Digital Resources Journal of Language Survey Report 2021-033

A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Bijim [jbm] Language of Plateau and Bauchi States, , with Mention of the Kadung [dkg] and Tiyaa [tyy] Languages

Ken Decker, Luther Hon, Julius Dabet, Benard Abraham, Innocent Jonah A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Bijim [jbm] Language of Plateau and Bauchi States, Nigeria, with Mention of the Kadung [dkg] and Tiyaa [tyy] Languages

Ken Decker, Luther Hon, Julius Dabet, Benard Abraham, Innocent Jonah

SIL International® 2021

Journal of Language Survey Report 2021-033

 2021 SIL International®

ISSN: 2766-9327

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Compositor Bonnie Waswick Abstract

This report describes a sociolinguistic survey conducted among a cluster of language varieties that have been described as Vaghat-Ya-Bijim-Legeri [bij].1 They are located in Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro Local Government Areas (LGA)s of Bauchi State and Mangu and Pankshin LGAs in Plateau State, Nigeria. This cluster was thought to comprise five varieties: Vaghat, Bijim, Luggere, Tiyaa, and Kwaŋ. This study finds that there are three different, but closely related languages: Bijim, Tiyaa, and Kadung: Vaghat is an ethnic name and Luggere is a Bijim village. This report focuses on the Bijim but includes information about Kadung and Tiyaa. Blench (2019) classifies this cluster of varieties as Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo, Plateau, Tarokoid. We estimate that the population of Bijim speakers is about 13,000. The population of Kadung speakers is about 19,000. The population of Tiyaa speakers is about 5,000. This study of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa is part of a larger initiative to provide sociolinguistic information to development agencies, organizations, and local communities who are working collaboratively towards meeting the language development needs of the ethnolinguistic groups of Nigeria. The goals of this research included gaining a better understanding of the linguistic relationship of Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa. We were also interested in the role of Bijim and other languages in the lives of the Bijim people. With these goals in mind, this study utilizes linguistic and sociolinguistic data collected through group and individual interviews, participatory discussions, observations, and wordlist collection. We learned that the Bijim people use Bijim in the home but, in some homes, they also use Hausa with the children. Hausa is used in virtually all domains. Other languages, such as English, Ngas, Kusur- Myet, and Pyam also serve certain limited functions in the Bijim communities. Considering the indicators of vitality, language use for all three languages is best described as EGIDS level 6a – “Vigorous orality” (Lewis & Simons 2017).

1 The ISO codes have changed from Vaghat-Ya-Bijim-Legeri [bij] to Bijim [jbm], Kadung [dkg], and Tiyaa [tyy].

Contents

Languages Mentioned in this Report 1 Introduction 2 Purpose and research questions 3 Previous research 4 Research methods 4.1 Group interview 4.2 Select leader interviews 4.3 Observation 4.4 Analysis of qualitative data 4.5 Wordlist collection and analysis 5 Geographic, demographic, and social description 5.1 Language and people identification 5.2 Location, settlements, and administrative division 5.3 Population 5.4 Origin of the Bijim 5.5 Other social descriptions 5.5.1 Bijim 5.5.2 Kadung 5.5.3 Tiyaa 6 Linguistic relationships 6.1 Perceptions of linguistic similarity 6.2 Classification 6.3 Phonetic inventory of Bijim-Kadung-Tiyaa 6.4 Morphology of Bijim-Luggere-Kadung-Tiyaa 6.5 Lexical similarity between Bijim-Kadung-Tiyaa 6.6 Phonological variation between Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa varieties 6.7 Discussion of analysis 7 Influence from other languages 7.1 Language contact 7.2 Multilingualism in the Bijim communities 8 Language vitality 8.1 Functions of languages in the repertoires of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities 8.1.1 Bijim 8.1.2 Kadung and Tiyaa 8.2 Means of acquiring languages in the repertoires of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities 8.3 Motivation for using languages in the repertoires of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities 8.4 Environmental support for the maintenance of Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa 8.5 Differentiation of languages in the repertoires of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities 8.6 EGIDS assessment of language use in the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities 8.6.1 Bijim 8.6.2 Kadung and Tiyaa 9 Summary 10 Recommendations Appendix A: Dialect Mapping Instructions and Group Sociolinguistics Questionnaire Appendix B: Church Leader Questionnaire Appendix C: School Teacher Questionnaire Appendix D: Sample Observation Schedule Appendix E: Wordlist Appendix F: Plurals Wordlists Appendix G: GPS Points for Select Villages References

iv Languages Mentioned in this Report

These are languages mentioned in this report, with their ISO 639-3 code. ISO 639-3 provides international standard three-letter codes that give a unique identifier for each recognized language. The Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2020a) is a catalogue of all the world’s languages and is published by SIL International, which is the registration authority for ISO 639-3. Most of these names are also used for the ethnic group which speak the language as their heritage language. Often the names are used in the text primarily as a reference to the ethnic group. • Ankwai, alternate name for Goemai [ank] • Berom [bom] • Bijim, formerly [bij], now [jbm] • Chala, an alternate name for Ron [cla] • English2 [eng] • Goemai [ank] • Hausa3 [hau] • Jara [jaf] • Jarawa, an alternate name for Mbat [bau] • Jere [jer] • Idoma [idu] • Igbo [ibo] • Kadung, formerly thought to be a variety of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa cluster [bij], now [dkg] • Kusur-Myet [tdl] • Kutep [kub] • Kwanka, an alternate, pejorative, name for Kadung [dkg] • Luggere, formerly thought to be a variety of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa cluster [bij] • Mbat [bau] • Mwaghavul [sur] • Ngas [anc] • Nigerian Pidgin English2 [pcm] • Nyalang, reported to be a variety of Ngas [anc] • Pe, an alternate spelling for Pye [pai] • Pyam [pym] • Pye [pai] • Ron [cla] • Rumada, previously unreported, may be a different language or variety of Pyam [pym] or Mwaghavul [sur] • Saya [say] • Sayawa, an alternate name for Saya [say] • Sigdi, reported to be a dialect of Saya [say]

2 In Nigeria, there is a variety of English recognized by linguists as Nigerian English and another called Nigerian Pidgin English by linguists. However, both are frequently referred to colloquially as English. We did not pursue specification in this distinction. 3 There are different dialects of Hausa, but we did not pursue specification in this distinction.

v vi

• Sur, a variety of Kusur-Myet [tdl] • Takkas, a variety of Mwaghavul [sur] spoken in Gotfwan • Tapshin, alternate name for Kusur-Myet [tdl] • Tarok [yer] • Tiyaa, formerly thought to be a variety of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa cluster [bij], now [tyy] • Vaghat, used in this report to refer to a cluster of varieties including Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa • Ya, an alternate name for Tiyaa [tyy] • Yangkam [bsx] • Yoruba [yor] 1 Introduction

This report describes a sociolinguistic survey conducted among a cluster of language varieties that have been described as Vaghat-Ya-Bijim-Legeri [bij].4 The communities where these varieties are spoken are located in the Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro Local Government Areas (LGA)s of Bauchi State and Mangu and Pankshin LGAs of Plateau State, Nigeria. This report focuses on the Bijim but also includes information about Kadung and Tiyaa. Blench (2019) classifies this cluster of varieties as Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo, Plateau, Tarokoid. We estimate that the population of Bijim speakers is about 13,000. The population of Kadung speakers is about 19,000. The population of Tiyaa speakers is about 5,000. These estimates are for both the speaker populations and ethnic groups. The fieldwork was conducted on December 15, 2016, April 24, September 4, and October 5, 2019, and July 17, 2020 by Luther Hon, Julius Dabet, Benard Abraham,5 Yakubu Danladi, Fittokka Gobak, Lewinan Andrew, and Innocent Jonah,6 members of the SIL Nigeria language survey team. Ken Decker served as a consultant on the survey and provided writing assistance on this report. This survey report includes linguistic, sociolinguistic, geographic, and demographic information which is used to profile the sociolinguistic environment7 of the Bijim people. This profile is used to draw conclusions about the possibilities for language planning and development. Through this research it was learned that this cluster, which was thought to comprise five varieties: Vaghat, Bijim, Luggere, Tiyaa, and Kwaŋ, is better described as being three different, but closely related languages: Bijim, Tiyaa, and Kadung. Luggere is an alternate name for the Bijim village of Kaduk. Furthermore, the term Vaghat does not refer to a language, but rather is an ethnic reference. The Bijim use Bijim in the home, but they also use Hausa with the children. Other languages, such as English, Ngas, and Kusur-Myet, also serve certain limited functions in the Bijim communities. Considering the indicators of vitality, the Bijim-Luggere language use is best described as EGIDS level 6a – “vigorous orality” (Lewis & Simons 2017). In this report, the survey purpose and research questions are described in section 2. Background research is discussed in section 3. The methods used in our research are explained in section 4. In section 5, some of the geographic, social, and cultural factors that may influence language use are described. In section 6, we describe linguistic data that was collected and how it was analyzed and we draw conclusions relevant to answering the research questions about variation among varieties of the heritage language. In section 7, we look at the multilingual environment and multilingual proficiency. Finally, in section 8, factors affecting language vitality are discussed. Section 9 summarizes what we have described in sections 5–8 and how it answers the research questions presented in section 2. Finally, in section 10, we offer recommendations for language development and further research. This study is part of a larger initiative to provide sociolinguistic information to organizations, development agencies, and local communities who are working collaboratively towards meeting the language development needs of the ethnolinguistic groups of Nigeria. Collaborating organizations include SIL Nigeria, the Conference of Autochthonous Ethnic Community Development Associations (CONAECDA), Luke Initiative for Scripture Translation (LIST), Lutheran Bible Translators (LBT), Calvary Ministries (CAPRO), and the Kay Williams Educational Foundation (KWEF).

4 The ISO codes have changed from Vaghat-Ya-Bijim-Legeri [bij] to Bijim [jbm], Kadung [dkg], and Tiyaa [tyy]. 5 At the time of this survey, Mr. Andrew and Mr. Abraham worked with the team as part of their post-graduate services through the National Youth Services Corps. We are grateful for their valuable contribution to the research. 6 We wish to thank CAPRO for the secondment of Mr. Jonah to the survey team, and for his valuable contribution to the research. 7 The term ‘environment’ is used throughout this report to refer generally to factors that are relevant to decision- making for language planning and development. However, in section 8, it refers more specifically to government policies that either support or oppose minority language development.

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2 Purpose and research questions

The purpose of this study is to gather relevant sociolinguistic information for those who are working towards meeting the language development8 needs of minority ethnolinguistic groups. There are two major concerns when addressing language development needs, the environment for the development of the heritage language and the meeting of multilingual needs. The environment being described here includes the amount of linguistic variation within the language community, the attitudes towards linguistic and social variation within the community, and the attitudes towards language maintenance and shift. The long-term usefulness of heritage language development depends on the identification of an acceptable central9 variety to develop. The acceptability often depends on the perceptions and attitudes held by the people towards the social and linguistic variation. It also depends on a good linguistic analysis. In general, it is not possible to develop an alphabetic orthography10 that attempts to unite too much variation. Minority language communities need people with multilingual proficiency who can access information available in languages of wider communication. The global predominance of languages of wider communication threatens the survival of minority languages, but multilingualism also offers many opportunities to those with proficiency. It is neither possible nor desirable to preserve monolingualism in a minority language.11 And the reality in most minority language communities is that they already speak a repertoire of languages. The challenge is to maintain heritage language use while addressing the communities’ needs to improve their proficiencies in other languages. To address these realities, we investigated language variation, the repertoire of languages, attitudes towards other languages, literacy, and the vitality of Bijim. We also investigated the potential for development of Bijim. The following research questions were formulated to help focus the data collection and analysis: • What do people call their language and its speakers? • How is Bijim related to Luggere, Kadung, and Tiyaa? • What evidence of variation between Bijim lects can be found? • Which languages are used regularly within the Bijim communities? • Which languages are used for reading and writing and what is the literacy rate? • How proficient are the Bijim in other languages? • What are the social relationships of the various language communities in and around the Bijim? • What variation in language-use patterns is found in the Bijim communities? • What impact has multilingualism had on the vitality of the Bijim language? The focus of this research was on Bijim, but through the course of the study, data were also collected concerning language use among the Tiyaa and Kadung.

3 Previous research

It appears that the wordlist of Boyawa (Tiyaa) from Gowers (1907, cited in Hammarström et al. 2020) is the earliest investigation into these varieties. Williamson (1973) includes wordlists from what she called “Vaghat” and “Ya” (Tiyaa). In 2006, Roger Blench visited the village of Kwanka (also called Kwanga) and collected an extensive wordlist of more than 700 items in Kwaŋ (Kadung) (Blench 2007). Longtau (n.d.) provides a comparison of the related Tarok with examples from what he called “Vaghat” and “Kwang,” as well as Yangkam, Sur, and Pe, which are also classified as Tarokoid languages. SIL Nigeria’s survey team made a brief visit to Kwanka on 15 December 2016. There was no report from this visit, but

8 For more on the goals and process of language development, see Cooper (1989) and Spolsky (2004; 2009). 9 For more on the factors involved in the identification of a central variety, see Sanders (1986) and Boone (2012). 10 For more on orthography development, see Cahill and Rice (2014). 11 For more on language vitality and multilingualism, see Lewis and Simons (2017). 3 a sociolinguistic questionnaire was administered and used in this report. A translation of the Gospel of Luke into Tiyaa was completed in 2017 by members of the community in partnership with the Luke Initiative for Scripture Translation (LIST).

4 Research methods

Due to the complex nature of the relationships between these varieties and the geographic space where they reside, data were needed from a variety of locations. There is a range of hills running north and south that divide the Bijim and Kadung villages into eastern and western groups (see map 1). For the western Bijim group, data were collected in the villages of Mungi and Dukli Bauchi. For the eastern Bijim group, data were collected in Gambar, Yangji, and Zindar. It was initially thought that the speech of Luggere may be a separate language or variety of Bijim, so data was collected in the village of Kaduk, which is also called Luggere. Information on the western Kadung group was collected in Janneret and Kwanka. Information on the eastern Kadung group was gathered in Mwel. Information on Tiyaa was collected in Boi. Some information was also gathered in Gotfwan because we thought there may be a significant population of Kadung living there. But it was learned that the language spoken there is a variety of Mwaghavul called Takkas. Our methods of data collection included the use of the following tools: group and individual interviews, dialect mapping, observation, and wordlist collection. The data collected with these tools were compared to ensure an accurate analysis of the data. (See Appendices A, B, and C for samples of the questionnaires, Appendix D for a sample observation schedule, and Appendices E and F for the wordlists.)

4.1 Group interview

We facilitated discussions with a group of at least 20 people of various age categories ranging from 20 years and above in both Gambar and Kaduk (Bijim) villages. In Dukli Bauchi (Bijim), there was a group of about 17 men from 35 years and above. In Mungi (Bijim), there was a group of 10–12 people, most of whom were between the ages of 30 and 50 years. In Kaduk (Bijim), there was a group of 10 people between the ages of 30 and 40 years, and in Janneret (Kadung) there was a group of about 12 mostly elderly men over 60 years. In Boi (Tiyaa), there was a group of more than twenty, mostly men, all over the age of 40 years. In each village, we first spoke to a community leader to explain our purpose and to obtain permission for the interviews. The community leaders invited a group of people to a meeting in each village. They specifically asked several community leaders to participate. Using the Group Sociolinguistics Questionnaire (see Appendix A for a sample12), each group was asked about their community’s: • population • contact patterns • comprehension of their language regionally • language vitality • literacy and access to literature • potential for language development project support Responses given to our questions were mostly a consensus from the groups. Information from the group interviews is discussed in sections 5 through 8. A tool called “Dialect Mapping” was used while working with these same groups. This tool is designed as a participatory activity which engages community members in the research (Hasselbring 2008). This participatory activity focuses the groups’ discussion on the geographic distribution of the language and interaction with neighboring language groups (see Appendix A for more details).

12 The questionnaire that was used in Janneret in 2016 was a bit different. However, the sample questionnaire presented in Appendix A covers all the topics that were in the 2016 questionnaire. 4

We made use of visual aids – papers, markers, pictures, drawings, strings, etc. – to help the groups think and talk through: • villages where their language is spoken • geographical arrangement of the villages in the form of a map • neighboring languages • perceived levels of comprehension in neighboring languages and languages of wider communication. Information from the dialect mapping and group interviews is discussed in sections 5 through 8.

4.2 Select leader interviews

In addition to the group interview sessions, school and church leaders were also interviewed. For Bijim, in Gambar we interviewed a secondary school teacher and in Dukli Bauchi we interviewed a primary school teacher. For Luggere, a teacher from the primary school in Kaduk was interviewed. For Tiyaa, a secondary school principal in Boi was interviewed. For Kadung, we interviewed a primary school teacher in Janneret. These interviews provided information regarding the number of staff and their roles, the number of children and their age ranges, the language groups they come from, and language use and language attitudes (see Appendix C for a questionnaire sample). For interviews with Bijim church leaders, we interviewed a worker at the Roman Catholic Church in Zindar. In Yangji, the wife of the pastor of the Church of Christ in Nations (COCIN) church was interviewed. In Dukli Bauchi, we interviewed the church secretary at the COCIN church. For Luggere, we interviewed the chairman of the Roman Catholic Church and an elder at the COCIN church in Kaduk. For Tiyaa, the pastor of the COCIN church in Boi was interviewed For Kadung, we interviewed the pastor of the COCIN church in Janneret. These interviews provided information about the religious affiliations in the communities, patterns of language use in the churches, the opinions of church authorities on the accessibility of Biblical materials, and the perceived benefit of vernacular Bible translation (see Appendix B for a questionnaire sample). Information from these interviews is discussed in sections 5, 7, and 8.

4.3 Observation

During observation of language use in the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa villages, we noted how the choice of language differed depending on factors including: the age category of the speaker and listener, the time, location, and topic of discussion. No one on the survey team was familiar with any of these languages but we could identify when the people were not using Hausa or English and, in this context, the only logical alternative was that they were speaking the heritage language of the village we were in at the time. We also took note of the current state of development projects such as schools, roads, and health clinics in each community. Observations were recorded in a notebook, and the information was used to fill in an observation schedule (see a sample of the observation schedule in Appendix D). The reader should understand that, in such a brief survey as this, the number of documented observations is relatively small. A total of 87 documented observations were made in the Bijim villages of Gambar, Dukli Bauchi, Kwafa, Yangji, Mungi, Zindar, and Kaduk. Three documented observations were made each in Janneret (Kadung) and Boi (Tiyaa). The surveys conducted in 2020 took place during the Covid- 19 pandemic and observation of social interactions was limited to the group interviews. However, the observations that were made are useful to either confirm or contradict the reported information. Information from observations is distributed in sections 5, 7, and 8.

4.4 Analysis of qualitative data

Since the data gathered is so limited, a simple “pencil and paper” method of analysis was employed. We list out the major categories of information we are interested in: names, locations, population, physical 5 infrastructure, occupations, cultural insights, intermarriage, religions, education, literacy, perceived dialectal differences, domains of heritage language use, language use in religious practices, other- language contact, language use with other language groups, domains of other-language use, proficiency in other languages, interest in language development, and attitudes towards other dialects and language groups. Next, we go through the interview and observation forms and sort the information into relevant categories. There are many ways by which different data may be considered. When there are differences in quantifications, for example in population estimates, we simply give the range. When there are differences in non-linguistic descriptions, for instance the ease of access to an area, we may need to refer to the surveyors’ memories. Information is also triangulated, for example, correlating if they said they could speak Hausa, if we observed them speaking Hausa, and if a team member engaged them in a conversation in Hausa. For a language such as English, which in this part of Nigeria is only acquired through education, we also consider how much education the person has or how long schools have been available in the village in order to assess the possibility of higher proficiency. For linguistic similarity, what the people say about the similarities or differences and their perceptions of levels of comprehension is compared with the information learned from wordlist analysis (see section 4.5). There are simply not enough data to quantify the responses. We recognize that much of the information is anecdotal but we are looking for inconsistencies. If there are no inconsistencies, then we consider that we may be gaining accurate answers to our research questions. When inconsistencies arise, they can sometimes be resolved by making a phone call or taking another trip to the area. However, there are times when they remain unresolved, and we have reported them as such.

4.5 Wordlist collection and analysis

A phonostatistical comparison of the wordlists collected in different locations is one method of measuring the similarity between the speech in these locations. Communities with speech varieties that have higher lexical similarity (more words in common) have a greater probability of having higher levels of comprehension. SIL Nigeria uses the 70 percent threshold as a standard criterion for using phonostatistics to differentiate languages from dialects (International Language Assessment Conference 1989:9.5.2). Lexical similarity above 70 percent typically corresponds with acceptable levels of comprehension between the compared varieties. These may be considered closely related dialects. Lexical similarity below 70 percent corresponds with inadequate comprehension between the compared varieties. These are typically considered different languages. However, sociolinguistic factors need to be considered also. The SIL Nigeria standard 348-item wordlist was used to collect words from the villages of Gambar (Bijim), Dukli Bauchi (Bijim), Kaduk (Bijim), Boi (Tiyaa), Mwel (Kadung), and Kwanka (Kadung). We elicited the wordlists from men and women who were recommended by their chiefs and/or the people for having a good knowledge of their language and a relatively good knowledge of English. The language assistants were males and females from 30 years or older. Usually there are two language assistants in an elicitation session, but in some cases, there were as many as four or as few as one (see specific details in Appendix E). Language assistants consulted to obtain wordlists are chosen from those who are native to their village and the parents of each are native speakers of the language. Each wordlist was transcribed by a different linguist; therefore, it is to be expected that there may be some inconsistencies. Wordlists were handwritten on a printed wordlist form, using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) (International Phonetic Association 2018). The wordlist includes singular and plural forms for nouns, and we attempted to elicit the infinitive form for verbs. Adjectives and conjunctions were elicited with a sample noun. For documentation purposes, audio recordings were made using a ZOOM Handy Recorder H2 recording device. See Appendices E and F for the wordlists. These wordlists were then compared using the Wordsurv 7 wordlist analysis program (White & Colgan 2012). Although our primary method was to compare the phonetics of words to determine phonostatistical similarities, we did not attempt to identify cognates. A similarity comparison is calculated using a variation of the algorithm described by Blair (1990:31–33). This method is like that used by Gooskens et al. (2008). Despite attempts by Blair to create an unambiguous way to compare 6 words, there are still uncertainties when deciding if two words are similar enough to be counted as similar. Thus, we calculate one comparison in which all marginal similarities are included, and another calculation that excludes all marginal similarities. In this way, a range of possible lexical similarity is obtained. The higher percentage of the range is closer to the number of words that are possible cognates, but it will also have a lower confidence level.13 The lower percentage represents an estimate of the surface-level phonological similarity and will have a higher confidence level. We believe this lower percentage gives a more realistic prediction of possible comprehension.

5 Geographic, demographic, and social description

In this section, we provide a brief description of some geographic, demographic, and social patterns that influence the environment in which the language is spoken. In some cases, these may have an influence on language-use patterns and language vitality.

5.1 Language and people identification

There have been several names applied to these varieties both individually and collectively. According to Glottolog 4.3 (Hammarström et al. 2020), the earliest mention of any of the varieties in this group is a wordlist from Boyawa (Gowers 1907), which Glottolog 4.3 identifies as Boi. When these varieties were first listed in the eighth edition of the Ethnologue (Grimes 1974), this group of varieties was called “Kwanka-Boi-Bijim.” The collective name was changed to “Kwanka” in the ninth edition (Grimes 1978). In the fourteenth edition (Gordon 2000), the name was changed to “Vaghat-Ya-Bijim-Legeri,” and “Kwanka” was given as an alternate name. Blench’s (2020) Atlas of Nigerian Languages also uses “Vaghat- Ya-Bijim-Legeri” as a cover term, as well as “Vaghat cluster.” The people we spoke with in the villages told us that the name “Vaghat” [vàɣàt] does not refer to a specific language variety. The term means “we are one” and includes the Bijim and Tiyaa varieties, but not Kadung. Sometimes the Kadung refer to the Bijim as “Vaghat.” People in all the Bijim villages said that the name of their language is “Bijim” [bìʤím], a name given to them by the Ngas speakers, which means “many.” They also refer to themselves as “Bijim,” but some people added that, in their language, they may call their people “Vaghat.” The Hausa call them “Bijimawa.” However, they prefer to be referred to as “Bijim.” Luggere [lɔ́gɛ́rɛ̀] is a Fulani name for the Bijim village of Kaduk. Luggere has been misunderstood as being a separate language or dialect. However, it only refers to the Bijim village of Kaduk. The Tiyaa [tíjàː] language is spoken in the town of Boi, in the Bogoro LGA, in Bauchi State, by the Təyaa, Tiya, or Tiyaa, people.14 The language is also referred to as “Ya, Boi, Kaye,15 or Boyawa.”16 The people refer to themselves as “Ayaa.” As stated above, the Tiyaa consider themselves part of the Vaghat identity. However, based on the wordlist comparisons discussed in section 6, Tiyaa should be considered as a separate language from Bijim. During our interviews with the Bijim, they always referred to Tiyaa as “Boi.” The term “Kwanka” has been used as a cover term (Grimes 1978) and alternate name for the whole Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa cluster (Gordon 2000). However, during a visit to Janneret in December 2016, the SIL Nigeria survey team learned that the Kadung [kàdúŋ] view themselves as ethnically different from the Bijim and Tiyaa, but that their language is linguistically similar to the Bijim language. In Blench’s (2007) paper titled “The Kwaŋ Language of Central Nigeria and its Affinities,” he explains that the proper name for the group is “Kwàŋ” and that “Kwanka” is the Hausa pronunciation. During our research, we were told that the names “Kwanka, Kwangka, or Kwanga” are pejorative, and the speakers

13 The confidence level refers to the confidence that the sound changes are regular, based on an algorithm that calculates the percentage of times phones are found to be comparable. 14 The Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2020a) gives Tivaghat and Tiya/Tiyaa as alternate names for Vaghat and Tiyaa, respectively. The ti- prefix is used in some to mark a noun. 15 This is a name used by the Ngas for the Tiyaa. 16 This is a name used by the Hausa and cited in Gowers (1907). 7 do not want to be called by those names. The name is associated with bad luck and witchcraft; thus, the people prefer to be called “Kadung.” However, reference to the village by this name (Kwanka) is acceptable. During our interviews with the Bijim, they always referred to the neighboring languages Kusur-Myet as “Tapshin” and Saya as “Sayawa.” During our interviews with the Bijim and Kadung, they pronounced the name of the neighboring Pyam language as [fjɛm].

5.2 Location, settlements, and administrative division

The Bijim are primarily located in Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro LGAs of Bauchi State and Mangu and Pankshin LGAs in Plateau State. (See map 1 for locations of the towns and villages that are described in this section. GPS waypoints for some villages are listed in Appendix G.) There is a range of hills that runs north of Pankshin for about 35 km (21.8 mi.). These hills divide the Bijim and Kadung communities into eastern and western groups. Gambar, the culturally most important village for the Bijim is located in the eastern group 32.25 km (20 mi.) by road north of Pankshin on the road to Tapshin and Boi. Kaduk is about 13 km (8 mi.) by road southwest of Boi and 6 km (3.8 mi.) south of Gambar. The majority of the Bijim villages are in the western area. Some of the settlements in the western area are: Dukli Yakubu, Sabo Baraki, Dukli Bauchi, Aruti, Mangar, and Mungi. The western Bijim villages are located about 9 km (5.6 mi.) east of Gindiri. Although these east and west clusters of villages are only 13 km (8 mi.) apart, there are no roads crossing the hills. To travel around the hills is approximately 36 km (22.5 mi.), which is a trip they make only occasionally. The people also said that there are some Bijim who have moved away and live in Kaduna, Taraba, and Nasarawa States. No data was collected from these latter locations. As described for the Bijim, the Kadung are located on both sides of a range of hills creating eastern and western groups. The larger western group is located in and around Janneret (also spelled Gennaret or Janeret). Blench (2007:1) provides the following information on Kadung settlements; some village names are “Càmpàk, Kwànkà, Làrkà, Bùkòshì, Wùyà, Gileng, Kùmbùl, Kadung, Wùshìmà, Ɗə̀kdèy, Kwándarì, Ròk, Jàrkàn, Dùfyàm, and Mícìji, etc. They are found in Pankshin and Mangu local government areas of Plateau State, and some few are found in Tafawa Balewa in Bauchi state.” Blench (2007) says that their ancestral home was Kaduŋ but that is mostly inhabited by Ngas speakers today. The primary location of Tiyaa speakers is the town of Boi, in Bogoro LGA in Bauchi State. Boi is about 23 km (14.3 mi.) south of Tafawa Balewa. Blench (2019:99) says there are ten villages where Ya (Tiyaa) is spoken, but our interviewees reported that the Tiyaa live in as many as 27 small hamlets around Boi. In this report, the villages of Gambar and Kaduk represent the speech of the Bijim living on the eastern side of the hills, and Dukli Bauchi represents the western Bijim speech. Mwel represents the eastern Kadung, and Kwanka represents the western variety. Note that the people do not make these east-west directional distinctions, instead they just refer to places. 8

Map 1. Location of some Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa villages

Source of roads: https://www.openstreetmap.org/search?query=gennaret#map=12/9.4157/9.4146 and https://www.openstreetmap.org/#map=12/9.5224/9.3216. CC BY-SA 2.0. Accessed April 21, 2019. Town locations and polygons added by the authors; they do not represent official locations.

5.3 Population

Estimating populations is a notoriously difficult proposition. Even in small communities such as these, it is not feasible to go house to house and count every person. When asking the local people, they may have ulterior motives for giving larger estimates of the population. They may include speakers of other languages. Outsiders may not perceive the boundaries of what the local people consider their community. When possible, we try to use at least three different approaches to estimate the population. First, we consider what the local people estimate to be their total population. Another way is to take an earlier published estimate17 and increase18 it by the estimated annual growth rate, which is 2.64 percent averaged for the last 50 years (Macrotrends 2020). A third possible way is to estimate the mapped area for the language group19 multiplied by an estimate of the population per km2. We may also be able to make a visual on-the-ground estimate or try to count houses from a satellite image on Google Earth. In some cases, a health clinic or an official water board may have statistics from a local census. All these methods only provide rough estimates. However, if at least three of them are similar, then we feel like

17 The last national census was 2006. 18 We use the formula: NT=Peʳᵗ, with P standing for the population figure as of the beginning date, e meaning exponential, r meaning Nigerian growth rate, and t meaning the time difference in years. 19 We use Google Earth. 9 we might be getting close to reality. When there is a wide discrepancy, we try to make estimates that tend to be conservative and possibly on the larger size. The Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2020a) reports that the population of Vaghat-Ya-Bijim-Legeri speakers was 20,000 as of 2003. The Bijim leaders we spoke with estimated their population to be about 45,000. This may include speakers of other languages in Tafawa Balewa and Bogoro LGAs of Bauchi State and Mangu and Pankshin LGAs in Plateau State. The 2016 estimated total population (Brinkhoff 2020) for all four LGAs was 922,000. To estimate the population by using the annual growth rate, the 20,000-figure given in Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2020a) will be used. Using the growth rate formula,17 the total population of Vaghat-Ya- Bijim-Legeri is estimated to be 31,011 which, rounded to the nearest thousand, gives us an estimate of 31,000 for all three languages. Another way to estimate the population is to multiply the land area (km2) by the population density (x/km2). The land area was estimated by drawing a polygon on Google Earth and calculating the area. This is a very rough estimate based on the known locations of villages and the approximate positions of LGA and state boundaries. The density figures in table 1 are from Brinkhoff (2020); we round up the total estimated population of 36,468 to an estimate of 37,000. If the larger of the two figures is used as a conservative estimate, then we estimate that the population of Bijim speakers is about 13,000; the population of Kadung speakers is about 19,000; and the population of Tiyaa speakers is about 5,000. Note that these figures are not given with any degree of certainty. The Bijim leaders we spoke with may have a more accurate perspective on the population of their people.

Table 1. Estimation of population sizes

Approximate Estimated Density area population Bijim in Bogoro 10 km2 141/ km2 1,410 Bijim in Tafa Balewa 20 km2 126.6/ km2 2,532 Bijim in Mangu 18 km2 243/ km2 4,374 Bijim in Pankshin 25 km2 182.5/ km2 4,550 Total Bijim 12,866 Kadung in Mangu 55 km2 243/ km2 13,365 Kadung in Pankshin 12 km2 182.5/ km2 2,190 Total Kadung 18,538 Tiyaa in Tafa Balewa 40 km2 126.6/ km2 5,064a Total overall 36,468 a According to mindat.org (2020), Boi has a 2016 population of 6,033.

5.4 Origin of the Bijim

According to the Bijim people, they migrated from the Borno Empire together with the Ngas, passing through the mountains to hide from their enemies. They moved to present Ngas-speaking areas – Ampang East, Gwabi, and Wuseli. Initially, they settled there but later some migrated to Kudal, a small hamlet in the hills above Gambar. It is reputed to be the original Bijim settlement in this immediate area. The people spread out from there. Few people still live here but they include the chief priest of their traditional religion. Blench (2007:1) also relates how “the Kwaŋ first migrated from Ampaŋ East and settled at Kaduŋ from where they moved to Gùmsɔ̀k, and then Kwàŋ to Jàn[n]eret. It was from here that they started spreading to other places.” Decker et al. (2020) mentions a similar story related by the 10

Kusur-Myet describing their close relationship with the Ngas. This is interesting, as these Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa cluster varieties are classified as Benue-Congo languages, and Ngas is a West Chadic language.

5.5 Other social descriptions

In this section, we give a brief description of social categories: occupations, education, literacy, religions, and intermarriage. These are relevant categories in a sociolinguistic study because they can be directly correlated to language-use patterns. Traditional occupations such as farming, tend to support the maintenance of a heritage language (Gal 1979). Mining, logging, and trading can hinder language maintenance by creating more contact with other language groups (Headland 2004). When marketing products or purchasing in marketplaces, people need at least a limited proficiency in the languages of the other buyers and sellers. The availability of health clinics and government services may require proficiency in a language of wider communication. Education influences language-use choices and may compete with the language goals of parents and the community. Education is also a pathway to better socio-economic opportunities, and parents may desire to prepare their children for school by using the school language in the home. Literacy is a requirement for survival in the modern world, regardless of how remotely and isolated some people may live. Therefore, literacy and access to literature, including on the internet, can be a strong motivation for learning another language. Religions can either support or hinder language maintenance, depending on the policies of the institutions. Traditional religions may support language maintenance since they would tend to hold on to traditional patterns. In Christian churches and Islamic mosques, services are attended by speakers of neighboring and immigrant language groups. In deference to these people who speak a different heritage language, services are generally conducted in Hausa, the language of wider communication. Intermarriage can influence language choices in several ways. A mother from another language group may teach her children both languages. A husband and wife may choose a third language, a language of wider communication, rather than the heritage language of either spouse. Furthermore, if intermarriage is infrequent, it will probably have little impact on language use in the community. But if intermarriage is a common practice, it can influence language-use choices throughout the community. If the spouse who marries into the language group learns the local language, it may be an indication of the vitality of that language. An unwillingness to marry from a certain language group may be an indication of negative attitudes towards that language.

5.5.1 Bijim

The Bijim of Gambar, Kaduk, and Dukli Bauchi consider Gambar to be the culturally central location where tribal gatherings and festivals are held. The people reported that they have few civil servants among them, and their major occupations include farming and mining. They grow crops such as onions, pepper, tomatoes, guinea corn, maize, and fonio millet popularly known as acha. They willingly work alongside speakers of other languages on the farms. Due to the widespread area where the Bijim live, they access markets in several locations. On the eastern side of the hills, there are markets in Gambar (Bijim), Boi (Tiyaa), and Dawaki (Ngas) in Kanke LGA. On the western side of the hills there are markets in Dukli Bauchi (Bijim), Gindiri (Pyam), and Janneret (Kadung). There are health centers in Dukli Bauchi, Dukli Plateau, Gonzi, and Gambar, all Bijim communities. It was reported that there are primary and secondary schools in many of the Bijim communities; some are government-run, and some are run by private organizations. In Zindar, they mentioned that there is an Islamic school. The first school in Gambar was built in 1974. This was probably the first school built in a Bijim community. A schoolteacher in Gambar reported that out of about 1,500 school- aged children in the Gambar community alone, 720 (48%) attend primary and secondary schools. In Dukli Bauchi, they reported that almost all the children in their town attend primary or secondary school. However, they said that, in their area if there is a school in the community, only about 50 11 percent of children attend school. For villages without schools, possibly as few as 10 percent attend schools. The literature available in the communities is written in English or Hausa. The literature includes Bibles, dictionaries, and several textbooks used by primary and secondary school students. The interviewees reported that they use Hausa and English for texting. We presume that the Muslims have the Quran in Arabic, but this was not specifically addressed. Bijim Christians in Zindar and Yangji estimated that 88–99 percent of the Bijim population is Christian, 1–2 percent is Muslim, and there are 1–10 percent adherents to African tribal religions (ATR). In Kaduk, they estimated that about 70 percent of the population is Christian and 30 percent ATR. Due to the differences between these estimates and those in other Bijim communities, we believe these estimates refer specifically to the situation in Kaduk. Local Christian churches that were reported in the Bijim communities include the Church of Christ in Nations (COCIN), the Roman Catholic Church, the Evangelical Church Winning All (ECWA), and the Baptist Church. There was no reported ECWA church in Kaduk. Intermarriage patterns differ from village to village and depend on which side of the range of hills they are located. In Gambar and Kaduk, on the eastern side of the hills, they reported intermarriage with Ngas, Kusur-Myet, Saya, and some Kadung. They do not intermarry with the Fulani. In Mungi, on the western side of the hills, they mostly intermarry with the Kadung, but also some with the Pyam. They do not intermarry with Fulani or Rumada.20 In Dukli Bauchi they said they would intermarry with any of their neighbors.

5.5.2 Kadung

According to Joshua Project (2020), the Kadung “are subsistence farmers, growing millet, maize, guinea corn, and beans. They also raise animals such as goats, sheep, chickens, dogs, and horses….The Kwanka also engage in hunting, fishing, and some trading, but these are of lesser importance than farming.” Janneret, the main Kadung town, is large with primary and secondary schools and a Bible college. Other Kadung settlements are smaller villages and hamlets. As with all other language groups in the Nigeria’s Middle Belt, education is conducted in English, and Hausa is taught as a subject. Any literature that is available is in Hausa or English. Joshua Project (2020) reports that 62 percent of the population is Muslim, 37 percent adheres to traditional African beliefs, and less than 1 percent is Christian. This may be old information, and we do not know the source to verify its accuracy. We were told that 10 percent of the marriages are with other ethnic groups and that they may marry from any of the neighboring ethnic groups.

5.5.3 Tiyaa

The Tiyaa live in the town of Boi; therefore, more people are engaged in marketing and civil services than those who live in rural villages. There are also those who maintain farms. There are primary and secondary schools in Boi, and most children stay in school for all primary and secondary school levels. The first school was built in Boi in 1940. The literature available in the community is written in English or Hausa. A translation of the Gospel of Luke into Tiyaa was completed in 2017. This project was managed by the Tiyaa Bible Translation Committee and supported by the Luke Partnership and Great Commission ministry. However, when we asked our interviewees about literature in Tiyaa, only those who had been involved with the translation mentioned this. The people reported that about 90 percent of the population is Christian, and 10 percent is Muslim. The Tiyaa intermarry with any of their neighbors.

20 Rumada may be a previously unreported language or a variety of one of the surrounding languages. It is reported to be spoken in the villages of Gyambwas, Dan Hausa, and Changal. Dan Hausa is located about halfway between Mangu and Gindiri in Mangu LGA. This area has Pyam speakers to the north and Mwaghavul speakers to the south. The people are said to be Muslims. 12

6 Linguistic relationships

As discussed at the beginning of section 2, one purpose of this research is to gather data that will help make decisions about language planning and development. One environmental factor for language development is the amount of linguistic variation in the spoken varieties. Much of this survey is based on the reported perceptions of members of the speech community. Often people will make vague comments describing the similarities of different varieties. Likewise, linguists will often give similarly vague statements that one variety is “close” to another. Even linguistic classifications do not give a definitive description as to whether related varieties are linguistically near or distant. We were interested in the level of comprehension between varieties. Comprehension, along with lexical and phonological similarity, is important for establishing whether the speakers of two varieties can use the same literature. Ideally, comprehension should be tested. However, with the limited time allocated to this survey we were unable to make quantitative measurements of comprehension. Therefore, the data that has been collected is used to make inferences on the potential for comprehension. In section 6.1, we describe the perceptions of linguistic relationships and comprehension between the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa cluster varieties. In section 6.2, we discuss the linguistic classifications that have been proposed. This helps us to identify the scope of varieties that should be considered in our investigation of comprehension between varieties. In section 6.3, a preliminary phonology of Bijim is compared with Kadung and Tiyaa, which may help refine the classification of these languages. In sections 6.4 and 6.5, we present a description of phonological and morphological variation between the four varieties. In section 6.7, the findings in sections 6.1–6.6 are discussed and summarized.

6.1 Perceptions of linguistic similarity

The Bijim in Dukli Bauchi said that the best form of Bijim is spoken in Kudal, a small hamlet in the hills near Gambar. This choice may be influenced by the fact that it is a remote village and that it is thought to have been the first place in the immediate area where the Bijim settled. The Bijim in Gambar said they understand Tiyaa and Kadung well. Some Bijim speakers are reported to be able to speak Kadung and Tiyaa. However, according to the Tiyaa speakers of Boi, the Bijim are not able to understand Tiyaa. The Bijim people considered Kadung and Tiyaa as separate languages from their own. The Bijim in Mungi said that they understand almost everything that the Bijim in Bauchi State speak and a bit less of Kadung, but still much of what is said. We are not sure if this is referring to villages north of Dukli Bauchi or villages such as Gambar on the other side of the hills. The people in Kaduk (Luggere) and Bijim report that they can understand one another when speaking their own variety. The overall opinion is that Luggere is a variety of Bijim. During the group interview in Janneret, the Kadung said that they consider Bijim to be the same language and that they can understand the speech of the Bijim in Kaduk better than the other varieties. Then, they listed Bijim in Gambar as the next best understood. They listed the speech of Nyalang, which is Ngas, as the most different. They did not mention Tiyaa. Nyalang is a village about 16 km (10 mi.) southeast from Janneret and about 3 km (1.86 mi.) east of Gotfwan. They explained that it takes four to five years to get used to their speech to understand them. The people who had worked on the translation of the Gospel of Luke into Tiyaa said that there are some words shared between Tiyaa and Bijim, but that the pronunciation of those words is different. Overall, they do not understand Bijim, and the Bijim do not understand them. They did not mention contact with Kadung speakers.

6.2 Classification

Blench (2019) classified this Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa cluster as Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta- Congo, Benue-Congo, Plateau, Tarokoid. He divides Tarokoid into two clusters: Tarok, Pye (Pe) and Yangkam in one and Sur (Kusur-Myet) and Vaghat-Ya-Bijim-Legeri in the other. The Ethnologue 13

(Eberhard et al. 2020a) classifies them as: Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo, Plateau, Western, Southwestern, A. In the Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2020a) classification, there is a Tarokoid branch within the Plateau group of languages, but most of the languages in the Western group are classified as Ninzic in Blench’s classification. From a geographic perspective, Blench’s Tarokoid grouping makes more sense since the Ninzic languages are located a good distance west of the area where Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa are found. Furthermore, Longtau’s (n.d.) comparison of Tarok and Kutep seems to indicate a close relationship of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa varieties with other Tarokoid languages. According to the Glottolog 4.3 (Hammarström et al. 2020) classification, the other languages in the Tarokoid group are Sur (Kusur-Myet), Tarok, Pe (Pye), and Yangkam. Linguists have proposed that the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa varieties are most closely related to other Tarokoid languages, but there has been no suggestion that there may be inherent intelligibility between any other languages.

6.3 Phonetic inventory of Bijim-Kadung-Tiyaa

This section discusses some initial, cursory observations on the phonology of Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa. The reader may find other features in the transcribed wordlist that have not been discussed. (See the wordlists in Appendices E and F.) The inventory of Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa consonants is presented in table 2.

Table 2. Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa consonant inventories

Bilabial Labio-dental Alveolar Post alveolar Palatal Velar Labial-velar Plosive p b t d k ɡ Implosive (ɓ) (ɗ ) Nasal m n ɲ ŋ Rhotic ɾ / r Fricative f v s z ʃ ʒ ɣ Affricate ʧ ʤ Approximant l j w NOTE: Phones in parenthesis ( ) do not occur in the Tiyaa wordlist.

The consonants for Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa are similar. The most noticeable variation is the absence of the implosives [ɓ, ɗ ] and the palatal nasal [ɲ] in Tiyaa. They occur infrequently in the other varieties. In fact, the bilabial implosive [ɓ] only occurs in the Dukli Bauchi Bijim and Mwel Kadung wordlists. Implosives are a typical feature of Benue-Congo languages. Blench (2007:3) includes implosives in his phonology of Kwaŋ (Kadung). He does not include the palatal nasal [ɲ] in his inventory, but it does occur in his wordlist. The voiced velar fricative [ɣ] and voiceless affricate [ʧ] occur only rarely in any of the wordlists. Blench includes the labial-velar [kp] but it only occurs twice in his wordlist. He also includes the glottal fricative [h], which appears once in a word initial position and three times in what appears to be aspiration of a preceding plosive. The fricative [h] occurs once in our Dukli Bauchi Bijim wordlist. It is probably not a phonemic feature. Blench does not mention labialization or palatalization in Kwaŋ (Kadung) (2007:3) or Sur (Kusur-Myet) (Blench 2006), but he does have frequent examples of [Cw] and [Cj] in his wordlists for both languages. Many words in the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa wordlists have these features (see table 3). Without further analysis, we are not certain whether it is palatalization and labialization or coarticulation of consonants with approximants. 14

Table 3. Possible palatalization and labialization in Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa

Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Dukli Bauchi # Gloss Tiyaa Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim Bijim 221 left (adj) mʲālāŋ mjālāŋ ɑmjelɑŋ ɑmjelɑŋ ɑmʲáːlɑŋ mjèlām 65 arm pʲám pʲám pʲɑm pʲɑm pʲɑm pʲam 221 left mʲālāŋ mʲālāŋ ɑmʲelɑŋ ɑmʲelɑŋ ɑmʲáːlɑŋ mʲèlām 35 bean dʲák dják ɗ jɑk ɗ jɑk dʲák dɨk 166 evening kúréːn rʲɘ́n ɑ́rʲɑɣɑ̀nɑ ɑ́rʲɑɣɑ̀nɑ ɑ́rʲɑnā kīrʲàɣān 67 skin kwā kwā kwɑ kwɑ kʷáː — 189 nine twánás twánás kwɑnɑs kwɑnɑs kwáːnɑs kwānās 212 rotten bwāʃ bwāʃ bwaʃ bwaʃ bʷáʃ bwas 175 quiver ɡwāŋ ɡwāŋ ɡwɑŋ ɡwɑŋ ɡʷɑŋ aɡwaŋ

Blench (2006; 2007) describes a seven-vowel system for Kwaŋ (Kadung) and Sur (Kusur-Myet), similar to what we found. Table 4 presents the distribution of vowels found in our transcriptions.

Table 4. Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa vowel inventories

Non-lengthened vowels Lengthened vowels Front Central Back round Front Central Back round Close i ɨ u iː {ɨː} uː Close-mid e o eː oː Open-mid (ɛ) (ɘ) / (ə) (ɔ) (ɛː) (ɘː) (ɔː) Open a ɑ aː ɑː NOTE: Phones in parenthesis ( ) do not occur in the Gambar Bijim, Luggere, or Tiyaa wordlists. The phones in brackets { } only occurs in the Tiyaa wordlist between [ɘ, ə] or [a, ɑ].

Vowels in our Bijim and Kadung wordlists reveal a seven-vowel system. However, the open-mid front and back vowels [ɛ, ɔ] and schwa [ə], which are included in Blench’s (2006; 2007) wordlists, only occur in our Dukli Bauchi Bijim wordlist, and both Kadung wordlists but neither in the Gambar nor in the Kaduk Bijim, or Tiyaa wordlists. Therefore, Gambar and Kaduk Bijim or Tiyaa may have developed five- or six-vowel systems. Blench (2007:3) transcribes the central vowel, schwa [ə], but in both Kadung and Tiyaa wordlists there are a few times we described it slightly higher as [ɨ], which does not occur in Blench’s (2007:3) inventory: “The status of the /ə/ is uncertain, and it is probably a centralized allophone of /i/.” The mid-central vowel [ɘ] only occurs in our Kadung wordlists. We are uncertain whether there is any phonemic difference between [a, ɑ]. Blench (2006; 2007) does not mention lengthened vowels, and only three words in his Kadung wordlist have lengthened vowels. While lengthened vowels are infrequent in our wordlists, there are examples of the whole set in the Dukli Bauchi Bijim and Kadung wordlists, but the lengthened forms of the front and back vowels [ɛ, ɔ] and schwa [ə] do not occur in our Gambar Bijim or Tiyaa wordlists. The lengthened close central vowel [ɨː] only occurs once in the Tiyaa wordlist. Furthermore, when comparing any two varieties there are a nearly equal number of lengthened vowels compared to non-lengthened for each location. For example, when comparing Tiyaa and Kaduk Bijim, there are four words with a lengthened [aː] in Tiyaa that are not lengthened in Kaduk. But there are also four words with a lengthened [aː] in Kaduk that are not lengthened in Tiyaa. Therefore, we doubt that vowel lengthening is a phonemic feature in these varieties.

6.4 Morphology of Bijim-Luggere-Kadung-Tiyaa

The only productive affix found in our wordlists is the prefix a– used to make a noun plural. While affixation for marking noun classes tends to be very productive in most Benue-Congo languages, Blench 15

(2006:4) states, “Sur has completely lost any functioning affix system, perhaps under the influence of Angas.” He presents several possible fossilized noun prefixes in Sur (Kusur-Myet) that are also found in Bijim, Luggere, Kadung, and Tiyaa. However, they seem to be nearly lost in Kadung. Tiyaa has some of the prefixes (ku-, tu-, ti-) that are found in the Bijim wordlists but other prefixes (n-, a-) do not occur in Tiyaa. Examples are presented in table 5.

Table 5. Possible fossilized noun prefixes in Bijim-Kadung-Tiyaa

# Gloss Bijim Kaduk Kadung Tiyaa n- 135 ashes nduri nduri ndore durí 19 medicine nɡɑ̀l nɡɑ̀l ŋɡàol ɡàl 69 breast nʤɑ̀r nʤer nʤer ʤār a- 41 egg ɑʃibi ɑʃibi ʃebi ʃibi 169 tomorrow ɑnɑs ɑnɑs nās nās 37 zobo leaf ɑfulori ɑfulori — fúlórí 116 crocodile ɑɡorok ɑɡorok ɡɔ̄ːrɔ́k ɡùrják ku- 60 knee kùrùŋ kùrùŋ ruŋ kūrūŋ 2 mortar ɑdùk ɑdùk ɗúk kūdūk tu- 83 corpse ɑpun ɑpun tùpun tùpun 72 navel tukom tukom kwōm tukóm to- 152 rainy season toɣos toɣos kɔ̀s tukos ti- 110 claw ʃen ʃen — tiʃén 63 thigh tɑk tɑk — tīták

6.5 Lexical similarity between Bijim-Kadung-Tiyaa

In sections 6.2, 6.3, and 6.4, we discussed some features that suggest the relatedness of the varieties. In this section, features that demonstrate the differences between the varieties are discussed. Despite the claims that Bijim-Luggere-Kadung-Tiyaa form a dialect cluster and are all mutually intelligible, a wordlist comparison of the four varieties reveals that Bijim-Luggere, Kadung, and Tiyaa are different languages. Of the 348 items in the wordlist, some words were excluded;21 they were either not elicited or they appeared to be making the same comparison as another item. The words were compared according to the process outlined in section 4.5. Table 6 presents the lexical similarity percentages and the number of words (n) compared between each pair of varieties. The percentages of similarity are given as a range. The higher percentage number of the range is closer to the number of words that are possibly cognate. The lower number represents an estimate of the surface-level phonological-lexical similarity, that may suggest a level of comprehension. The degree of similarity (63–84%) between the Bijim and Kadung varieties indicates that Kadung and Bijim could possibly be considered one language. However, the reports from the people considering them different encourages us to call them different languages. Furthermore, the similarity percentages below 70 percent provide more support that they should not be classified as one language. The range of similarity between the three Bijim varieties and the two Kadung varieties indicates that there may be a significant loss of comprehension between some Bijim and Kadung, but also confirms what some people say about their ability to each speak their own language and understand one another. Something unusual revealed in this comparison is that Gambar and Kaduk Bijim have slightly more similarity with the Kwanka Kadung than Mwel Kadung, even though Mwel is much closer to Gambar and Kaduk. The 93 percent similarity between Gambar and Kaduk Bijim indicates that there should be a high level of comprehension between these varieties. The fact that there is no range indicates that phonologically they are very similar, and the only significant difference is between the different loanwords that have been

21 See the note at the beginning of Appendix E describing choices that were made in deciding which words to count and which to exclude. 16 borrowed by each group. These numbers support the claim from the Kwanka Kadung that they perceive a greater similarity between Kadung and Kaduk Bijim than between Kadung and the Bijim in Dukli Bauchi or Gambar.

Table 6. Wordlist comparison counts and percentages Tiyaa 49–62% Dukli Bauchi Bijim n= 299 51–62% 77–89% Gambar Bijim n= 306 n= 301 50–63% 76–88% 93% Kaduk Bijim n= 303 n= 298 n= 307 46–59% 70–83% 67–79% 72–84% Kwanka Kadung n= 301 n= 297 n= 301 n= 298 44–59% 63–76% 64–77% 68–81% 79–86% Mwel Kadung n= 301 n= 294 n= 299 n= 296 n= 299

The 44–63 percent similarity between Tiyaa and the other varieties indicates that there should be significantly less comprehension between these varieties. This is a very rough comparison and rigorous comparative methods were not used to establish cognates. However, the findings provide an impressionistic confirmation that Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa are three different languages. The greater difference between Kadung and Tiyaa is also confirmed by the greater distance geographically between their locations.

6.6 Phonological variation between Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa varieties

From historical linguistics, we learn that languages change as a phonological innovation diffuses outward to other varieties. These innovations tend to be slight changes from one phone to another, similar, phone. When we see several words that have a pattern of change like this, it may be an indication of the way that the varieties are diverging. Some sounds are retained from earlier forms, and some new innovations may be introduced. It may also be an indication of the differences that people hear when they recognize another dialect of their language. As languages diverge, there are more changes like this, and the speakers may have more difficulty understanding the other variety. These patterns of phonological change are studied to better understand the kinds of changes that are making the varieties different. Tables 7 through 14 present sets of examples that demonstrate ways in which Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa words have phonological patterns that reveal differences between the varieties. We demonstrate that, based on lexical evidence, Bijim and Kadung could be considered one language. However, phonologically there is evidence of their divergence. Furthermore, lexically, Luggere is the closest of the three Bijim varieties to Kadung, but Dukli Bauchi Bijim is phonologically the most similar to the Kadung varieties. Tiyaa appears to share more phonological features with the eastern Bijim varieties but is equally distant enough lexically and phonologically from both Kadung and Bijim that it should be considered a separate language. Kaduk is included to show its greater similarity with Gambar than with Dukli Bauchi. Much of the variation found between Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa seems to be associated with the morphological variation described in section 6.4 since the phonological variations are largely restricted to word classes. For example, in table 7 we present examples in which there are nouns in Kadung that retain a supposed fossilized initial prenasalization while Gambar and Kaduk have lost it. This is in contrast with the Bijim examples given in table 5 in which the Kaduk, Gambar, and Dukli Bauchi words all retain the initial [n-]. It appears that Dukli Bauchi Bijim has been influenced by Kadung and retains the initial prenasalization. Tiyaa is split in that some words follow the Kadung pattern of retaining the prenasalization, and some words follow the eastern Bijim pattern of losing the prenasalization. 17

Table 7. Variation in noun word-initial prenasalization

English Kwanka Dukli Bauchi Mwel Gambar Kaduk # Tiyaa gloss Kadung Bijim Kadung Bijim Bijim 44 flower nbúrì ᵐbúr ⁿbúr bur bur bùri 76 body ndùs ndús ndùs dùʃ dùʃ ndūs 77 blood ʤi nʤi ⁿɡīː ʤiː ʤi ɡɨː 142 earth ndaɡal ndájál ndaɣal dɑ̀ɣɑl dɑ̀ɣɑl Ndàr* * This word may not be cognate with the other examples.

Another variation between the Kadung and Dukli Bauchi Bijim words and Gambar and Kaduk Bijim is with the loss of the initial [a-] prefix in the western variety nouns. It is possible that this has occurred in Dukli Bauchi Bijim due to influence from Kadung, where it has been lost. This initial [a-] is possibly a fossilized noun prefix described in section 6.4. This is also supported by the evidence that Tiyaa is also retaining prefixes as described in section 6.4; it is unusual, however, that Tiyaa is using different prefixes. Table 8 presents examples showing the greater phonological similarity of Dukli Bauchi Bijim words with the Kadung words.

Table 8. Variation in noun word-initial [a-]

English Kwanka Mwel Dukli Bauchi Gambar Kaduk # Tiyaa gloss Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim Bijim 2 mortar ɗúk ɗúk ɗúk ɑdùk ɑdùk kūdūk 51 tooth ɲən ɲɨn ɲin ɑɲin ɑɲin kìnūŋ 83 corpse pūn pūn pun ɑpun ɑpun tùpun

The next examples involve either word initial or word final changes to verbs. We have not analyzed the grammar of Bijim, so we cannot say whether these are functioning verb markers or fossilized forms. In table 9, we see a word final [-a] in the Dukli Bauchi Bijim and Tiyaa words. In the corresponding Gambar and Kaduk Bijim examples, there is either a word final [-i] or complete absence of a final vowel. Some Kadung words follow the Dukli Bauchi and Tiyaa forms, and some are like the Gambar Kaduk Bijim examples. We hypothesize that the word final [-a] is a retention since it is less likely for an innovation to have spread between Tiyaa and Dukli Bauchi and the Kadung varieties due to the geographical distance. Furthermore, an innovation in Gambar or Kaduk could easily spread to Mwel Kadung and then to Kwanka.

Table 9. Variation in verb word-final vowels

English Dukli Bauchi Kwanka Mwel Gambar Kaduk # Tiyaa gloss Bijim Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim 286 vomit kwáksá ɡʷàksá kwáksá kwáksá ɡʷɑksi ɡʷɑksi 261 do ʃāː ʃímá ʃā ʃīː ʃi ʃi 266 blow pìɓá pìbá pʲábí pʲábí pibi pibi 342 fill ʃìlá ʃìlma ʃílá ʃíl ʃìl ʃìl 336 sew tēlá tìla tɘ̀l tɔ̄l tʲel tel

In table 10, we present examples of an initial syllable [ʃi-] in Mwel Kadung, Gambar Bijim, Kaduk Bijim, and Tiyaa verbs, and the absence of the syllable in the Kwanka Kadung and Dukli Bauchi Bijim words. We are uncertain if this is a retention or an innovation since the four varieties with the initial 18

[ʃi-] are all on the eastern side of the hills. It could be an innovation that has spread on the eastern side or a feature that has been lost on the western side.

Table 10. Variation in a verb word-initial syllable [ʃi­]

English Kwanka Dukli Bauchi Mwel Gambar Kaduk # Tiyaa gloss Kadung Bijim Kadung Bijim Bijim 262 dance ndúr ndur ʃīndur ʃindur ʃindùr ʃíndùr 263 play — nʤáːlák — ʃìnʤɑ̀ɣɑ̀lɑ́k — — 300 steal kɔ́s kɔ̄s ʃikɔ̄s ʃikosi ʃikos ʃíkōːs 313 walk sērá sījá ʃīːséjá sìjɑ sìjɑ sīrī

The previous examples dealt with morphologically influenced variation. In those examples, we found that Mwel Kadung tends to align with the Gambar and Kaduk Bijim forms on the eastern side of the hills and the Dukli Bauchi Bijim aligns with Kwanka Kadung on the western side. As pointed out in section 6.3, Dukli Bauchi Bijim and the Kadung wordlists have an open-mid front vowel [ɛ], but Gambar Bijim, Kaduk Bijim and Tiyaa do not. In the following examples of phonological variation presented in table 11, the Gambar Bijim and Kaduk Bijim words have the close-mid front vowel [e]. The Kadung varieties have a corresponding open-mid front vowel [ɛ]. Dukli Bauchi Bijim, by contrast, tends, in some words, to follow the pattern of the varieties on the western side of the hills. But in example #206, the Dukli Bauchi Bijim item corresponds to the eastern Bijim and Tiyaa items. It is possible that this phonological shift from [e] to [ɛ] in Dukli Bauchi Bijim has been due to influence from Kadung. Since [ɛ] is typically found in other Tarokoid languages, it may be that the western varieties are retaining an older form and that [e] is an innovation on the eastern side.

Table 11. Variation between [ɛ] and [e]

English Kwanka Mwel Dukli Bauchi Gambar Kaduk # Tiyaa gloss Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim Bijim 106 guinea fowl ʃɛ̀k ʃɛ̀k ʃɛ̄ːk ʃek ʃek —

211 ripe jɛ̄l jɛ̄l jɛ́l ɲèl ɲèl jèlā 267 whistle wɛ̄ːr wɛ̄ːr wɛ̄r wér wér — 206 red bɛ́ bɛ́ bé bʲeː bʲeː béli

The examples presented in table 12 are similar to those in table 11. In these examples, all the words in Gambar Bijim and Kaduk Bijim have the close-mid front vowel [e]. The other varieties do not seem to present a clear pattern, having corresponding [ɛ], [e], [a], or [ɨ]. However, there is possible evidence of another retention in the presence of the [a] in Tiyaa and Kadung. Once again, it is less possible for an innovation to spread the distance between Tiyaa and Kadung while skipping over the Bijim.

Table 12. Variation between [ɛ], [e], [a], and [ɨ]

English Kwanka Mwel Dukli Bauchi Gambar Kaduk # Tiyaa gloss Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim Bijim 119 fish ɡwaʃì — ʤēʃi ɡeʃi ɡeʃi ɡʲèʃí 52 tongue lʲàm lʲàm lēm lem lem tilɨm 305 buy rʲāp rʲɛ̄p rɛbá rʲep rʲep rʲàb 320 exit wárí wá wǎ wéi wéi wari

19

As discussed in section 6.3, Dukli Bauchi Bijim and the Kadung wordlists have an open-mid back vowel [ɔ], but eastern Bijim and Tiyaa do not. Table 13 shows examples of [ɔ] in the Kadung varieties and [o] in the Gambar and Kaduk wordlists. The corresponding words in Dukli Bauchi either align with Kadung or Bijim. The corresponding words in Tiyaa may be expressed with [o], [a], or [u]. Since [ɔ] is typically found in other Tarokoid languages, it may be that the western varieties are retaining an older form and [o] is an innovation on the eastern side.

Table 13. Variation between [ɔ], [o], [a], and [u]

English Kwanka Mwel Dukli Bauchi Gambar Kaduk # Tiyaa gloss Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim Bijim 9 house/hut lɔk lɔk lɔk lók lók lók 86 mahogany kɔ́k kʷɔ́k kɔ́k kok kok kōk 236 we wɔ̄rā wɔ̄rā wɔ̄r worɑ worɑ wari 109 tail ʃɔl ʃʷɔl ʃol ʃol ʃol ʃʷāl 102 goat fɔ̀l fɔ̀l fol fol fol fʷāl 193 twenty wɔ̄r ká bā wɔ̄r ká bā wóːri ká bā wor kɑ bɑ wor kɑ bɑ wàr kɨ bá 116 crocodile ɡɔ̄ːrɔ́k — ɑɡorok ɑɡorok ɑɡorok ɡùrʲák 26 grass lɔɾōm lɔɾōm lɔɾɔ̄m lorom lorom lùrùm 310 kill wɔ̄n wɔ̄n wɔ̄ná won won wùn

There is also a rhotic consonant [r/ɾ] in some Gambar Bijim and Kaduk Bijim words, but not in the corresponding words in the Kwanka Kadung and Dukli Bauchi Bijim wordlists. Examples are presented in table 14. There are many more examples in which the trill is found in all the varieties. However, when there is a variation like this, it is following a pattern of a feature that is a retention on one side of the hills and an innovation on the other side.

Table 14. Variation in rhotic consonants [r/ɾ]

English Kwanka Mwel Dukli Bauchi Gambar Kaduk # Tiyaa gloss Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim Bijim 28 seed — ɓíkət ɓát bèrkèt bèrkèt bìrkīt 57 neck pàsí* pàsí pàsí pɑrʃi pɑrʃi — 328 split sāsā sāsā sásá sɑr sɑr sàrsá * Blench (2007:9) transcribes ‘neck’ as /parsi/, with the /r/, in his Kadung wordlist.

A summary of tables 7–14 (see table 15) reveals that there is very little variation between Gambar Bijim and Luggere. In most of the features highlighted in these examples, there is variation between eastern and western varieties (tables 6, 7, 9, and 13); there is a similar variation occurring within both Bijim and Kadung. There are a few features that differentiate Kadung from Bijim (tables 8, 10, and 12). Tiyaa shares a similar number of features with each, Gambar Bijim (table 10), Dukli Bauchi Bijim (table 8), and Kadung (table 11). Tiyaa tends to have more similarity with Gambar Bijim-Luggere than with Kadung, but often has features different from Bijim or Kadung. 20

Table 15. Summary of tables 7–14

Table Variation 7 Western varieties retain initial nasalization that is lost in eastern varieties. 8 Eastern varieties retain initial [a-] that is lost in western varieties. 9 Western Bijim and Tiyaa retain word final [-a] in verbs, whereas the eastern Bijim innovation is possibly spreading to Kadung. 10 Eastern dialects retain initial [ʃi-] in verbs which is absent in western varieties. 11 Kadung retains [ɛ] in variation with [e] in eastern Bijim and Tiyaa; western Bijim is split. 12 Kadung and Tiyaa retain [a] in variation with [e] in eastern Bijim; western Bijim is split. 13 Kadung retains [ɔ] in variation with [o] in eastern Bijim; western Bijim is split. 14 Eastern Bijim and Tiyaa have rhotic variation, with absence of rhotic variation in Kadung and western Bijim.

6.7 Discussion of analysis

In sections 6.1–6.6, we have considered linguistic variation and relationships from five perspectives: in- group perceptions, classification, phonological similarity, lexical similarity, and phonological variation. The Bijim and Luggere reported that all three varieties (Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa) are related and that they can readily understand one another. However, the Kadung feel that the Bijim and Tiyaa are different from them but recognize that their languages are related. They said that Kaduk is easier to understand than the speech of Gambar. The Tiyaa report that they have difficulty understanding Bijim, but they did not mention contact with the Kadung. Blench (2019) classifies Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa as being Benue-Congo, Tarokoid languages. We do not have anything significant to add to this classification other than demonstrating the phonological consistencies within the cluster and some relationships with Kusur-Myet. The varieties within the cluster are most certainly closely related. We also support Blench’s (2019) nomenclature for classification over that used in the Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2020a) and recommend a revision of the Ethnologue. Previous reports (such as Eberhard et al. 2020a) on the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa cluster consider Luggere to be a separate variety, different from Bijim. However, the people in Kaduk say that they speak Bijim, and their speech is no different from other varieties of Bijim. Our evidence confirms this perspective. A comparison of the Kaduk wordlist with the other two Bijim wordlists shows that many of the words are pronounced the same. Most differences are found when there are completely different lexical items. This is revealed in the 93 percent surface-level lexical similarity comparison between Kaduk and Gambar, discussed in section 6.5. The words are either the same and pronounced the same or they are different words that are probably not cognate and sound nothing alike. A more in-depth study of the vocabulary may reveal that many of these words are loanwords from neighboring languages. The consonant and vowel inventories discussed in section 6.3 demonstrate that there is a considerable similarity between these varieties. However, even in these comparative similarities, differences indicate that the three varieties are separate but related languages. Examples are the absence of the implosives [ɓ, ɗ ] and the palatal nasal [ ɲ] and the inclusion of the close central vowel [ɨ] in Tiyaa. Another noteworthy feature is the presence of the open-mid vowels [ɛ, ɔ, ə] in Kadung, which are not present in the other varieties. In section 6.4, what Blench (2006) calls fossilized prefixes; morphemes that were once more productive were discussed. It appears that Bijim retains a larger variety of these prefixes [n-, a-, ku-, tu-]. Tiyaa retains a smaller set [ku-, tu-]. In Kadung, there are words that retain these fossilized morphemes, but they are not as present to the degree that they are in Bijim and Tiyaa. The lexical similarity comparison discussed in section 6.5 demonstrates the clear difference between Tiyaa and the other varieties. We would not expect much comprehension between Tiyaa and the other 21 varieties. Just considering the percentages, it may be possible to classify Bijim and Kadung as one language. However, there would probably be villages that might be linguistically quite different from any central variety that would be developed. Furthermore, the people do not share an identity. It will be easier to identify different Bijim and Kadung central varieties for development. In section 6.6, patterns of phonological variation were studied. First, we needed to identify the geographical barrier created by a range of hills running north and south. There are Bijim and Kadung communities on both sides of the hills which we refer to as eastern and western varieties. Tiyaa tends to align with the features on the eastern side of the hills. In these phonological features, we see features that are shared by western Bijim and Kadung that differ from eastern varieties. There are also features that are shared by Bijim that differ from those found in Kadung and Tiyaa. Furthermore, there are features that indicate the retention of older forms and also features that reveal innovations. While the wordlist lexical similarity comparisons reveal clear differences between the three languages, the phonological features tend to identify eastern and western groups. The significance of this finding is that language developers working in Bijim or Kadung need to be very cognizant of possible variations that need to be considered to create literature that reaches the widest audience. Due to the similarities and differences in the phone inventories, it may be possible to create one orthography that would work well for Kadung and another one for Tiyaa. However, due to the vowel differences between the eastern and western Bijim varieties, the development of an orthography may require some compromise. The amount of difference in the vocabularies would probably make it difficult to create literature that could be shared by all three groups. It may be possible to adapt materials from one language to another, but that will need to be tested.

7 Influence from other languages

It is a widely accepted principle among sociolinguists that less-dominant languages are influenced by more dominant languages when they encounter each other. Sometimes it is a neighboring larger, more powerful, or more prestigious language, and sometimes it is a regional or international language of wider communication. Therefore, the impact of these more dominant languages needs to be considered when describing the environment of the less dominant language. The social relationships between these language communities are not necessarily adversarial. Motivations for acquiring a second language vary (Karan 2001; 2011; Karan and Stalder 2000), and often speakers of the less prestigious languages are only interested in learning the more dominant languages for the pragmatic benefits of multilingualism. Smaller language groups may also feel less agency to influence their social environment and multilingualism becomes a requirement. However, there are also some language communities that force their hegemony on the smaller groups around them to achieve greater social, political, economic, or religious power. In these cases, it is often advantageous to learn the more dominant language in order to survive.

7.1 Language contact

The Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa language groups are surrounded by several larger language groups (see map 2). Ngas (pop. 400,000)22 spreads across the plains to the southeast, the Saya (pop. 50,000) are located to the north, Pyam (pop. 31,000) to the west, and Mwaghavul (pop. 295,000) to the southwest and south. As is typical throughout this part of Nigeria, there are also families of Hausa and Hausa- speaking Fulani23 who live scattered virtually everywhere. More specifically, Bijim and Tiyaa settlements on the north side of the area have contact with Saya. The people in Boi reported that there are some Igbo and Yoruba speaking immigrants, but this probably only represents a handful of traders and their families. The Bijim in Mungi, on the west side, reported contact with the Pyam and Saya. Tiyaa, Bijim, and Kadung settlements on the east side have contact with

22 These population figures come from the Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2020a) and are at least ten years old. 23 In much of central Nigeria, the Fulani may speak Fulfulde or Hausa as a first language. However, other language groups will usually speak to them in Hausa. 22

Saya, Kusur-Myet, and Ngas, as well as one another. The Kadung in Janneret reported contact with Pyam, Mwaghavul, and Saya. Everyone reported contact with Hausa speakers. See table 16 for a summary.

Table 16. Summary of contact

Language – community – group Reported contact languages Bijim – Mungi – west Hausa, Kadung, Pyam, Sigdi, Rumada Bijim – Dukli Bauchi – west Hausa, Kadung, Saya, English Bijim – Gambar – east Hausa, Tiyaa, Kadung, Ngas, Kusur-Myet, Saya, Sigdi, English Bijim – Kaduk – east Hausa, Kadung, Ngas, Kusur-Myet, Saya, English Tiyaa – Boi – northeast Hausa, Bijim, Ngas, Saya, Pyam, Mbat (Jarawa), English Hausa, Bijim, Luggere, Nyalang, Pyam, Mwaghavul, Berom, Kadung – Janneret – southwest Ngas, Ron (Chala), Goemai (Ankwai), Jarawa NOTE: The names in parenthesis are the names that were typically used by the people in interviews.

The Bijim have a receptive attitude towards their neighbors. They said that every language group is free to attend their markets. They farm with any neighboring ethnic group without any discrimination. However, they also said that they do not intermarry with the Fulani, but that does not mean they avoid the use of Hausa. Along with contact with neighboring groups there are also some people who have moved into Bijim communities. These groups settled among them for the purposes of farming, mining, marriage, or other commercial purposes. These groups include the Idoma,24 Saya, Ngas, Kusur-Myet, and Tiyaa. The Bijim churches are attended by Kusur-Myet, Saya, and Ngas speakers. The Bijim children attend the same schools with the Ngas, Kusur-Myet, Tiyaa, and Saya-speaking children. Therefore, there is sufficient contact between these language groups that facilitates the learning of these other languages.

24 The homeland of the Idoma is approximately 350 km (218 mi.) away, there are only a few Idoma speakers who have moved to Gambar for business. 23

Map 2. Neighboring language groups

Source of roads: https://www.openstreetmap.org/search?query=gennaret#map=12/9.4157/9.4146 and https://www.openstreetmap.org/#map=12/9.5224/9.3216. CC BY-SA 2.0. Accessed April 21, 2019. Town locations and polygons were added by the authors; they do not represent official locations.

7.2 Multilingualism in the Bijim communities

The Bijim are multilingual, but their levels of proficiency in different languages vary across generations and communities. During the group interview, participants were asked to give a general evaluation on language use and proficiency for different age categories of people in their community. They were asked about the language use and proficiency for four general age categories: elderly, middle-aged, young adult, and children. The age ranges are not precise; “children” refers to people over 10 years when they have had several years of education up to about 18 years. “Young adults” refers to approximately 18 to 35 years, “middle-aged adults” refers to approximately 35 to 55 years, and “elderly” refers to approximately 55 years and older. We did not test proficiency or in any other way confirm their reports. Our data are perceptual and limited; therefore, we are not able to draw any statistically sound conclusions. However, some general impressionistic observations can be made. See table 17 for a summary of reported language proficiencies. All of those interviewed in Gambar, Dukli Bauchi, Mungi, and Kaduk reported that all age groups are still very proficient in Bijim. It was reported that all age groups are also proficient in speaking and understanding Hausa, except for elderly people in Gambar and Dukli Bauchi who have limited proficiencies. Young adults have the best proficiency in Hausa. While people report good proficiency in Hausa, pastors in those same communities said that it would be good to have the Bible in Bijim because the elderly people do not understand Hausa very well. Except for elderly people, all other age groups have good proficiency in English. It was reported that most elderly people have some limited proficiency 24 in English, except for those in Kaduk where they said that the elderly have no proficiency in English. For children, proficiency in any language depends on their age, level of education, and frequency of contact with speakers of that language. There was a lot of variation in the reports of multilingual proficiency in any of the neighboring language groups. The Bijim people reported that they understand Kadung well. They did not comment on speaking proficiency since they said that when they meet with Kadung speakers, they each speak their own language. In Mungi, they specified that they could understand about 75 percent of Kadung. Due to the differences revealed in the wordlist comparison discussed in section 6.5, the comment from Mungi may be the most relevant, recognizing that there is a loss of comprehension due to differences between the languages. People in Mungi reported limited proficiency in speaking and understanding Pyam. The interviewees in Gambar also said that some people there have limited speaking and comprehension proficiency in Ngas and Kusur-Myet. Only people in Gambar reported good comprehension of Tiyaa, but no one reported speaking proficiency in Tiyaa.

Table 17. Oral language use and proficiencies

Mungi Dukli Bauchi Gambar Kaduk Bijim, Hausa, Bijim, (Hausa, Bijim, (Hausa, Ngas, Elderly Kadung, (Pyam, Bijim, Hausa English) Kusur-Myet, English) English) Bijim, Hausa, Bijim, Hausa, Bijim, Hausa, Middle-aged Bijim, Hausa, English Kadung, English (English) (English) Bijim, Hausa, Bijim, Hausa, Bijim, Hausa, Young adult Bijim, Hausa, English Kadung, English English English Bijim, Hausa, Bijim, Hausa, Children Bijim, Hausa, (English) Bijim, Hausa English English NOTE: Languages are arranged from best to least proficiency. Languages in parenthesis indicate limited proficiency.

It was reported that most people of all ages can read and write Hausa. Some people of all ages can also read and write English well. This conflicts with the reports that the older people do not have much, if any, proficiency in English. Those with mobile phones use Hausa and English to send text messages.

8 Language vitality

The presence of other languages and the frequency of encountering other languages outside of the home may influence the vitality of heritage languages. In response to this potential impact, Lewis and Simons (2017:154) describe five conditions that are critical for the sustainability of a language, which is often referred to as language maintenance. These five conditions are organized by the acronym FAMED: function, acquisition, motivation, environment, and differentiation. a. Function: For the sustainable use of a language the community must be able to employ the language for specific functions. As the number of functions for a language decreases, so does its vitality. b. Acquisition: A community must have a way to acquire proficiency in a language in order to maintain the use of that language. This is most often found in the language used in the home. c. Motivation: For sustainability, the community must be motivated to use the language and perceive some benefit of its use. d. Environment: The environment refers to whether the government provides a route for a language to flourish, or if the government hinders the use of a language. It focuses primarily on government policy, and particularly that which is funded and enforced. e. Differentiation: Differentiation describes a situation in which different languages are used in different domains. In multilingual communities, there needs to be a culturally perceived 25

differentiation of which language is used for which purposes. This serves to protect a minority language from being overwhelmed by a more prestigious language.

Language endangerment contrasts with language sustainability or maintenance. When any of the above conditions is not met, a language is in the process of shifting or becoming endangered. A language loses vitality when: a. It loses usefulness in the daily functions for which people need language. b. Children are not provided with opportunities to learn their heritage language. c. The community sees no benefit to the use of the heritage language. d. The government provides no institutional support for the maintenance of the language. e. The community does not value the use of the language in some protected domains.

In multilingual communities we speak of a repertoire of languages that are available for different purposes. In this section, we describe the state of these conditions for the sustainable use of Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa. The section ends with an assessment of the vitality of Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa language use.

8.1 Functions of languages in the repertoires of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities

Language use and language choices vary across domains, or for different functions. Some languages might be restricted to a limited number of domains but used heavily in such domains. For example, English is the dominant language used in the schools, but it is used little outside of the schools. Furthermore, the dominant use of one language in a given domain does not mean that only that one language is used in that domain; other languages may be used less frequently. Furthermore, domains may also determine language use to some extent. For example, there are speakers of different languages who attend church, therefore, a language of wider communication must be used. Likewise, a local language will not be used when speaking with a person who does not know that language. If someone gains any proficiency in any of the neighboring lesser-known languages, it is only for the pragmatic purpose of being able to converse with speakers of those languages. Some language functions are more essential than others when discussing language vitality. Of importance to note is which languages are used when parents speak to children, among children at play, between husbands and wives, and what is perceived as the most widely used language in the community.

8.1.1 Bijim

There are no domains in the Bijim communities that are reserved for the sole use of Bijim. In the six villages visited, parents and caregivers reported that they speak to their children in Bijim and Hausa. It was reported that the children speak Bijim and Hausa equally well. We observed children speaking to one another in Bijim and then speaking with us in Hausa. In Kwafa village, we noticed that children were speaking to each other in Bijim. Bijim and Hausa are also spoken between brothers and sisters and for prayers in the home. However, interaction between grandparents and grandchildren was reported to be only in Bijim. Husbands and wives are said to speak Bijim to each other, except if the wife is from a different language group. Then they will communicate in Hausa until she learns Bijim. In confirmation of this, we observed a Goemai woman, who has been married to one of the Bijim chiefs for eight years, speaking Bijim with other women. It was reported that friends, depending on the age category and social context, speak Bijim, Hausa, or English to each other. At the markets, the Bijim people speak Bijim, Hausa, and English depending on with whom they are talking. Some of the elderly people may use one of the other neighboring languages to speak with someone from those language groups. They use Hausa or English at a health center. They use Bijim on the farms but may also use Hausa to speak with people from other language groups. They mostly use Bijim during cultural events, but Hausa and English are also used for the benefit of outsiders. English and 26

Hausa are used in schools for instruction. Teachers prohibit the use of vernacular languages during school hours. The interviewed church leaders from five churches in four communities all said that Hausa is used for Bible reading and most preaching. However, clarification given during preaching may be in Bijim. Other activities in the churches may be in Hausa, Bijim, or English.

8.1.2 Kadung and Tiyaa

Less information on language use in the Kadung and Tiyaa communities was collected, but we gathered some valuable information. Kadung is spoken in the larger town of Janneret and in the many smaller villages. The use of Hausa is more dominant in Janneret than in the villages. The people interviewed in Janneret said that parents primarily use Hausa with their children, and there is only occasional use of Kadung in the homes. As a result, the interviewees said that children do not have good proficiency in Kadung. Conversely, in the villages, parents use Kadung with their children, and Kadung is the primary language used in the homes. It is also the language most frequently heard outside of the home in the villages. The use of Tiyaa is similar to that of the Bijim communities in that Tiyaa is primarily used between Tiyaa speakers, but not exclusively. However, Tiyaa use in the homes may be more exclusive than among the Bijim. Outside of the home, Tiyaa, Hausa, or English may be used depending on the context and the people involved in the conversation. Boi is a large town, and people from many other language groups live there. Therefore, it is more efficient to simply use Hausa with anyone who is not known to be a Tiyaa speaker. The interviewees said that all adults have good proficiency in Hausa and English, but young adults have the best abilities. In both Kadung and Tiyaa communities, Hausa is the language that is used for most functions in the churches and for most teaching in the schools. English is used for more limited functions in both.

8.2 Means of acquiring languages in the repertoires of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities

The only available means of acquiring Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa is through the informal means of oral transmission at home and through interactions with other Bijim speakers. For the Bijim and Kadung in Janneret, children learn Hausa as well in the home, which is then supported by its use in the schools and churches. In this part of Nigeria, Hausa and English are the prescribed languages of formal education. Therefore, all children receive years of formal education in Hausa and English. However, there is less use for English outside the school than Hausa. There is sufficient use of Hausa outside the school that most adults have learned Hausa without schooling. The learning of Hausa is also supported by its use in the churches in all communities. Other languages, such as Pyam and Mwaghavul in Janneret and Saya, Ngas, and Tiyaa in Gambar are learned through contact, primarily in the marketplace.

8.3 Motivation for using languages in the repertoires of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities

The Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa all have a clear sense of identity associated with their languages. Interviewees in these communities have strong feelings for their languages and said that they would be very unhappy if their children were to cease speaking their language. When asked about the possibility of developing their language, they all said that it would be a good activity to help maintain the use of their languages. They believe that vernacular literature would be better understood by young and old. While some language development and translation work has been done among the Tiyaa, the people did not speak of any impact from that work. There have also been leaders from the Bijim communities who have attended the first, second, and third phases of a language development effort led by SIL Nigeria and the Conference of Autochthonous Ethnic Community Development Associations (CONAECDA). Despite the commitment teachers have for teaching in Hausa and English, all the teachers interviewed felt that the local language would be better for instructional use since the children 27 understand these languages best. This was also said by the teacher in Janneret. The use of Kadung in Janneret seems to have the lowest heritage language vitality of any of these varieties. People in the churches all said that a local language Bible translation would be best understood by their congregations. It appears that there was a tradition in the past of learning the languages of one’s neighbors. The motivation to speak their neighboring languages appears to be pragmatic, to communicate with their neighbors. This would have been useful for maintaining peaceful relationships. However, it appears that younger people are less motivated to learn the local, neighboring languages since it is more efficient to only know Hausa, which can be used with most people in the region. There is much motivation for learning Hausa. It is the language of wider communication in central Nigeria. Hausa is useful for speaking with people who do not speak the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa varieties and it is used in the schools, churches, health centers, and other institutions. There is also motivation to learn English because it is the language of formal education. It has the prestige of being a language of global communication and gives greater access to information on both the national and international level. While there is very little contact with people who speak English as their primary language, it is becoming a language of wider communication among educated, urban young people. Therefore, there is motivation for the young people to identify with this group.

8.4 Environmental support for the maintenance of Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa

While neither Bijim, Kadung, nor Tiyaa currently receive any institutional support, the Nigerian government’s policy encourages oral use of any language in the country and does not hinder any private development of local languages (see Federal Ministry of Education 1981). Furthermore, the revised policy on the use of minority languages in education says that “every child shall be taught in their own mother tongue or in the language of the immediate community for the first four years of basic education.” (Federal Republic of Nigeria 2013: section 1, subsection 8.g.). However, the absence of institutional support means a lack of support for language maintenance. Adegbija (2007) presents a lengthy discussion on the language policies of the Nigerian government and presents evidence that there is a greater focus on the development of the major indigenous languages (Yoruba, Hausa, and Igbo) and English than concern for the smaller, less prestigious minority languages. This factor might affect the language vitality over time, but presently Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa use is active in community life, except for the decreased use of Kadung in Janneret.

8.5 Differentiation of languages in the repertoires of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities

With such a brief time of observation, it was not possible to effectively investigate differentiation of language use in different domains. While Bijim shares many domains with Hausa, there may be functions within those domains that determine which language is used, thereby establishing differentiation. Bijim still seems to be the dominant language for most in-group communication. Although we have even less information on Kadung, it appears that the use of Kadung in Janneret is quite threatened. However, in the villages, Kadung is probably still the primary language of all in-group communication. Most of the Tiyaa-speaking community lives in Boi, a seemingly very multilingual environment. Despite, or due to, the multitude of languages, this environment may serve to maintain the use of Tiyaa for in-group communication, while the majority of communication with non-Tiyaa speakers is in Hausa. More study is needed, however, to determine if there is a stabilized differentiation.

8.6 EGIDS assessment of language use in the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities

The Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS) (Lewis & Simons 2017) provides a rubric for assessing the potential for sustainability of a language. The EGIDS considers the state of intergenerational support for language maintenance, as well as institutional support, and the stage of literary development for the language. The scale runs from 0 to 10, with 0 representing languages that are used for international commerce and political policy and 10 representing extinct languages that have 28 no identificational value for any community. Levels 6 and 8 are both divided into two more levels, designated as “a” and “b”, to provide finer distinctions.

8.6.1 Bijim

Considering the indicators of vitality described in sections 8.1 to 8.5, Bijim language use is best described as level 6a – “vigorous orality” on the EGIDS scale. This level describes a language that is “used for face-to-face conversations by all generations and the situation is sustainable” (Eberhard et al. 2020b). While parents use Hausa with children in the home, the evidence suggests that Bijim is still the first language learned by children and the language in which they are most proficient until they have several years of formal education. Hausa and English are the languages of literacy, formal education, and the churches. This may be beginning to exert some pressure on young people to give more attention to those languages. There does not seem to be any indication of a shift to Ngas, Saya, Pyam, or any other neighboring language.

8.6.2 Kadung and Tiyaa

As mentioned, we have limited information on language use among the Kadung. However, with the information presented in sections 8.1 to 8.5, we assess that the language vitality for Kadung use in the villages is EGIDS level 6a – “vigorous orality.” This level describes a language that is “used for face-to- face conversations by all generations and the situation is sustainable” (Eberhard et al. 2020b). The vitality of Kadung language use in Janneret is probably much lower, possibly EGIDS level 7 – “shifting.” This level describes a situation in which the “child-bearing generation can use the language among themselves” (2020b). The language is not being transmitted to children and they are growing up with greater proficiency in Hausa. An EGIDS 6a assessment assumes that the larger portion of the Kadung population is rural and less influenced by trends in Janneret. During Blench’s earlier study he was confident that the Kadung were not at risk of shifting to Hausa because the children spoke the Kwaŋ language fluently (Blench 2007:1). While Tiyaa is spoken in a small area around Boi, which is multilingual, the use of Tiyaa seems to be possibly stronger than Bijim. The interviewees reported less use of Hausa in the homes. Considering the indicators of vitality described in sections 8.1 to 8.5, Tiyaa language use is best described as level 6a – “vigorous orality” on the EGIDS scale. This level describes a language that is “used for face-to-face conversations by all generations and the situation is sustainable” (Eberhard et al. 2020b). These vitality assessments are based on limited information and should be considered somewhat tentative until further research can be conducted.

9 Summary

This report has presented our research into the linguistic and sociolinguistic factors of the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa languages and their speakers. At the beginning of section 2, we identified two major concerns when addressing language development needs, the environment for heritage language development and the meeting of multilingual needs. The linguistic factors indicate that these are closely related languages but should be considered as separate languages due to the differences in phonology and vocabulary. There are also social and identificational issues that support this division of languages. There were expressions of interest in the development of each language. There are eastern and western varieties of Bijim. Luggere is a Hausa name for the village of Kaduk; it does not present a unique variety of speech. Gambar is perceived as the cultural center of the Bijim community, but we do not have enough information to assert that the speech of Gambar should be used as the target variety for development. Multilingualism is a requirement in all the Bijim, Kadung, and Tiyaa communities. In Gambar and Kaduk, there is significant contact with Ngas and Kusur-Myet speakers. However, the use of these languages seems to be merely for pragmatic reasons to be able to communicate with their neighbors. 29

There are several different languages spoken around the Tiyaa. However, it appears that people consider it more efficient to use Hausa with all of them rather than learn several of the neighboring languages. Hausa has a universal presence in these Middle Belt communities of Nigeria. Even in villages that are predominantly Bijim or Kadung, there are still immigrants with whom they must speak in Hausa. Access to the schools, churches, health centers, and other social services all require proficiency in Hausa. Despite this ubiquitous presence, Hausa is not necessarily seen as a more prestigious language than the heritage languages. Proficiency in Hausa is seen as a pragmatic choice; it is a way to access some needs and communicate with people outside of the ethnic group. English is another language with prestige as a language of education and as a language that gives access to outside knowledge. However, outside of education there are not many functions for the language. The vitality of each of these groups is assessed as EGIDS level 6a. However, there are reasons to be concerned about the future of these languages. Bijim is the primary language used in Bijim homes, but Hausa is also used, and children gain proficiency in Hausa concurrent with their acquisition of their heritage language. It is uncertain if this is a stable situation or if parents may soon cease using Bijim in the home. The Kadung in Janneret are clearly shifting to the predominant use of Hausa. While there are probably just as many Kadung living in villages where Kadung language use is still strong, the shifting of the Kadung in Janneret also represents approximately half of the Kadung population. We are uncertain as to the impact of this shift on the wider Kadung community. Tiyaa language use is currently strong, but they are a small population in an urban setting. They could easily become a minority in their own homeland, thus putting more pressure on them to shift to Hausa. In the future, social situations may change over time, heritage languages may lose their perceived value, and other languages may grow in prestige and preference. When asked about the future survival of their languages, several people observed that to ensure the maintenance of their languages, they will need to become more intentional about the use and promotion of their languages.

10 Recommendations

Leaders from Bijim communities have already participated in the first, second, and third phases of awareness-building and training in the Community-Based Language and Identity Development (CBLID) planning workshop which is led jointly by SIL Nigeria and CONAECDA.25 They have also formed a language development guidance committee. The leaders may also be interested in contacting one of our partnering language development organizations to collaborate on limited development projects. This could be a good opportunity to assess the larger community’s commitment to further development efforts. It may also inspire the Bijim to have further interest in other language development activities and other vernacular products. When proceeding with language development efforts, it will be important to involve people from both eastern and western communities to create an orthography and literature that reaches the widest audience. Further research is needed to identify the best central variety for development, but also to ensure that language development activities meet the needs of the communities on both sides of the hills. Regarding the Tiyaa, there should be further investigation into the impact of the past and current language development and translation activities. It would probably be helpful for Tiyaa leaders to attend an SIL Nigeria and CONAECDA CBLID planning workshop to be exposed to the concepts of language vitality and language development. If they desire to pursue further language development activities, they can seek training in language development from SIL Nigeria. The leaders may also be interested in contacting one of our partnering language development organizations to implement limited development projects. This could be a good opportunity to assess their commitment to development efforts. It may

25 CONAECDA (Facebook 2020), Conference of Autochthonous Ethnic Community Development Associations, is a non-governmental organization advocating for the linguistic rights of Nigerian minority ethnolinguistic groups. They provide workshops and other training opportunities to facilitate language development led by the ethnolinguistic communities themselves. The workshops use a modified activity based on “The Language and Identity Journey” (SIL International 2020). 30 also inspire the Tiyaa to have further interest in other language development activities and other vernacular products. As for the Kadung, it would be good to know more about where all the Kadung villages are, where they consider their linguistic and cultural center to be, to learn more about language use in the homes in rural villages, and to learn about their attitudes towards language development. Kadung leaders from eastern and western communities should attend a joint SIL Nigeria and CONAECDA CBLID planning workshop to be exposed to the concepts of language vitality and language development. If they desire to pursue language development, they can seek training in language development from SIL Nigeria. The leaders may also be interested in contacting one of our partnering language development organizations to implement limited development projects. This could be a good opportunity to assess their commitment to development efforts. It may also inspire the Kadung to have further interest in other language development activities and other vernacular products. During this research, the name “Rumada” was mentioned (see section 5.5.1). It is a language variety that we have not heard of before. It would be good to get clarity on whether it is a dialect of or alternate name for a known language or is a new language. Researchers on this should plan to gather wordlists and to conduct standard sociolinguistic data collection. Appendix A: Dialect Mapping Instructions and Group Sociolinguistics Questionnaire

Hausa translation is in italics. Participatory guidance instructions are in square brackets [ ].

A.1 Participatory dialect mapping and sociolinguistic interview / Tambayon hanyar haɓaka domin bukasar harsuna

Village – Gari: ______Interviewer – Mai Tambaya: ______Date – Kwanar Wata: ______State – Jihar: ______LGA – Karamar Hukuma: ______District – Yanki: ______Traditional chief – Tsarki: ______Language assistants – Jagora: ______

Participatory methods involve observation. Both the facilitator and the assistant can observe. Please make note of these observations on this form throughout the participatory methods and interviews. Note people’s responses, agreements, disagreements, number in attendance, the group’s variations (gender, age ranges), and whatever else you think may be helpful. • Hanyar Haɓaka ya shafi dubawa. Duk mai gudanarwa da mai taimakawa zasu iya kiyaye. Don Allah a rubuta abubuwan da aka lura da su a wadannan bayanin a duk lokacin da ake yin wadanan tambayoyin. Yi la'akari da amsoshin mutane, yarjejeniya, rashin daidaituwa, yawan masu zuwa, ƙungiyoyi na bambanta (jinsi, jere na jima), da duk abin da kake tsammani zai iya zama taimako.

A.2 Language identity / Harshe harshe

What is/are the name(s) of your language? [Have them write the name(s) on a piece of paper.] • Menene / sunan harshen ku? [Bari su rubuta sunan a kan takarda daya.] Which name(s) do you prefer? [Circle their preferred language name.] • Wanne sunanko sunaye kun fi so? [Kewaye sunan da sun fi so.] What is/are the name(s) of your people? [Have them write the name(s) on a piece of paper.] • Menene / sunan mutanen ku? [Bari su rubuta sunan a kan takarda daya.] Which name(s) do you prefer? [Circle their preferred people name.] • Wanne sunan ko sunaye kun fi so? [Kewaye sunan da u n fi so.] What do you call your people in your language? • Menene kuke kira mutanenku a cikin harshenku? What is the word for person in your language? • Menene ana kiran kalman nan mutum a harshenku? When you are speaking (your own language) what do you call your language? • Yayin da kuke magana da harshen ku, menene kuke kiran harshen ku? When speaking Hausa with other people, what do you call your language? • Lokacin da kuke magana da harshen Hausa tare da wasu mutane, me kuke kira harshenku? When speaking English with other people, what do you call your language? • Lokacin da kuke magana da Turanci tare da wasu mutane, me kuke kira harshenka?

31 32

What do each of the following call you? (a) Hausa; (b) Others; (c) Government • Menene wadanan suke kiran ku? (a) Hausawa; (b ) Sauran Su; (c) Gwanati What does that name mean? Menene wannan sunan yake nufi? • How do you feel about that name? Yaya kuke ji a ranku idan an kira da wanan sunan? Briefly please, what is the origin of your people? How do you know this? • A takaice, don Allah, menene asalin mutanenka? Yaya aka san wannan?

A.3 Reported intelligibility / Rehotun makamantun harsuna

[Get two pieces of paper, write the name of the language and the name of the people on each. Place them before the people so that all can see.]

Write observations: • Rubuta bayanai:

Name all villages where [your own language______] is spoken. [Have them write each village on a separate piece of paper.] • Rubuta dukan kauyuka inda ake magana da [yaren ku ______] • [Bari su rubuta kowane ƙauye a kan takarda.] [Place these on the mat/table/ground in order to show which villages are next to each other.] • [Sanya wannan a kan taburma / teburi / ƙasa don nuna wajan kauyukan da ke kusa da juna.] [Have them arrange these by location on the ground…use the pictures of the river, road, mountains, and markets if it helps or if you see these things around. Be sure to circle the villages with a loop and place the language name at the top edge of the loop.] • [Shin, sun shirya wannan ta wurin wuri a ƙasa … amfani da kogin, hanyoyi, tudu, da kuma kasuwanni kalli idan yana taimakawa ko kuma idan kun ga wadannan abubuwa a kusa. Ku tabbata cewa kungiyoyin ƙauyuka da madauki kuma sanya sunayen sunaye a babban gefen madauki.] Which villages speak exactly the same? • Wadanne ƙauyuka suna yin magana daidai da juna? [Mark villages that speak same by letter “S”.] • [Yi makin kauyuka da ke magana iri daya da wata alama “S”.] Which villages do not speak exactly the same? Wadanne kauyuka ne suna fada abu daidai da juna? [If they name a group, tell them to write the name on a piece of paper and place it based on location. Then ask for the names of the villages of the group to be written on paper and placed based on their locations. This should be done for each group and remember to prompt for the names that we have. Circle villages of each group with a different-colored loop, with their names at the top edge of their separate loops.] • [Idan suna kiran wata kungiya ko kauye, gaya musu su rubuta sunan a kan wani takarda su kuma sanya shi bias bangaren da ya kamata, sa'an nan kuma ka umarci ƙauyuka su kasance a rubuce a takarda ka kuma sanya tushe a wuraren da ya kamata. Kowane rukuni kuma ku tuna don fadakar da sunayen da muke da shi. Kungiyoyin kauyuka na kowane rukuni tare da launi mai launi dabam dabam, tare da sunaye a saman gefen ƙananan madaukai.] Do you learn to speak each other’s dialects? • Kuna koyon yin magana da yarukan juna? [Write: “We learn to speak each other’s language” or “We don’t learn to speak each other’s language” for each paper.] • [Rubuta: “Muna koyi yin yaren juna .” ko “Ba mu koyi yin yaren juna” na kowane takarda.] 33

Which dialect (including your own) do you understand 1st best? 2nd best? 3rd best? etc. [Have them place 1st choice, 2nd choice, etc. on the villages or dialect groups.] • Wadanne yare (har da naku) kukan fahimce shi 1st mafi kyau? 2nd mafi kyau? 3rd mafi kyau? da dai sauransu • [Bar su su aje zaben 1st, zaben 2nd da sauran su a kan kauye ko yare.]

A.4 Dialect relationships / Dangantakan yaruruka

[Pointing to the 1st best, ask:] Do you understand this dialect completely, most or almost all, half, little, or none? [Place a reference card out listing the options: All, Most, Half, Little, or Non-smiley face marker(s) by the first best. Repeat for second best, third best, etc.] • [Mika hanu akan 1st mafi kyau, sai ka tambaya:] • Kuna fahimtar wannan yare gaba daya, mafi yawa ko kusan dukka, rabi, kadan, ko a'a? • [Saka “makwuli” a wurin, sa'an nan kuma sanya Duk, Mafi, Rabi, Ƙanana, ko Babu alamar. Fuskance mai haske a cikin 1st mafi kyau. Maimaita don 2nd mafi kyau, 3rd mafi kyau, da dai sauransu.] [Pointing to the first best, ask:] When you meet people from this dialect group, how do you speak to them? [++ we speak our own dialect, and they speak our dialect too, OR they speak their dialect, and we speak our dialect. – – we speak another language, and they speak another language. Place the reference card out, then place ++, or – – by the 1st best. Repeat for 2nd best, 3rd best, etc.] • [Mika hanu akan 1st mafi kyau, tambayi:] • Idan kun sadu da mutane daga wannan rukunin harshe, ta yaya kuke magana da su? • [++ muna magana da yaren mu kuma suna magana da yaren mu, KO suna magana da yarensu kuma muna magana da namu - muna magana da wani harshe kuma suna magana da wani harshe. Sanya “makuli”, sannan sanya ++ , ko - ta hanyar 1st mafi kyau. Maimaita don 2nd mafi kyau, 3rd mafi kyau, da dai sauransu.] What other language groups live around you? [Have them write the names of the languages and place them outside the loop, based on their geographical locations.] • Wadanne kungiyoyin Harsuna ne suke zaune kewaye da ku? • [Bari su rubuta sunayen harsunan kuma sanya su a waje da madauki, bisa ga wuraren su.] Which of the neighboring languages do you understand? [Have them write we speak or do not speak each other’s languages.] • Wanne daga cikin harsunan da ke kusa da ku kuna fahimta? • [Bari su rubuta mu magana ko ba magana da harsunan juna.] How well do you understand the neighboring language(s)? [Have them write on each either (a) little, (b) some, (c) well, or (d) very well.] • Yaya kuke fahimci harshen makwabcinku? • [Bari su rubuta kowanne ko dai (a) kadan, (b) wasu, (c) da kyau, ko (d) sosai.] [Take photos of these and make SURE you can read the words in the photos.] • [Ɗauki hotunan wadannan ka kuma tabbatar za ka iya karanta kalmomi na hotuna.] If a film or book is going to be produced in your language, in which dialect would you prefer it to be? [Point to the dialect and write answers here.] • Idan fim ko littafi za a samar a cikin harshen ku, wane yarre za ku fi son shi a cikin? • [Nuna waƙa da rubuta amsoshin a nan.] 34

Which dialect should be used as the one for writing, recording, so that you will understand it well? [Have them point.] • Wadanne yare ya kamata a yi amfani dashi a matsayin rubutaccen rubutu, rikodi, don ku fahimta da kyau? • [Bari su nuna.] 1st choice – Why? • Zabin na Farko – Me yasa? 2nd choice – Why? • Zabi na biyu – Me yasa? 3rd choice – Why? • Zabi na Uku – Me yasa? [Write observations. (See first page for suggested observations.)] • [Rubuta abin Lura. (Duba shafin farko don shawarwarin akan abin da zaka yi Lura akai.)]

A.5 Contact and prestige / Hulda da daraja

Which city town/city/village do your people consider as important for all of you? Why? • Wane birni gari / garin / kauye ne mutanenku suke ganin muhimmancin ku duka? Me yasa? What dialect is spoken in that town/city/village? • Wane harshe ake magana a wannan gari / birni / kauye? Where do all speakers of your language gather for your cultural festival? • A ina ne duk masu magana da harshenku sukan taru don bikin al'adun ku? Why do you gather there? • Me yasa kuke taruwa a can? Where is the palace of your paramount ruler located? • Ina masallacin mai mulkinku ya kasance? Tell me other places where your people are located? • Fada mini wadansu wurare inda ake samun mutanenku

A.6 Bilingualism / Domains of language use / Yanki na amfani da harshe

What languages can the (persons below) in this village speak? • Wadanne harsuna ne (a ƙasa) a wannan ƙauyen ke magana da su/ita? Can they speak each language very well? • Za su iya magana da kowane harshe sosai? Which language do you hear them speaking most of the time? • Wane harshe kukan ji su suna magana mafi yawan lokaci? [(mark with +), or only a bit ko kawai da (mark with -)?] • [(yi alama tare da +) ko (yi alama tare da +)?] Old men – Old women • Tsohon maza – Sofofi mata Men – Women • Maza – Mata 35

Young men – Young women • Samarai – Matashi Children • Yara Tell me the languages people speak in this community. • Ka gaya mini harsunan da mutane suna yi a cikin wannan al'umma. What language(s) are usedː • Wane harshe ko harsuna ake amfani da su: (a) in markets that are in this community? • a kasuwanni da ke cikin wannan al'umma? (b) in schools that are in this community? • a makarantu da suke cikin wannan al'umma? (c) in churches that are in this community? • cikin majami'u da suke cikin wannan al'umma (d) among friends/age-mates? • tsakanin abokai / masu aure? (e) between grandchildren and grandparents? • tsakanin jikoki da kakanninsu (f) between brothers and sisters? • tsakanin 'yan'uwa maza da mata? (g) at the farm? • a gona? (h) for prayer at home? • don addu'a a gida? What language(s) do teachers use for instruction in school? • Menene harshe (ko harsuna) da malamai suke amfani da su a makaranta? Which languages do you use during your cultural festivals? • Wadanne harsuna kuke amfani da su a lokacin bukukuwa naku? Which of these groups speak own language the best? (a) children, (b) youth, (c) adult men, (d) adult women • Wanne daga cikin wadannan kungiyoyi suna magana da harshe mafi kyau? (a) yara, (b) matasa, (c) tsofaffi maza, (d) mata masu girma Which of these groups speak Hausa the best? (a) children, (b) youth, (c) adult men, (d) adult women • Wanne daga cikin wadannan kungiyoyi suna Magana da Hausa mafi kyau? (a) yara (b) matasa (c) tsofaffi maza (d) mata masu girma Which of these groups speak English the best? (a) children, (b) youth, (c) adult men, (d) adult women • Wanne daga cikin wadannan kungiyoyi suna magana daTuranci mafi kyau? (a) yara, (b) matasa, (c) tsofaffi maza, (d) mata masu girma Which of these groups speak any neighboring language the best? (a) children, (b) youth, (c) adult men, (d) adult women • Wanne daga cikin wadannan kungiyoyi suna magana da kyau a kowane harshe kusa da ku? (a) yara, (b) matasa, (c) tsofaffi maza, (d) mata masu girma Which of your neighboring languages do you understand? • Wanda harshe makwabta ne ku ke ganewa? 36

How well do you understand the languages? (a) little, (b) some, (c) well, (d) very well • Yaya iya ganewan ku na harsosin nan? (a) kadan, (b) da dan dama, (c) da dama, (d) sosai When you meet people from neighboring language groups, what language(s) do you speak with them? • Idan kun sadu da mutane daga kungiyoyin Harsuna wanda suke zaune kewaye da ku, wane harshe kuke Magana da su?

A.7 Vitality/Muhimmanci

What language(s) do parents/care givers speak to their children in this community? • Wane harshe ne iyaye suna magana da 'ya'yansu a cikin wannan al'umma? What language(s) do children in this community speak when they are playing? • Menene harshe (ko harsuna) da yara suke yi a lokacin da suke wasa? What language(s) do husbands and wives speak at home? • Menene harshe (ko harsuna) da maza da mata suke yin magana a gida da shi? Which language(s) is/are mostly used everywhere in this community? • Wanne harshe (ko hasuna) ne / ake amfani dashi mafi yawa a cikin wannan al'umma?

A.8 Attitudes towards speakers of neighboring languages / Halin da ake nuna ga masu magana da harsuna makwabta

Which of your neighboring community do your women and men prefer to marry from or into? Why? • Wanne daga cikin ƙauyukan da ke kusa da ku ke yi matanku da maza sun fi so su auri daga ko cikin? Me ya sa? Which language groups do your people feel reluctant to marry from or into? Why? • Wace harshe ne mutanen ku sukan jin kiwiyar yin aure dasu? Me ya sa? Which language groups attend your markets? • Wace kungiyoyi harshe ne suke zuwa cin kasuwa da ku? Which language groups would you not welcome at your markets? • Wace kungiyoyin harshe ne ba ku da marmarin cin kasuwa da su? Which language groups would you not farm with? • Wace kungiyoyin harshe ba za ku je gona da su ba? Which language groups do you attend church service with? • Wace kungiyoyin harshe ne kuke shida majelisa tare? Which language group’s children do your children go to the same school with? • Wace kungiyoyin harshe ne yaran su suke tafiyan makaranta daya da yaran ku?

A.9 Literature and literacy / Litattafai da rubuce-rubuce

What reading materials do you have in this community? • Wadanne kayayakin karatu ne kuke da su a cikin wannan al'umma? In which language(s) are the materials written? • An Rubuto Wadanan kayan karatun a wadane harshe ko harsuna ne? 37

Who of these can read and write? • Wanene daga cikinsu zai iya karatu da rubutu? Old men – Old women • Tsohon maza –Sofofi mata Men – Women • Maza – Mata Young men – Young women • Samarai – Matashi Children • Yara • In which language(s)? • A wanne harshe (ko harsuna)? How well? (in each language) [Chooseː (a) not at all, (b) a little, (c) some, (d) well.] • Ta yaya? (a cikin kowane harshe) [Zabi Iraki (a) ba komai ba, (b) kadan, (c) wasu), (d) da kyau] What kind of information/reading materials do they read? • Wani irin littattafai ne sukan karanta? What language do they use for texting? • Wane harshe ne suke amfani dasu don saƙo na wayar salula?

A.11 Estimated populations / An kiyasta yawancin

What is the number of all your people in the last national headcount? • Menene kimanin dukan mutanenku a cikin kidaya na kasa wanda aka yi a kwanakin baya? Based on the number of people in your community for the last election, what would you say is the total number of your people now? • Bisa ga yawan mutanen da ke cikin al'umman ku don zabe na kwanakin baya, me za ku ce shi ne yawan mutanen ku a yanzu? Estimated percentage of Muslims: • A kimanta kashi dari na Musulmai: Estimated percentage of Christians: • A kimanta kashi dari na Kiristoci: Estimated percentage of African Traditional Religion (ATR): • An kimanta kashi dari na ATR:

A.12 Community-perceived roles of vernacular Scriptures in their lives / Yadda al'umma suke ganin amfanin nassosin harshensu a rayuwarsu

Which category of people do you think will benefit the most if Scriptures were translated into your language? • Su wanda mutanene za su fi riba I dan aka juye littafi mai tsaki cikin yaren ku? How do you think they will benefit from the translated Scriptures? • Yaya kuke gani za su yi riba da ga juyeyen littafi mai tsarkin? When do you think they will use those Scriptures? • Yaushe kuke ganin za su fara amfani da littafin? 38

A.13 Project support / Tallafin ginin

What are the names of your important persons who can be invited to discuss how your community can access Scriptures? • Menene sunayen mutanenku masu muhimmanci wadanda za a iya gayyace su domin tattauna yadda za ku iya samun damar samun Nassosi? (a) What are their phone numbers or email addresses? • Menene lambobin waya ko adiresoshin imel nasu? (b) In which city/town/village do they live? • Wane birni / garin / kauye suke da zama? Which churches can be invited in the Scriptures access discussion? • Wace majami'u za a iya gayyace su a cikin shirin samun Nassosi a harshen ku? (a) What are the names and phone numbers of their leaders? • Menene sunayen da lambobin waya na shugabannin ku? (b) In which city/town/village do they live? • Wace birni / garin / kauye suke da zama? What organizations can be invited for the discussion? • Wadane kugiyoyi ne zaku iya gayyatar don tattaunawa a kai? (a) What are the names and phone numbers or email addresses of their leaders? • Menene sunayen da lambobin waya ko adiresoshin imel na shugabanninsu? (b) In which city/town/village are they located? • Wane birni / garin / kauye ne suke da zama? Appendix B: Church Leader Questionnaire

Hausa translation is in italics.

Village ______Language ______State ______LGA ______Church name ______Church denomination ______Language assistant ______Position ______Researcher ______Date ______

B.1 Percentage of Christians, Muslims, and ATRs in the area

What percentage of the population in the area is Christian? • Menene yawan mutanen da suke Krista a yankin nan? What percentage of the population in the area is Muslim? • Menene yawan mutanen da suke musulmi a yankin nan? What percentage of the population in the area is ATR? • Wani kashi na yawan jama'a ne na safi a yankin nan?

B.2 Language(s) in which church leaders are interested in having the Bible

In which language(s) do you as a priest/pastor speak with members of your congregation in the community? • Wace harshe kake yi a matsayin firist / fasto yayi magana da mambobi na ikilisiyarku a cikin al'umma? Which language(s) do you use for most activities in the church? • Wanne harshe/harshuna kuke amfani da shi don yawancin ayyuka a coci? In which language(s) do you read the Bible and other materials? • A wadanne harshe/harshuna kuke karanta Littafi Mai-Tsarki da wasu litatafe ciki? In which language(s) do you think is best to read the Bible and other materials? • Wanne harshe/harshuna kake tsammani mafi kyau a karanta Littafi Mai-Tsarki da wasu litatafe ciki? Why do you think this language(s) is the best? • Me yasa kake tsammanin wannan harshe/harshuna shine/sune mafi kyau?

B.3 Language use for other Church activities

What languages are used in the church for preaching? • Wadanne harsuna ana amfani dasu a coci don wa'azi? What languages are used for: • wadanne harsuna ana amfani dasu a: Bible reading? Hymns / Songs? • Karatun Littafi Mai Tsarki? Waƙoƙi? Prayer? Announcements? • Addu'a? Sanarwe? Youth services? Women’s fellowship? • Ayyukan matasa? Zumuntan mata?

39 40

Bible studies? Other church activities? • Nazarin Littafi Mai Tsarki? Wasu ayyukan coci?

B.4 Potential project support

What are the names of your important persons who can be invited to discuss how your community can access Scriptures? • Menene sunayen mutanenku masu muhimmanci wadanda za a iya gayyace su don tattauna yadda za ku iya samun damar Nassosi? What are their phone numbers or email addresses? • Menene lambobin wayan su adiresoshin imel? In which city/town/village do they live? • Wace birni / garin / kauye suke zaune? Which churches can be invited in the Scripture access discussion? • Wace majami'un za a iya gayyatan su domin tattaunawa na samun Littafi? What are their names and phone numbers of their leaders? • Menene sunayensu da lambobin wayan shugabanninsu? What organization can be invited for the discussion? • Wadanne ƙungiyoyi za a iya gayyata don tattaunawa? What are the names and phone numbers or email addresses of their leaders? • Menene sunayen da lambobin waya ko adiresoshin imel na shugabanninsu? In which city/town/village do they live? • Wace birni / garin / kauye suke zaune? Appendix C: School Teacher Questionnaire

School ______Language area ______State ______LGA ______Interviewee/Position ______Others present ______Researcher ______Date ______

C.1 School staff

Headmaster’s name ______Number of teachers ______What languages do teachers use outside of school? • with their families: • with other teachers: • with village adults:

C.2 Size and attendance

How many children attend this school? How many children in this area are school-aged? From which villages do your students come? From which language groups do your students come?

C.3 Language use and attitudes

What languages are used in class for teaching? In what language(s) are the textbooks written? What language(s) do the children use on the playground among themselves? • (Confirm this by observation if possible as there may be an “official” answer.) What happens if the children use the local language? If a child asks you a question about a school subject away from school grounds, in what language do you respond to him? In what language do you prefer to teach? If you had a chance to teach in the local language, would you do so? Why?

41 Appendix D: Sample Observation Schedule

Community Young Young Elderly Elderly Children Outsiders observations males females males females Children Young males Young females Elderly males Elderly females Outsiders

Marketplace Young Young Elderly Elderly Children Outsiders observations males females males females Children Young males Young females Elderly males Elderly females Outsiders

School Teacher Student Teacher Student

42 Appendix E: Wordlist

The SIL Nigeria standard 348-item wordlist is designed after the wordlists used by: Blench (for example, 2006), who has done extensive historical comparative work on Nigerian languages; the wordlists used by Dettweiler and Dettweiler (for example, 2002); former SIL Nigeria surveyors; and earlier SIL Nigeria surveys (for example, Hon et al. 2018). The transcriptions are preliminary since there was no in-depth analysis of tones or other phonological or phonetic features. In the wordlists, all entries represent phonetic transcriptions although the items are not put between square brackets. Some vowels are transcribed with the IPA symbol for vowel lengthening [ː]. By using this convention, however, we are not implying to have analyzed phonemic lengthening. It appears that there is extensive labialization and palatalization (see section 6.2 below). We have transcribed these consonants with a raised [w] or [j]. However, we are not claiming to have decided that these are phonemic features; these may be separate approximant phonemes. A few decisions were made as to words that are compared in the following list: • An asterisk (*) in the number (#) column indicates that the word was not included in the final comparison. • Items 64, 117, 118, and 247 to 259 were excluded because it appears that the words simply repeat the comparison of another word or there were no words with which to compare. • None of the plural/3rd person forms were compared. (See plurals in Appendix F.)

Dukli Village Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi Bauchi Language Name Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim Bijim Tiyaa Tafawa Tafawa Tafawa LGA Pankshin Pankshin Bogoro Balewa Balewa Balewa State Plateau Plateau Bauchi Bauchi Bauchi Bauchi Language helpera P, G, P, G DY YA MI TE WD Age 30 and above 50 35 50 30 90 Sex M M M M M M Reliability: 1st 1st 1st 1st 1st 1st Julius Julius Luther Julius Elicited by: Luther Hon Julius Dabet Dabet Dabet Hon Dabet 5 October 24 April 24 April 17 July 9 April Date 7 July 2020 2019 2019 2019 2019 2019 a We wish to acknowledge and thank the individuals who willingly gave of their time and knowledge to help us to collect these wordlists.

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Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) 1 broom tɛʃ ʃáʃ ʃeʃ teʃ ʃáʃ kʲēs 2 mortar ɗúk ɗúk ɑdùk ɑdùk ɗúk kūdūk ɑfɑn mɑ ɑfɑn mɑ 3 pestle ɾù ɾù ɾūː mʷadí dùk dùk 4 rope váːr váːr uvɑr uvɑr vár var 5 basket kíʃak riʃák riʃɑk bɑ̀ndɑr bándar bàndār 6 clothing ʤīʤī lùŋ ɑluŋ ɑluŋ álùŋ kìrbít 7 road/path ʃù ʃù ʃùː ʃùː ʃù ɡōrʃì 8 pit ɓɔ́rúŋ wɔ̀ŋ boroŋ boroŋ wūŋ kuŋ 9 house/hut lɔk lɔk lók lók lɔk lók 10 room káaʃì káaʃì kɑʃi kɑʃi káʃì kìʃí 11 door ʃù ʃù nuŋʃù nuŋʃù: núnkárē kārkìʃí 12 chair/stool árámāɗala pwá ɑwudelɑ ʤìː ámīɗ ā àrádáː 13 salt màɡzì màŋzì mɑŋzi mɑŋzi màŋzì maŋʃì 14 tree ɗánɡolmáɡoːnī ɡònè ɡònì ɡònì ɡōnè kòni 15 leaf fwàŋ fwàŋ fɑŋ fɑŋ fʷàŋ àfàŋ 16 bark púr púr pur pur pūr kūfú 17 branch lāŋɡá lā lɑ̀nɡɑ̀ ɑlɑ̌i lājā kīrʲáŋ 18 root álɨŋ lɨŋ leŋ leŋ lʲə̄ŋ ɡɨllɨŋ 19 medicine ⁿɡàl ɡāl nɡɑ̀l nɡɑ̀l ⁿɡāl ɡài 20 thorn ɾʲák ɾʲák rʲɑk rʲɑk ɾʲák rʲàk ɡōnī- 21 firewood méɾuá ɡōnī ɡoni ɡoni koni míwā shea butter 22 ʃòlì rīk rik rik rīīk rìk tree 23 mahogany kʷɔ́k kɔ́k kok kok kɔ́k kōk 24 farm (field) ɗɘn ɗɘn dʲen dʲen ábúk dìn 25 bush ɗʒɘ̄ɘn ɗʒɘ̄ɘn ʒen ʒen kìʤén pōk 26 grass lɔɾōm lɔɾōm lorom lorom lɔɾɔ̄m lùrùm 27 forest ʤīɾī nʤìɾī ʒiriː búk nʤìɾī āwūʒì zʷɑŋ / zʷɑŋ / 28 seed ɓíkət ʃɛ̄l ɓát bìrkīt bèrkèt bèrkèt 29 groundnut bʲā bì ɑbi ɑbi ábì abi ɑbi vʷɑrɑt ɑbi vʷɑrɑt 30 bambara nut kēlēlē kɛ̄lɛ́ ákélé ābìt ʃàndám ɑbi kele ɑbi kele 31 guinea corn kʷɔŋ jɔ̄m yom yom pɔ̄n jōm 32 millet mùs ɡálī ɡálī jōm tūkʷás 45

Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) millet 33 (another ɡálī mùs mʷos mʷos mùs ɡàlíkàl kind) 34 yam ɡùrtá ɡùrtá ɑ̀ɡurta ɑ̀ɡurta áɡùrtá pōlōk 35 bean dʲák dʲák ɗ ʲɑk ɗ ʲɑk dʲák dɨk locust bean 36 ɡúʃúr kùkwáp ɲini ɲini rə̄n rʲen tree 37 zobo leaf fūlé fíː ɑfulori ɑfulori flórī fúlórí 38 okra lábwát lábwát lɑbʷɑt lɑbʷɑt lábʷát làbàt 39 meat nàm nàm nɑm nɑm nàm nàm 40 fat bʲɛp bʲɛp (ɑ)bep (ɑ)bep bép dìbʲāp 41 egg ʃíbī ʃebi ɑʃibi ɑʃibi aʃìbi ʃibi nɡori/ nɡori/ 42 tuwo / fu-fu zánɡá zánɡá zánɡá bɨr zɑŋɡɑ zɑŋɡɑ 43 soup lē lē le le lē lʲeː 44 flower ⁿbúr nbúrì bur bur ᵐbúr bùri sumɑ mɑ sumɑ mɑ sūmā- 45 fruit sūmāma sūmā dùɡùr ɡoni ɡoni míɡoni ɡʷapī- 46 hair ⁿɡwápīː ɡʷabī ɡopi ɡopi tùkóbí míʃū 47 head ʃù ʃù ʃuː ʃuː ʃù ʃíː 48 forehead ⁿɡʲan nʤán ʤinʤɑn ʤinʤɑn ʤín-ʤán nɡʲěn 49 ear tʷɔ tɔ ɑto ɑto kìto kùtúk 50 mouth nuŋ nuŋ núŋ núŋ nuŋ nūŋ 51 tooth ɲɨn ɲən ɑɲin ɑɲin ɲin kìnūŋ 52 tongue lʲàm lʲàm lem lem lēm tilɨm 53 chin ᵐbɔŋ bɔŋ ɑpoŋ ɑpoŋ ⁿʤēn ɡwàráŋ ɡwápi- 54 beard ʤèn ʤèn ɗʒèn ɗʒèn nʒèn máʤēn 55 nose tɔ̀n tɔ̀n ton ton tôn tǒːn 56 eye tìʃ tìʃ ɑʃɑ ɑʃɑ áʃí jīs 57 neck pàsí pàsí pɑrʃi pɑrʃi pàsí ɡʲèr 58 shoulder zak kwàlàk kʷɑlɑk kʷɑlɑk kwàlàk pāmbàl 59 back báɾi báɾi bɑ̀ri bɑ̀ri abārī dibari 60 knee ruŋ ruŋ kùrùŋ kùrùŋ ruŋ kūrūŋ 61 leg bɔl bɔl bʷɑl bʷɑl ɓōl kūbōl káʃīmā- 62 foot bapárák ɓámʃál bʷɑl bʷɑl tibari ɓōl 63 thigh sʲəŋ ták tɑk tɑk tɑk tīták *64 hand kwak kwak kʷɑk kʷɑk kʷɑk kʷák 46

Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) 65 arm pʲám pʲám pʲɑm pʲɑm pʲɑm pʲam 66 finger ndʲáŋ ndʲáŋ ʃɑn ʃɑn ʃɑn fʷaŋkʷák 67 skin kwā kwā kʷɑ kʷɑ kʷáː láp 68 bone kup kup kup kup kup ūkūp 69 breast ʤɛr nʤer nʤer nʤɑ̀r ⁿʤə̄r ʤār 70 belly tɛ̀lī tɛ̀lī teli teli teli teli 71 stomach káʃímátētī tɛ̀lī bʷɑʃɑk bʷɑʃɑk áteli dūɡòzok 72 navel kʷōm kɔ̄m tukom tukom tukɔ́m tukóm 73 intestines ɲáʃímá tɛ̀lī ɲáʃímá tɛ̀lī ɑteli ɑteli teli àwūtel 74 heart ɗɔ ɗɔ ɑdur sur áɗ ɔ̄ kàrkudoː 75 liver fūfúk sur ɑdo ɑdom áɗ ɔ̄ āwútùdoː 76 body ndùs ndùs dùʃ dùʃ ndús ndūs 77 blood ⁿɡīː ʤi ʤi ʤi nʤi ɡɨː 78 saliva māː māː mɑː mɑː mɑ mʲak 79 sweat lɛ̄pɛ̄na lɛ̄pɛ̄na ɑlipʲen ɑlipʲen alēpēnā ārápʲá 80 teardrop dìʃīl dìʃīl dìʃin dìʃin ándiʃīl aɡisɨŋ átīʃoᵘ 81 cough pwárám pwárám kʷɑrɑm kʷɑrɑm kʷàlák (Hausa) 82 pain kwáná kwáná kʷɑnɑ kʷɑnɑ kwɑnɑ kùlúr 83 corpse pūn pūn ɑpun ɑpun pun tùpun 84 grave árákún árákún ɑrɑkuŋ ɑrɑkuŋ ɑrɑkuŋ àrūkūn 85 woman ji ji ji ji jēː jìː 86 man mòrɔ̀m mɔ́róm morom morom mɔ̄rōm mōrōm [L1____] 87 káɗūn vʷɑɣɑt vʷɑɣɑt bídzím ajaː language [L1____] súm- 88 súm lʲám sumbɑ sumbɑ súmâːjāː person bídzím 89 person sum sum sum sum sum súm 90 father dīmɔr ʃɛ̄ɾí dɑ̀ dɑ̀ dɑ̀ d�̀ 91 mother nímɔ̄r ájīː ɑnɑ ɑnɑ ɑnɑ nàk 92 child fàn fàn fɑn fɑn fɑn fan 93 old person dīmɔr ákáː iʃeri iʃeri íjīːʃērī kàʃeri 94 chief ɾú ɾú ru ru rūː rúː 95 blacksmith múlán múlán jɑlɑɣɑn jɑlɑɣɑn jɑlɑŋɑn múkɨlāɣán 96 friend mar mar mɑr mɑr mǎr māk 97 stranger sʲən sɛ̄n ʃen ʃen ʃēn ʃēnì 98 God vì vì vìmator vìmator vīːmátɔ̄r vitoːr 99 name sàk sàk zɑ̀k zɑ̀k zɑ́k tìsák 47

Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) 100 animal pé pʲɛ̄ nɑmɑpuk pʲe pí ānām 101 dog fu fūː fuː fuː fūː fūː 102 goat fɔ̀l fɔ̀l fol fol fol fʷāl 103 cow jīmīkalá jīmīkalá kɑlɑ kɑlɑ kɑlɑ kàláː 104 sheep sàk sàk ʧɑk ʧɑk ʧɑk ʧàk 105 chicken nákūrí nákūrí nʷɑkri nʷɑkri núᵃrī nàkúrí 106 guinea fowl ʃɛ̀k ʃɛ̀k ʃek ʃek ʃɛ̄ːk kʷalkát 107 bird ɲən ɲən ɑɲen ɑɲen aɲén mʷeːn 108 horn wur̄ wur̄ wur wur awur ɡùɡʷat 109 tail ʃʷɔl ʃɔl ʃol ʃol ʃol ʃʷāl ávōl 110 claw vɔ̄ɡɔ̄l vɔ̄ɡɔ̄l ʃen ʃen tiʃén maaɲēn 111 wing kwaŋ̀ɡa kwaŋ̀ɡa kʷɑnɡɑ kʷɑnɡɑ akʷɑnɡɑ ɡùɡʷàŋá ɡʷɑpi 112 feather ɡwáːpi má ɲə́n zūɡūná ɡʷɑpi ɡʷɑpi tùkúbí maːɲēn 113 snake ʤʲà ʤàː nʒɑ nʒɑ ʤɑ̌ wùvīː 114 tortoise nánɡoli kánɡúr kɑŋɡùr kɑŋɡùr kɑŋɡùr kúrrì

115 agama lizard nánɡwɔ̀l nánɡwɔ̀l nɑnɡol nɑnɡol nɑnɡol bàlí

116 crocodile ɡɔ̄ːrɔ́k ɑɡorok ɑɡorok ɑɡorok ɡùrʲák crocodile, *117 ɡɔ̄ːrɔ́k ɑɡorok 2nd crocodile, *118 ɡɔ̄ːrɔ́k ɑɡorok 3rd 119 fish ɡwaʃì ɡeʃi ɡeʃi ʤēʃi ɡʲèʃí 120 toad bwáptīː bwáptīː bopʧi bopʧi bʷápʧī nabʷopāʃì 121 rat bí bí bʲi bʲi bǐ biː 122 bush pig ɾīʃī ɾīʃī kāŋʃí 123 red monkey jārām jārām jaram jaram jaram jèrēm 124 buffalo ɡʲɔ̄ŋ doŋ ʃɑŋ jánɡēlēp bùʃak 125 elephant lèbáŋ tokʃi tɑm ɡ�̀tɨr�̀k 126 hyena ⁿɲáŋwá ɲàwī ɲáwī 127 fly ʃi ʃi ʃiː ʃiː ʃīī ʃíː louse (head 128 ɗanì ɗanì dɑɲi dɑɲi áɗáni dènʤíː louse) 129 spider nàkaram nàkaram kɑrɑ̀m kɑrɑ̀m kɑrɑ̀m kɨkàràm 130 mosquito wɛ̄ː wɛ̄ː we we wéː jōː 131 honeybee sɔ̀k sɔ̀k sok sok ʃok sōk 132 scorpion náː náː nna nna na nēː 133 fire ruwa rwa rʷɑ kʷɑ wɑ rʷa 48

Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) 134 smoke nʤɛk nʤɪ́k nʤik nʤik ⁿʤik ʤik 135 ashes ⁿdúrī ndore nduri nduri ⁿduri durí 136 stick kwāp kwāp kʷɑp kʷɑp kʷɑp k͡pʷap 137 stone tár tár tɑ́r pʷɑ tár tìtar 138 mountain árámátǔᵃ tūtūrā ʃiʃ ɑkʷuʃ ɑkuʃ ɡènāk 139 up tɔ̄r kobɑ tura tór tǒːr 140 down ndā ndā dɑ ɡiʃ ⁿdájál ndàː 141 sky wɔ̄ːrá tūr tor tor tor tǒːk earth, 142 ndaɣal ndaɡal dɑ̀ɣɑl dɑ̀ɣɑl ndájál ndàr ground 143 mud ndámbárák ndámbárák dabʷɑrɑk bʲetɑr ᵐbʲátɑr lāsbār 144 clay jɛ́m jɛ́m ɑɡʲem ɑɡʲem á íᵉm ʧídīm 145 sand sè sè seː seː sē ɲaːs 146 dust ᵐbūrūŋ būrūŋ buruŋ buruŋ ᵐburum ɡùtūtū 147 iron ʃèm ʃèm ʃem ʃem ʃěm ʃēmī 148 money ʃèm ʃèm ʃem ʃem ʃěm pʲēr 149 wind wùː wùː nwú nwú wú wuː 150 cloud wɔ́r wɔ́r ɑwura ɑwura lábūrī wōr 151 rain korok kɔ́rɔ̄k korok korok kɔ̄rɔ̄k kùrók 152 rainy season kos kɔ̀s toɣos toɣos tūkōs tukos 153 dry season kàr kàr kɑr kɑr kɑr kar 154 dew mɘ mɘ mʲé mʲé me᷈ me 155 stream fwāndárá fwāndárá dʷɑrɑ dʷɑrɑ hʷándará kùbór 156 river ndwārá ndwārá dʷɑrɑ dʷɑrɑ ⁿdúᵃrā kùbór 157 bridge kùtár kùtár kūtár ārāɲèrá 158 water min mɨn min min min mìn

ⁿduárā 159 lake mɨn kúr dem ɑdum ɗ ʲén

160 moon pe pe pʲeː pʲeː pé pʲè 161 star mār mār mɑr mɑr mɑ̄r màr 162 sun vìː vīː viː viː vī vīː 163 year jèː jèː je je jé jēː 164 morning nás ʃíʤìː ɑʃiʒì ɑʃiʒì ɑʃiʤī kānīs 165 afternoon vīː dɔ́ɡɔ́vīː nɑviː nɑviː ɑvi vīː 166 evening kúréːn rʲɘ́n ɑ́rʲɑɣɑ̀nɑ ɑ́rʲɑɣɑ̀nɑ ɑ́rʲɑnā kīrʲàɣān 167 night bībī bībī bibi bibi ábībī bìbí 168 yesterday bēlēn nbɛ̄lʲāŋ beleŋ nʤida ⁿʤida míní 49

Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) 169 tomorrow ʃálá nās ɑnɑs ɑnɑs nɑs nās 170 ax járāk járāk jɑrɑk jɑrɑk jāːrɑk jàrāk 171 hoe ⁿɡápák zɘ̄ptī ɑkʷɑɣɑí ɑkʷɑɣɑí kwɑɡɑjí āwūɡùra 172 and nî nā nɑ nɑ nā dì 173 bow tā tā ɑtɑ ɑtɑ tá kàtá 174 arrow bē bē bʲé bʲé ɓé bē 175 quiver ɡwāŋ ɡwāŋ ɡʷɑŋ ɡʷɑŋ ɡʷɑŋ aɡʷaŋ 176 spear fɔ̄ɡ mīʃ fòk fòk fɔ̀k mīs 177 canoe púr ámīn púr ámīn āwūtùràmīn 178 war róm róm ɲrom ɲrom rōm rōm 179 work tɔ̄m tɔ̄m tom tom tōm àwūʃā 180 hunger kɔm kɔm ɑkom ɑkom kōm dāmā 181 one ɡàt ɡàt ɡɑ̀t ɡɑ̀t ɡɑ̄t ɡāt 182 two bā bā bɑː bɑː bɑ́ bā 183 three tát tát tɑ́t tɑ́t tɑ́t tàt 184 four nás nás nɑs nɑs nɑ̄s nās 185 five pɔ̄n dón tóːn tóːn tōːn kʷèn 186 six ʃán ʤán ʃɑn ʃɑn ʃɑ́n ʃàn 187 seven tárbā tárbā tɑrba tɑrba tárba tàrbā 188 eight nánás nánás nɑnɑs nɑnɑs nɑ́nɑ́s nānās 189 nine twánás twánás kʷɑnɑs kʷɑnɑs kwáːnɑs kʷānās 190 ten wɔrì wɔrì wori wori wóːri wōrē wóːri 191 twelve ɲábá ɲábá wori ɲɑrbɑ wori ɲɑrbɑ wàɲēr bā ɲábā wori ɲɑr wori ɲɑr wóːri- wànjēr 192 fifteen wɔ́ɲipɔ̄n wɔ̀riɲádón toːn toːn ɲátón kʷèn wóːri- 193 twenty wɔ̄rkábā wɔ̄rkábā workɑbɑ workɑbɑ wàr kɨbá kábā wórka- 194 hundred wɔrkāwɔ̄rī lokɡɑ̀t lokɡɑ̀t kʷa ɡet wóːri 195 who? jábā jábā jɑbɑ jɑbɑ yábā naɲa 196 what? jámbá àjámbá jɑmbɑ jɑmbɑ jɑmbɑ jaɲa náskī- 197 when? námajámbá náskījábā ɑnɑ̀skijɑbɑ́ ɑnɑ̀skijɑbɑ́ nàskʲena jaaba 198 how? ʤīɓá ʃìbā ʃeba ʃeba ʃìbá kàʧeː 199 where? pʲɛ̀bā pʲɛ̀bā bɑ bɑ íːpā pʲenipa 200 here árándī támbī piː piː tápī tībī 201 there jáŋ jáŋbá ʤenɑ ʤenɑ tambā taŋ 50

Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) 202 this ⁿdiː áwáɾī ndiː ndiː ndīː màrì 203 that mbáː jāŋ mɑnʤɑnbɑ mɑnʤɑnbɑ ᵐbá màpàn 204 white kāl kāl kɑl kɑl kɑl kāli 205 black ʃīrī ʃīrī ʃiri ʃiri ʃiri ʃírì 206 red bɛ́ bɛ́ bʲeː bʲeː bé béli 207 long kōɓaː kɔ̄p kopbɑ̀ kopbɑ̀ kop kōkōp 208 short ámū dārā dārā dɑːrɑː dɑri ᵐbwát dàrídārí 209 old ʃēri ʃēri nʃeri nʃeri ǐʃeri kāʃeri 210 new pāːst ̄ pāːst ̄ pasi pasi pási paʃi 211 ripe jɛ̄l jɛ̄l njèl njèl jɛ́l jèlā 212 rotten bwāʃ bwāʃ bʷaʃ bʷaʃ bʷáʃ bʷas 213 hot píʃì píʃì pʲí pʲí pīʃá pipi 214 cold ʃīʃí ʃīʃí ʃíʃí ʃíʃí ʃíʃí ʃìʃì 215 sharp lè lè nuŋ nuŋ fáŋfáŋ lùː 216 dull dúlí dúlí lòdɑ̀k lòdɑ̀k duɬonɡ wūnā 217 good kūn kūn kun kun kūn kūnā 218 narrow pʲáŋ fʲáŋ jɑndɑk dokʃí séːjēt pùmnāk 219 straight íɡunnák sák dʷɑ̀l dʷɑ̀l twān twān nàɡāt 220 heavy ríŋʤí ríŋʤí rinʒdi rinʒdi rinʤá lɨmsá 221 left mʲālāŋ mʲālāŋ ɑmʲelɑŋ ɑmʲelɑŋ ɑmʲáːlɑŋ mʲèlām 222 right zūm zūm ɑmuzu ɑmuzu ɑ́mūzún tìʃē 223 hard sūsōn sūsōn susoːn sutoːn sōtōná ʃèl 224 soft būlūk būlūk dúɣùl luplup lūplūp lúklúk 225 few ɡʲɔnōnɡ ʤonoŋ ʤep ʤep ʤɛ́p ʤʷét 226 wet dūɡūl dūɡūl wusun wusun wūːsūn jìʃīn 227 dry kórí kórí kori kori kōːri kōrīja 228 dirty ʃìɡīː ríɡí rik rik rīīk rʲìk 229 full ʃìl ʃìl ʃil ʃil ʃīl ʃìl 230 all káp káp ʤɑp ʤɑp ⁿʤɑ́p zúp 231 I mɘ mɘ᷈ mʲè mʲè mɛ̄ màɣài 232 you wɔ̄ wɔ̄ woː woː wɔː wòɣoi 233 you (fem.) únóɡīī ándī ɑjimbɑ woː mɛ̀ fàrī 234 he wōː áwá mbɑ mbɑ mɛ̀ 235 she únóɡūmkēː ájímbá ɑmbɑ ɑmbɑ mɛ̀ mèfāikī 236 we wɔ̄rā wɔ̄rā worɑ worɑ wɔ̄r wari ɲenā / 237 you jéːnā ɲíná ɲinɑ ɲinɑ jini ɲín 51

Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) ɲenā / 238 they jíːnā ɲānā ɲinɑbɑ ɲinɑbɑ jeni ɲín 239 knife ᵐba baram bɑrɑm bɑrɑm ᵐbɑ́rɑ̄m bàrám mīnī / 240 my m�́n m�́n mʲni mʲni min mín 241 your mɔ̄ mōmbá mo mo ímɔ̄ mu 242 his mɛ᷈ mɘ̄mbá mʲe mʲe ímɛ̄ me 243 her máwúnóɡīː māmɘ̄ nɔɡwī mʲe mʲe ímɛ̄ far 244 our múr múr mori mori ímōrī war 245 your (pl) ɲēːn ɲ�́nbā mʲini mʲini íɲínī war 246 their máɲēn ɲánbá ɲen ɲina íɲēní jèn *247 I ate m�́nɡīː m�́ndī mʲeʤi mʲeri mɛ̄ndī i rì *248 you ate m�́nɡīī ndì wonʤi wori índī a rì *249 you fem. ate únɔɡómɡīī ndì wonʤi wori índī a rì ja *250 he ate índīː índì inʤì wori índī mè rì jā *251 she ate minɔɡōnɡiː índì inʤì worie índī mè rì jā *252 we ate úránɡī wɘndī wonʤi worri wɔ́r índī wē rì jā *253 you (pl) ate ɲénánɡiː ándī ɲinɑʤi ɲinri ándī ā rī ja *254 they ate ɲiːnánɡíː ándī ɑnʤì ɑri ándī ā rī ja *255 he is eating wɔ̄ːnɡʲāā índíámɘ̄ ínʤɑ̀me belandʲeme íɓīlī-íɲā īn tī rā kʲā *256 he will eat jánɡʲáː jándʲá íjɑ́nʤɑ̀ njɑkɑndiɑ ján-índʲāː jā rʲāk

*257 he usually íjánɡʲāā íjákándʲá ijɑkinʤɑː yɑkɑriɑ íján-ídʲāː nī rʲāk kī eats *258 he didn’t eat ⁿɡidák ndídák inʤitak ridɑ índīrák ri ràk he wants to *259 náʲánɡjāː lʲáŋámdʲámɘ̄d ileŋɑnʤì lesirakari ílʲéŋā-dʲāː uru rʲa ki eat 260 eat ⁿɡīː dʲá ʤì ri dʲāː ri 261 do ʃīː ʃā ʃi ʃi ʃāː ʃímá 262 dance ʃīndur ndúr ʃindur ʃindur ⁿdur ʃíndùr 263 play ʃīnɡʲaɡālā ɡāmā ʃindùr ʃìnʤɑ̀ɣɑ̀lɑ́k ⁿʤáː lák àbàlàk 264 smell nūnɡūl nɡwāl nuŋul nuŋ nuŋá nuŋsá 265 see bʲá bʲá bʲeː sorfi ísā bʲáː 266 blow pʲábí pʲábí pibi pibi pìɓá pìbá 267 whistle wɛ̄ːr wɛ̄ːr wér wér wɛ̄r ājō 268 sing ndūr ndūr ʃɑndur ʃɑndur ɡʷāndur ʃiʃila / 269 laugh ʃīʃīl ábɘ̄rʲáŋ ʃiʃil ʃiʃil ʃìʃílák áɓērén 270 say ʧé ʃērí ʃi ʃi ʃíː nʃéː 271 ask náŋ náŋá nɑŋmɑ nɑŋ nɑ̄nŋá jɨbíná 52

Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) 272 beg náɡéːp kōrá nɑŋmɑ korsi kōːrā kʷàrsá 273 hear mējīː jìra jir jir jíːrá jīrì 274 bark ɡōnɡŋā ɡōnɡŋā ɡʷòŋɑ́ ɡʷòŋɑ́ ɡōnŋá ɡʷàŋsá 275 shout ūrī pjàksā ʃíwùri ʃíwùri ʧáːrā wūrī 276 cry wáː ūrī sun sun sùná ʃìná 277 fear wáː wáː jiruwɑ jiruwɑ uwá wòp 278 want ròdá ròdá rot rot rōɗá rudá 279 think lʲánŋá lʲánŋá liŋzɑ̀ liŋzɑ̀ lènɡzá ɡídàk 280 count kōrá kōrá kòrɑ́ kòrɑ́ kōːrɑ́ kòrá 281 know jɔ̀ɡjīː jɔ̀ɡá ńjòɡɑ̀ ńjòɡɑ̀ jòɡɑ̀ jòɣó 282 teach kórā báná bʲɑ̀kʃɑ̀lɑ́ bʲɑ̀kʃɑ̀lɑ́ bʲɛ́rʃá maksa 283 show jíː báná bɑnɑmɑ nunɑmɑ ʒàɣá 284 drink swáː só sʷoː sʷɑ sō sōː 285 suck mùɡáː mùɡáː sʷoː sʷɑ mūká sʷaː 286 vomit kwáksá kwáksá ɡʷɑksi ɡʷɑksi kwáksá ɡʷàksá 287 spit fúᵃ bímá fo fo bīmá tēmʲāk ʃɑtiʃó ʃɑtiʃó átīʃō 288 sneeze pwárám àtíʃó (Hausa) jisuŋ (Hausa) (Hausa) (Hausa)

289 bite nūndáː múndí ninʤi ninʤi nínʤi rìnzá 290 sweep kón kwɔ̄n kʷon kʷon kōná tūrí 291 sit dál dál dɑl dɑl dálá dā 292 stand ʃɛ́mbɛ́l ʃɛ́mbɛ́l noŋzi noŋzi nóŋzī noŋzù 293 fight ʃíróm rɔ̄m rom rom ɓʲáɣá ʃūrōm 294 lie down ɗ ēmúᵃr mwārāndā mʷɑr mʷɑr múᵃr jis 295 yawn ʃijìjér ájíjɛŕ jijér jijér jijɛ́r aʲírīp 296 rest jīdāɡāː dāɡā fʷɑzum fʷɑzum zūm fʲēn 297 sleep mwár mwár ɡimʷɑr ɡimʷɑr múᵃr mʷar 298 wash pōndíː pōndá pondi pinʤi páláká bʷènʤì púndá- 299 bathe pōndí ⁿdūːsá pōndá mándís pinʤì dùs pinʤì dùs bʷènʤìdūs ⁿdus 300 steal ʃikɔ̄s kɔ́s ʃikos ʃikos kɔ̄s ʃíkōːs 301 give ná ná nɑːmɑ nɑːmɑ ná nāmā 302 hide táɾí táɾí bop bop ɓòɓá búbí 303 take kēː tɛ̄r tʲer tʲer tī ʃírì 304 hold wūm wūm wùm wùm wūm wúrí 305 buy rʲɛ̄p rʲāp rʲep rʲep rɛbá rʲàb 306 sell rʲɛ́pʃìː rʲápʃā rʲepsɑ rʲepsɑ rɛ̀bʃá rʲàbsá 53

Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) 307 give birth ìjíl jìlá jìlɑ́ jìlɑ́ jìːlá jal 308 marry īkéjīː rɔ̄ŋ teji teji ìrúŋ jálji 309 die kwā kwā kwɑː kwɑː kwá kʷaː 310 kill wɔ̄n wɔ̄n won won wɔ̄ná wùn 311 drop jí jí jí jí ɗ ʲǎ iː 312 fall over ɓúᵃk pīrī pírí pírí pīrā pīrī 313 walk ʃīːséjá sērá sìjɑ sìjɑ sījá sīrī 314 run kʲábɔ́l ábɔ́l abʷol abʷol tìjámábōl sʷàm 315 fly sōmānákwánɡá nóŋzì nóŋzì fūrfūr náŋzù 316 jump across dám ɲár ɲɑr ɲɑr ɲárā ɲārī 317 swim kɔ̄kfūū ábám ɑbɑm ɑbɑm ábām ɡʲákɡʲù 318 come tárí tárí tɑ́i tɑ́i tɛ́ⁱ tari 319 enter lé lérī léː léː lé / lʲāː lírí 320 exit wá wárí wéi wéi wǎ wari 321 go dá dá dɑː ɡi ⁿɡíː nákɣè 322 follow mwárí mwárí mʷari mʷari muᵃri bīmā 323 send kɔːrāː kɔ̀rāː korɑ korɑ kōrɑ́ tòká 324 cut ɲì ɲì ɲi ɲi ɲí fʲaŋá 325 cut down kōs ɲì kʷos kʷos ɲí kʷàsá 326 cut neck ɲì póksīː ɲì ɑkompɑrʃi ɑkompɑrʃi kòmá fʲaŋɡʲèr 327 break pɔ́r pɔ́r pʷɑrki pʷɑrki pwáká pòsárá 328 split sāsā sāsā sɑr sɑr sásá sàrsá 329 scratch ɡwál ɡwál ɡʷɑlɑ ɡʷɑlɑ ɡwálā sòwū ɗ íːsā / 330 cook iɗ ə̄s dɔ̄s des isɑ dìsá ɗ ʲēsá 331 boil pūl pūl pul pul pulá pùl 332 fry rák rák rɑɡɑ rɑɡɑ rɑɡɑ feraŋa 333 hunt dépār pár pɑr pɑr pɑr apàr 334 hit jáɡā jáɡā jɑɣɑ rɑk rɑr wûn 335 tie bān pān bɑn bɑn bana ʃìrá 336 sew tɔ̄l tɘ̀l tel tʲel tēlá tìla 337 forge lōɡá láɡá lɑ̀ɣɑ́ lɑ̀ɣɑ́ lɑ̀ɣɑ́ làká 338 burn fífí fífí fifi fifi pʲǎ kùdūká 339 throw vɛ̄n fʲán vʲɑ̀n fo vʲáná fʷaː 340 pour fū fùr fur fur fúᵃ fūrì 341 pour out ɡī fùr fur fur fūr fūrīndāː 342 fill ʃíl ʃílá ʃìl ʃìl ʃìlá ʃìlma 54

Dukli English Mwel Kwanka Kaduk Gambar Boi # Bauchi gloss (Kadung) (Kadung) (Bijim) (Bijim) (Tiyaa) (Bijim) 343 push tūl pāl pɑl pɑl tùlá tʷànma 344 pull náp náp nɑp nɑp nábá ʤīː ma 345 squeeze mwaŋʤár mwaŋʤár lunɡurma lunɡurma pʲèra móʧí 346 dig ʤīn ʤīn ʒin ʒin ʤìna ʃiŋa 347 plant ɓōsā jáksā bʷosi fʷɑː fúᵃ kʷana 348 harvest táŋā tāŋ tɑŋ'ɑ tɑŋ'ɑ tɑ́nŋɑ́ dʲobáː Appendix F: Plurals Wordlists

Bijim English Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim # (Dukli Tiyaa gloss (Mwel) (Kwanka) (Kaduk) (Gambar) Bauchi) 1 broom àʃāʃ àʃāʃ ɑʃeʃ ɑteʃ ʃáʃ ̀àkʲēspʲák

2 mortar áɗúk áɗúk ɑdùk ɑdùk áɗúk àkūdūkpʲák ɑfɑn mɑ ɑfɑn mɑ 3 pestle áɾù áɾù áɾūū amʷadipʲák dùk dùk 4 rope áváar áváar ɑvɑr ɑvɑr ávár avar

5 basket ákiʃák áriʃák ariʃɑk ɑbɑ̀ndɑr ábándar àbàndār

6 clothing álùŋ álùŋ ɑluŋ ɑluŋ álùŋ akìrbít

7 road/path āʃù āʃù ɑʃùː ɑʃùː aɡōrʃì

8 pit aɔ́rúŋ awɔ̀ŋ ɑboroŋ ɑboroŋ awūŋ akuŋ

9 house/hut álɔk álɔk ɑlok ɑlok álɔk alók

10 room akáʃì akáʃì ɑkɑʃi ɑkɑʃi akìʃí

11 door àʃù àʃù ɑŋuŋʃù ɑŋuŋʃù ànúnkárē akārkaʃí

12 chair/stool árámāɗala ápwá ɑwudelɑ ɑʤìː ámīɗā àrádáːpʲák

13 salt máŋzì máŋzì

14 tree ánɡolmáɡoonī áɡònè ɑɡònì ɑɡònì áɡōnè akòni

15 leaf àfwàŋ àfwàŋ ɑfɑŋ ɑfɑŋ àfʷàŋ

16 bark àpúr àpúr pur pur àpúr

17 branch aŋɡá álā ɑ̀lɑ̀nɡɑ́ ɑʃɑn álājā akīrʲáŋ

18 root álɨŋ álɨŋ ɑleŋ ɑleŋ álʲə̄ŋ aɡillɨŋ

19 medicine ánɡāl áɡāl ɑŋɡɑ̀l ɑŋɡɑ̀l áⁿɡāl aŋai

20 thorn áɾʲák áɾʲák ɑrʲɑk ɑrʲɑk áɾʲák ārʲàk áɡōnī- 21 firewood améɾuá áɡōnī piba míwā shea butter 22 áʃòlì arīk ɑrik ɑrik arīīk tree 23 mahogany ákʷɔ́k ákɔ́k ɑkok ɑkok ákɔ́k ākōk

55 56

Bijim English Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim # (Dukli Tiyaa gloss (Mwel) (Kwanka) (Kaduk) (Gambar) Bauchi) 24 farm (field) áɗɘn áɗɘn ɑdʲen ɑdʲen ábúk adìn

25 bush áɗʒɘ̄ɘn áɗʒɘ̄ɘn ɑʒen ɑʒen kìʤén apōk

26 grass álɔɾōm álɔɾōm ɑlorom ɑlorom álɔɾōm alùrùm

27 forest áʤīɾī ánʤìɾī ɑʒǐri ɑbùk nʤìɾī zʷaŋ/ zʷaŋ/ 28 seed àɓíkət aʃɛ̄l aɓát ɑbèrkèt ɑbèrkèt 29 ground nut ábʲā ábì ábì

30 bambara nut ākēlēlē ākɛ̄lɛ́ ákélé

31 guinea corn ākʷɔŋ ājɔ̄m pɔ̄n

32 millet āmùs áɡálī áɡálī millet 33 (another áɡálī āmùs āmùs kind) 34 yam àɡùrtá àɡùrtá àɡùrtá

35 bean ádʲák ádʲák locust bean 36 áɡúʃúr ákùkwáp rə̄n arʲen tree 37 zobo leaf áfūlé áfíí áflórī

38 okra alábwát alábwát alábʷát

39 meat ànàm ànàm ànàm ̊ānām

40 fat ābʲɛp ābʲɛp ābép

41 egg aʃíbī aʃebi aʃìbi

42 tuwo / fu-fu ázánɡá ánɡūrī ⁿɡórī

43 soup àlē àlē

44 flower ánbúr ánbúrì áᵐbúr

45 fruit ásūmāma ásūmā

47 head àʃù àʃù àʃù

48 forehead ánɡʲan ánʤán 57

Bijim English Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim # (Dukli Tiyaa gloss (Mwel) (Kwanka) (Kaduk) (Gambar) Bauchi) 49 ear atʷɔ atɔ ató akùtúk

50 mouth anuŋ anuŋ anuŋ anūŋ

51 tooth aɲɨn aɲən aɲin akìnūŋ

52 tongue alʲàm alʲàm alēm atilɨm

53 chin anᵐbɔŋ aⁿʤēn āɡwàráŋ

54 beard aʤèn ʤèn ʤèn

55 nose àtɔ̀n àtɔ̀n àtôn atǒːn

56 eye aʲtìʃ aʲtìʃ ajīs

57 neck ápàsí ápàsí ɑpɑrʃi ɑpɑrʃi āɡʲèr

58 shoulder azak akwàlàk ɑkʷɑlɑk ɑkʷɑlɑk apāmbal

59 back ábáɾi ábáɾi

60 knee aruŋ aruŋ ɑkùrùŋ ɑkùrùŋ aruŋ ākūrūŋ

61 leg ábɔl ábɔl ɑbʷɑl ɑbʷɑl ɑɓōl akūbōl

62 foot abapárák aɓáʃál ɑbʷɑl ɑbʷɑl kubol

63 thigh asʲəŋ aták ɑtɑk ɑtɑk ɑtɑk atīták

64 hand ākwák ākwák ɑkʷɑk ɑkʷɑk ɑkʷɑk akʷák

65 arm ápʲám ápʲám

66 finger àndʲáŋ àndʲáŋ ɑʃɑn ɑʃɑn ɑʃɑndāā

67 skin akw̄ a akw̄ a ɑkʷɑ ɑkʷɑ aláp

68 bone ākup ākup ɑkùp ɑkùp akùkúp

69 breast aʤɛr anʤer

70 belly átɛ̀lī átɛ̀lī teli

71 stomach ákáʃímátētī átɛ̀lī áteli

72 navel ākʷōm ākɔm tukɔ́m

73 intestines teli 58

Bijim English Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim # (Dukli Tiyaa gloss (Mwel) (Kwanka) (Kaduk) (Gambar) Bauchi) 74 heart áɗɔ áɗɔ áɗɔ̄ akàrkudoː

75 liver āsur āsur áɗɔ̄

76 body āndùs ādùs ɑndus ɑndus andūs

77 blood ānɡīī āʤi

78 saliva māː māː

79 sweat lɛ̄pɛ̄na

80 tear drop dìʃīl

81 cough pwárám

82 pain kwáná akùlúr

83 corpse ápūn ápūn apun atùpun

84 grave ɑrɑkuŋ arāmākūn

85 woman aji aji ajìː

86 man amɔ́róm amɔ̄rōm amōrom

89 person asum asum ɑsum ɑsum ɑsūmā asúm

90 father ádīmɔr áʃɛ̄ɾí ɑdɑ̀ ɑdɑ̀ ɑdɑ̀ ad�̀

91 mother ánímɔ̄r ájīī ɑnɑk ɑnɑk ɑnɑ anàk

92 child awan awan ɑwɑn ɑwɑn ɑwɑn

93 old person ádīmɔr ákáː ɑnʃeri ɑnʃeri ɑíjīīʃērī

94 chief áɾú áɾú ɑru ɑru ɑrūū arúː

95 blacksmith ámúlán ámúlán ayɑlɑŋɑn

96 friend amara amara ɑmɑr ɑmɑr ɑmǎr àmār

97 stranger asʲən asɛ̄n ɑʃen ɑʃen aʃēn aʃēnì

98 God avitoːr

99 name àsàk àsàk ɑzɑ̀k ɑzɑ̀k ɑzɑ́k atìsák

100 animal ápé á pʲɛ̄ ɑnɑmɑpuk ɑpʲe ɑpīī 59

Bijim English Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim # (Dukli Tiyaa gloss (Mwel) (Kwanka) (Kaduk) (Gambar) Bauchi) 101 dog āfu āfūū ɑfùː ɑfùː ɑfūū afūː

102 goat àfɔ̀l àfɔ̀l ɑfol ɑfol ɑfol afʷāl

103 cow ájámākalá ájámākalá ɑkɑlɑ ɑkɑlɑ ɑkɑlɑ akàlá

104 sheep ásàk ásàk ɑʧɑk ɑʧɑk ɑʧɑk āʧàk

105 chicken ánákūrí ánákūrí ɑnʷɑkri ɑnʷɑkri ɑnuᵃrī́ anàkúrí

106 guinea fowl áʃɛ̀k áʃɛ̀k aʃek aʃek aʃɛ̄ɛ̄k akʷalkát

107 bird àɲən àɲən ɑːɲen ɑːɲen ɑaɲén amʷeːn

108 horn awur̄ awur̄ ɑwur ɑwur ɑwur āɡùɡʷat

109 tail aʃʷɔl aʃɔl ɑʃol ɑʃol ɑʃol aʃʷāl

110 claw ávɔ̄ɡɔ̄l ávɔ̄ɡɔ̄l ɑʃen ɑʃen ɑʃen

111 wing àkwaŋ̀ɡa àkwaŋ̀ɡa ɑkʷɑnɡɑ ɑkʷɑnɡɑ ɑkʷɑnɡɑ aɡùɡʷàŋá

112 feather ɑɡʷɑpi ɑɡʷɑpi atùkúbí

113 snake áʤʲà aʤàà ɑʒɑ ɑʒɑ ɑʤɑ̌ awùvīː

114 tortoise ákánɡúr ɑkɑŋɡùr ɑkɑŋɡùr ɑkɑŋɡùr akúrrì

115 agama lizard ánánɡwɔ̀l ánánɡwɔ̀l abàlí

116 crocodile áɡɔ̄ːrɔ́k ɑːɡorók aɡùrʲák crocodile, 117 ɡɔ̄ːrɔ́k 2nd crocodile, 118 ɡɔ̄ːrɔ́k 3rd 119 fish àɡwaʃì ɑɡeʃi aʤēʃi aɡʲèʃí

120 toad ábwáptīː ábwáptīː ɑbopʧi ɑbopʧi ɑbʷápʧī anabʷopāʃì

121 rat ábí ábí ɑbʲi ɑbʲi ɑbǐ

122 bush piɡ áɾīʃī áɾīʃī akāŋʃí

123 red monkey ájārām ájārām ajaram bélì

124 buffalo áɡʲɔ̄ŋ ɑdoŋ ɑʃɑŋ ɑjánɡēlēp abùʃàk

125 elephant álèbáŋ ɑtɑm aɡ�̀tɨr�̀k 60

Bijim English Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim # (Dukli Tiyaa gloss (Mwel) (Kwanka) (Kaduk) (Gambar) Bauchi) 126 hyena áⁿɲáŋwá áɲàwī aɲáwī

127 fly āʃi āʃi aʃīī āʃíː louse (head 128 áɗanì áɗanì áɗáni louse) 129 spider ànàkaram ànàkaram akɑrɑ̀m

130 mosquito áwɛ̄ː áwɛ̄ː awéé

131 honeybee sɔ̀k sɔ̀k ɑsok ɑsok ɑʃok

132 scorpion ánáː ánáː anēː

133 fire aruwa arwa

134 smoke anʤɛk anʤɪ́k

135 ashes andoré

136 stick ákwāp ákwāp ɑkʷɑp ɑkʷɑp ɑkʷɑp akpʷap

137 stone átár átár ɑtɑ́r ɑpʷɑ atár atìtar

138 mountain átūtūrā átūtūrā ɑkʷuʃ ɑkuʃ

140 down ndā ndā

141 sky ātɔr ātūr kùrōk earth, 142 andaɣal andaɡal andàr ground 147 iron ɑʃem ɑʃem ɑʃem

148 money ʃem ʃem āpʲēr

149 wind āwūː

150 cloud awɔ́r awɔ́r awōr

151 rain akorok akorok

155 stream ākùbór

156 river ākùbór

157 bridge ákùtár ákùtár kùbór

158 water amin amìn 61

Bijim English Kadung Kadung Bijim Bijim # (Dukli Tiyaa gloss (Mwel) (Kwanka) (Kaduk) (Gambar) Bauchi) 159 lake

160 moon pé

161 star ɑmɑr ɑmɑr ɑmɑ̄r amàr

162 sun nɑs nɑs vī āvīː

163 year ɑje ɑje ɑjé ājēː

167 night abìbí

170 ax ajárāk ajárāk ɑjɑrɑk ɑjɑrɑk ajàrāk

171 hoe azɘ̄ptī azɘ̄ptī ɑkʷɑɣɑí ɑkʷɑɣɑí ɑkwɑɡɑjí

173 bow atā atā

174 arrow abē abē ɑbʲé ɑbʲé ɑbʲé abē

175 quiver aɡwāŋ aɡwāŋ aɡʷɑŋ

176 spear amīʃ amīʃ amīs

177 canoe apúr-ámīn apúr-ámīn

178 war aróm aróm rōm ārōm

179 work atɔ̄m atɔ̄m

Appendix G: GPS Points for Select Villages

Village name Language Longitude Latitude Aruti Bijim 9.324923 9.567899 Badni Bijim 9.3133 9.584811 Badni Centre Bijim 9.313136721 9.585902961 Dukli Bijim 9.288383 9.598538 Dukli Bauchi Bijim 9.320557 9.589361 Dukli Yakubu Bijim 9.291498 9.59833 Gambar Bijim 9.45458293 9.55260518 Gambar Sabo Bijim 9.440633599 9.53963385 Kaduk Bijim 9.429528331 9.506674362 Mangar Bijim 9.311086 9.560581 Mungi Bijim 9.286487 9.559843 Sabo Bariki Bijim 9.316415 9.592309 Vogti Bijim 9.281738 9.602691 Vokti Bijim 9.279108 9.570174 Yangji Bijim 9.439169364 9.548437195 Zindar Bijim 9.442464877 9.533309871 Gurup Kadung 9.449744141 9.455280136 Janneret Kadung 9.271142548 9.502066327 Jivir Kadung Kadung 9.449746739 9.465293912 Kumbul Kadung 9.373140838 9.470292963 Kwanka Kadung 9.280483 9.586963 Mwel Kadung 9.449996855 9.467984922 Boi Markeo Tiyaa 9.561386565 9.502186105 Pada Tiyaa 9.491807381 9.550205693 Taran Boi Tiyaa 9.482866572 9.549255436

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