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Second Session of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from University of Alberta Libraries https://archive.org/details/secondsessionofcOOsoci Second Session of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany Berlin, 16 and 17 September 1971 Printed in the German Democratic Republic by Grafischer Grossbetrieb Volkerfreundschaft Dresden 1259 - 2 Contents Communique of the Second Session of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany 7 From the Report of the Political Bureau to the Second Session of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) Reporter: Comrade Hermann Axen, Member of the Political Bureau and Secretary of the Central Committee 8 I. Conclusions Drawn from the Decisions of the Eighth Party Congress in the Field of Domestic Policy and Their Implementation 8 - Implementing the Decisions in the Economic Sphere 12 - Implementing the Decisions in Agriculture 15 II. The Implementation of the Decisions of the Eighth Congress in the Field of Foreign Policy and International Relations 17 - The GDR in the Socialist Community of States 17 - Struggle for European Security 21 - Relations with the Nationally-liberated States and the National Revolutionary Liberation Movement 24 - Development of Relations with the Communist and Workers’ Parties and with the Revolutionary Democratic Parties 26 Preparation and Holding of the Elections to the People’s Chamber and the County Assemblies Speech by Erich Honecker, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the SED 28 Our Balance Sheet Is -
Ernst Thälmann – Führer Seiner Klasse (1955) Propaganda Für Arbeiterklasse, Partei Und Heroismus
Ernst thälmann – FührEr sEinEr KlassE (1955) Propaganda für Arbeiterklasse, Partei und Heroismus 1 FilmographischE angabEn 3 2 Filminhalt 3 3 HistorischE KontExtualisiErung 4 4 DiDaKtischE übErlEgungEn 7 5 ArbEitsanrEgungEn 11 6 MatErial 13 7 LitEratur 29 2 Unterrichtsmaterial Ernst Thälmann – Führer seiner Klasse www.ddr-im-film.de 1 FilmographischE angabEn Regie Kurt Maetzig Drehbuch Willi Bredel, Michael Tschesno-Hell, Kurt Maetzig Kamera Karl Plintzner, Horst E. Brandt schnitt Lena Neumann Musik Wilhelm Neef bauten Otto Erdmann, Willy Schiller, Alfred Hirschmeier Kostüme Gerhard Kaddatz produktion DEFA-Studio für Spielfilme (Potsdam-Babelsberg) uraufführung 07.10.1955, Ost-Berlin/Volksbühne Länge 140 Minuten FSK ab 12 Auszeichnungen Karlovy-Vary-Filmfestival 1956: Preis für den besten Schauspieler an Günther Simon Darstellerinnen | Darsteller Günther Simon (Ernst Thälmann), Hans-Peter Minetti (Fiete Jan- sen), Karla Runkehl (Änne Hansen), Paul R. Henker (Robert Dirhagen), Hans Wehrl (Wilhelm Pieck), Karl Brenk (Walter Ulbricht), Michel Piccoli (Maurice Rouger) Gerd Wehr (Wilhelm Flo- rin), Walter Martin (Hermann Matern), Georges Stanescu (Georgi Dimitroff), Carla Hoffmann (Rosa Thälmann), Erich Franz (Arthur Vierbreiter), Raimund Schelcher (Krischan Daik), Fritz Diez (Hitler), Hans Stuhrmann (Goebbels) 2 Filminhalt Der Film behandelt das Leben des Vorsitzenden der Kommunistischen Partei Deutsch- lands, Ernst Thälmann, in den Jahren von 1930 bis zu seinem Tode 1944. In lose aneinander gereihten Szenen werden vor allem die politische Arbeit des Parteiführers gezeigt. Thälmann wohnt zu Beginn der 1930er-Jahre in einem Zimmer einer typischen Berliner Mietskasernen- wohnung, das ihm von seinem Parteifreund Fiete Jansen und dessen schwangerer Frau Änne untervermietet wird. Fiete hat jahrelang im Gefängnis gesessen. Änne ist als Mitglied des kommunistischen Jugendverbandes für die KPD politisch aktiv. -
The German Democratic Republic's Attitude
PRZEGLĄD ZACHODNI 2011, No 1 ANNA WOLff-POWęskA Poznań THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC Republic’s AttITUDE TOWARDS THE NAZI PAST Periods of change connected with a transition from dictatorship to democracy are characterized by intensive search for a new binder of national unity and identity. Communities which have been affected by totalitarianism in order to build a new order have to define their attitude towards the old one. As it has been demonstrated by the two German states in their process of abandoning the Third Reich’s policy and system of values, factors such as the defence of one’s own history, and seeking an answer to the question of what should be retained in the memory and what should be eradicated, have shaped the political identity of German society of the political turn era in a significant way. The reunification of Germany in 1990 confirmed the truth that the process of democratization is accompanied by a social crisis which is also a crisis of the criteria determining what is remembered and what is forgotten, the integral elements of every history. The way of perceiving National socialism and positioning it in German history has played a fundamental role in the development of political cultures, first of two different German states, and then of a reunified Germany*. National consciousness and community spirit is shaped by reference to history, which can be glorified, sac- ralised, or pushed to the margins of public life. Establishing two separate German states with different ideological foundations brought far reaching consequences for the cultural memory of the divided community. -
Ernst Thälmann – Führer Seiner Klasse (1955) Propaganda Für Arbeiterklasse, Partei Und Heroismus
Ernst thälmann – FührEr sEinEr KlassE (1955) Propaganda für Arbeiterklasse, Partei und Heroismus 1 FilmographischE angabEn . 3 2 Filminhalt . 3 3 HistorischE KontExtualisiErung . 5 4 DiDaKtischE übErlEgungEn . 8 5 ArbEitsanrEgungEn . 11. 6 MatErial . 13 Material 1: Was ist Propaganda? . 13 Material 2: Ernst Thälmann – historische Figur und Mythos . 14 Material 3: Historische Traditionen der SED . 17 Material 4: Umgang der SED mit der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit . 20 Material 5: Produktionsbedingungen des Films . 21 Material 6: Propaganda oder Wirklichkeit? . 24 Material 7: Filmische Mittel des Propaganda-Films und ihre Wirkung . 25 Material 8: Zeitgenössische Kritiken des Films . 28 7 LitEratur . 29 2 Unterrichtsmaterial Ernst Thälmann – Führer seiner Klasse www.ddr-im-film.de 1 FilmographischE angabEn Regie Kurt Maetzig Drehbuch Willi Bredel, Michael Tschesno-Hell, Kurt Maetzig Kamera Karl Plint- zner, Horst E. Brandt schnitt Lena Neumann Musik Wilhelm Neef bauten Otto Erdmann, Willy Schiller, Alfred Hirschmeier Kostüme Gerhard Kaddatz produktion DEFA-Studio für Spielfilme (Potsdam-Babelsberg) uraufführung 07.10.1955, Ost-Berlin/Volksbühne Länge 140 Minuten FsK ab 12 Auszeichnungen Karlovy-Vary-Filmfestival 1956: Preis für den be- sten Schauspieler an Günther Simon Darstellerinnen | Darsteller Günther Simon (Ernst Thälmann), Hans-Peter Minetti (Fiete Jansen), Karla Runkehl (Änne Jansen), Paul R. Henker (Robert Dirhagen), Hans Wehrl (Wilhelm Pieck), Karl Brenk (Walter Ulbricht), Michel Piccoli (Maurice Rouger) Gerd Wehr (Wilhelm Florin), Walter Mar- tin (Hermann Matern), Georges Stanescu (Georgi Dimitroff), Carla Hoffmann (Rosa Thälmann), Erich Franz (Arthur Vierbreiter), Raimund Schelcher (Krischan Daik), Fritz Diez (Hitler), Hans Stuhr- mann (Goebbels) u.a. 2 Filminhalt Der Film behandelt das Leben des Vorsitzenden der Kommunistischen Partei Deutschlands, Ernst Thälmann, in den Jahren von 1930 bis zu seinem Tode 1944. -
Minutes of the Conversation Between Comrade Erich Honecker and Comrade Fidel Sunday, April 3, 1977 Between 11:00 and 13:30 and 15:45 and 18:00
Minutes of the conversation between Comrade Erich Honecker and Comrade Fidel Sunday, April 3, 1977 between 11:00 and 13:30 and 15:45 and 18:00 Participants: Comrades Hermann Axen, Werner Lamberz, Paul Verner, Paul Markowski (with Comrades Edgar and Karlheinz Mobus as interpreters), Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, Osmany Cienfuegos, Raul Valdez Vivo, Jose Abrantes Comrade Honecker warmly welcomed Comrade Fidel Castro and his Cuban Comrades to this internal conversation on behalf of the Central Committee. We are very pleased about your visit to the GDR and the opportunity to exchange views about the result of your visit to several African and Arabian countries. On behalf of the Politburo I want to repeat our appreciation and respect for your visits to these countries. I'd ask Comrade Fidel Castro to take the floor ... (. .. ) next day I flew on to Ethiopia. We had earlier agreed that there would be no great reception for me, since at the time they were still fighting the civil war. Shots constantly rang out. Mengistu took me to the old Imperial Palace and the negotiations began on the spot. I found the information that I already had to be confirmed. We continued our negotiations on the following day. Naturally we had to take extensive security precautions. The Ethiopians had requested a division, and I had brought a company of Cuban soldiers with me. The day of my arrival there were rumors of a coup. It did not happen. I developed the impression that there was a real revolution taking place in Ethiopia. In this former feudal empire, lands were being distributed to the peasants. -
AMERICA's RELATIONSHIP with the GDR Robert Gerald Livingston
Stasi and East Stasi and Hauptverwaltung A: Hauptverwaltung A Contexts German Society SED State Insights and KGB THE CONTEXT: AMERICA’S RELATIONSHIP WITH THE GDR Robert Gerald Livingston For nearly two-thirds of its existence, the German Democratic Republic 1 This chapter is based on (1949–90) as a state was a nullity for United States policymaking. Even the following sources: aft er GDR-US diplomatic relations were established in 1974, that state Anne Applebaum, Iron Curtain: The Crushing of 1 remained of but tangential importance to Washington. Eastern Europe (New York, 2012); Catherine Epstein, The GDR’s role for the US was a strategic-military one, stemming The Last Revolutionaries: German Communists and from its location on the frontline of a worldwide confrontation Their Century (Cambridge, between the two superpowers, the Soviet Union and the United 2003); Mary Fulbrook, Anatomy of a Dictatorship: States. A risk of escalation into armed confl ict there between the Inside the GDR, 1949– 1989 (Oxford, 1995); ibid., two was always present, sometimes acutely so. German National Identity aft er the Holocaust East Germany, the GDR, enveloped Berlin, the most exposed US (New York, 1999); Burton C. Gaida, USA- position abroad. The city was occupied in 1945 by the Soviets, DDR: Politische, kulturelle Americans, British, and French, becoming during their occupation und wirtschaft liche Bezie- hungen seit 1974 a Four-Power administered city — a view that aft er 1949 confl icted (Bochum, 1989); Jürgen with that of the GDR, which regarded Berlin as its capital. In 1948- Grosse, Amerikapolitik und Amerikabild der DDR 49, the Soviets launched a land blockade of the access routes from 1974–1989 (Bonn, 1999); West Germany to Berlin, which the U.S. -
Bruder Gaddafi
42 ZdF 23/2008 „Bruder Gaddafi“, Petrodollars und eine Moschee für Leipzig Die folgenschweren Beziehungen der DDR zu Libyen Jochen Staadt Die deutsch-libyschen Beziehungen haben eine doppelte Vorgeschichte. Libyens Mi- nisterpräsident Abdel Salam Jalloud, der zum Kreis der „Revolutionsführer“ Gaddafis gehörte, vereinbarte 1974 und 1975 nacheinander in Bonn und Ost-Berlin mit beiden deutschen Staaten den Ausbau von Wirtschaftsbeziehungen. Am 28. Februar 1974 traf Jalloud mit Bundeskanzler Willy Brandt, Außenminister Walter Scheel, Wirtschaftsmi- nister Hans Friedrichs und Entwicklungshilfeminister Erhardt Eppler zusammen. Jal- loud regte eine verstärkte Zusammenarbeit mit deutschen Firmen zur Erschließung neu- er Ölquellen und zum Bau von Raffinerien sowie Straßen und Schulen an.1 Bei den deutsch-libyschen Verhandlungen in Ost-Berlin ging es jedoch um mehr. Dort wurde auch über eine militärische Zusammenarbeit zwischen der DDR und Libyen gespro- chen. Hier hatte die DDR mehr zu bieten. Die Diplomatie hatte laut Wörterbuch zum sozialistischen Staat, herausgegeben vom Institut für Staats- und Rechtstheorie an der Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR, „mit friedlichen Mitteln die Außenpolitik des Staates im Interesse der jeweils herrschen- den Klasse zu verwirklichen“. Die Diplomatie sei das wichtigste Mittel der Außenpo- litik. „Andere solche Mittel sind z.B. staatliche, gesellschaftliche oder private Aktivi- täten wirtschaftlicher, wissenschaftlicher, wissenschaftlich-technischer oder kultureller Art, aber auch militärische Handlungen.“2 Vergessen oder stillschweigend dem Rubrum wissenschaftlich-technisch untergeschoben wurde in dieser Definition die Militärhilfe. Für die Afrikapolitik der DDR im allgemeinen sowie für den Ausbau der Beziehungen zu Libyen im besonderen zog die militärische Hilfe zweifelsohne eine weitaus größere Wirkung nach sich als die Diplomatie „mit friedlichen Mitteln“. -
AICGS Transatlantic Perspectives
AICGS Transatlantic Perspectives April 2011 The Role of the German Jewish Community in Postwar Germany’s International Recognition1 By Michael Brenner How did Jewish groups influence inter - The German Jewish Community as Litmus Test and Pariah national recognition in In 1949, John J. McCloy, the U.S. Military Governor (and later High Commissioner) in Ger - East Germany versus many, stated at a conference in Heidelberg on the future of the Jews in Germany that the West Germany? successful integration of Jews in a democratic Germany served as a litmus test for the new Bundesrepublik: “What this [the Jewish] community will be, how it forms itself, how it be - What role does the comes a part and how it merges with the new Germany, will, I believe be watched very German Jewish closely and very carefully by the entire world. It will, in my judgment, be one of the real community play on the touchstones and the test of Germany’s progress towards the light.” 2 More than fifty years political stage today? later Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer sounded a similar theme when he said: “An important measurement of our capacity to be an open and tolerant society is the presence of Jewish communities in Germany. The question of whether Jews feel safe in our country speaks to the basic issue of the credibility of our democracy.” 3 Every German government has understood that the existence of a Jewish community in Germany, no matter how small and diverse, was essential to positive international recog - nition. After initial plans to appoint a special Advisor for Jewish Affairs, Chancellor Konrad Adenauer decided to work closely with the Central Council of Jews in Germany, the um - brella organization of all Jewish communities established in 1950. -
Bulletin 10-Final Cover
COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN 10 61 “This Is Not A Politburo, But A Madhouse”1 The Post-Stalin Succession Struggle, Soviet Deutschlandpolitik and the SED: New Evidence from Russian, German, and Hungarian Archives Introduced and annotated by Christian F. Ostermann I. ince the opening of the former Communist bloc East German relations as Ulbricht seemed to have used the archives it has become evident that the crisis in East uprising to turn weakness into strength. On the height of S Germany in the spring and summer of 1953 was one the crisis in East Berlin, for reasons that are not yet of the key moments in the history of the Cold War. The entirely clear, the Soviet leadership committed itself to the East German Communist regime was much closer to the political survival of Ulbricht and his East German state. brink of collapse, the popular revolt much more wide- Unlike his fellow Stalinist leader, Hungary’s Matyas spread and prolonged, the resentment of SED leader Rakosi, who was quickly demoted when he embraced the Walter Ulbricht by the East German population much more New Course less enthusiastically than expected, Ulbricht, intense than many in the West had come to believe.2 The equally unenthusiastic and stubborn — and with one foot uprising also had profound, long-term effects on the over the brink —somehow managed to regain support in internal and international development of the GDR. By Moscow. The commitment to his survival would in due renouncing the industrial norm increase that had sparked course become costly for the Soviets who were faced with the demonstrations and riots, regime and labor had found Ulbricht’s ever increasing, ever more aggressive demands an uneasy, implicit compromise that production could rise for economic and political support. -
Jews in Leipzig: Nationality and Community in the 20 Century
The Dissertation Committee for Robert Allen Willingham II certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Jews in Leipzig: Nationality and Community in the 20 th Century Committee: ______________ David Crew, Supervisor ______________ Judith Coffin ______________ Lothar Mertens ______________ Charters Wynn ______________ Robert Abzug Jews in Leipzig: Nationality and Community in the 20 th Century by Robert Allen Willingham II, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presen ted to the Faculty of the Graduate School the University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May, 2005 To Nancy Acknowledgment This dissertation would not have been possible without the support of the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), which provided a year -long dissertation grant. Support was also provided through the History Department at the University of Texas through its Sheffield grant for European studies. The author is also grateful for the assistance of archivists at the Leipzig City Archive, the Archive of the Israelitische Religionsgemieinde zu Leipzig , the Archive for Parties and Mass Organizations in the GDR at the Federal archive in Berlin, the “Centrum Judaica” Archive at the Stiftung Neue Synagoge, also in Berlin, and especially at the Saxon State Archive in Leipzig. Indispensable editorial advice came from the members of the dissertation committee, and especially from Professor David Crew, whose advice and friendship have been central to the work from beginning to end. Any errors are solely those of the author. iv Jews in Leipzig: Nationality and Community in the 20th Century Publication No. _________ Robert Allen Willingham II, PhD. -
The Enemy of My Enemy the Soviet Union, East Germany, and the Iranian Tudeh Party’S Support for Ayatollah Khomeini
The Enemy of My Enemy The Soviet Union, East Germany, and the Iranian Tudeh Party’s Support for Ayatollah Khomeini ✣ Jeremy Friedman The Iranian revolution raises two key questions for scholars, just as it did for contemporaries: Why did the Shah fall, and why was he ultimately replaced by a theocratic regime that has proven to be remarkably resilient? The second outcome was not an automatic result of the first. The coalition that brought down the Shah ran the gamut from Maoist guerillas to secular and religious liberals to Islamists of various stripes and, perhaps most importantly, rested on a mass base without any explicit political commitments beyond the removal of the Shah. In February 1979 the best-organized armed forces belonged to the Marxist Fadaiyan, which launched a guerrilla struggle against the Pahlavi regime with an attack on the Siyakhal barracks in 1971, and the Islamic Left- ist Mujahidin, which began as a militant offshoot of the Liberation Move- ment of Iran.1 Liberals of various stripes, including the Freedom Movement led by post-revolutionary Iran’s first prime minister, Mehdi Bazargan, and the National Front led by Karim Sanjabi, were best positioned in terms of tech- nocratic skill and international legitimacy, and as a result were initially given the formal levers of power. Meanwhile, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s con- ception of the Velayat-e-Faqih, or “Guardianship of the Jurist,” was opposed by many senior clerics, including some, like Ayatollah Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, who rivaled him in prestige and influence.2 Some scholars have 1. See Ervand Abrahamian, The Iranian Mojahedin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), pp. -
The “Vietnam Legion” West German Psychological Warfare Against East German Propaganda in the 1960S
BuscThe “hVietnam Legion” The “Vietnam Legion” West German Psychological Warfare against East German Propaganda in the 1960s ✣ Peter Busch On Saturday, 4 September 1965, the editors of Neues Deutsch- land, the ofªcial newspaper of East Germany’s Socialist Unity Party (SED), presented “sensational revelations” to their readers. On the ªrst page, under the customary ªve-pointed star surrounding the portrait of Karl Marx, the main headline featured a story on Southeast Asia. “Bundeswehr takes part in aggression in Vietnam,” it read. The paper went on to reveal “facts” that sup- posedly conªrmed the suspicions voiced by leaders of the German Demo- cratic Republic (GDR) for some time. Ofªcers of the West German air force, Neues Deutschland claimed, were ºying “terror attacks against Vietnam’s peo- ple.” Some 120 soldiers from the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) were ªghting side by side with the “American aggressors,” and in the process six had died, thirteen had been wounded, and two had gone missing. These “facts,” the story claimed, had been unearthed by the U.S. weekly news- magazine Time, the Associated Press news agency, and a small West German newspaper with close links to Communists, Bauernruf, which had allegedly learned about it from a mother whose son had taken part in the mission. Neues Deutschland noted that when the West German government was con- fronted about the matter, a spokesman “denied the involvement of West Ger- man soldiers in the dirty war in Vietnam.”1 East German radio had broken this purported story in its evening news of the previous day but had not made it the lead.