahūdī, Ibn Ḥirbish) were active around 1040. Foreigners: from Palestine: 5 (Tiberias: 3; Baniyas: 1; Jīsh: 1), Persia: 2; Tiflis: 1; Spain: 3; Ṣaqlābī: 1 (of Slavic origin). Some names are only partly visble. verso col. 1, line 14: (probably) A Spanish shoemaker is listed as living in Cairo; we may be justified in assuming that he emigrated in the hope that the high standard of his craft in his country of origin could serve as a recommentation for him while abroad. Bibliography: T-S K15.14 Ashtor, Annales:ESC XXVII, p 202, 207, 208 M Ashtor, Jews Mos Sp II, p 307, 343 M Ashtor, JJS XVIII, p 31 M Ashtor in: Shazar com I, p 499, 505 M Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 547 (index) Goitein: Eretz-Israel VII, p 87 YT Goitein: JESHO IV, p 169, 190, 195 M Goitein: JPHS XII, p 9 M Goitein, JSoS XXVI, p 81 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 49, 93, 99, 111, 115, 249, 403, 414, 416, 422, 424, 462, 522 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 440, 541 M Goitein, Med Soc V, p 42, 517, 552 m Goitein in: Manufacturing and Labour, p 34, 55, 60 m Stillman N: JESHO XVI, p 88 M T-S K15.14.66 Ashtor, Annales:ESC XXVII, p 202 M Ashtor in: Shazar com I, p 495 M Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 480, 547 m Gil in: Lazarus-Yafeh com II, p 151 m Goitein: Eretz-Israel VII, p 87 YT Goitein: JESHO IV, p 169, 170, 182, 189, 197 M Goitein, JSoS XXVI, p 81 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 49, 93, 100, 107-8, 111, 115, 128, 403, 414, 416, 420, 422, 424, 430, 522 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 439, 440, 570 M

5 Goitein in: Manufacturing and Labour, p 34-35, 47, 54, 62 m Stillman N: JESHO XVI, p 88 M

T-S K15.15 List of allocations of alms. Jews from Spain are mentioned.

T-S K15.39 List of allocations of alms. Jews from Spain are mentioned.

T-S K15.70 (ed. Mann II, 246–247) List of scholars on the payroll of the Cairene community, around 1075, mentiones among the foreigners (2 Frankish scholars, 2 from Palestine, 2 from Baghdad, 1 from another town in Iraq) 6 foreign cantors from Spain. The list is headed by Nahray b. Nissim, the Qayrawānese scholar and businessman, who had settled in Egypt many years before. Biboliography: Ashtor, Annales:ESC XXVII, p 202 M Dietrich A, Zum Drogenhandel im islamischen A|gypten, p 13 M Goitein, Education, p 86, 143 M Goitein, HUCA XXXIV, p 191 M Goitein: JESHO I, p 180 M NCG Goitein: JESHO IV, p 172, 196 M Goitein: JSoS XXVI, p 82 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 54, 404, 416, 424 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 441, 572 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 429 M Goitein, Preface xxxiii, M Goitein in: Manufacturing and Labour, p 37, 61 m Mann, Jews in E and Pal I, p 206 M Mann, Jews in E and Pal II, p 246, 247 X Shaked, Ten Bib, p 153 M

T-S K15.93 List of allocations of alms. Jews from Spain are mentioned.

T-S K15.96 List of allocations of alms. Jews from Spain are mentioned.

T-S K15.97: List of persons in receipt of 5 or 10 dirhems or of a felt cloth, with a postscript signed by Isaac b. Samuel, the Spaniard (dated documents 1095–1127).

6 Bibliography: Ashtor: Annales: ESC XXVII, p 202, 206, 207 M Ashtor, Jews Mos Sp II, p 388 M Goitein, Education, p 70 M Goitein, JESHO VIII, p 23 M Goitein: JSoS XXVI, p 9, 83 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 379, 405, 430 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 446 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 303, 429, 494 M

T-S K15.102 List of allocations of alms. Jews from Spain are mentioned.

T-S K21.29: Amulet for pilgrim from Jaen (11th century) Bibliography: Ashtor, E. 1964. Documentos Españoles de la Genizah, in: Sefarad 24, pp. 41–80, p 59-60 XT Beit-Arié in: _Moreshet Sefarad_, p 226 m Díaz Esteban in: _Bataliús_, p 117 m Gil, _History of Palestine_, p 625 m Gil, _Palestine_ III, p 586 (index) Goitein, _Med Soc_ V, p 401, p 620 tx m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 19 m Ku|chler, BSGJF I, p 21 tx Shaked, _Ten Bib_, p 154 M

T-S K22.12: , paper, 3 bifolia, Hebrew (early 16 century), autograph; probably written in 1501 in Egypt by a Hispano-Jewish exile on his way to Jerusalem. It has been described as a work of messianic propaganda interpreting the burning of the hispanic conversos, the imposition of the castellanos tax, the phenomenon of the reconciliados, the expulsions and the Lisbon massacre, and the figures of Kind Ferdinand and Don Manuel in messianic terms by the use of such methods as gematria. Bibliography: Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 21 m Tishby, _Messianism_, p 9-11 p 98-121 m x pl. Tishby, Zion XLVIII, p 55 p 26-49 m x pl.

T-S K24.28: Manuscript, paper, Hebrew characters, Judaeo-Catalan, glossary of Hebrew words corresponding to the Masorateic Text of Exodus 22:5–22 and 23:26–24:18.

7 Bibliography: Blondheim, Romania XXXIX, p 139 M Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 20 m

T-S K25.159: Prescriptions, popular medicine, magical symbols, pentagram, tetragrammaton, and name of angel Samael at the foot; prescriptions are against head lice, for kidney ailments and haemorrhage. Bibliography: Gutwirth, Anuario de Filología IX, p 220-21 ty Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 24 m Isaacs, _Medical Manuscripts_, p 5 m

T-S K25.240 nos 18, 19, 20: Spanish people mentioned Bibliography: Ashtor, _Histoire des Prix et des Salaires_, p 201, 226 M Ashtor, RSI LXXVIII, p 335 M Ben-Sasson in, _Fortifications_, p 209-10, 259 m Delbes, _Documents Datés_ II, p 47 (index) Gil, _History of Palestine_, p 146 Gil, _Palestine_ III, p 586 (index) Goitein, JSoS XXVI, p 8, 21, 77, 84 M Goitein, _Med Soc_ II, p 391-2, 449-50, 542, 547, 559, 612 M Goitein, _Med Soc_ IV, p 358 m Goitein, _Med Soc_ V, p 490, 642 m Khan, _Legal Docs_, p 547 (index) T-S K25.240 (11-12) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 71, 137 M Gil, _Pious Foundations_, p 416-17 XT Goitein, JESHO VI, p 294 M Goitein, _Med Soc_ I, p 208, 451 M T-S K25.240 (11-38,40-56) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 132 M Goitein, _Med Soc_ II, p 420-1 M T-S K25.240 (14) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 136 M T-S K25.240 (15) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 136 M T-S K25.240 (17) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 134 M

8 Goitein, _Med Soc_ I, p 57, 405 M T-S K25.240 (17-20) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 71 M T-S K25.240 (18) Goitein, _Med Soc_ I, p 57, 405 M T-S K25.240 (19) Goitein, _Med Soc_ I, p 57, 405 M T-S K25.240 (1-11) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 70 M T-S K25.240 (1-45) Goitein in, _J Med and Ren St_, p 161 M T-S K25.240 (20) Goitein, _Med Soc_ I, p 57, 405 M T-S K25.240 (21) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 136 M Gil, _Pious Foundations_, p 417-18 XT T-S K25.240 (23) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 133 M T-S K25.240 (24-8) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 72, 132 M Goitein, _Education_, p 91 M T-S K25.240 (26) Gil, _Pious Foundations_, p 418 XT T-S K25.240 (29) Gil, _Pious Foundations_, p 418-19 XT T-S K25.240 (29-32) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 77 M T-S K25.240 (30) Gil, _Pious Foundations_, p 419 XT T-S K25.240 (31) Gil, _Pious Foundations_, p 419-20 XT T-S K25.240 (32) Gil, _Pious Foundations_, p 420 XT T-S K25.240 (34) Ashtor, JJS XVIII, p 40 M T-S K25.240 (40) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 72 M Gil, _Pious Foundations_, p 420-1 XT Goitein, _Med Soc_ I, p 98-9, 413 M

9 T-S K25.240 (41) Gil, _Pious Foundations_, p 421 XT T-S K25.240 (55) Gil, _Pious Foundations_, p 421-2 XT T-S K25.240 (56) Ashtor, Zion XXX, p 67 M

T-S K3.32a: List of books left by a deputy judge, in the small town Sanbuṭya (: Sunbāṭ) in Lower Egypt, dated October 1150. In this list, a bound volume of responsa is mentioned, written by a Spanish Jewish scholar Joseph ha-Levi, yeḥīd ha-dōr, "the unique" (= Ibn Migash, who died in 1141, i.e. a few years before that judge) who never traveled to the East. This shows the free circulation of books. Bibliography: Gil, Ishmael III, p 163-70 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, p 743 (index) Gil: JESHO XLVI, p 288, 301 m NCG Gil in: Italia Judaica V, p 170 (index)

T-S 8J14.28: one leaf, letter from son to father (16th century ?), signed Isaac `avdekha [your servant] Baronito. Bibliography: Gutwirth, Anuario de Filología IX, p 221-22 ty Gutwirth, VSWG LXXIII, p 213 ty Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 25 m

T-S 8J18.5: Letter of Judah ha-Levi to Ḥalfon b. Nethanel: Report about the progress of the collection; 17 x 17.5 cm; paper; faded in places; spring/summer 1129. Translation: "My lord and master, may God make your honoured position permanent. I received this letter from our master and teacher Judah b. Ghiyāth (the poet Judah b. Ghiyāth, often spelled Ghayyāth, lived in Granada and was a personal friend of Ḥalfon b. Nethanel), lord of mine and admirer of yours – may God elevate you both –, and decided to rush it to you so that you may enjoy it – may God let me enjoy your company. In my precvious letter I thanked you for your efforts in the matter of the captive woman (The girl probably was traveling in a caravan in Muslim territory when it was overtaken by raiders from Christian Toledo). Kindly alert her father to come to us, for her affair is nearing a satisfactory solution: We here in the towm pay 10 mithqāls; the Turks, the Ghuzz (= the Turkish people that we loosely call Seljuks; probably these Ghuzz had taken [paid] responsibility for the travelers in their caravan) have sent 4 or so; and then the mithqāl donated by you. Fram Malaga we expect 6, and when he (= her father) will bring 10 from

10 Lucena (halfway between Granada and Cordova, was the Jewish "capital" of Muslim Spain. Therefore, it was expected that a sum equal to that colelcted in Toledo, the main Jewish centre of Christian Spain, would be brought together there), the matter will be settled and we may get his daughter out before the holidays. For that wicked woman has changed her mind and does not permit us any longer to take the girl out of the prison on Sabbaths and holidays (in Yemen it was common practice to send imprisoned Jews home on their Sabbaths). If he (= her father) prefers to send us what has been colected thus far and to go to Granada in order to secure what might still be missing from the 32, let him do so. But I believe the best thing is to obtain her release as quickly as possible. God may guide us to whatever may be the best. The final term agreed with the wicked woman is the end of Tishri (the month of the autumn holidays. After the laps of the term, the girl could be sold as a slave. If she was beautiful, a price for higher than 33 1/3 dinars could be obtained for her), and she does not grant us even one hour more. Kiindly let me know how you are in body and soul – may God shelter them in his grace. And Peace!" [Verso: Address] "To the illustrious scholar, the noble leader, our master and teacher Ḥalfon ha-Levi – may the Allmerciful preserve him, son of his honour, our master and teacher Nethanel ha-Levi – may he rest in Eden." Bibliography: Brann, Compunctious Poet, p 204 m Gil, M./Fleischer, E. Yehuda Ha-Levi and His Circle: 55 Geniza Documents (Sources for the 2001. Study of Jewish Culture 6), Jerusalem, pp. 319–321, plate p. 524

Friedman M A, MYMA, p 188, 288 m Goitein: Tarbiz 25 (1956), 393–408. Goitein, Med Soc V, p 463 tx Gutwirth/Reif, Ten Centuries, p. 18 m Reif Sh/Reif S, History in Fragments, p 7 m

T-S 8J20.2: A letter from Alexandria, written around 1065. The letter informs its addressee that in a ship arriving from Denia, Spain, not a single Jewish traveler had arrived and that neither that ship nor the one coming fom Almeria carried any goods for him, with the addition "may God not thwart your efforts". The letter was written at a time of famine and disturbance in Egypt, which explains why the Spanish merchants were not eager to visit or to send goods there. About 120 years later, Maimonides remarks in a responsum that Jews, even learned ones, were regular passengers on the boats commuting between Seville and Alexandria (Maimionides Responsa II, 576). Bibliography: Ashtor in: Gli Ebrei I, p 424, 439 m Ben-Sasson, Jews of Sicily, p 535-39 p 673 xt m

11 Constable, Trade and Traders, p 61, 123 m Gil, Ishmael III, p 651-53 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, 739 (index) Gil: JESHO XLVI, p 302 m NCG Gil in: Italia Judaica V, p 170 (index) Gil in: Simonsohn com I, p 51 (Heb.) m Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 437 m

T-S 8J41.2: Letter of a Spanish merchant writing from Tyre, Lebanon, to his partner in Old Cairo. The guiding rule of commerce discernible in the Geniza papers was keeping one's capital working all the time. "Do not let idle with you one single dirhem of our partnership, but buy whatever God puts into your mind and send it on with the very first ship sailing". This is the advice of a Spanish merchant writing from Tyre, Lebanon, to his partner in Old Cairo. As a result of such an attitude, a rich Tunisian arriving in Palermo on the eve of the High Holidays did not find in his office 1 dinar cash, although he had there goods worth 2000 dinars. Nahray 191. Dropsie 389, l. 27 Bibliography: Ashtor in: Gli Ebrei I, p 439 m Ben-Sasson, Jews of Sicily, p 640, 673 m Constable, Trade and Traders, p 74 m Díaz Esteban in: Bataliús, p 141-43 yt pl.xvi Gil, Palestine III, p 211-14 xt Gil, Palestine III, p 582 (index) Gil, Tustaris, p 21 m Gil, Zion XLV, p 278 m Reif, Jewish Archive, p 204, 266 m Reif in: Cambridge Genizah Collections, p 25, 238 m Reif in: Jewish Studies Twentieth Century I, p 600 m

T-S 10J5.24: Tustarī cloths are mentioned, coming from the West, imported to Egpt by persons called Andalusī; thus, this clothes must have been produced either in Spain, or in some country in North Africa. Bibliography: Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 545 (index) Díaz Esteban in: Bataliús, p 132-35 xt pl.xiii Gil, Ishmael III, p 924-26 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, p 740 (index) Gil in: Italia Judaica V, p 171 (index)

12 Goitein, Med Soc I, p 50, 403 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 381 m Michaeli, Nahrai, p Doc.186 Shaked, Ten Bib, p 98 M

T-S 10J7.6: Document signed by Hiyya b. Isaac, son of Isaac b. Samuel, the Spaniard Bibliography: Delbes, Documents Datés II, p 42 (index) Friedman M A, Tarbiz XLIII, p 177 M Goitein: JESHO IX, p 43 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 124, 136, 194, 250, 260, 365, 428, 433, 462, 465, 512 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 513 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 42, 398, 436, 443 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 355 m Goitein, Med Soc V, p 162 p 550 ty m Golb: JNES XXXIII, p 118 M Rivlin, Inheritance and Wills, p 170-71 y Rivlin, Inheritance and Wills, p 455 m Rivlin: Te`uda XV, p 251 m

T-S 10J10.3: Letter by Ephraim b. Jacob, perhaps identical with a merchant from Denia, Spain. The incident connecting Spain and Egypt together is particularly telling. A person who had been excommunicated by the Jewish authorities in four cities in Spain, Granada, Lucena, Cordova, and Seville, tried what other people had done in similar circumstances: he vanished and traveled to Egypt. There, however, he was met by other people from Spain who demanded from the Jewish judge of Alexandria to pronounce on him the ban there. The judge hesitated, for he was informed that the man could defect to if he received the same treatment in Egypt he had experienced in his home country. Under these circumstances his adversaries approached the Nagid, or Head of the Jewish community in the Fatimid empire, with the request to pronounce the ban against that man and to instruct the judge in Alexandria to do the same. The Geniza letter telling this story was sent by special messenger from Alexandria to Cairo, urging the addressees (also foes from Spain of the excommunicated man) to deliver to the Nagid all the documents connected with the case and to see to it that action was taken without delay. Bibliography: Ashtor, E. 1964. Documentos Españoles de la Genizah, in: Sefarad 24, pp. 41–80, p. 63– 68 XT Pl. Díaz Esteban in: Bataliús, p 117 m Goitein: JAOS LXXXIV, p 122 M

13 Goitein, Med Soc I. p 69, 288, 407-8, 471 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 302, 592 M Goitein, Med Soc V, p 102, 534 m

T-S 10J10.14 A Tunisian who had traveled from Palermo with the intention of proceeding from there to Eypt, where he hoped to better his luck, had booked on a qunbār of a man from Tinnīs. The boat tarried until all ships, "even those with the destination Spain", which obviously were habitually the last to leave the Sicilian port, had sailed. Finally, during "the overnight stay". the boat was sequestered, the consignments were carried to the "sultan's palace" and the passengers became stranded for the whole winter. "Thus, I remained in a foreign country without a dinar or dirhem, with my hands and feet cut off (that is: unable to find work)." (lines 9–15) Bibliography: Ben-Sasson, Jews of Sicily, p 22-24, p 673 xt m Gil, Ishmael IV, p 310-12 p 740 (index) xt Gil in: Italia Judaica I, p 93 m Goitein, Med Soc I, p 314, 481 M Goitein, Med Soc V, p 331, 597 m

T-S 10J10.23: Letter from Alexandria of August 28, 1140 concerning the arrival of ships from Spain. The arrival in Egypt of autumn convoys from Spain, Italy and Tunisia is usually reported for the end of August or slightly later. Thus we read in a letter from Alexandria, of August 28, 1140: "A Genoese ship has arrived, and it is said that it belongs to a convoy of twelve (lit. one of twelve). However, the ship of the Sultan has not arrived yet and the people are worried" (lines 9–11). This ship, which was coming from Spain, actually sailed into Alexandria on September 8, as we read in another letter from that town, which also reports that its sister ship, that of the qā'id (commander) had arrived some days before (T-S 13J15.20). Bibliography: Constable, Trade and Traders, p 123, 176 m Goitein, India Book, p No.251, (IV,73) Goitein, Med Soc I, p 317, 406, 454, 467, 482 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 494 M Shaked, Ten Bib, p 101 M

T-S 10J15.1: Letter of Judah ha-Levi: bid for speeding up the collection and their requests. The postscript shows that Judah ha-Levi wrote from Toledo. Consequently, "the wicked woman", in whose prison the captive languished, could hardly have been any other than

14 Doña Urraca, who ruled over that city from 1109 through 1126. Urraca, described as ruling "cruelly and femininely", waged war against her husband Alfonso I of Aragon, her son Alfonso II of Castile, and her sister Teresa, the ruler of Portugal. Thus we are not astonished that she showed no mercy for the captive girl. Urraca died on 8 March 1126, and, considering that one of the letters to the Jewish autumn holidays, the latest possible date for these letters was late summer 1125. The standard ransom for a person of any religion or sex all over the Mediterranean was 33 1/3 dinars. Ha-Levi speaks of 32 dinars presumably because he himself, before starting the pious work of collecting the ransom, had contributed 1 1/3 dinars. Ransoming was a highly regarded religious duty, wherefore the terms referring to the captive are in Hebrew. It is surprising that the collection of a ransom for a single captive should have necessitated an action comprising several of the major Jewish communities in Christian and Muslim Spain. Compared with Egypt, where large sums were frequently raised for similar purposes, Spanish Jewry here seems either poorer or less liberal. But no such conclusions should be drawn from these letters. Rampant piracy and continuous warfare accounted for the constant need to provide funds for ransoms, especially in the port cities. This probably explains why Almeria and Denia, which harbored important Jewish communities during this period, are not included in ha-Levi's list. Almeria, as we know from several Geniza documents, was indeed busy with other captives (see T-S 10J15.3 margin line 2). "My lord and master – may God unite us soon under desirable circumstances. You have strained my yearnings. Please mend soon what you have impaired. May I ask you a favour? Kindly approach your uncle (the text has ṣihrak "relative", but since the word precedes "your paternal aunt", Ḥalfon's prominent uncle, Samuel Ibn Al-Ukhtūsh, is no doubt intended) and your paternal aunt and also the Head of the Police Abū Ibrāhīm Ibn Barōn ("head of the police, ṣāḥib ash-shurṭa, was a title rather than an office in those days. Abū Ibrāhīm Ibn Barōn [= Spanish varón "man"] once sent to Judah ha-Levi almonds, figs, grapes, and other fruits from Malaga, to which gift the poet alluded in a poem dedicated to him [see Schirman, Tarbiz 9 (1938), 225]), who values you very much and who is my support – may God make his honoured position permanent – that they should talk to Ibn al-Šayyānī (= a man from the city of Jaén) with regard to the balance of the pledge made for the imprisoned woman. For we are in trouble with regard to the small balance remaining as we had been with regard to the large sum. The bearer of this letter of mine – may God restore his health – asks you so kindly recommend him to someone who could be of help to him. For he was a man of means and has become the opposite; on top of this, he has lost his health and eyesight and is far away from his family and native country. And God may let you be the originator (sababan) of every charity and good work. And Peace upon my lord and God's mercy." [Verso: Address] "To the illustrious scholar, the noble leader, our master and teacher Ḥalfon ha-Levi – may the Allmerciful preserve him, son of his honour, our master and teacher Nethanel ha-Levi – may he rest in Eden." [Postscript written upside down] "Convey my highest regards to the illustrious Master

15 (Rav), the Light of Israel (= Joseph ibn Migash, then the spiritual leader of the Jews of Spain, was referred to in this way. The poet had submitted to him a question [in legal or religious matters] for his compatriots, and asks now his friend Ḥalfon, who either happened to be in Lucena or was expected to travel there, to expedite the matter) – may the Allmerciful preserve him –and substitute for me in asking him to reply to the people of Toledo. They rely on me in this matter, and I cannot say that my requests find no friendly response with the Master – may his Rock protect him. And peace upon my lord." Bibliography: Baneth: Tarbiz XXVI, p 302 M Blau in: Resp Maim II, p 434-444 X Epstein, J Marriage Con, p 278 M Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 314-25 xt, pl.521-22 Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 616 m Friedlaender: MGWJ LIII, p 469-485 X NCG Goitein, India Book, p No.118, (IV,37) Goitein, Med Soc V, p 463-64 tx Goitein: PAAJR XXVIII, p 48 M Goitein: Tarbiz XXV, p 405 XT Pl. Goitein in: Pareja com I, p 335-336 TX Shaked, Ten Bib, p 103 M

T-S 10J16.17: Letter of Nahray b. Nissim's cousin reporting the arrival of ships from Spain. Nahray b. Nissim's cousin reports from Alexandria at a time when only one ship had arrived from al-Mahdiyya and none from Tripoli or Sfax, and when he daily went to the seaboard looking out for arrivals from these ports: "This week, there arrived a Spanish ship from Spain, namely from Denia, in which a number of our friends traveled (four are called by name). They did not enter al-Mahdiyya and have no news about it ... There arrived ships from Genoa and other Rūm places, and three other ships are expected from Spain" (lines 4– 5, 8–23). Nahray 37. Bibliography: Ashtor, Jews Mos Sp II, p 184, 292, 364, 386 M Ashtor in: Gli Ebrei I, p 438 m Ben-Sasson, Jews of Sicily, p 198, 673 m Constable, Trade and Traders, p 175 m Gil, Ishmael III, p 413-16 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, p 741 (index) Goitein, Med Soc V, p 453, 586, 635 m

16 Kedar in: Miscellanea di Studi Storici II, p 24-25 m pl. Michaeli, Nahrai, p Doc.37 Udovitch in: Lopez com I, p 149-151 TX

T-S 10J16.24: Judaeo-Spanish letter, 17th century hand, Samuel Conforte to his father, the famous chronicler and author of the Qore ha-dorot. Bibliography: David A in: _Jews in Ottoman Egypt_, p 26 m Gutwirth, VSWG LXXIII, p 213 ty Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 25 m

T-S 10J17.16 The brother-in-law of a freedman moves from Qalyūb to the Manūfiyya district in order to embrace Islam; it is understandable that a person changing his religion would prefer to move to another town. The renegade al-Baṣrī mentioned below had emigrated from Spain, where his brother lived, to Egypt. Bibliography: Ashtor: JJS XIX, p 13-14 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 301, 591 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 443, 498 M Goitein, Med Soc V, p 108-10, 536-37 m Golb: JNES XXXIII, p 134 M

T-S 10J24.4: Letter with detail from the life of Judah ha-Levi. An example for the cash value of clothing is this detail from the life of the Spanish Hebrew poet Judah ha-Levi, revealed in a Geniza letter: when the poet had already boarded the ship which was to take him to the Holy Land, a mailman from Spain arrived in Alexandria with a letter from a young relative announcing that he would soon travel to Egypt. An admirer of the poet brought the letter on board, whereupon ha-Levi handed him a with a note to his relative advising him to sell it and to finance his travel from Egypt to Palestine with what he got for it. Bibliography: Constable, Trade and Traders, p 88, 93 m Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 491-94 xt pl.593-94 Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 616 m Goitein, India Book, p No.121, (IV,78) Goitein, JAOS LXXXIV, p 120 Goitein, Letters, p 264 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 279, 285, 469, 470 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 592 M

17 Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 413 m Goitein, Med Soc V, p 103, p 535 ty Goitein, PAAJR XXVIII, p 52 M Goitein, Tarbiz 24 (1955), p. 31-33, 44-45 X Goitein: Tarbiz XXVIII, p 349 M Hopkins, SGEA, p 217 m NCG Shaked, Ten Bib, p 108 M

T-S 10Ka4.1: Maimonides, Guide for the Perplexed, autograph with his corrections, affording a glimpse into the creative process Bibliography: _JE_ IX, q Pl.75 Chapira, REJ XCIX, p 10-12 M Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m Hirschfeld, JQR OS XV, p 677-81 X Pl. Hopkins, BJRULM LXVII/2 Reif Sh/Reif S, _History in Fragments_, p 6 m Sasson in: _Maim Com Mishnah_ I, Pl.xlviii-xlix l-li Shivtiel in: _Fodor com I_, p 193 m Sirat, Archives LVIII, p 12 m Yellin, Tarbiz I, p 94 Yellin/Abrahams, _Maimonides_, p. xiv M, Pl.128 NCG Yoel/Munk, _Dala{-}lat al-h{.}a{-}'iri{-}n_, p 497-501 X NCG

T-S 13J3.26: An elderly settler in Jerusalem writes to his sister back in Spain about his marriage: "I am happy with those with whom I have been connected", the plural probably meaning his wife and family. The girl's name is Akramiyya, probably after her former master al-shaykh al-Akram. Bibliography: Delbes, Documents Datés I, p 90 m Delbes, Documents Datés II, p 47 (index) Goitein, Med Soc III, p 82, 443 M Worman, JQR OS XVIII, p 38 M

T-S 13J6.22: Letter from Jerusalem sent to Fustat around 1060: crimson from Shadhūna A woman from Jerusalem who ordered in Fustat five pounds of Shadhūna crimson (qirmiz shādhūnī) [and coloured Constantinople silk: ḥarīr quṣṭanṭīnī maṣbūgh] was perhaps herself a native of Spain or some other country of the western Mediterranean. Clothes made in, or in

18 the style of, Manāra (a place near Shadhūna) were repeatedly sent from Aden to India. Shadhūna near Sevilla was renowned for its crimson. Bibliography: Constable, Trade and Traders, p 171 m Gil, Cathedra VIII, p 130 TY Gil, Jerusalem Cathedra III, p 173 m Gil: JNES LXI, p 33 m Gil: JNES XLI, p 272 m Gil, Palestine III, p 104-7 xt Gil, Palestine III, p 584 (index) Gil, Shalem II, p 23 M Gil in: Goitein com I (Heb.), p 74 m Gil in: History of Jerusalem, p 176 m Goitein, Med Soc I, p 417 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 431 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 363, 368, 384, 402 m

T-S 13J7.11: Court record mentioning Denia, Spain. Only the left side of this lengthy court record has been preserved, but the main points are clear: In Denia (Spain), Ephraim b. Jacob appoints one Abūn as his attorney to claim whatever his late father might have left him in Egypt. In a postscript, Abūn is specifically empowered to sue a man called Abū Naṣr Musāfir. The third entry is made in al-Mahdiyya, as is proved by the signature of the judge Moses b. Labraṭ (well-known from letters written by him, as well as from documents, some dated 1098). Raḥamīm b. Amram (his father's name is spelled also in the Arabic way `Imrān), the second signatory, appears again in the fourth entry, which contains expressly the (Hebrew) name of Alexandria used at that time: Nō Amōn, and is signed by [..]qwb dr`y, which is the other half of the name "Abraham b. Jacob Der`ī", then judge in the Mediterranean port. Of the final signature only "[..]sf, Head of the court of the Academy" is preserved. The name is to be read as "Solomon, son of Joseph, late Head of the court of the Academy", a religious dignitary active in Fustat (cf. Mann I, 187 n.2). The remnants of the signature here differ from the signature of this judge in T-S 13J2.4 (Fustat, 1094), but since both are in monumental style, they can hardly be compared. On the other hand, it seems that the handwriting here is similar to that inSolomon b. Joseph's lengthy historical poem celebrating the Fatimid victory over the Seljuk invaders of Egypt in 1077. Bibliography: Goitein, Med Soc I, p 69, 407 M Goitein: Tarbiz 30 (1961), p. 379-80

T-S 13J7.30: Letter in Judaeo-Spanish, probably 17th century, commercial and family matters, father and son are business partners.

19 Bibliography: David A, PAAJR LX, p 18-20 m Gutwirth, Michael XIV, p 32 m Gutwirth, VSWG LXXIII, p 213 ty Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 25 m

T-S 13J9.4: Letter of 1053 from Jerusalem to a Jewish woman of Toledo, Balluta documents Hispano-Jewish migrations of the 11th century to the land of Israel but also the persistence of hispanic regional ties; it speaks of the Toledan women in Ramlah. Bibliography: Almbladh, Folkets Historia XXX-XXXI, p 127-142 tx pl. Ashtor, E. 1964. Documentos Españoles de la Genizah, in: Sefarad 24, pp. 41–80, p 47-59 XT Assaf, _Texts and Studies_, p 106-113 X Assaf, Zion VI, p 40-4 XT Assaf/Mayer in: _Sefer ha-Yishuv_ II, p 41-2 XT Birnbaum, _EJ2_ II, Pl.697 Delbes, _Documents Datés_ II, p 26 (index) Díaz Esteban in: _Bataliús_, p 117 m Engel, Te`uda XV, p 390 m Friedman M A, _J Marriage in Pal_ I, p 354 M Gil, JNES XLI, p 278 m Gil, _Palestine_ III, p 90-95 xt Gil, _Palestine_ III, p 584 (index) Gil in: _History of Jerusalem_, p 191 m Goitein, _Med Soc_ I, p 118, 425 M Goitein, _Med Soc_ III, p 60, 239, 430, 439, 478 M Goitein, _Med Soc_ III, p 241 TY Goitein, _Med Soc_ V, p 229, 570 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 19 m Kraemer, Zemanim XXXIV-XXXV, pl.8 Kraemer in: _Cambridge Genizah Collections_, p 181, 205, 238 m pl.xxi Olszowy-Schlanger, _Karaite Marriage Documents_, p 47, 122, 505 m Olszowy-Schlanger in: _Karaite Judaism_, p 282 m Shaked, _Ten Bib_, p 118-19 M

T-S 13J14.21: Letter from Almeria, written in the same decade as leaving that port. The ship of the qā'id Ibn Maymūn of Almeria is mentioned. This qā'id appears together with the sultat Yaḥyā b. `Aziz of Bougie, Algeria, in a treaty of peace and friendship concluded in

20 Pisa on July 2, 1133. Bibliography: Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 545 (index) Constable, Trade and Traders, p 37, 124, 157 m Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 371-73 xt Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 616 m Goitein, India Book, p No.106, (IV,24) Goitein, Med Soc I, p 64, 310, 406, 479 M Shaked, Ten Bib, p 123 M

T-S 13J17.22: An early letter of Judah ha-Levi to Ḥalfon b. Nethanel The left half of the superscription, consisting of one blank line and two other lines, has been carefully cut away. It probably contained the signature of the sender. Here, where ha- Levi was not yet on intimate terms with the recipient, he certainly signed his name in full. This is perhaps the very letter written by the Spanish physician and Hebrew poet to the learned Indian trader. He had treated him and now inquires whether he has fully recovered. This letter is styled and written carefully and elaborately and gives the impression of reflecting a first encounter with a personage never met before. Greetings are extended to two Maghrebi merchants found later in the company of Ḥalfon on their way back from India in the port of `Aydhāb on the East African coast (see T-S Ar.48.270; UCL 18J.5). These local people must have taken care of the traveler during his illness, wherefore Judah ha-Levi had had an opportunity to meet them. "To the illustrious sheikh, the scholar (Arabic: ḥabr; not Hebrew: ḥaver, because there is not a single Hebrew word in the entire letter. In an almost official letter to a learned patient, doctors were advised to keep to one unmixed language. Later, when ha-Levi became familiar with Ḥalfon b. Nethanel, he slightly softened his strictness), the perfect gentleman, Abū Sa`īd al-Ẓumyāṭī (for Dimyātī = Damietta; ha-Levi obviously had heard the name pronounced in this way by the Maghrebi merchants mentioned below) – may God prolong the life of my master and lord [...]. I have arrived in safety – thank God –, but regret to be deprived of your sweet company and delightful conversation, as everyone would be who has witnessed your brightness, as I have done, and experienced the perfection of your essence and of your spiritual equipments, as I have experienced. In view of this, what I owe you and the obligation to honour and thank you, as far as possible, are above ability. May God in his goodness help me to do my duty. And this has increased my worry about you and my longing for news from you. May God let me hear from you happy tidings and reports, as one would hope for. I should be grateful if you would kindly inform me about your state of health and the results of the treatment since I left. I ask God that he grant you and me complete recovery and return to your former health. Also that he anable you soon to take up again the things you hope for and enjoy. Please inform me also when your blessed departure takes place – may God give success to your undertakings and make his benefactions to your friends permanent through his

21 power and goodness (certainly referring to a trip from Spain to North Africa in the company of the two Maghrebi merchants mentioned in the following. "Benefactions to your friends" means permanent success for Ḥalfon, which makes his friends happy). You kindly asked me about my own well-being. Nothing new is to be reported of me except that my mind is occupied with the actions during my treatment of you. May God seal the matter well for all of us. I am extending to the high excellency of my lord greetings commensurate with my love, corresponding to my yearnings, and expressing my admiration and partisanship for you. Likewise for the illustrious two merchants Abū Ya`qūb b, Ezrah (sic! not Ezra; there were Ezrah families, which probably preferred that spelling in order to differentiate themselves from the famous Ibn Ezras) and Abū Isḥāq b. Mu`ṭī, my master – may God strengthen their honoured position. Finally, greetings, repeated, reiterated, and renewed to my master and lord. And may the mercy of God and his blessings be upon him. Politeness requires something else (i.e. better) (al-adab ghahroh; excuses at the end of letters are very common: "My scriptorial performance is not up to standard; please condone". In effect, the letter is a calligraphic pasterpiece!) Bibliography: Ashtor, History I, p 180 M Constable, Trade and Traders, p 94 m Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 273-75 xt, pl.503 Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 616 m Goitein, India Book, p No.278, (IV,35) Goitein, Med Soc V, p 466 tx Goitein, 'Os{.}ar Yehudey Sefarad VIII, p 7-10 XT Goitein: Tarbiz XXIV, p 22 M Goitein in: Pareja com I, p 339 M Goitein, in: Tesoro de los Judíos Sefardiés, Jerusalem 1965, pp. 7–10. Shaked, Ten Bib, p 127 M Worman: JQR OS XIX, p 739 M

T-S 13J20.17: in a letter written in Old Cairo around 1065 to Eli b. Amram, "excellent member of the academy", but acting also as a court scribe, his junior colleagues specifies the fees received in his absence: "A marriage contract [names provided] - 6 dirhems; another marriage contract - 4 dirhems; the third one [of a husband who took his divorcée back] - 3 dirhems; a bill of divorce - 2 "black" dirhems, sold for 1 good dirhem; a power of attorney given to a man traveling to Spain, where he was to receive a bill of divorce from a husband living there for his wife who had remained in Egypt [see UCL Or 1080.4.15]- no fees asked for." Many Jews from Babylonia, who had migrated from their ancient birthplace, reached Soain around 1000, either directly or after first settling in some intermediate way station. It is

22 reported in this letter that an authorization was sent to Spain by Fardjōn al-parnas al- Battānī, empowering someone “to receive a bill of divorce from Ibn Bānūqa for his wife, the daughter of Ḥazūm b. ar-Raḥbī”. Thus we learn about a women who came from this city of ar-Raḥba on the Euphrates and was married in Spain (or at least she married a man living in Spain). The flow of immigrants from distant lands was a result of the security and fourishing economy of Moslem Spain. Bibliography: Ashtor, E. 1992. The Jews of Moslem Spain II, Philadelphia & Jerusalem, pp. 8, 306. Bareket, AJSR XXIII, p 17 m Goitein, Med Soc I, p 388, 492 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 572 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 203, 393, 469 M

T-S 13J21.7: check bibliography Ashtor, E. 1964. Documentos Españoles de la Genizah, in: Sefarad 24, pp. 41–80, p. 78-80 XT

T-S 13J21.12: Traveler from Spain writes to his father from , : The letter was sent not with a fayj (courier) (Arabization of Persian payk < pā 'foot'), but with a packer who had packed and later accompanied bales of alum going from Morocco to Spain (verso lines 12–13). The writer complains of having no one with whom to send specified sums or goods: "Fire burns in my heart that I have collected here gold and find no one with whom I could send it to you". Bibliography: Ashtor: RSI LXXVIII, p 341 M Constable, Trade and Traders, p 33, 74-76, 146 m Delbes, Documents Datés I, p 91 m Delbes, Documents Datés II, p 39 (index) Goitein, Letters, p 264-8 TX Goitein, Med Soc I, p 210, 289, 452, 471, 486 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 363, 403 m Goitein: Tarbiz XXIV, p 33 M

T-S 13J22.30: The leading country in the production of silk in our period, at least as far as the Geniza records go, was Spain. It exported cacoons and raw silk, as well as finished products. The origin of this prominence is perhaps to be sought in the fact that in early Islamic times Spain was chiefly colonized by people coming from Syria and Lebanon, countries with an ancient serculture. Bibliography:

23 Ashtor, Histoire des Prix et des Salaires, p 143 M Ashtor, Jews Mos Sp II, p 388 M Constable, Trade and Traders, p 37, p 175 m ty Delbes, Documents Datés II, p 34 (index) Goitein, JESHO IV, p 173, 177 M Goitein, Letters, p 108 M Goitein, Letters, p 245-8 TX Goitein, Med Soc I, p 47, 102, 105, 223, 303, 317, 402, 417, 418, 455, 475, 481, 517 M Goitein in: Manufacturing and Labour, p 38, 42 m Lipinski, OLP XXIX, p 86

T-S 13J25.1 v, ll. 22–25: A merchant, on the eve of his departure from Qayrawān, entreats his business correspondent in Fustat to continue collecting the sums owed him. He was going to stay in Spain for a long time and hoped that "until we will be united again, God will have collected that money through you." Obviously, a miracle of heavenly intervention was needed to make people pay. Bibliography: Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 546 (index) Gil, Ishmael II, p 297-300 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, p 742 (index) Gil, PAAJR LVII, p 74, 82 m Gil in: Ben-Sasson com II, p 232-35 xt Goitein, Med Soc I, p 258-9, 465 M

T-S 13J25.23: Letter by Abraham Palieche to his sister in Elul 1564; he is in Egypt/Cairo because of his ill luck an wishes her to come to meet him; she is to board the first ship to Alexandria; her sister willthen go down there. Bibliography: Gutwirth, VSWG LXXIII, p 211 ty Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 25 m Kraemer, MHR VI, p 257 ty

T-S 13J26.9 In the of the flax merchants ion Qayrawān (sūq al-kattānīn) (lines 20–21) silk was traded as well, although silk came from Spain or Sicily and flax from Egypt. Bibliography: Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 546 (index) Ben-Sasson: `amim XVIII, p 25, m Gil, Ishmael III, p 368-72 xt

24 Gil, Ishmael IV, p 742 (index) Gil, JNES XXXIV, p 69 M Goitein, Letters, p 154 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 193, 198, 265, 290, 305, 448, 449, 466, 472, 476, 518 M Michaeli, Nahrai, p Doc.227 Reif, Jewish Archive, p 205, 266 m Reif in: Cambridge Genizah Collections, p 26, 238 m Reif in: Jewish Studies Twentieth Century I, p 600 m Shaked, Ten Bib, p 136 M

T-S 13J27.17: Letter sent from Spain in April 1137. The mukhfiyāt pottery, eight pieces of which were sent from Spain to Egypt in 1137 (a year of heavy warfare in the Mediterranean), was a speciality of the Muslim West. There is reference to a flotilla of 27 ships routed by the Muslims, and apprehension is expressed that "the enemy" (obviously the Genoese) would reappear in the following seafaring season with more newly built ships. The writer reports that a particularly large vessel had been built in Spain and that he hoped to travel in it from Spain home to Egypt as soon as the sea was safe from enemy attack. It is not impossible that this boat was identical with "the new ship of the sultan" that arrived in Alexandria on September 8, 1140 (T-S 13J15.20 line 31; ed. Goitein in: Tarbiz 24 (1955), 43). Bibliography: Constable, Trade and Traders, p 168, 188 m Delbes, Documents Datés I, p 92 m Delbes, Documents Datés II, p 38 (index) Goitein, ASSO LXVII, p 13 M Goitein: JESHO IV, p 189 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 111, 312, 313, 422, 478 M Goitein: Tarbiz XXIV, p 148-9 M Goitein in: G. Levi Della Vida Jubilee Volume, Rome 1956 I, 404. YT Goitein in: Manufacturing and Labour, p 54 m Shaked, Ten Bib, p 137 M

T-S 13J36.13 Ashtor, E. 1964. Documentos Españoles de la Genizah, in: Sefarad 24, pp. 41–80, p. 68– 71 XT

T-S 18J4.14: A pilgrim from the kingdom of Castilia carried with him a compendium of Hebrew lexicography from Jerusalem to Wargla in the Algerian Sahara. Bibiliography:

25 Assaf, Texts and Studies, p 49-54 XT Assaf in: Gulak and Klein com II, p 18-22 XT Assaf/Mayer in: Sefer ha-Yishuv II, p 42-3 XT Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 546 (index) Delbes, Documents Datés II, 23 (index) Gil, Palestine II, p 532-36 xt Gil, Palestine III, p 585 (index) Goitein, Med Soc I, p 55, 279, 404, 469 M Hirschberg in: Sinai com I, p 340-1 M NCG Khan, IOS XII, p 159-60 m Olszowy-Schlanger, Karaite Marriage Documents, p 47, 505 m Shaked, Ten Bib, p 142 M

T-S Ar.29.105: Letter in Judaeo-Spanish, probably 16th century, dictated by a blind man who lives in Cairo, addressed to his wife who lives in the Holy Land. Bibliography: Baker/Polliack, _AJAM_, p 181 m Gutwirth, Genizah Fragments XXIII, pl.1 Gutwirth, VSWG LXXIII, p 214 ty Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 25 m Kraemer, MHR VI, p 249 ty

T-S Ar.30.250: Letter A man who wished to become a cantor made for himself excerpts from the divans (collections) of Solomon Ibn Gabirol and Judah ha-Levi. Once, on a Day of Attonment, when he sang one of the Spanish penitential liturgies, the congretation became so excited that they asked him to enlarge it by compositions of his own, imitating it. He accepted the challenge and, while a member of the audience recited one stanza of the Spanish poem, he, the cantor, "was inspired by God" and improvised a corresponding one in the same style. He adds: "I sang my stanzas in a melody learned from you." (i.e. in a melody different from that used for the Spanish poem). "I have left Damascus and intend to devote myself to the calling of a cantor. For this purpose, I have borrowed the diwans of Solomon the Little (Solomon ibn Gabirol) and of Judah ha-Levi – may their memory be blessed – and made excerpts from them for my use." Bibliography: Baker/Polliack, , p 206 m X Goitein, Med Soc II, p 221, 569 M Goitein, Med Soc V, p 428, 628 m

T-S Ar.31.86: Jonah b. Janaḥ, Kitāb al-'uṣūl (Book of Hebrew roots), beginning 1 leaf

26 Bibliography: Baker/Polliack, _AJAM_, p 218 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m

T-S Ar.31.127: Jonah b. Janaḥ, Kitāb al-'uṣūl (Book of Hebrew roots), 6 leaves Bibliography: Baker/Polliack, _AJAM_, p 221 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m

T-S Ar.31.166: Jonah b. Janaḥ, Kitāb al-'uṣūl (Book of Hebrew roots), introduction Bibliography: Baker/Polliack, _AJAM_, p 223 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m

T-S Ar.31.252: Jonah b. Janaḥ, colophon from 1195. Bibliography: Baker/Polliack, _AJAM_, p 230 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m

T-S Ar.41.41: Arabic digest of Aristotle's De Plantis in , once belonging to Maimonides Bibliography: Baker/Polliack, _AJAM_, p 367 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m Isaacs, _Medical Manuscripts_, p 29 m Khan, MME I, p 60 m

T-S Ar.44.210: Paper; 2 conjoined leaves, Sephardi cursive 17th century ?; one leaf contains an transcription of a work by Arnau de Villanova, Recevtario ke ordenu el diskreto sabio Arnau de Vill[ano]va. Bibliography: Baker/Polliack, _AJAM_, p 425 m Gutwirth, Anuario de Filología IX, p 220 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 24 m Isaacs, _Medical Manuscripts_, p 50 m

T-S Misc.8.25 List of allocations of alms. Jews from Spain are mentioned.

27 T-S Misc.14.27: Judaeo-Spanish aljamia, printed fragments, version of Micael de Carvajal's Tragedia Josephina (Salamanca 1535 ?). The Tragedia Josephina, written in Spain decades after the expulsion, was being read in Hebrew characters by the Jews of Cairo; hence its survival in the Genizah. Bibliography: Gutwirth, REJ CXLV, p 352-55 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 23 m

T-S Misc.14.39.3: Incunable fragment, Guadalajara 1480, Babylonian Talmud, Hullin 10ab. Bibliography: Dimitrovsky, _S'ridei Bavli_, p (intro)135, 137 M Pl.405 406 485 486 Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 21 m

T-S Misc.19:15: Incunable fragment, Guadalajara 1480, Babylonian Talmud, Yoma 7a–8a. Bibliography: Dimitrovsky, _S'ridei Bavli_, p (intro)127 M Pl.142 143 Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 21 m

T-S Misc.25.76: Judaeo-Spanish letter (18th century ?); request for charity. Bibliography: Gutwirth, VSWG LXXIII, p 214 ty Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 25 m Kraemer, MHR VI, p 264 m

T-S Misc.35.38: Treatise on the Khazar Jews, with account of Khazar Jewish kindgom, written for Isaac b. Nathan, envoy of Hasdai b. Shaprut BIbliography: _EJ1_ V, Pl.339-340 _EJ2_ X, Pl.952 Aescoly, KS X, p 449 M Assaf, _Texts and Studies_, p 96-7 M Assaf, Zion VII, p 48-50 M De Lange, BJGS V, p 16 m De Lange, BMGS XVI, p 44 m Golb, PAAJR XXXIV, p 7 M Golb in: _Popoli e Paesi_ I, p 189 m NCG Golb/Pritsak, _Khazarian Heb Docs_, p 106-21 xt Golb/Pritsak, _Khazarian Heb Docs_, p vii, 75, 125 m pl.97-100 Golb/Pritsak, _Khazarian Heb Docs_ (Rus.), p 134-49 xt pl.ix(a-d)

28 Golb/Pritsak, _Khazarian Heb Docs_ (Rus.), p 150 m Golden, _Khazar Studies_ I, p 95, 121-2, 124, 167-8 M Golden, _Khazar Studies_ II, p xviii, xx M Pl.95, 166, 230 Gregoire, Byzantion XII, p 242-8, 256-8 M Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m Kahana, Ha-Shilo'ah{.} XXVIII, p 523-9 X Kahana, _Sifrut ha-Hist{.}oriya ha-Yisra'elit_, p 45-8 X Kaplony, _Ibrahim ibn Ya'qub_, p 144 m Kobler, _Letters of Jews_ I, p 11 TY Pl. NCG Kokovtsov, _Evreisko-xazarskaya Perepiska v x veke_, p 33-6 XT Pl.xxviii Landau, Zion˝ VIII, p 103 M Mann, JQR XI, p 438 M Mann, _Texts_ I, p 8, 9, 11 M Mosin, Byzantion VI, p 309-325 M Outhwaite in: _Exegesis and Grammar_, p 203 m Peeters, Analecta Bollandiana LII, p 21-56, 739-40 M Peeters, Byzantion XI, p 487-8 M Reif, _Jewish Archive_, p 176, 267 m Reif in: _Cambridge Genizah Collections_, p 16, 238 m Reif in: _Jewish Studies Twentieth Century_ I, p 591 m Reif Sh/Reif S, _History in Fragments_, p 20 m Schechter, JQR III, p 181-219 X Shaked, _Ten Bib_, p 151 M Shinan (ed.), KS LXI, p 694 m Valle Rodríguez, _Escuela Hebrea_, p 359-65 tx NCG

T-S Misc.35.63: Muwashshah bu Judah ha-Levi with romance jarcha; panegyric: The most notable emblem of cross-cultural currents is the poetic genre of the jarchas and mwashshahat. Written in a Hebrew that is stsrongly allusive of the Bible in its original language, its form is that of Arabic poems but its themes and metre are related to the popular romance ending, the jarcha. Again the almost exclusively male genres take their themes and metre from the texts that some have characterized as hispanic Frauenlieder while others have seen them as representations of the grammar of feminitiy. Stern's researches on the Genizah fragments and other of these texts were hailed enthusiastically by hispanists of his generation who spoke of 'the extraordinary discovery of Hebrew muwassahas which end in mozarabic kharchas ... rightly considered as one of the most notable events of contemporary scholarship' or affirmed that 'a new era has dawned int he field of literary and scientific philological research' or concluded that 'this discovery forces scholars to turn to Castilian lyric because the jarcha of Joseph is the first European poem written in the vernacular, earlier thatn the ldes Provençal ones' (see D.

29 Alonso and J.M. Blecua, Antología de la Poesía Española Lírica de Tipo Tradicional II, Madrid 1969 and see F. Coriente and A. Sásnz-Badillos (ed.), Poesia Estrofica, Madrid 1991). Bibliography: Benabu/Yahalom, Romance Philology XL, p 146 p 150-51 m Benabu/Yahalom, Tarbiz LIV, p 252 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m Stern, Al-Andalus XVIII, p 133-140 M Stern, _Chansons Mozarabes_, p 2, 13 Y

T-S 8.12: Pearls to Spain. line 6: the writer sent pearls on to Spain, since they had no good market in Tunisia. Bibliography: Ben-Sasson: JCMW{2}, p 543 (index) Constable, Trade and Traders, p 90, 160, 201 m Frenkel Y in: Egypt and Syria, p 40-41 ty NCG Gil, Ishmael II, p 485-87 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, p 737 (index) Goitein: Arabica IX, p 19 M Goitein, Letters, p 82-4 TX Goitein, Med Soc I, p 146, 200, 214, 232, 277, 436, 450, 453, 458, 469, 503 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 405 m Goitein, Tarbiz XXXIV, p 170 M Goitein, Tarbiz XXXVII, p 164.6 XT Stillman N, E-W Relations, p 73, 77, 113, 250, 258, 322 M Stillman N, E-W Relations, p 287-92 TX Stillman N, JESHO XVI, p 21, 24, 62, 87 M

T-S 8.268-259: Marriage contract, Valencia (1040–1102) Ashtor, E. 1964. Documentos Españoles de la Genizah, in: Sefarad 24, pp. 41–80, p.71–76 XT Beit-Arié in: _Moreshet Sefarad_, p 226 m Díaz Esteban in: _Bataliús_, p 117 m Engel, Sefunot NS VII, p 15 m Engel, Te`uda XV, p 389 m Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 19 m Ashtor, Sefarad XXIV, p 71-5 XT Friedman M A, _J Marriage in Pal_ I, p 178 M Friedman M A., _Marriage Contracts_, p 131, 137 M Friedman M A, PAAJR XLIII, p 28 M

30

T-S 12.218 A tattered and faded letter tells of the intense suffering of the Cordovan population and of the destruction wrought by the siege in 1012. The author of the letter, which was sent to the Jewish merchant Abu l-Faraj Joseph b. Jacob b. ‘Aukal, mentions the Slavs who hold sway in the city in the name of Caliph Hishām and writes that the Cordovans, nothwithstanding their difficult circumstances, have decided that it es better to be slain than to coem under Berber domination. The sender was a permanent resident of Fustat (see S. Assaf, Mikhtavim mi-Qniruan u-mi- Alexandria ;-ibn ‘Awkal, in: Tarbiz 20, pp. 177–178. For the purpose of fixing the time in which he lived, it is worht mentioning that he received letters in 1006 and 1007 (see Abramson, Ba-merkazim u-ba-tefusotbi-tequfat ha-ge’onim, pp. 61–62). There is another fragment of a letter to him containing the date Dhu l-hijja 398 (i.e. August 1008); this letter bears the classification number: Or.1080 J154. On the correspondence of Ibn ‘Awkal see Goitein, in Tarbis 36 (1967), pp. 37ff; (1968), 98ff; 158ff. But in May 1013 the resistance of the Cordovans was broken and they had to send emissaries to the Berbers informing them of theri submission. Bibliography Abramson, Tarbiz 31, p 204 M Ashtor, Jews Mos Sp_ II, p 13, 306, 343 M Ben-Sasson, _JCMW{^2^}_ p 472 m Ben-Sasson, _JCMW{^2^}_ p 543 (index) Ben-Sasson, Pe`amim XVIII, p 23 m Gil, _Ishmael_ II, p 328-31 xt Gil, _Ishmael_ IV, p 737 (index) Goitein, _Med Soc_ I, p 169, 290, 440, 444, 472 M Goitein, Tarbiz 37, p 71-3 XT Goitein in, _Lévi-Provenc~al com II_ , p 567 M Stillman in: _Judaeo-Arabic Studies_, p 232 m Stillman N, _E-W Relations_, p 61, 81, 99, 340 M Stillman N, _E-W Relations_, p 280-6 TX Stillman N, JESHO 16, p 26, 47, 88 M Stillman N, REJ 82, p 538 M

T-S 12.232: A letter from Najera in the kingdom of Castile, describing what that community had done for a woman whose husband had been killed and who had to be ransomed together with her two daughters, and admonishing other congregations to follow suit. When we find "the woman from Spain" in an ancient list of receivers of alms in Old Cairo T-S B3 verso line 5, first item), we should not jump to the conclusion that the unhappy widow from Najera is meant, but only note that such occurences were common. The capital of Egypt was a refuge for the victims of persecution and misery who came from

31 all over the world, so that the demands made on its Jewish inhabitants by far exceeded their financial capacity, other felt obliged to share part of the burden. Bibliography: E. Ashtor, in: Sefarad 24 (1964), 44–47. Friedman M A, Jewish Polygyny, p 337-39, p 379 xt m pl.lxxx Friedman M A, MYMA, p 91, 288 m Reif, Jewish Archive, p 179, 266 m Reif in: Cambridge Genizah Collections, p 14, 238 m Reif in: Jewish Studies Twentieth Century I, p 590 m

T-S 12.245: A letter in a Spanish hand. A certain Saadya b. Benjamin Khaybārī (l. 7) is mentioned as transmitting a message from Egpt to the West. He is accused in an old court record by Rayyisa b. Joseph Bīmī (a strange name, perhaps abbreviation of talmudic Avīmī), the wife of Yeshū`ā b. Nissīm, to have retained 4 dinars due her (T-S NS J73). Bibliography: Goitein, Med Soc II, p 611 M

T-S 12.248: Ḥisday ibn Shaprūṭ, the most prominent leader of the Jews of Spain during the 10th century, describes his influential position in his letter to the king of the Khazars as follows: "All the business and all the affairs of the many merchants who come here from all the countries are being arranged through me" (verso l. 20–21). This remark clearly refers not so much to the office of a director of customs (as assumed hitherto), as to that of a wakīl tujjār. As a succesful physician Ḥisday obtained access to the court. He used the influence he gained there to establish himself as a great representative of merchants. Bibliography: Ashtor, Histoire des Prix et des Salaires, p 185 M Frenkel Y in: Egypt and Syria, p 42 m NCG Gil, Ishmael III, p 931-37 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, p 737 (index) Gil, JESHO XLVI, p 305 m NCG Gil, JNES XXXIV, p 69 M Gil: JNES LXI, p 35 m Goitein, Letters, p 58 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 167, 191, 224, 333, 334, 440, 447, 456, 485, 504 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 361 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 372, 609 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 439 m Michaeli, Michael V, p 186 M Michaeli, Nahrai, p Doc.75

32 Shaked, Ten Bib, p 56 M Udovitch, AAS XXII, p 67 ty

T-S 12.280: Letter addressed to an illustrious scholar in Granada: Isaac b. Obadiah (In line 8 he is bynamed al-ḥashīkh (the lean), an Aramaic word known through the proverb "until the fat one becomes lean, the lean one dies") by Isaac, the son of the great Abraham Ibn Ezra, himself a poet. After describing his own "company of friends", four mentioned by name, and others, he reports about a prominent friend, a poet, philosopher, and (later) judge, who had just arrived at his place: "I believe Mār Jose is traveling to your place to pass there the Passover with Ibn al-Fakhkhār, for the latter has made him desirous of spending the holidays in his house, where he would have a good time. Mār Joseph had planned to go to Seville, but he has changed his mind and is coming to Granada. Take notice of this. I decided not to let this letter got without some foolish of mine. Last night I drafted the nonsense you will see. Mār Joseph has chosen them, and you will pardon me." The idea behind the letter was, of course, that the poem or poems selected by Joseph from the writer's nightly creations would be read out in the presence of the scholars, poets, and connousseurs assembled in the hospitable house of the Granada notable during the holidays. We know of many Jewish savants sojourning or visiting there in the late 1120s. Most probably, Ḥalfōn, who was in close contact with the poet, as the letters addressed to hom by Isaac Ibn Ezra prove, had been given our letter, which is written in a particularly beautiful, clear script, at that reunion (shortly before his return to Egypt, reffered to in another letter from the same time.) Bibliography: Brann, Compunctious Poet, p 204 m Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 279-81 xt pl.505 Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 615 m Goitein, Med Soc V, p 16 p 507, 638 ty m Goitein in: Pareja com I, p 338 M Golb, Sefunot VIII, p 90 M

T-S 12.282: Letter on vellum of one of the Taherti brothers from Qayrawān (ca. 1005– 1035): "dirhems of Spain". The writer of this only partly preserved letter was on of the Tāhertī brothers of Qayrawān. He reports about a consignmnent of silver money (`Azīziyya and Mu`izziyya dirhems are mentioned) worth the enormous sum of 1230 dinars (this must be North-African Fatimid fractional dirhems). Near the end of the letter he says: wa-si`r al-fiḍḍa hāhunā yā sayyidī al- manbūt 17 ghayr dāniq li'ann darāhim al-Andalus kathīa wa-kull al-as`ār taqif `alayhā "the price of silver here, my lord, namely the coined one, is 17 less one dāniq, for the dirhems of Spain are plenty and all the prices are based on them" (lines 10–18). It is interesting that Spanish dirhems circulated in Qayrawān. The output of dirhems by the Unayyads of Spain was tremendous. Bibliography:

33 Abramson, Ba-Merkazim, p 93 M Abramson: Tarbiz XXXI, p 204 M Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 543 (index) Constable, Trade and Traders, p 35 m Gil, Ishmael II, p 367-70 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, p 738 (index) Goitein, JESHO VIII, p 7 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 370-1 M Goitein, Tarbiz XXXVII, p 160 M Goitein, Zion XXVII, p 157 M Stillman N, E-W Relations, p 111 M Stillman N, JESHO XVI, p 58, 66, 88 M

T-S 12.373: A long business letter from Alexandria to Fustat contains the detail: "My brother has left with you 60 1/2 dinars belonging to me. Please buy with them pearls of first quality of those that are salable in Spain. If they are not to be had, leave the money until my arrival." Spanish women were known to Egyptian merchants as being particularly fussy as far as the choice of pearls is concerned. Bibliography: Ben-Sasson, Jews of Sicily, p 254-58, p 672 xt m Constable, Trade and Traders, p 165 m Frenkel Y in: Egypt and Syria, p 42 m NCG Gil, Ishmael III, p 504-508 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, p 738 (index) Goitein, Med Soc I, p 235, 459 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 461 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 394, 420 m Goitein, Med Soc V, p 97, 533 m

T-S 12.435: Letter of a Spanish Jew writing in Fez. Smaller companies of travelers (also called ṣubḥa, which simply means company) did not have a regular timetable as the mawsims had, but set out whenever a sufficient number of wayfarers had assembled. "I shall join the first company setting out from Marrākesh", writes a visitor from Spain, staying in Fez, Morocco. He arrived in Fez, Morocco, from Almeria, Spain, with five camel loads (line 17). Instead of balligh tu`jar he uses the more elegant balligh tusaddā. Bibliography: Constable, Trade and Traders, p 33, 96, 129, 157-58 m Goitein, Letters, p 51-6 TX Goitein, Med Soc I, p 61, 210, 215, 277, 304, 344, 406, 452, 453, 469, 476, 488, 505 M

34 Goitein, Med Soc II, p 278, 587, 608 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 412 m Goitein, Med Soc V, p 243, 574 m Goitein: Tarbiz XXIV, p 24 M Goitein: Tarbiz XXXIV, p 175 M Goitein in: Pareja com I, p 345-350 XT

T-S 12.458: Draft of a letter in which the most terrible curses are hurled against those who opposed missionary activities. The text is somewhat of a puzzle. For it is written on the same leaf and in the same hand in which, on the reverse side, an India traveler lists his expenditure on custom duties on his way to East Africa and copies (or jots down from memory) the formulary for the manumission of a slave. Since the letter was intended to be sent to a European country (as is stated), while the writer promises on his side the divulge the names of "the criminals who prevent salvation" in all countries "from Spain to the isles of India", it was presumably written by a religious scholar who learned about the opposition to proselytizing while on an extended business trip. Bibliography: Ashtor: Zion V, p 119-121 X Assaf, Texts and Studies, p 149-151 X Goitein, Med Soc II, p 305, 592 M Shaked, Ten Bib, p 59 M Goitein, India Book , p No.271a, (III,40a) Goitein, India Book, p No.271b, (III,40b)

T-S 12.532: A letter (circular) from the Jewish community of Nájera in the kingdom of Castile to other Jewish communities (11th century), describing what that community had done for a woman whose husband had been killed and who had to be ransomed together with her two daughters, and admonishing other congregations to contribute to the ransom. When we find "the woman from Spain" in an ancient list of receivers of alms in Old Cairo, we should not jump to the conclusion that the unhappy widow from Najera is meant, but only note that such occurences were common. Bibliography: Ashtor, Sefarad 24 (1964), 44–47 XT Cohen, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam XXIV, p 447 m Díaz Esteban in: Bataliús, p 117 m Engel, Sefunot NS VII, p 13-21 m pl.ii-iii, x-xi Engel, Te`uda XV, p 389 m Engel in: Jewish Studies Twentieth Century I, p 398-403 m pl.1b Goitein: JSoS XXVI, p 5 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 542 M

35 Gutwirth/Reif, Ten Centuries, p 19 m Yahalom: Sefunot NS VII, p 30-31 x, pl.2-3, 10-11

T-S 12.570 Ashtor, E. 1964. Documentos Españoles de la Genizah, in: Sefarad 24, pp. 41–80, p. 76– 78 XT

T-S 16.54: Around 1140 we find an Italian Jew writing that a certain large ship would make the distance from Tripoli to Seville with a favourable wind, in eight days and no land would be seen on that route. This tallies with a poem written by Judah ha-Levi on his voyage from Spain to Egypt in the same year, complaining that nowhere was land to be seen (line 50), Bibliography: Assaf, Texts and Studies, p 130-4 X Constable, Trade and Traders, p 27, 163 m Goitein: HUCA XXXIV, p 192 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 276, 278, 305, 312, 315, 316, 318, 321, 324, 468, 469, 476, 481, 482, 483, 484, 507 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 256, 579 M Goitein, Med Soc V, p 247, 458, 575, 636 m Goitein: PAAJR˝ XXVIII, p 50 M Reif, Jewish Archive, p 204, 266 m Reif in: Cambridge Genizah Collections, p 25, 239 m Reif in: Jewish Studies Twentieth Century I, p 599 m Shaked, Ten Bib, p. 65 MBibliography:

T-S 16.290: Maimonides autograph, reply to a disciple's query, apologizing that lack of time necessitates brevity Bibliography: Baneth in: _Gulak and Klein com II_, p 50-6 XT Pl. Fenton, BSOAS XLV, p 1 m Friedman M A, Tarbiz LXII, p 526 m Friedman M A in: _Twersky com II_, p 192 m Goitein, _Med Soc_ II, p 578 M Goitein, P'raqim IV, p 35 M Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 18 m Kraemer, Genizah Fragments XLVII, p 1 Kraemer, Genizah Fragments XVI, p 3 Kraemer, Maim Studies I, p 92-98 tx Kraemer, Maim Studies II, p 79 m

36 Sasson in: _Maim Com Mishnah_ I, Pl.lvii Shailat, _Letters & Essays of Maimonides_ II, p 560-64 yt pl. Shaked, _Ten Bib_, p 70 M Shivtiel in: _Fodor com I_, p 193 m Shivtiel in: _Fodor com I_, p 193-94 m

T-S 20.13 List of allocation of alms. Jews from Spain are mentioned.

T-S 20.24: (around 1050) When an government official in Granada fell into disgrace, his son preferred to leave the country, equipped with a huge letter of recommendation given to him by the local community. Bibliography: Ashtor, E. 1964. Documentos Españoles de la Genizah, in: Sefarad 24, pp. 41–80, 60–63 XT Beit-Arié in: Moreshet Sefarad, pl.ii Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 544 (index) Cohen, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam XXIV, p 446-47 m Díaz Esteban in: Bataliús, p 117 m Engel, Sefunot NS VII, p 14 Goitein, Med Soc I, p 57, 347, 405, 489 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 353, 525, 604 M Golb, Jews of Rouen, p 166 M Schechter, JQR OS XII (1900), p 112-13 X NCG Shaked, Ten Bib, p 72 M Yahalom, Sefunot NS VII, p 23 mBibliography:

T-S 20.100: Bagdhadi cantor sojourned in Tunisia and Spain. After an ambitious cantor from Baghdad had sojourned for years in Tunisia and Spain, he was informed by a childhood friend, a Gaon, that all the older ḥazzānīn had died and that it was now his turn to become the muqaddam, or chief of the cantors; dated 1006. Bibliography: Abramson, Ba-Merkazim, p 67 M Abramson, Ba-Merkazim, p 96-9 Y Abramson: Tarbiz XXXI, p 50-55, 206-8 X Assaf, Gaonica, p 221-2 M Bareket, Fustat on the Nile, p 116, 197, 240, 274 m Bareket, Jewish Leadership, p 282 (index) Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 544 (index)

37 Ben-Sasson: Pe`amim XVIII, p 17, 20 m Ben-Sasson: Pe`amim XXVI, p 137, 140 m Ben-Sasson: Shalem V, p 47 m Ben-Sasson: Tarbiz LVI, p 205 m Ben-Sasson: Zion LI, p 402 y Ben-Sasson in: Relations, p 49 m Delbes, Documents Datés I, p 20 (index) Gil, History of Palestine, p 187, 577 m Gil, Ishmael II, p 111-14 x Gil, Ishmael IV, p 739 (index) Gil: PAAJR LVII, p 80, 88-89, 97, 102 m Gil, Palestine III, p 581 (index) Gil in: Simonsohn com I, p 51 (Heb.) m Goitein, Med Soc II, p 90, 541, 569 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 300, 493 M Goitein: Tarbiz XXXII, p 267 M Golb, JJS XVI, p 70, 74 M Mann, Texts I, p 109-113 M Mann, Texts I, p 119-122 X Mann, Texts II, p 1459 M Outhwaite in: Exegesis and Grammar, p 200, 213 m Shaked, Ten Bib, p 74 M Sklare, Samuel ben H{.}ofni, p 34 m Stillman N, Jews of Arab Lands, p 56 M Stillman N in: Aspects of Jewish Culture, p 61, 79 M

T-S 20.127: Letter by an Andalusian residing in Tunisia to another Andalusian (1064 ?) A long letter of eighty lines by an Andalusian residing in Tunisia, writing to another Andalusian, a relative, sojourning in Egypt. Both are well known from many other letters. Despite this and the many names and other details mentioned in the letter, its exact time has not yet been found out. The following quotation perhaps might be helpful for closer identification: "The city was dead (there was no business) because of our being menaced by the enemy. During the winter we were in great trouble (ḍīqa) until, through God's grace, the enemy was chased away. The city is now, thank God, in good shape: low prices, security, and a sultan who has mercy with the people, may God have mercy with him and keep him for us and for this blessed frontier seaport (thaghr)" (lines 65–68). Bibliography: Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 91 m Ben-Sasson, JCMW{2}, p 544 (index) Ben-Sasson, Jews of Sicily, p 245-53 p 673 xt m

38 Gil, Ishmael III, p 891-98 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, p 739 (index) Gil in: Italia Judaica I, p 94 m Gil in: Italia Judaica V, p 171 (index) Gil, Simonsohn com I, p 51 (Heb.) m Goitein, IS III, p 326, 335 M Goitein, JESHO VIII, p 17-18 M Goitein, Letters, p 111 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 168, 169, 178, 194, 210, 216, 221, 224, 225, 226, 232, 235, 254, 275, 376-7, 440, 441, 443, 448, 452, 453, 454, 456, 457, 458, 459, 464, 468, 508 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 191 TY Goitein, Med Soc II, p 560 M Goitein, Med Soc V, p 188, 559 m Golb, JNES XXXIII, p 128 M

T-S NS 33.1: History of Spain in the time of Safu (Janus Starnus) and his successors

T-S NS 108.110 (recto; verso is blank) Secular Hebrew strophic poems (muwaššaḥāt: postclassical form of , arranged in stanzas) like their Arabic models ended with some lines of verses called a ḫarja. Here we have an example of one manuscript with an anonymous muwaššaḥ. The ḫarajāt are the oldest know poems composed in an Ibero-Romance language. The dialect is an archaic form of Romance derived from Latin and written in Hebrew or Arabic characters. They may have been composed orally before the Arabic invasion – possibly by women. Today, they pose a challenge as the Andalusian muslims who clearly understood them, mixed them with words from their own language. Their subesquent transcription into Hebrew also poses difficulties. The Genizah preserves many of these lyrucs that were otherwise lost. Bibliography: Schirmann, H., New Poems from the Cairo Genizah, Jerusalem 1965, pp. 371–372 Y pl.368 Sola-Sole in: Sefarad 29, pp. 16-18 M

T-S NS 143.46: A copy of a short charming poem addressed by the wife of Dunash Ibn Labrāṭ to her husband (ca. 950) with his poem in response; Spain; 11th–12th centuries ?; Hebrew; paper. Dunash ibn Labrat (920–990), generally regarded as the initiator of Spanish Hebrew poetry using meters and motifs of Arabic poetry and one of the greatest Spanish poets of his age, had to leave Spain, probably at the bidding of the then leader of the Spanish Jewish community Ḥisday (also Ḥasday) ibn Shapruṭ. The poem of his wife reveals that she was no less talented. Text

39

א. כתאב זוגה דנש ב. היזכור יעלת החן ידידה ביום פירוד ג. ובזרועה יחידה: ושם חותם ימינו על ד. שמאלה ובזרועו הלֹא שמה צמידה ה. ביום לקחה לזכרון רדידו והוא לקח ו. לזכרון רדידה: הישאר בכל ארץ ספרד <ז. ולו לקח חצי מלכות נגידה: אלגואב <מנה אליהא ח. היום מותי אהבתם כתבתם ט. הבגדתה והפרתה אסרים י. ואיך אבגוד במשכלת כמותך יא. ואל צוה עלי אשת נעורים: ולו זמם יב. עזוב אותך לבבי גזרתיהו עלי אלף יג. גזרים: ימגר אל אשר יבגוד בריע יד. בגוד צרים ואכזרים וזרים: ויאכלו טו. את לחומו הנמרים ואת יעלעו טז. הנשרים: ומי דומה לכוכבי השחרים

[1] A letter from the wife of Dunash: [2] Will her beloved remember his graceful gazelle as on the day of separation, [3] with her only boy on her arm? He put the ring from his right hand on [4] her left hand. Did she not put his bracelet on his arm? [5] When she took his mantle as a keepsake and he took [6] her veil as a token. Would he remain in the entire land of Spain [7] if he would take half of her lord's kingdom (Esther 5:3)?

This short piece provides a moving picture of the farewell scene. The young wife left behind in Spain with her only child in her arms, when her husband emnarked on a journey. She expresses her thoughts and feelings in a beautiful Hebrew poem. The husband takes from his right hand the signet ring with which he seals (cf. Jeremiah 22:24), a symbol of his personality. Bracelets in those days were worn in pairs; but here, where a single one is referred to, must be meant the silver bracelet around the upper arm, worn as a sign of dignity and strength. For a variety of reasons, men occasionally wore the outer garments of their wives. A chain hanging from the neck down over the chest was a sign of office for men (already so in Pharaoh's time, Genesis 41:42) and a precious ornament for women (Ezekiel 16:11). On Judah ha-Levi's visit in Egypt he was surprised to find the men in the entourage of the Nagid Samuel b. Hananya wearing chains on the neck as well as armbands.

40 The factual well-rounded little piece appeals to us, and must have been appreciated also by the contemporaries of its author, for another copy of is is preserved in the Mosseri Collection (the copy is torn across the middle into two pieces (see T-S Newsletter April 1984; Fleischer, Jerusalem Studies with facsimile opposite p. 192). The author of this piece seems to be trained in religious poetry, characteristic for its straightforwardness. But no far-reaching conclusions should be drawn from a single find. It is not even sure that the wife wrote it, although the response to her poem is superscribed: "The answer from him to her." She may have been the author, although the poem gives the impression of a perfection in composition and style not expected at that early period (especially as compared with the stiff and unimaginative creation of her husband). But, "when sorrow is in a person's heart, he finds words to express it." She was not only desperate that he was leaving, but angry that out of consideration for her and their child he did not find another solution for the dispute that caused his exile. "That he takes my things with him does not make him present here. Keepsakes cannot substitute for a living person." Moreover, a ring could be had for half a dinar, while bracelets, chains and cloaks each could cost then of dinars. The answer of the husband (far inferior to her little piece) begins with the words: "You (pl.) killed me by what you have written", meaning by her implication that he might be able to forget her. Referring to one's wife in the plural masculine was a common way of speaking, and here it was required by the meter. It should not be deduced from this use that someone else wrote the piece. The reply in which, the husband swears that he remains true to his young wife, foolows on the same folio.

[7] ... The reply [8] Do you love the day of my death when you write? [9] Have you destroyed and broken vows? [10] How could I betray an intelligent woman like you [11] whom God has destined for me as the wife of youth. If [12] my heart would plot to abandon you, I would cut it in thousand [13] pieces. God will destroy him who betrays a companion [14] (like) the destruction of adversaries, heathen and strangers. And [15] leopards will eat his flesh and [16] vultures will consume his blood. Who is like the stars of the dawn?

Bibliography: Ezra Fleischer, in: Jerusalem Studies in Hebrew Literature 5 (1984), 189–202 y pl.192-93 Fleischer in: Ben-Sasson com II, p 205 y Goitein, Med Soc V, p 468 p 639 ty m Kaufman S (ed.), Defiant Muse, p 62-63 yt Kaufman S (ed.), Defiant Muse, p 264 m Reif, Genizah Fragments VII, p 3 m pl.

41 Reif, Jewish Archive, p 146, 257, 267 m Reif, Jewish Archive, p ix m pl.xxxiv Reif in: Cambridge Genizah Collections, p 12, 239 m Reif in: Jewish Studies Twentieth Century I, p 588 m Reif Sh/Reif S, History in Fragments, p 10 m . T-S NS 163.57 Judaeo-Arabic, Spanish (or Italian?): List of words with Judaeo-Arabic and Spanish vocabulary, including colours and various foods

T-S NS 166.17: Incunable fragment, Guadalajara 1480, Babylonian Talmud, Ketubbot 65a. Bibiliography: Dimitrovsky, _S'ridei Bavli_, p (intro)131 M Pl.283 284 285 286 Gutwirth/Reif, _Ten Centuries_, p 21 m

T-S NS 233.52: Joseph b. Abitur The Genizah collection contains mansucripts written in the author's own hand. For example, we have famous autographs by Maimonides, Judah Ha-Levi and Joseph Karo. Here is a parchment fragment recto and verso, in the handwriting of the great 10th century Spanish poet, Joseph b. Abitur. This manuscript is also special because it contains both an unexpected piyyuṭ and personal poem. The piyyuṭ is one of the few early Spanish poems to be metred, using a metre previously regarded as a later introduction. The second poem is even more surpirsing as it does not fit into either secular or religious genres. The line lin reads: "I weep and my tears are upon my cheek, my loins blee, and I am bitter with grief." There is not doubt that the poem is autobiographical and probably refers to the known disputes in which the poet was involved during his lifetims. Personal poems are rare and virtually non-existent in medieval Hebrew. Bibliography: Fleischer, Asufot IV, p 180-83 x pl. Fleischer in: _Qa{-}fih{.} com I_, pl.298 Fleischer in: _Qa{-}fih{.} com I_, p 297-98 y

T-S NS 264.5 Judaeo-Arabic: list of names (first half of the 11th century) and Arabic jottings (recto); Hebrew: piyyuṭ for Pesah (verso); names mentioned: Ephraim ben Shemariah, Nathan al-'Andalusī, Salāma ra's al-kull see Jefferson-Hunter, _Bibliography_, p. 268; Bareket, _Fustat_, p. 38 Bareket, Fustat on the Nile, p 38, 134, 278 m Bareket, Jewish Leadership, p 285 (index) Bareket: Pe`amim XXXIV, p 13 m

42 Gil, History of Palestine, p 249 m Gil, Palestine III, p 587 (index)

T-S NS 264.61: Letter reclaiming a debt signed Ḥayyim Abraham Boṭon s[iman] ṭ[ov], after 1685; Boṭon had lent the money in Argel; he owes money which he borrowed in Jerusalem.

T-S NS 267.178: Incunable fragment, Guadalajara 1480, Babylonian Talmud, Besah 6b.

T-S NS 298.11: paper (16th century), Hebrew characters, Judaeo-Spanish, letter from mother to her son, the scholar Abraham Shalom: '... Know as it pleases you that Ester married. May you marry your sons with greater advantage. May they never be orphans ... And more tears flowed from my eyes than from a fountain, for I found myself with no other relative or support then the Lord - blessed be He - and your brother in law, who did come. And you fo not send me even two lines with hm. Even if he dod not call on you, you could have sent him two lines (for us) with those who come and go. You could have done so, not for me but for your sister who, saying 'Oh, to receive two lines from my brother!' is tearing out her heart and does nothing byt cry from your lack of affection. Were it not for your aunt, who sent me what she sent me, I would not even have had enough for the dowry. May the blessed Lord repay her during the life of her son and her daughters what she did with this orphan of the Lord, may she have her repayment, may her sons have many sons and fread good. Amen. Thus may it be willed before our Father who is in heaven. And I know that you are angry on account of the (China) ... Shalom from your mother doña Gamila, widow of the perfect scholar Rabbi Yom Tov Shalom – may his soul rest in Eden ... - Address on reverse of the letter: To be delivered to the wise, exalted, honoured and renowned Rabbi Abraham Shalom - may his light shine. Amen. So be His will. From Safed to Egypt (Cairo) and from there, the wise, exalted, honoured and renowned Rabbi Yehuda Casstiliaz is to send it on to Alexandria.

T-S NS J120: Letter of a friend to a father in Fustat concerning his daughter's marriage and recommending a Spanish cantor (12 century). Eli b. Amram, the me`ulle (the distinguished member of the academy), was approached for a cantor from Spain with little children, who was "exiled" from his country (for unstated reasons) and had found temporary refuge in a smaller place, but intended to travel to Fustat. Letter of a friend to a father in Fusṭāṭ, concerning his daughter's marriage and recommending a Spanish cantor who is proceeding to Fusṭāṭ (12th century CE) see Reif, _Bibliography_, p. 385; Jefferson-Hunter, _Bibliography_, p. 295 Bibliography: Bareket, AJSR XXIII, p 18 m Cohen, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam XXIV, p 446 m Goitein, Med Soc II, p 548 M

43 Goitein, Med Soc III, p 213 TY Goitein, Med Soc III, p 471 M Goitein, Med Soc V, p 189, 194, 199, 560, 562-63, 598 m

T-S NS J128: List of commodities (trousseau list?), including a Spanish rug, costing 33 quarter dinars, which was sent around 1050 to Egypt along with three, manufactured in Demona, Sicily (busut Dimanshī), and a leather table cloth from Syracuse (ca. 1050 CE) see Reif, _Bibliography_, p. 386; Jefferson-Hunter, _Bibliography_, p. 295 Ashtor in: Gli Ebrei I, p 449 m Ben-Sasson, Jews of Sicily, p 646, 674 m Constable, Trade and Traders, p 181 m Goitein, ASSO LXVII, p 12 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 126, 383, 416 m

T-S NS J259: Isaac b. Samuel, the Spaniard, an important scholar and author (1099–1127). He was in office sometime before 1099. Bibliography: Delbes, Documents Datés II, p 31 (index) Goitein, Med Soc I, p 466 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 358, 512, 598, 605 M

T-S AS 17.152 cursive Andalusian script Hebrew: Ezekiel 48:32-34 (recto); Judaeo-Arabic: letter (verso) see Davis-Outhwaite, _Bible Manuscripts_ III, p. 219 [3590] Bibliography: Davis/Outhwaite, HBMCGC III, p 219 m

T-S AS 87.188 Spanish semi-cursive script, Hebrew: Rabbinic; Arabic: unidentified

T-S AS 144.131: paper, fragment, Hebrew, calendar tables; romance names of the non- Jewish calendar are discernable.

T-S AS 144.307: Vellum, fragment, Hebew, calendar tables, including phrasaes reminiscent of the 14th century Toledan scholar Isaac Israeli's computatuins in his Yesod `Olam such as 'the sun in Toledo' or 'S[an'] Benito.

44 T-S AS 147.4: Part of a letter of Isma`īl b. Isaac al-Andalusī (ca. 1050); names mentioned: Abū Isḥaq Abraham b. R. Jacob, Ibn Ša`yā see Reif, _Bibliography_, p. 396; Jefferson-Hunter, _Bibliography_, p. 335 Bibliography: Gil, Ishmael IV, p 338-42 p 743 (index) xt Goitein, Med Soc III, p 237, 477 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 439 m Goitein, Med Soc V, p 127, 205, 540, 565 m

T-S AS 149.12 Detailed business Letter of Isaac Simḥah al-Naysābūrī (probably Alexandria) apparently to `Ūllā ha-levi ben Joseph, Fusṭāṭ (ca. 1080 CE); names mentioned: Abū al-Riḍā ben Kalām, Abū Muḥammad `Abd al-Salām ben Ṭuwayd Nuqleh, Abū Naṣr ibn Ša`yā, Ṭābit al-ḥazzan, Abū Sahl Muẖtār, Abū sa`īd Maẖlūf; places mentioned: Spain, al-Mahdiyya see Jefferson-Hunter, _Bibliography_, p. 336 Bibliography: Gil, Ishmael IV, p 420-23 p 743 (index) xt

T-S AS 153.216: Letter in Ladino.

T-S AS 189.85: Incunable fragment, Guadalajara 1480, Babylonian Talmud, Hagigah 24ab.

T-S AS 209.256: Manuscript, paper, Latin characters (15th century), fragment of a translation into Castilian romance of the Ethics of the Fathers, chapter 4.

T-S AS 218.157: Judaeo-Spanish letter from one woman to another; the writer lives in the Holy Land and asks for the recipient's charity.

UCL Or.1080 4.15: Unhappy woman whose husband absconded to Spain. illustrates the tribulations of the Tunisian Sittūna b. Ḥayyīm al-Raḥbī, who had been left as a grass widow in Egypt for years. Her husband, known from a sizable business transaction carried out betweeen Fusṭāṭ and Qarawān, had partly sold and partly pawned her jewellery so that she was in dire distress. Finally he turned up in Spain, where a Fustat welfare official, who happened to travel to that country, was to take up her cause. Sittūna had become so poor at that time that the clerk who made out the power of attorney given by her to the traveler noted that he took no fee for the service. Instead of `aguna 'grass widow' tha MS has `aguma 'mournful' (as in PT Ḥagiga 2:5 f.77d). The family name of her husband Faraḥ b. Joseph was Bānūqa, the name of the beloved daughter of the caliph al-Ma'mūn. UCL Or.1080 4.15: the story of the unhappy woman whose husband absconded to Spain.

45 Bibliography: Goitein, Med Soc II, p 572 M Goitein, Med Soc III, p 203, 469 M

UCL Or.1080 11.2: paper; 1 leaf (15th century ?): ... en buena hora sedieis en Evora me kobreis de casa de Shemuel Shaltiel un envoltijo ? ke tiene mio y la di ... el senor don Joseph Abravanel i ke pido pro mereced me lo empakete primero a buen desbero ...

UCL Or. 15.14 and T-S NS 168.8: Manuscript, 2 leaves, Latin characters (1st half 16th century); fragments of a translatio into Spanish of the liturgy, probably earlier than the Ferrara Orden; 1st fragment is the ya`ale we-yavo prayer; 2nd: contains rubrics with instruction to pray `alenu (after musaf) and the instructions for the Sabbath afternoon service.

UCL Or.1080 J77: Spanish silk, richly attested in the Geniza, is usually referred to by the general term "Andalusian". But the merchants knew well that Spain was as blessed with local varieties of Silk as Sicily, or as Egypt was with flax. This detail from a long business order is characteristic: "Five punds Shawdharī and Qurṭubī (Cordova silk), half-and-half; and another five, two thirds Qurṭubḭ." (l. 31) Cordova was famous for its silk; Shawdhar, a place southeast of Cordova and nearer to Granada, produced another variety. The writer wished to have the two yarns mingled in different proportions. Bibliography: Constable, Trade and Traders, p 171, 177, 181 m Goitein, JESHO IV, p 180-1, 190 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 106, 107, 111, 210, 419, 422, 452, 525 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 382-83, 402, 406, 411 m Goitein in: Manufacturing and Labour, p 45-46, 55 m Golb, Jews of Rouen, p 78 M Stillman Y, IJMES VII, p 588 M Stillman Y, Te`uda I, p 159 M

UCL Or.1080 J115: A letter of recommendation addressed, it seems, to Shemariah b. Elhanan, the leader of the Egytian Jews around 1000. The bearer of the letter was a Christian from a noble family who, after his conversion to Judaism, had fled to Damascus and from there to Jerusalem. In both cities, as the writer, a Spanish Jew, emphasizes, the convert was exposed to insults and threats on the part of the local Christians, who were backed by their powerful coreligionists in government service. The Spanish Jew had met the proselyte both in Damascus and Jerusalem and now asks Shemariah to take care of him after his arrival in Old Cairo. It is noteworthy that Egypt was regarded to be a safer place for a Christian convert to Judaism than Syria or Palestine.

46 Bibliography: Bareket, Fustat on the Nile, p 199, 205, 280 m Bareket, Jewish Leadership, p 287 (index) Gil, Cathedra VIII, p 130 M Gil, Cathedra XVIII, p 58 m Gil, History of Palestine, p 172, 624 m Gil, Jerusalem Cathedra III, p 173 m Gil, JESHO XXVII, p 157 m Gil, Palestine III, p 588 (index) Goitein, Med Soc II, p 308, 593 M Goitein: Tarbiz XXXII, p 268 M Golb, JJS XVI, p 70, 73 M Golb: PAAJR XXXIV, p 17 M Golb: PAPS CXIII, p 73 M Golb: PJL I, p 83 M Golb: Sefunot 7 (1964), p 87-104 X with an important commentary Golb: Sefunot VIII, p (Eng)12-13 Golb: Tarbiz XXXV, p 82 M Golb in: Popoli e Paesi I, p 194-95 m NCG Scheiber: AOH XXVII, p 140 M

UCL Or.1080 J169: Letter of a relative of Nahray b. Nissim before setting out from Egypt to Spain. Before setting out from Egpt to Spain a relative of Nahray b. Nissīm writes to him: "I am planning to travel to Spain this year. Please do not leave me without letters at any time." This wish implies that Nahray would make use of the services both of the overland couriers, namely during the winter when the sea was closed, and of business friends commuting between Alexandria and Almeria or Denia. It was this combination between the professional overland mail and the opportunities provided by a lively maritime traffic which safeguarded steady communication between the Islamic countries of the Mediterranean area. Bibliography: Gil, Ishmael III, p 393-96 xt Gil, Ishmael IV, p 746 (index) Goitein, Med Soc I, p 304, 476 M Michaeli, Michael V, p 171 M Michaeli, Nahrai, p Doc.29 Shaked, Ten Bib, p 46 M

UCL Or.1080 J178: Letter: "the ship from Spain" (around 1100).

47 Boats arriving from Spain or other countries of the West would be reported upon to Alexandria as soon as they were sighted at the observation points on the long North African coast of Egypt, and the Alexandrian merchants would relay this information to their friends in Cairo. This was done in particular when the ships were late because of adverse winds blowing from the east. In a letter written on the day after the Day of Atonement (which falls mostly in the second half of September) we read this: "No one has arrived yet from the West except the ship from Spain in which Makhlūf b. Mūsā al-Nafūsī (the overseer of the sultan's ships who wrote T-S 24.78) traveled. Another ship from Spain is expected. From al-Mahdiyya no one has arrived up till now. As to the ships which have been sighted, letters have been received from our coreligionists (at the observation points) that they are doing well. They are no in Dandariyya waiting for deliverance by God (i.e. they had to anchor awaiting a change of the wind). I pray to God that he might deliver them." Bibliography: Ashtor, Jews Mos Sp II, p 416 M Ben-Sasson, Jews of Sicily, p 588, 670 m Constable, Trade and Traders, p 37, 61, 94 m Goitein, Letters, p 321 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 320 TY Goitein, Med Soc I, p 482 M Goitein, Med Soc IV, p 405 m

UCL Or.1080 J194: A woman's letter in Judaeo-Spanish to her brother; mentions Abraham b. Shoshan, one of the exiles from Spain.

UCL Or.1080 J258: Letter written on May 11, 1141 from Alexandria, and addressed to a prominent person in the same city. Highlights the importance of sea traffic: "All the ships going from Spain, al-Mahdiyya, Tripoli (), Sicily and Byzantium have departed and have encountered a propitious wind. However, the ship of the ruler of al- Mahdiyya (which was on its way eastward to Palestine) has not yet moved. Our master Judah ha-Levi (the famous poet) boarded it four days ago, but the wind is not favourable for them. May God grant them safety" (verso, margin). Bibliography: Ben-Sasson, Jews of Sicily, p 642, 670 m Constable, Trade and Traders, p 28 m Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 476-81 xt pl.588-89 Fleischer/Gil, Yehuda Ha-Levi, p 616 m Goitein, Arabica IX, p 20 M Goitein, JESHO VI, p 287 Y Goitein, JQR LI, p 41 M

48 Goitein, Med Soc I, p 147, 222, 314, 317, 437, 454, 475, 481, 526 M Goitein, Med Soc I, p 301 TY Goitein, Med Soc II, p 69, 537, 592, 605, 611 M Goitein, Med Soc II, p 387 TY Goitein, Med Soc III, p 491 M Goitein, Med Soc V, p 462, 637 m Goitein, PAAJR XXVIII, p 44, 51, 56 M Goitein: Tarbiz XXVIII, p 344-360 M Goitein: Tarbiz XLVI, p 246 YT

UCL Or.1081 J27: No clear-cut distinction between piracy and war can be made. Therefore, one is often at loss to decide which of the two is intended. Thus, when we read about African and Spanish merchantmen attacked by "the enemy" off the Tunisian coast, one is in doubt whether freebooters are meant or the navy of some Italian maritime town. Bibliography: Goitein, India Book, p No.140 Goitein, Med Soc I, p 308, 330, 478, 485 M Goitein in: Levi della Vida com I, p 401-3 XT Shaked, Ten Bib, p 48 M

Mosseri L101: "Andalusi" A series of transactions, which had taken place in Qayrawān, al-Mahdiyya, Sfax (Tunisia) and Palermo, involving merchants called Barqī (from Barqa in Libya), Ṭarābulusī (Tripoli) and Andalusī, formed the object of a settlement before the rabbinical court in Old Cairo in spring, 1040, simply because some of the litigants happened to be present in that city. (ed. Mann, Texts I, 343–345)

Mosseri L191: qadi whose firm handled mercury from Spain..

49