P. Nas the House in Indonesia; Between Globalization and Localization

P. Nas The house in Indonesia; Between globalization and localization

In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Globalization, localization and Indonesia 154 (1998), no: 2, Leiden, 335-360

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The main premise of the theory of globalization is that during the past few decades a 'third' culture has emerged which transcends national cultures and cannot be explained simply by looking at national states and their interrelationships1. In this article I will explore the adequacy of this premise in the field of residential architecture. The question at issue is whether the house in Indonesia should be considered part of worldwide 'third' culture or not, and, if so, whether this is a recent phenomenon. I will deal with this question in three parts, developing the argument from the local to the global. I will begin by describing a number of present-day vernacular habitation styles to show their great variety, stemming from the diversity of local cultures in Indonesia.2 Some of these forms of residential architecture are still widespread, but many of them have already disappeared or can be classified as endangered. In this section the focus is on the local roots of residential architecture. From there I will present the Hindu, Islamic and colonial influences on the house to show that worldwide cultural elements - those founded in the dual relations between states as well as those of a more general character - were not only present but were also characteristic, exerting powerful influences. Global- ization is not just a recent phenomenon and often has strong regional connotations. Moreover, the so-called third culture should not be seen through western eyes only, because Asian variants abound. In the final section, I will analyse post-independence foreign influences. During this period the diffusion of habitation styles has certainly been accelerated by new means of communication and the intensification of their use. In some cases this diffusion has been based on particular concepts discussed on a worldwide scale and propagated by influential international institutions. In this section the localization of this intensification of globalization as well as the phenomenon of hybridization are also taken into account.

Vernacular habitation styles The mainstream of residential architecture in Indonesia is clearly rooted in vernacular forms. These have always been predominant in much of

1 I thank Reimar Schefold, Gaudenz Domenig and the Kring van Leidse Urbanisten, KLU (Circle of Leiden Urbanists) for their comments on an earlier version of this article. * For an elaboration of the concept of habitation style see Nas and Prins 1988.

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Indonesia, especially in rural areas but by no means absent from some urban areas, although a marked decline has set in since at least the beginnings of this century. Nowadays these vernacular forms are often found in the midst of other buildings ranging from simple wooden structures to modern brick dwellings, and even high-rise condominiums in cities. Where they are found, they often still have a function in the maintenance of traditional culture. It would be too laborious to present an overview of all the traditional forms of architecture in Indonesia in this essay, but it is possible to provide a limited but insightful sample from which some main spatial principles can be deduced. I will restrict myself to twelve examples presented in rough geographical order from west to east, some well-documented, such as the Javanese, Balinese and Atoni cases, and some less well- documented, such as the Aceh residential architecture, the limas house in Palembang and the Savunese house. Because of these differences in available documentation, and due to the need to keep these characterizations brief, only the principal elements will be included. So when a certain element is found in the description of one house type but not in another, it does not always mean that it is not present. I hope that these cases will supply sufficient material to convey an appreciation of the local roots and variations of vernacular architecture in Indonesia, as well as to provide a basis for deducing the basic principles underlying these habitation styles.

The Aceh house (Sumatra) In Aceh the traditional houses all face north or south, never east or west. Jacobs (1894) supposes that this is probably a pre-Islamic feature, since in Hindu belief the house entrance should not face the setting sun, which marks darkness and is associated with black, the colour of death. Nowadays, borrowing from Islamic teaching, the front gable is considered to be oriented towards Mecca. Snouck Hurgronje (1895) says that the grown boys, men and strangers without wives used to lodge and sleep in the meunasah, the village community building, which is often deserted nowadays (Dall 1982). The traditional house in Aceh is built on high stilts so that people can walk around and work underneath it. The most sacred place is the roof in which the family heirlooms are kept. The middle level is the house proper, which is divided into three parts from the front to the back. The first part, the frontgallery, is the place to receive guests and partake of religious meals. The second part is elevated about half a metre and contains the bedroom, a corridor and a storage place. The third part lies on the same height as the first part and is made up of a back gallery often containing a kitchen. This is where daily meals are taken, where the children sleep and where the women receive their female guests. All sorts of furniture and utensils are found here, such as mats, pots, lamps and so on. This back gallery, according to Damste (1920-21), is very private, al-

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though the bedrooms, of course, are more so. In former times the stairways were often situated in the middle of the front of the house, where the water jar was placed so that the visitors could wash their feet before entering. Sometimes a separate female entrance is found leading to the back gallery. The Sakuddei house (Mentawai) The Sakuddei house on Siberut, one of the Mentawai islands, has been described by Schefold (1979-80). The main dwelling, the uma, is a longhouse, built on stilts and inhabited by five to ten families. It belongs to one local group and expresses its unity symbolically. The uma generally consists of an open entry platform, a covered front gallery, a first and second inner room, and another platform at the end. One of the inner-side pillars is used to hang up the group fetish and has an important ritual significance. The whole house is related to the cosmos and is considered to be a ship comprising the whole society. The open, airy verandah with the notched tree-trunk stairway is where the men work on tools and keep them stored. The covered front gallery is an important meeting place for hosting guests. It is a favourite male sleeping place, where men and boys gather under mosquito nets. The board on the upper inside of the front is decorated. Animal skulls are tied to the roof. The inner room is entered through a door. It has the communal hearth in the middle with a board dance floor behind it. On the right side of this floor are places for sacred objects and personal belongings. This is where the very prestigious gongs are stored and rituals take place during feasts. It is the religious centre of the house where the main protective fetish, a bundle of holy plants, is preserved. The second inner room is divided into bedrooms for the women. In a large uma these are rooms occupied by one family each. Generally the mother sleeps there with the children and unmarried girls. The platform at the end of the uma is used by women to do their work. Visiting women who come alone enter the building there. The emphasis in the Sakuddei longhouse is on the group as a whole and not so much on the individual family. The ship metaphor and cosmic analogy are considered to be the main organizational principles. The limas house (Palembang) The limas house consists of one wooden building on piles oriented towards the river. The floor has six platforms, of which the first four rise stepwise from the front, while the floor level of the last two drops down again. The platforms of the fourth and fifth sections have small rooms on the left and right side, such as the bride's room, the room for the in-law family and the women's room. The sixth section is used as the kitchen. The main organizational principles of this house seem to be intimacy and hierarchy, which are expressed by linearity. Intimacy increases from

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the front to the back, from the outside verandah to the kitchen, and is expressed horizontally. Hierarchy is expressed vertically by differences in floor level, and during ceremonies persons are allowed to occupy the higher platforms depending on their status. On these occasions guests are received in either the first or second section. Family gatherings take place in the third section and the elders use the fourth and highest section in accordance with their high status (Nas 1995a). The litnas house clearly resembles the abovementioned Aceh house: the main organizational principles of both types are intimacy and hierarchy, which are expressed by horizontal and vertical linearity.

The Javanese house The upper-class Javanese house, according to Prijotomo (1984), consists in principle of three structures constituting a whole: the open pavilion (pendapa) in front, the walled living quarters (dalem ageng) at the back, and in between a connecting passageway (pringgitan). The living quarters contain several sections: the general part, the (two) bedrooms, and the most sacred place of the house (krobongan), which is used for rituals and meditation. The main organizational principles of the Javanese house are centrality and linearity. Centrality dominates the open pavilion, which has its focus in the middle. It also dominates the house as a whole, with the duality of the pavilion and the living quarters synthesized by the passageway. Linearity is dominant with respect to the most sacred place in the house, which is situated at the back of the living quarters in the middle. Principles of centrality and linearity express the difference between sacred and profane, associated respectively with the krobongan and the rest of the house, and with the central part of the pavilion and its peripheral parts. In the latter case, centrality is also expressed vertically by the trapezoidal roof supported by four pillars (saka guru) which mark the more sacral area of the pavilion. A further differentiation between private and public sets the living quarters opposite the open pavilion, where guests are formally received. Around this basic structure of the house there may be other rooms, such as the kitchen, bathroom, guest room and dining hall. The whole compound is encircled by a fence. The Javanese house is basically a form of open-space architecture consisting of a walled compound with several buildings and open spaces in between. Prijotomo (1984) presents a short description of the Javanese house based on the works of authors such as Maclaine Pont and Rassers. He concludes from these studies that the essence of the Javanese house at the beginning of the twentieth century resembled the core of the house in the Hindu-Javanese period.

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The Balinese house The Balinese dwelling is likewise a form of open-space architecture. The orientation of the house upstream towards the holy mountain Gunung Agung plays an important role. This direction is considered sacred, while its opposite is profane. The geography of the house is divided into mountain (head), land (body) and sea (legs) on the one hand, and the rising (head), zenith (body) and setting (legs) of the sun on the other. The combination of these two divisions results in nine cells, of which the mountain/sunrise (head/head) combination is the most sacred and oriented towards the holy mountain. The sea/sunset (legs/legs) combination is the most profane. All the cells are graded in this elaborate system and desig- nated for particular use, such as the family temple, and accommodating the unmarried girls, parents, boys, granary, kitchen and so on. This means that the Balinese house is dominated by anthropomorphic and cosmic principles combined in gradation from sacred to profane (Nas 1995b).

The Laboya house (Sumba) The Laboya on West Sumba, according to Geirnaert-Martin (1992), conceive of their house as a buffalo. It is a more or less square construction built on piles which support bamboo floors. Buffalo horns are fixed to the wall at the front of the house. The house has three levels, namely the upper part for the ancestors and sacred objects, the middle level for the inhabitants, and the lower part on the ground between the four main pillars (legs) for the domestic animals. The roof is trapezoid shaped and topped by a construction resembling buffalo horns. It is thatched with elephant grass, representing the hair. The heirlooms are kept under the roof in a sacred cupboard in which the spirits of the patrilineal ancestors are believed to dwell. The buffalo horns of the house refer to the protection of the ancestors. The sacred place under the roof is decorated with snake and flower motifs symbolizing wealth and procreation, and formerly contained the trophy heads of enemies. The part used for the living area has a front verandah which is the most public part of the house and is sheltered from sun and rain by the grass hanging from the roof. There are two doors, one for the men (right) and one for the women (left), corresponding with the male and female parts of the house. The verandah and the doors are regarded as face of the buffalo house. The inner part of the house consists of several rooms located around the central square fireplace (the navel of the buffalo house), contained within the four main pillars which relate to specific activities and are classified as either male or female. Other elements are the cupboard, pots, nets and so on. The opening to the roof is located at the male side of the house. Using the framework of this animal metaphor as the basic principle for conceptualizing the Laboya house, Geirnaert-Martin also discusses ana-

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logies to the digestion process, which is the basis for differentiating the front of the house from the back. The Tana 'Ai house (Flores) The lepo house of the Tana 'Ai on East Flores is described by Douglas Lewis (1988). This house does not mirror the cosmos directly, but models the social group that is a unit of the cosmos. The lepo is part of a compound containing several constructions such as a granary, pig sty and temporary pavilion. The area of the compound is encircled by bamboo and tree branches. The house has a particular orientation, with the inner door 'upslope towards the mountain peaks' and the house ladder placed at the 'uphill and left' corner of the house. The residential space is strongly graded: the forest outside the compound, the swept area within the compound, the area around the house below the eaves, the verandah reached by climbing a ladder and entering the outer door, the inner door leading to the area between the two hearths, the great inside space, the inner area which is demarcated by a floor beam, and the bedrooms on both sides of the inner parts of the house. Reliquary baskets hang from the principal roof beam, and the wealth of the house such as swords, clothes and so on are stored in the inner area. Entering the house means that a series of boundaries have to be tres- passed, each of which leads to a series of spaces with a different centrality. This act of entering the house is considered to be in keeping with a ritual circular movement coming in from the direction of the upper slope, entering the house to the right, reversal inside the inner visitors' area, turning upslope and facing the hearths. Douglas Lewis says the lepo presents a factual sexual organization of space, but conceptually is not divided into male and female areas, nor is it marked by strong dual categories. However, the house as female and domestic is contrasted with the forest, which is male, and both are synthesized and mediated by the garden in which they meet. The Savunese house (Savu) The Savunese house is built on poles and is perceived as both a living being and a ship. According to Kana (1980) designations such as head, tail, neck, cheeks, chest and ribs reveal the parallel with a living being. In addition to this anthropomorphism, the front beams are also formed in the shape of the bow of a prahu and the terminology includes words referring to the masts and the hull. The house comprises three levels: the platform at ground level, the floor platform and the loft platform. The floor platform has a special association with the prahu because of the joined curved pieces of wood that form a semi-circle. The roof on either side is characterized by the traditional leaf-neck associated with the buffalo head. Although Kana presents the ship metaphor as the main organizing

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access The House in Indonesia 341 principle of the Savunese house, the buffalo metaphor is also inherent, giving this house a mixed character. The Atoni house (Timor) In his famous article on the Atoni (Amarasi) house of Timor, Cunningham (1964) describes the organization of the house in minute detail. Generally inhabited by a basic family, it is considered a residential, economic and ritual unit oriented towards the south and consisting of several units such as the inner section (the sleeping place for unmarried sons and daughters; not for guests), the outer section (for guests and work), the great platform on the right side of the inner section (used as a bed, bench, table), the sleeping platform on the left side of the inner section (for the older males and females of the household), the serving platform near the hearth (for cooking), the hearth, the fixed water jar, and the mother and chicken posts. Essential to the division of space in the house are the four points of the Atoni compass, the four chicken post corners, the four places of the respectively water jar, the sleeping platform, the door and the great platform, the four mother posts, and the central hearth. Cunningham claims that these elements are linked in two ways: by concentric circles, each circle representing the distance to the centre of the house, and by crossings pro- jecting various configurations of points on the different circles. The house is conceived both as model of the cosmos and as part of it. It is also divided into halves of greater wholes or oppositions encapsulated in larger dual- ities, that is the house is divided into two parts and these together are opposed to the outside and so on. 'In all of these oppositions - dry land and sea to sky, male sea and female sea to dry land, right and left sides of the "house centre" to the yard, right and left sides of the inner section to the outer section, and inner and outer sections of the house to the attic - a conceptually subordinate pair is opposed to a superordinate unit' (Cunning- ham 1964:50). As a model of the cosmos, the house also expresses the social order. It incorporates the status differences of the various groups into a whole. The main underlying principles are unity and difference. Besides explaining the way the house relates to the structure of the cosmos, Cunningham refers also to the fact that human body symbolism is also quite common (Cun- ningham 1964:66, note 23). The Toraja house (Sulawesi) The Toraja house is famous for its conspicuous roof construction, and under the influence of modern tourism it is developing into a monument less and less suitable for actual occupation. In fact, sometimes it is abandoned altogether as a place of residence, since people prefer to construct dwellings nearby that are closer to ground level. These tongkongan have been

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extensively described by Kis-Jovak, Nooy-Palm, Schefold and Schulz- Dornburg (1988). In the analysis by Nooy-Palm, the tongkongan is believed to be the image of the tripartite cosmos, with the roof and triangular, heavily decorated northern gable section as the sacred parts of the house or the upper world, the living quarters as the earthly part of the house where the humans live, the middle world, and the space under the house as the nether world. Free from any association with the nether world is the pillar under the centre of the house which is the navel post symbolizing the creation of the house. The central post in the house itself is considered to be the axis of the world. Besides this three-fold partition of the world, there is also a twofold cosmos-related orientation. This refers to divisions between north and south, and east and west. The flow of the river from the north is associated with life-giving, the source of water, and the growth cycle of rice, while the south is associated with the ancestors. The east is related to food and life, and the south and west bear reference to death. Some scholars think that ship symbolism plays a role in the Toraja house.3 The tongkongan is inhabited by an extended family, and every person in Toraja society is related to several houses on his mother's and father's sides.

The house on Dawera and Dawelor (Maluku Tenggara) Ship symbolism dominates the world view of the peoples on the islands of Maluku Tenggara. De Jonge and Van Dijk (1995) present elaborate descrip- tions of these cultures and point out the fact that nautical concepts have always been important in Moluccan village and house lay-out, including those on the islands of Dawera and Dawelor in the western region. In former times, settlements on these two islands were located on high, inaccessible crags, like eagle's eyries, and were conceived of as ships. The inhabitants, who constituted one group of descendants, were seen as the crew. The 'holy' or 'big' house in which this self-sufficient group lived was built on long poles with a bamboo floor covered by a roof of coconut leaves at a height of two metres. The construction and decoration of the roof referred to the shape of a ship. The house was understood to be sailing from east to west following the course of the sun, and the spaces were differentiated to coincide with this movement into the right and left 'pilot's rooms' and the right and left 'helmsman's rooms'. At the end of the nineteenth century the location of these villages was changed under colonial policy, and nowadays they are situated along the coast. Despite the change in location, the boat model was used as a frame of reference for their new lay-out, although in some cases several villages were combined into one settlement as if they were 'two or three ships sailing together'.

3 Some of these authors are mentioned by Domenig 1980.

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In the twentieth century the principle of endogamous marriage has lost its force in these societies. Under missionary influence the house construction was changed so that the horizontal dimensions were reduced, the posts became shorter, and the ground, instead of the raised floor, became the living space. Nowadays, people live in one-family houses around the greatly reduced 'big' house, which is inhabited by the descendants of the 'right helmsman' only.

The Tobelo house (Halmahera) The house of the Tobelo in North Halmahera has been described in fine detail by Platenkamp (1988). It consists of three parts: the great house containing the bedrooms, a large bamboo bench in front of the house, and a construction at the back of the house with the kitchen. The position of the house is not determined by any fixed spatial orientation, but the houses are oriented towards the road. The front wall is decorated with a big shield symbolizing male protective force. Strangers and male relatives are expected to approach the house from the front. This front part is open and faces the street, in contrast to the kitchen which is hidden from public view and associated with the women. People not related to the house (except women from neighbouring houses) are not allowed to approach the house from the rear. From the front to the back, that is from front porch, via the bedrooms, to the kitchen, the spaces grow more and more protected. The structure of the house, according to Platenkamp, suggests an analogy between the house and the human body. It consists of a more durable wooden frame covered by perishable bamboo walls and a thatched roof, paralleling the skeleton and flesh of the human body. Unlike the symmetry of the human skeleton, the structure of the house is based on the principle that space must never be divided into two equal parts. This difference reveals hierarchy, a contrast implying that the house protects the people - that the body of the house (with unequal divisions) protects the human body (with equal divisions).

Principles of spatial specification From these examples it is possible for us to conclude that 'traditional' Indonesian houses are very diversified and that it is difficult to determine constants and to claim, for instance, that they are generally built of wood on posts with differences in floor levels with saddle-backed roofs, decorated gable-ends and gable finials. After due consideration, I believe that the diversity of house types in Indonesia can be grasped by first classifying them according to certain dimensions, such as single construction versus open-space architecture, piles-supported versus earth-bound, wood versus stone, round/oval versus square, communal versus non-communal, and so on. A second way to come to grips with the wide field of vernacular forms,

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access 344 Peter J.M. Nas which is also useful for other and even modern types of architecture, is to construct Weberian ideal-types of sub-categories of house, that is the traditional Austronesian house, the open-space architectural dwelling, and even the colonial mansion, the shophouse, the modern dwelling and so on. Employing this method of deducing the ideal-type of the traditional Austronesian house has several characteristics that can be derived from Blust (1976), Fox (1993) and Schefold (1996). Blust's linguistic research indicates that the Austronesian house is a raised structure on posts with a notched ladder, a hearth with storage rack, rafters, a ridgepole and a thatched roof. Fox defines the posts, ladder, ridgepole, hearth and encom- passing roof as the main characteristics. And Schefold mentions the tripartite house, the multi-levelled floor, the outward slanting gable, oblique walls, gable finials, the saddle-backed roof and differential treat- ment of root and tip in the uses of timber. From these three examples of ideal-type construction it is clear that no agreement has yet been reached on the basic characteristics of the Austronesian house, many of which can also be found in the work of Waterson (1990). However, it can be said that this house is basically a raised wooden structure on posts with a ladder, a hearth and a ridgepole. The ideal-type of the open-space architecture residential house comprises such attributes as a walled or fenced space, several detached or semi-detached buildings generally arranged by traditional value systems, and various open spaces, often with a larger open space somewhere in the middle. The colonial mansion could be characterized as a spacious dwelling with a front and a back verandah, situated in a large garden dotted with white flower pots, and with rooms for servants at the back opening out onto a patio. It has high ceilings and small grids high on the walls to allow natural ventilation. The ideal-type of the shophouse should include such characteristics as terrace-house construction with a shop or semi-private space at ground level opening onto the street, a covered footpath and living apartments on the first floor. The modern house frequently encountered in present-day new town developments around Jakarta is a terrace house, completely reliant on air conditioning, and with a special area for receiving guests. Small corners are reserved for plants or a fish pond, and a room with separate lavatory for servants is located near the kitchen. Besides this classificatory exercise with dimensions or ideal-types, the Indonesian house as a whole may also be seen as a configuration of spatial entities that are diversified and marked. So, seeking a third way to analyse this residential house, several cultural, social, design and building principles may be distinguished as relevant to this process of spatial specification and gradation.

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Cultural mechanisms that mark space by means of metaphors are: , 1. the human body, or animal body such as the buffalo; 2. the cosmos by reference to the sun, the points of the compass or other sacred reference points, or the use of opposing pairs such as male- female, day-night, high-low, upstream-downstream, trunk-tip,-4 and 3. the ship. Socially this spatial specification results in distinctions and gradations of space from: 1. private to public; 2. male to female; 3. sacred to profane; 4. low status to high status; 5. consanguinal to cognatic relationships; and 6. group to elementary family. From the point of view of design, differences in space are marked through: 1. open-space versus single-structure architecture 2. delimitation by means of extension or encapsulation, often in combination with ornamentation; 3. horizontal and vertical linearity, including elevation; and 4. centripetality representing synthesis. The principles of building and building materials can also be considered important for the specification of space: 1. H-construction versus box construction,"5 2. piled versus earth-bound structures; 3. round/oval versus square; 4. wood versus stone construction; and 5. natural ventilation versus air conditioning.

These cultural, social, design and building principles used in all sorts of combinations for demarcation result in a differentiation of space that is often quite intricate, gradual and occasionally situation-bound. Sometimes different principles are combined, such as ship, buffalo and bird symbolism, or cosmological and dualist specifications of space, but clear-cut cases of interpretation according to just one principle are also not unknown. The Rindi analysis by Forth (1981) is an example in which all sorts of principles are used, but it is not clear whether or not this mixture is of emic or etic origin. The differentiation of space is also related to the categories

4 For the trunk-tip opposition see Forth 1981. 5 An H-construction has posts reaching from the ground to the roof and a box construction has a roof supported by a special wooden structure not directly reaching to the ground (see Domenig 1996).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access \ 346 Peter ]M. Nas of people allowed to enter certain rooms, the use of the spaces, and the behaviour required of the person in that space. The vernacular house forms presented above are generally described in quite a static manner, although some authors (such as Platenkamp, and De Jonge and Van Dijk) also discuss modern changes and their supposed meanings. It should be stressed that these 'traditional' houses have their own endogenous dynamics, that many regional and local variations are occurring, and that hybridization is sometimes encountered in the border areas between different cultures. One example of endogenous dynamics is the adaptation of granaries for housing. Moreover, though often threat- ened by dilapidation, 'traditional' houses are still being built anew nowadays in some areas, as they are important in the transmission of traditional communal values. While this is a welcome phenomenon, social change does not leave the mentioned principles untouched and they may alter inconsistently, causing disharmony.

Early foreign influences It is difficult to decide to what extent forms of vernacular architecture are 'purely' traditional, because foreign Hindu, Islamic, Chinese and European influences have all been dominant at one time or another in the Archi- pelago. Hindu influences are often so strong that under this heading it is appropriate to consider the distinction between open-space architecture consisting of a compound with several open and closed constructions, and compact architecture made up of one essential building. Open-space or compound architecture is still characteristic of Bali and forms the core of the Javanese house, even nowadays when it is often completely walled. Not- withstanding this clear distinction between these two architectural forms, Hindu influence on compact architecture should not be excluded, especially in the systems of reference used. One example of this is the suggestion by Jacobs (1894) mentioned above, who supposes that the orientation of many kantpung houses in the Archipelago towards the north or the south, and never to the west or the east, can probably be considered a pre-Islamic phenomenon. Dall (1982) mentions the pre-Islamic practice of avoiding a sunset orientation because it is associated with darkness and death. In Hinduism, the east is associated with new life and the west with death. He also thinks that in former times the Aceh house had an open roof and detached walls revealing open-space architectural influences which disappeared after the arrival of Islam. Islamic influences can be seen mainly in the orientation -towards Mecca (mosques, praying, burying) and decorations that avoid the depiction of the human body, although this rule is not always strictly followed and abstract human forms may be found in calligraphic art and apparently

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access The House in Indonesia 347 floral patterns. Prijotomo (1984) says that to a large extent the first Muslims utilized existing Hindu-Javanese architectural forms to express Islamic ideas and their meanings. The meru form, for example, was accepted as a manifestation of sacredness by both the Hindu-Javanese people and the Muslims. Conversely, the fragmented space of the Hindu- Javanese temple differs from the unified self-sufficient space of the mosque.

The colonial civilization process Colonial influences on vernacular architecture were manifold, covering the fields of religion, hygiene, comfort, the use of money in house construction, specialization of tasks in the building process, and the influx of new materials and house types. In general, many Dutch in the colony did not appreciate traditional houses at all. They were not considered very comfortable, and were characterized as dark and humble. Hamerster (1916), for example, wrote that the Alfur people in the Minahasa lived in large groups in awful, dark, musty houses on stilts which were built in a disorderly fashion in inaccessible places. Jacobs (1894) stated that Acehnese villages were not very attractive and that what one came across was a mass of uniform, dirty hovels. There were people who clearly appreciated traditional architecture, especially the methods of decoration and construction. This led to the use of traditional ornaments in colonial wood and brick architecture, and experiments in house design adapted to the climate and culture. One of the most famous of these experiments is the building of the Institute of Technology in Bandung (ITB) designed by the architect Maclaine Pont. As a representative of the colonial government, Middendorp (1922) stressed that economically speaking traditional Batak house construction was very wasteful. There was an overabundant use of materials such as wood and roof cover, and because of this an army of labourers were needed for construction activities. Such houses could only be built when scores of people were prepared to offer their services. Attitudes changed with the penetration of the money economy, which found people far fewer willing to do so. This meant that the organization of house construction changed completely with the introduction of money in this sector. Referring to Great Aceh at the end of the past century, Jacobs (1894:36) points to the role of the war and more general causes of deforestation which made local wood for housing scarce. Fewer people were working with wood and the art of woodcarving declined. Increasingly larger quantities of wood had to be imported, and woodworking was a trade taken up by Chinese carpenters who replaced the local craftsmen. Missionaries often fostered negative opinions about traditional houses, which were inhabited by several families together, and associated them

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access 348 Peter JM. Nas with all sorts of heathen beliefs and rituals. Platenkamp, for example, writes that nowadays the Tobelo village house contains only one nuclear family, as a result of 'initiatives taken in the past by the Dutch missionaries, who were convinced that the traditional house - containing a larger group of relatives - would give rise to indecent, "immoral" behaviour' (Platenkamp 1988:56). Hygiene stood very high on the list of government officials, particularly after the plague epidemics that occurred during the colonial period. This led to a policy that was clearly opposed to the traditional house, deploring their high roofs which gave shelter to many rats and other vermin. Many of these houses were torn down. Wagenaar describes the consequences. 'The control of the plague had far-reaching consequences for local populations. It was virtually impossible to exterminate all domestic rats. What could be done was to prevent the rats from nesting under the floors of houses or living in the palm-leaf thatch (atap) roofing. The latter was particularly dangerous because rat fleas could fall from the bodies of dead rats and cause a real threat to the health of the people living below. The result of all this was that a rehousing programme was set up. Homes considered unfit were evacuated, demolished and burned down. The new houses had to have roof tiles which meant that the local population had to learn a new skill - tile production. This is evidenced in a telegram sent on 22 December 1911 [...] from Malang to the resident of Pasoeroean, which says that "at present strong measures are being taken on the property of Djoengo (Gabes). The coolie huts are all being evacuated and then burnt down, and then rat-free houses will be built. The locals are becoming increasingly skilled in making roof tiles. In the period from 1 to 15 December they produced 4,618,000 tiles".' (Wagenaar 1995:6.) Nooteboom (1939:222) points out that the incidence of deaths caused by hookworm was disproportionately high in the traditional oval houses in Manggarai (West Flores), and that other diseases like dysentery frequently were catastrophic for the population. He believed that as far as hygiene was concerned the continued use of these buildings could not be defended, citing the low space beneath them heaped with excrement and rubbish, and the high alang-alang roof without any openings for the smoke from the many inside fireplaces to escape. These houses were dark during the day and crowded with people who were often ailing. He adds that the government did indeed destroy these buildings and substitute new model houses of set minimum and maximum dimensions and with a model toilet for them. This policy led to a strong decline in the incidence of hookworm. Referring to Flores, Lehmann added that for the sake of public health the Dutch government destroyed the round houses and had new houses built on poles. Despite the government's good intentions, the indigenous people did not appreciate these constructions, which were bound to deteriorate rapidly (Lehmann 1934:275).

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Tillema was one of the most active advocates of improved housing and living conditions in the Netherlands East Indies. His writings were focused on the improvement of public health, and it was he who pointed out that the technical element was not being sufficiently stressed in the experimental measures being taken against the plague. Tillema (1922:ix) considered the traditional house an important breeding ground of illness, and stressed the need - and indeed the obligation - to improve the housing conditions of the indigenous population: to keep the houses plague free, to achieve good light and ventilation, and to provide proper sewage and garbage disposal. All these ideas and regulations concerning housing ran counter to existing habitation norms and values and thus can be characterized in part as a civilization offensive on Indonesian habitation styles in an attempt to bring them in line with the European example. They were also partly the result of a general influx of new ideas, techniques and materials, such as concern for sanitation, the use of corrugated iron roofs, and of bricks in construction. In some areas the housing civilization process was promul- gated more rigorously than in others, which might be one explanation for the great regional differences in present-day conditions of vernacular architecture. This housing civilization offensive can be considered an early form of globalization, a brainchild of general western notions of health and hygiene that was being implemented in all the colonies.

Hybridization Sometimes new forms of 'traditional' architecture were designed in order to meet new norms without completely abandoning traditional architectonic forms. An example of this is the experiment of Van Bendegom (M.J. 1919) who had a house erected in Karo-Batak style. He considered it a trans- itional house and was well aware that it did not resemble an original Batak house but was just a residential house in Karo-Batak style. This house was designed because the old Batak house had to be eliminated. It was meant to integrate European and Batak architecture by combining European requirements for light, air and spatial organization with Batak roof form and decorations. Its function was to serve as an example from^ which other new forms of Batak architecture could be developed. We also see this type of development and hybridization in early colonial architecture. At first, classic Dutch house types such as the stepped gable were introduced to Batavia. As time passed Dutch culture and houses were adapted to the local conditions, finally resulting in what is called the Indische culture and the Indische mansion. This roomy mansion was situated in a beautiful flower garden and had spacious front and back verandahs which were the house's social centre. It is an architectural form that is neither Dutch nor Indonesian but truly colonial, and it is found only

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access 350 Peter JM. Nas in Indonesia. The Indische mansion cannot be considered part of a 'third culture' as it is understood in globalization theory because it is primarily an offspring of Dutch and Indonesian cultures. During the late colonial period the Indische mansion lost ground, and smaller houses for the Euro- pean middle and lower classes began to feature more prominently in city extension. Another example of hybridization is the so-called shophouse. It is generally built in terraces and combines ground floor spaces for shop activities, which open on to the pavement, with a first floor residence commonly used by the proprietor. Lim (1993) claims that Sir Stamford Raffles was the initiator of the shophouse, which he calls 'Shophouse Rafflesia', part of a grand vision for tropical town planning. China is often mentioned as one of the places where the shophouse prototype can be found. However, the shophouse has its roots in the building-line regulations guaranteeing free passage along a five-foot wide footpath, arcade or verandah (or kaki lima) in front of the shop. Such building lines were implemented at an early phase in Batavia's history and probably formed a model for Raffles. Lim (1993) argues that shophouse architecture in Penang, Singapore and Malacca followed three phases: foundation (1786-1866), consolidation (1868-1926), and regulation by the Architecture Ordinance (1927-1963). It developed in various styles, from long rows of «top-roofed sheds with pro- jecting eaves for sheltering a pathway to the so-called 'Straits Settlement Style' with an eclectic use of ornamentation on the first floor irrespective of the arcades or arches at the ground floor level. In the third phase reinforced concrete was introduced and the shophouse achieved its modern shape. The large-scale spread of the shophouse through Asia was mainly determined either by administrative policy (Burma, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Philippines) or personal patronage (Thailand, Medan in Indonesia). So in contrast to Van Bendegom's Batak house experiment, the shophouse, whether or not of the 'Rafflesia' type, is an explicit example of early globalization in the field of architecture as part of an Asian 'third' culture. Notwithstanding its western, colonial connotations in the restric- tion of the use of the street for work and private activities - that is, its colonial civilization character - the shophouse forms part of a widespread 'third culture' of Asian origin. New architectural styles were introduced during the colonial period and especially the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, some dominated by Dutch schools but others rooted in the international architectural domain. The booklet Het Indische Bouwen; Architectuur en Stedebouw in Indonesie (Netherlands Indies Construction; Architecture and City Building in Indonesia), which was published to accompany an exhibition in Helmond, lists the main architectonic schools of the colonial period:

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access The House in Indonesia 351 neo-classicism, eclecticism, neo-gothic, neo-renaissance, rationalism, tra- ditionalism and Americanism, the Amsterdamse School, art nouveau or Jugendstil, De Stijl, functionalism and the Delftse School. Undeniably some of these were induced mainly by Dutch architectonic developments, some of which (such as De Stijl) have become part of the 'third culture'. Others are fully a part of the 'third culture' in the field of architecture, such as Jugendstil, functionalism and so on. This means that the 'third culture1 phenomenon is not really as recent as is supposed.6 In the field of architecture, and particularly housing, such a culture has long been in existence, although preceded and paralleled by all sorts of foreign influences on a more limited scale leading to hybridization and completely new architectural and housing forms. An example of the hybridization of colonial architecture is the house of a Chinese landlord (istana tuan tanah) in Tangerang, West Java (Kara- waci), which combines Dutch, Javanese and Chinese elements. In the 1970s this rural mansion was inhabited by several Indonesian families. The front consisted of a large building with a red tiled roof in Javanese form and a verandah with heavy white columns supporting the roof. The view from the rear was completely different, dominated by Chinese wood construction and ornamentation. This rural mansion is a clear example of individual hybridization, which can be contrasted to collective hybridization when the tendency is backed up by government policy, as is often the case nowadays. A present-day example of hybridization is the propensity for Minang- kabau roof architecture on public buildings in Padang and Bukittinggi. In this area, government policy obliges all public institutions, such as banks, public organizations and so on, to put a Minangkabau-shaped roof on their often western-style building. These roofs are replacing traditional houses as ethnic symbols, which means that the decline of private symbolism in Minangkabau residential architecture is being counteracted by the implementation of at least one aspect of this symbolism in the public domain. This results in conspicuous hybridization at a collective level, which imposes traditionally shaped roofs made of modern materials on modern- style public architecture. As in the Minangkabau area, government policy in Bali is now trying to protect traditional culture by encouraging the use of Balinese ornamentation on public buildings, but in this context the results cannot be characterized as hybridization. Balinese culture and craftsmanship have developed new artistic expressions to give a direction to the social change fostered by modernization, particularly under the influence of tourism. This has given birth to harmonious architectural forms. The Toraja are also acquainted with the phenomenon of hybridization,

This probably is also valid for haute couture.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access 352 Peter J.M. Nas illustrated by their propensity to combine the exceptionally high roof construction with brick architecture or to use it as a symbol atop monuments, public buildings and western-style houses. This is nothing new. Schefold (1988) has shown how the original Toraja house style changed over the course of time. The tongkongan was built higher and higher, stressing the vertical dimension. Consequently the curvature of its roof became more and more pronounced, leading to a spectacular architectonic image. The sensational visual effect took its toll. The body of the house became truncated, narrower and more elevated, with a larger distance between the living space and the ground. The construction was rendered more fragile with less massive but more numerous supporting parts. The high roof lost its shadow function for the area in front of the house. The whole structure, according to Schefold, gives a more elegant but also a less stable impression. The changes have resulted in the installation of additional lower roofs for shade. Many people have also abandoned their traditional houses, leaving them to be used as meeting and ritual places while they choose more comfortable, modern and less impressive small houses nearby. The new-style tongkongan are being officially promoted to boost the tourist industry. They are losing their habitation function and are being relegated to the status of monuments.

Flats and core housing Beside the successful kampung improvement programmes implemented in the 1970s which were mainly aimed at the environment of the house and not at the house itself, other post-independence examples of 'third culture' influences in Indonesian low-cost housing are flats and sites-and-services projects often combined with core housing. The sites-and-services projects were mainly implemented by Perumnas, the state housing corporation set up to tackle the low-cost housing problem and given the wherewithal to do so by a self-revolving fund. In the seven- ties and eighties this led to extensive housing project activities that targeted the lower social strata. One of the manifestations of these projects took the form of sites-and-services, in which the sites were prepared (roads, drainage and so on) and the cores of the house with the wet cell were constructed. As the costs had to be recovered, and requirements for regular income had to be set, these projects were generally not suited to the poor. Still these projects offered housing opportunities to the permanently employed lower middle class, particularly state and local functionaries. In the Jakarta area many examples of such schemes are found, such as in Klender, Tangerang7 and Depok. This type of housing scheme must be considered part of the 'third cul-

7 See for example Nas 1986:10.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access The House in Indonesia 353 ture' as it is extensively discussed in scientific literature at the global level and forms part of the policy of many public and private international institutions such as the World Bank and housing developers. These schemes are implemented in many Third World countries and their results are compared in order to improve their performance. In the 1980s urban flat construction became one of the means of supplying low-cost housing, though only in an experimental way. Flat construction is said to cause cultural alienation, since Indonesians are accustomed to living in houses on the ground or on stilts and want to have a garden at their disposal for fruit trees and chicken. Nevertheless, high-rise building has continued on a larger scale. One early example of flat construction in the heart of Jakarta is documented by Jellinek (1991). She described the change in the area of Kebun Kacang from a rural woodland kampung to a high density inner city kampung, inhabited by people with ample income opportunities from central city development but who had to live in deteriorating housing conditions induced by increasing population dens- ities. Finally, the kampung, which had turned into a slum, was cleared and flats were constructed. However, many of the original inhabitants of the kampung, notwithstanding the compensation received, did not want or could not afford to move into these flats. The flat as habitation style also pertains to the 'third culture'. It originated in the US where it was initially a prerogative of the rich. Later it spread through society and was also made available to the lower- income strata. Finally, it became a general habitation style found all over the world and occupied by members of every strata. In some places such as Singapore and Hong Kong, beset by space restrictions, it became the dominant habitation style. Although scarcity of land does not apply in the same way to Indonesia, nevertheless these cases clearly influenced public housing policy there with regard to the role of flats in low-cost housing.

Condominiums and modern urban compound development A more recent development within the framework of enabling strategies launched by the central and local governments has been the promotion of housing construction under private initiative. First, this has prompted the construction of condominiums, often combined with shopping malls and other services and second, it has stimulated modern western-style urban compound development, both aimed mainly at providing upper-class housing environments. This increase in real estate development has triggered an advertising boom organized to sell the houses and apartments. The presentation of these 'great works' of the 'private initiative period' in urban development is very informative. One such advertisement for the Greenview apartments presents a modern, cosmopolitan lifestyle with a classic nuance for which all the facil-

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access 354 Peter ].M. Nas ities, such as swimming pool, jogging track, tennis court and attractive areas for festivities and formal meetings, have been provided. This is rounded off by a fully equipped business centre with telephone and fax facilities and meeting rooms. All this is located near the city centre and in the middle of the prestigious area of South Jakarta - really a perfect investment.8 This advertisement features a drawing of a number of high-rise buildings with the swimming pool mentioned in the middle and the edges decorated with parrots. It also shows people playing tennis and golf, and other people jogging. All these people are Europeans. Do they constitute the target group or the reference group? In the advertisement 'Town house for rent. Enjoy living by the sea for as little as US $ 1500. Complete with service and facilities', an elegant Indo- nesian girl is portrayed diving into the water near the Waterfront Housing Estate which, with its European-like, single family dwellings designed as some sort of 'horizontal condominium', is probably better adapted to the Indonesian housing desires. The 'Luxury Prapanca Apartment' advertisement does not refer to the target group. The text printed under the picture of the high-rise building reads: 'A better place to stay. Virtually everything you look for in a spacious luxury apartment is right here in the heart of Prapanca Area - Kebayoran Baru. With elegant atrium, fully equipped fitness centre, swimming pool, squash court, whirl- pool, sauna, mini tennis court, mini golf driving range, golf putting green and 24- hour security and maintenance services, we have truly set the standard for a better place to stay.'9 A compound development providing free-standing, single family dwellings is found in East Jakarta and advertised as a garden area. The small man- sions have equally small gardens and the whole ward gives the impression of a European garden city area. Other compound developments have terrace housing which heightens their western ambience. These condominiums and modern compound developments transform the city into a conglomerate of protected islands owned by the rich in a sea of kampung and offices with a connecting infrastructure that leaves much to be desired. This type of development can be characterized as the privat- ization of public space. The advertisements for office buildings and

8 Nikmati Gaya hidup kontemporer [...] dalam nuansa klasik Greenview. Greenview apartments memadukan dua keistimewaan yang dicari penghuni: kelengkapan fasilitas untuk gaya hidup kontemporer dan nuansa klasik sebuah hunian kosmopolitan. Ada kolam renang, jogging track, pusat kebugaran, lapangan tennis. Untuk pesta kecil atau acara khusus tersedia ruang serbaguna yang elegan. Greenview Apartments yuga menyediaken Business Centre lengkap dengan telepon, faksimili dan ruang rapat. Semua ini hanya beberapa menit dari kesibukan bisnis di pusat kota, di tengah kawasan paling prestisius di Jakarta Selatan. Benar- benar investasi yang sempurna.' (Tempo 22-31,3 October 1992.) 9 Jakarta Post, 15 September 1992.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:14:09AM via free access The House in Indonesia 355 services related to these residential developments also provide rich insights into the urban context. 'Had enough of 3-in-l? Sick of power cuts? Want more telephone lines? Fed up with traffic jams? Do yourself a favour and check out the new four-storey building at the Cilandak commercial estate. 100 percent-plus stand-by electric power for all needs including air conditioning. Excellent communications. As many telephone, telex and facsimile lines as you want, and available immediately. Ample parking and tight twenty-four hour security. Attractive swimming pool, tennis, squash courts and saunas, open both day and night. Resident courier service, post office, bank and travel agent. No traffic problems, since you are moving against the traffic flow both coming and going. Strategically located. Less than 15 minutes from Kebayoran Baru and 10 minutes from J.I.S. Two restaurants serving economically priced European and Indonesian food. Professionally managed by an old established PMA joint venture that really looks after your needs.'10 By its positive contrast, this advertisement, put out by PT Bhumyanca Sekawan, clearly shows the defects of the urban environment in which this self-contained unit is located. The global influence in urban development in Jakarta is also beautifully illustrated by the new town known as Lippo City near Bekasi, which is intended to house one million inhabitants. The master plan for this 'city of tomorrow which is here today', according to one of its fancy brochures, is 'the work of internationally recognized city planner Meng Ta Cheang, whose award-winning designs for new cities in the Netherlands, Germany, China and Malaysia have had substantial impact in the field. His Singa- pore-based firm is associated with OD 205 Architects, a firm which has its headquarters in the Netherlands and is now involved in major urban development projects around the world.' This city is completely devoid of alun-alun or Indonesian decorations and symbols. One final aspect of this picture of modern and global, urban development is the phenomenon of the mall. Many malls have been developed in cities such as Jakarta and Denpasar. One example is Metro Pondok Indah in South Jakarta. This is an enormous, three-storey complex with luxury shops, restaurants, a cinema complex and video games hall. The shops cover almost every possible sector, from electronics to furniture, clothing to toys and

10 Jakarta Post, 3 October 1992.

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office equipment. There are shops for western wedding frocks and sports shoes. They are modern and colourful. Like the real estate projects, they almost all have English names: Shop in Body Care; Sports Station, the Sport Supermarket; 101 Shoes Shop; Royal Textile & Tailor; Sizzle Steak, Seafood, Salad; California Pizza. One exception is the French cafe Oh La La. The toilet area is indicated in English as 'restroom' and the doors bear the words 'man' and 'woman'. The shopping centre is mostly frequented by young people. They stand there, talking in groups, eating ice cream, looking over the balustrade at the escalators and at lower levels of the building. Couples date there and young families enjoy their day out. Everybody is nicely clothed, sometimes even extremely well-dressed, but always attired. Sometimes the visitors wear leisure clothing but they are never dirty or slatternly. The building is very clean with shining tile floors. There is an abundance of services, and guards are found in every nook and cranny. In front of the main entrance there is someone who, on request, loudly calls the drivers with their cars to pick up the owners so that they do not need to walk any distance or to search for their vehicle. All around > the building are beautiful lawns and extensive parking spaces. Informal sector activities are completely banned from the scene. There are no kaki lima in sight or sound of this shopping and recreation palace for the elite and the rising middle class and their offspring. In 1995 a policy was launched to call a halt to the proliferation of English names, encouraging the use of Indonesian names in malls and real estate advertisements.11 This policy is a good example of a reaction to globalization tendencies, in this case of a national character. In my view the condominium, mall and high-rise office complex can be considered as a unit, and that is why the mall and high-rise office must be included in this article on the house. It is clear that because of global influences the cultural, social, design and building principles mentioned above in the section on traditional habitation styles do not apply in the same way in the urban context of sites-and-services areas, flats and condominiums. In the city, for example, status is attached not only to the decoration and scale of the house but also to the type of ward. Wards often have a particular reputation, so that status can be inferred from name and location. The contents of real estate advertisements are clearly directed towards creating upper-class ward images. On the other hand, certain principles such as the separation of private and public spaces in the house still must be considered relevant in the urban context. Unfortunately, a thorough knowledge of organizational principles, meanings and uses of the modern dwelling in the city has yet to be gathered.

See The Jakarta Post, 18 March 1995 and Kompas, 30 March 1995.

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Conclusion From this description of the multiformity of vernacular architecture in Indonesia and its underlying principles, the colonial civilization housing offensive, the diffusion and hybridization of global architectural styles during this period, the modern implementation of global ideas on low-cost housing (sites-and-services projects and flats), and the present-day boom in the number of global condominiums, annex malls and high-rise office complexes, we must conclude that the globalization process defined as 'third culture' dynamics has quite a long history. It has strong roots in the colonial period, in fact, because architecture has always been a worldwide phenomenon with high diffusion potentialities and levels. Moreover, early Asian manifestations of globalization with regional connotations must be acknowledged. Notwithstanding these results, which in part inject the timeliness of globalization theory with a certain relativity, it should be noted that the process of globalization has gained in significance during the last few decades. The influence of global ideas on 'proper' housing in Indonesia - backed up by transnational organizations in particular (like the World Bank), international operating building companies, and the supranational academic circuit of urbanists - has clearly been strengthened in both the low-cost and the well-to-do segments of society. It is one merit of the globalization theory that it raises the scholar's sensitivity to the new accelerating pace in this phase of today's globalization process, and to the reactions calling for local cultural identity which it sets in motion.

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