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The Chinese Literary Conquest of Xinjiang Author(S): L The Chinese Literary Conquest of Xinjiang Author(s): L. J. Newby Source: Modern China, Vol. 25, No. 4 (Oct., 1999), pp. 451-474 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/189447 Accessed: 18-08-2017 14:12 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Sage Publications, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Modern China This content downloaded from 66.31.142.119 on Fri, 18 Aug 2017 14:12:00 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The Chinese Literary Conquest of Xinjiang L. J. NEWBY University of Oxford In recent years, a new genre of fiction has emerged in China known as Xibu wenxue (literature of the Western regions). While many of the authors contributing to this growing body of literature have lived and worked in the northwest all their lives, others were sent there to serve in the army or to xiafang (to go down to the countryside), most nota- bly during the Cultural Revolution. Whether set in Xinjiang, Tibet, Mongolia, Gansu, or Qinghai, these writings invariably reflect a keen sense of the physical geography of the borderlands and its impact on people's lives. Time and time again the protagonists pit themselves against the harsh and untamed backcloth of the Western regions to emerge revitalized, purified, and with a new sense of self-awareness.' In portraying alienation from the Chinese cultural heartland as an opportunity for self-renewal and personal development, these works echo a sentiment that would not have been unfamiliar to those exiled to the northwest in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Waley- Cohen, 1991: 158). Whether disgraced officials or simply serving a tour of duty in Xinjiang, these men were early pioneers, and like the protagonists of Xibu wenxue, they also frequently found salvation in a journey that left them spiritually cleansed, ready to fulfill their social role and to carry out their duty in the service of the state.2 AUTHOR'S NOTE: Earlier versions of this article were presented at the 1997AAS meeting in Chicago and at the workshop "Imperialisms in China," held at Oxford in the summer of 1997. I am grateful to all who have commented on it, particularly Susan Daruvala. Throughout this arti- cle, "Chinese" is used as a cultural definition and by association refers to anyone whofunctions broadly within those cultural parameters as interpreted by the Qing state. It does not denote ethnicity. MODERN CHINA, Vol. 25 No.4, October 1999 451-474 ? 1999 Sage Publications, Inc. 451 This content downloaded from 66.31.142.119 on Fri, 18 Aug 2017 14:12:00 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 452 MODERN CHINA / OCTOBER 1999 The Qing official in exile is clearly no ordinary traveler. He is not a drifter, a sight-seer, or an explorer; neither is he an escapee, and he does not expect or find sanctuary. On the contrary, his quest is to return to the interior and all that he recognizes as Chinese. In his writ- ings about Xinjiang, he is therefore engaged in a discourse with the society to which he anticipates returning, a society whose concepts of morality and cultural self-definition he shares and in whose eyes he wishes to reestablish or enhance his worth. All that he sees, hears, reads, and records is colored by this expectation. Over the course of one and a half centuries of almost continuous Qing rule, there were clear shifts in attitudes toward the northwest, a reflection at least in part of changing social and political concerns in the Chinese heartland. Yet the high degree of consensus in late Qing imperial culture, the sole culture of reference, ensured that images of the northwest and its people remained relatively constant. On one hand, these images highlighted all that conflicted with Chinese values and norms, while on the other, they charted the unfamiliar with Chi- nese cultural markers. In the imperial narrative, flexible customs became rigidified, traditions were divorced from their historical roots, and a new history and geography with accompanying myths and leg- ends were etched on the landscape. These images contributed to how the region was created and shaped in the minds of Chinese literati and how the intellectual and cultural borders of China were expanded to incorporate the "new frontier."3 THE SOURCES Among the burgeoning secondary literature on Xinjiang during the Qing dynasty, the seminal works of Saguchi Toru (1963) and Joseph Fletcher (1978a, 1978b), as well as studies by Luo Yunzhi (1983), Lin Enxian (1988), JoannaWaley-Cohen (1991), and most recently James Millward (1998), have all endeavored to detail the reality of the socio- economic conditions in Xinjiang, the various effects of Qing policies, and, in the case of Waley-Cohen, the experience of banishment. This article, however, is concerned not with reality but with the creation of images and the process of selection and adaptation by which knowl- edge about Xinjiang was filtered into the Qing literary canon. The This content downloaded from 66.31.142.119 on Fri, 18 Aug 2017 14:12:00 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Newby / CHINESE LITERARY CONQUEST OF XINJIANG 453 local gazetteers and government-sponsored works, such as Qinding huangyu Xiyu tuzhi (Imperially commissioned outline of Xinjiang), Huijiang tongzhi (A comprehensive gazetteer of the Muslim regions), or Xichui zongtong shiliie (A general outline of the affairs of the West- ern regions), were intended primarily as administrative handbooks and would have had limited appeal for the general reader. This article, therefore, draws sparingly on official works and instead focuses on the more personal writings of the sojourners-Manchu, Mongol, and Han-who spent anything from a few weeks to several years in Xinji- ang and who recorded their impressions and observations in poetry, diaries, and biji (jottings).4 Not only were these works read by col- leagues and friends of the authors, not to mention those facing the prospect of a tour of duty or exile in the northwest, but they also found a wider audience among the literati of the Chinese heartland. Nevertheless, it should be emphasized that the line between official and unofficial works is finely drawn. In the early years after the con- quest, the dynasty was sorely lacking in knowledge about the region, a situation that was aggravated by the dearth of talent available to con- tribute to local gazetteers. Thus, serving officials, such as He-ning and Song-yun, often oversaw the production of official works on the region, and exiles, such as Wang Tingkai, Qi Yunshi, and Xu Song, stepped in to assist with their compilation. Inevitably, therefore, the same sources and the same concerns, to record and inform, reverber- ated through much of the sojourners' more private writing.5 One of the earliest and best-known Qing accounts of the region is the Xiyu wenjian lu (Record of things seen and heard in the Western regions), an unofficial record completed in 1777. The author, Qi- shi-yi (styled Chunyuan), was a Manchu who served as a minor offi- cial on the Zhendi Circuit in the early years after the conquest of Xinji- ang. Despite Qi-shi-yi's relative insignificance, both as an official and a literary figure, his work gained wide circulation. Before the end of the Qing, it had appeared in varying forms under a number of different titles and was cited in several official accounts of the region as well as more general works, such as Wei Yuan's Haiguo tuzhi (Illustrated treatise on the sea kingdoms) (Borei, 1987: 26-48; Chou, 1976: 40). Its impact surpassed that of all subsequent nonofficial writings about the region.6 More than half a century later, even those who traveled This content downloaded from 66.31.142.119 on Fri, 18 Aug 2017 14:12:00 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 454 MODERN CHINA /OCTOBER 1999 extensively throughout Xinjiang, such as Lin Zexu, still quoted almost verbatim from this work. Poetry was an essential component of Qing literati culture and composition, a prerequisite of social acceptability. Many of those who left no other literary record of their sojourn in the Western regions pro- duced prodigious quantities of "regional" poetry. One of the professed motives for writing such poetry was to celebrate Qing rule.7 The con- quest itself was frequently described or alluded to, but so too were ear- lier Chinese exploits in the region. Free from the conventions of offi- cial historiography, in poetry, observation of a particular scene, event, or object could be juxtaposed with historical events regardless of chronology. The effect was to imbue the historical knowledge with fresh emotion, to regenerate it in every sense while locating and authenticating the personal experience by virtue of textual authority.8 Particularly favored was the zhuzhici (bamboo stalk lyric), a form known for its colloquial style and preferred subject matter of local scenery and mores.9 The task of the poet was to capture and transmit both the scene (jing) and the emotion (qing), thereby fusing the poet's inner experience with the external reality described in the poem.'0 But poetics aside, in most collections of zhuzhici, the more mundane influence of the practitioners of kaozheng (evidential research) was also evident in the fashion of appending lengthy annotations to what was intrinsically lightweight verse.
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