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Hameyvin Yavin: Language and Super Jews Sarah Benor

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Hameyvin Yavin: Language and Super Jews Sarah Benor Hameyvin Yavin: Language and Super Jews Sarah Benor hen people think about religion, leytsanus (silliness, buffoonery), lichora (appar- neighbors, they are not the only ones with they tend to think about individu- ently), and yungerman (young [married] man). language interesting enough to analyze. Of Wals’ beliefs and their adherence to Orthodox Jews, especially those closer to the course there are the children of immigrants laws and customs. As a trained linguist, I tend right pole of the Modern Orthodox to Black from Iran, Russia, Israel, and elsewhere, who to think about their language. Do they express Hat continuum, tend to use Ashkenazic pat- speak English with some influences from their their faith in divine providence by peppering terns, including pronunciation of Hebrew thaf native languages. There is the insular Syrian their speech with “Thank God,” “God willing,” as [s] rather than Israeli [t] and the periphrastic community in Brooklyn that maintains words or “God forbid?” Do they avoid cursing and verbal construction (e.g., “It might be meorer from Judeo-Arabic in their English even two to taking God’s name in vain? three generations after Among Jews, the rela- the major wave of immi- tionship between language gration. And there are and religion becomes the secular Yiddishists, even more interesting some of whom speak because of the additional Yiddish “az di tate-mame layers of Hebrew and zoln nisht farshteyn” (so other Jewish languages. their parents won’t We can look not only at understand—a rever- phrases individuals use or sal of the generational avoid but also at how they trend). We might even pronounce Hebrew and analyze the language of infuse their speech with Jewish communal orga- structures from ances- nizations—such as the tral languages. Among creative use of Hebrew contemporary American and Yiddish in program Jews, Yiddish/Ashkenazic names and the trend of Hebrew, Modern Israeli JBranding (e.g., JDate, Hebrew, and English offer JSpot, JGooders). competing norms: do we But in my opinion, study Tórah, Toráh, or one of the most interest- Toyre? Are prayer shawls ing groups to analyze tallitot, taleysim, or tal- linguistically is young lises? Do we “learn out” Super Jew, 2010, by SLR Productions, licensed under GNU Free Documentation License. non-Orthodox Jews who something from a Gemora are highly involved in or do we simply learn it? When Jews use one the tayva” [arouse the lust] and “He was mek- Jewish religious life (henceforth referred to or another of these variants they present arev me” [brought me closer (to Judaism)]). with the less unwieldy but more tongue-in- themselves not only as Jews but also as certain This is true not only of the majority Ashke- cheek phrase super Jews). In an Internet survey types of Jews: older or younger, more or less nazic population but also of many Orthodox that I conducted with Steven M. Cohen, we connected to Israel, and more or less oriented Jews of Sephardi and Mizrahi descent. We also asked respondents dozens of questions about toward textual mastery or strict hear Orthodox Jews using Yiddish-influenced their use of Hebrew and Yiddish words and halahkic observance. syntax (e.g., “staying by them” and “We study other linguistic features, as well as about As I have found in my ethnographic and all day Torah”), the word “so” used where Eng- demographic traits. Using non-random “snow- survey research, language is an especially lish generally doesn’t allow it (e.g., “If you’ll ball sampling,” the survey received more than salient marker of Orthodox identification. come to us, so you’ll see”), the hesitation click 40,000 responses (see links on my HUC faculty This is not limited to divine expressions like from Israeli Hebrew, and quasi-chanting into- webpage for details about methodology and baruch hashem (bless God), chas v’shalom (God nation. Language is such an important part of findings). In the remainder of this article, I forbid), and mirtseshem (with God’s help: from American Orthodox identity (especially, but offer my analysis of the survey results about im yirtse hashem); but also includes hundreds not solely, among men), that people refer to non-Orthodox super Jews, limiting the sample of words for religious rituals and concepts, it as “Yeshivish” or “Frumspeak,” and ba’alei to the 23,004 respondents who grew up speak- for instance toyvel (immerse [as in objects] in teshuva—non–Orthodox Jews who embrace ing English in the United States and who iden- a ritual bath), aveyra (sin), gebruks (soaked Orthodoxy—pick up many of the distinctive tify themselves as Jewish and not Orthodox. matzah, prohibited on Passover by some linguistic features. First, we need a working definition of Ashkenazim); as well as hundreds of words While Orthodox Jews are most dis- super Jews. While there are many options, used outside of the religious sphere, such as tinct linguistically from their non-Jewish Cohen and I decided that respondents must 36 AJS Perspectives meet at least two of the following three crite- To what can we attribute these American Jewish landscape. As the tongue- ria: (1) attend services more than monthly; (2) differences? One might guess that the rise in-cheek label suggests, this can be an elitist have visited Israel three or more times or lived of non-Orthodox Jewish day schools plays identity. Many super Jews participate in a lay- there; and (3) all or almost all of their friends an important role. This may be partially led minyan (prayer group) in which members are Jewishly engaged. According to this defini- true, but only a small percentage of respon- tend to be Jewishly educated and observant. tion, 11 percent of this (non-Orthodox) sample dents attended day school (see Table 1). In a minyan setting, public speech (including is considered super Jews (674 individuals age Perhaps greater participation in informal announcements and the drash or dvar torah) 18–45 and 1,917 45 years or older).1 We see Jewish education. The super Jews are some- and private conversations are likely to include differences between super Jews and non-super what more likely to have attended Jewish Hebrew and Yiddish words and phrases and Jews at all ages, but the strongest differences summer camps and participated in youth other insider language. are among those under 45. Results for this age groups and college Jewish groups, but the The linguistic profile of super Jews is group are presented in Table 1. differences are not huge. epitomized by a phrase I hear periodically: Table 1: Percentage of non-Orthodox Jewish respondents under age 45 who report that they . Not Super Jews Super Jews have excellent or good comprehension of prayer book Hebrew 14 70 have at least some comprehension of Talmudic Aramaic 20 71 use bentsh (say Grace After Meals, bless) 25 78 use drash (explanation, sermonic commentary) 15 72 use davka (specifically) 11 68 use kal vachomer (all the more so) 3 44 use balagan (mess, chaos) 16 77 use yofi (nice) 21 73 use heimish (homey) 25 68 use “Are you coming to us for dinner?” 29 55 attended Jewish day school 11 24 attended Jewish sleep-away summer camp 51 61 Crucially, non-Orthodox super Jews differ I argue that the major factor in the dis- “hameyvin yavin,” meaning “Those in from other non-Orthodox Jews in their lan- tinctive linguistic profile of non-Orthodox the know will understand.” I asked some guage skills. Especially in the younger group, Jewish elites is their interaction with others friends how they use this ultimate insider they are much more likely to report excellent like them. Anyone who attends synagogue phrase, and one replied, “Since I work in or good Hebrew skills and at least some com- more than monthly, has spent significant time Hebrew Bible and Rabbinics, often giving prehension of Talmudic Aramaic. Second, they in Israel, and/or reports that most of their close public lectures at synagogues or Jewish are much more likely to report using many friends are engaged in Jewish life (the three community centers I’ll allude to something of the Yiddish, Hebrew, and Aramaic words criteria we used to define super Jews) likely heretical or politically controversial but we asked about, especially in the religious has regular conversations with others like not spell it out. I’ll tell others ‘I’m saying domain. They are much more likely to report them. In addition, almost half of young super X, and hamevin yavin.’” This phrase offers using Israeli Hebrew words, which is not sur- Jews in the sample refrain from handling a fine example of the richness we can dis- prising given that many of them have spent money on Shabbat, which suggests that they cover when we analyze the relationship time in Israel. may also host and/or attend Shabbat meals between language and religion, especially Young super Jews are significantly more regularly. We know from studies around the among super Jews. likely than non-super Jews to use Yiddish world that people who talk to each other on a words that are most common among their regular basis often converge linguistically. Par- Sarah Bunin Benor is associate professor of parents and grandparents, like macher (big ticipating in Jewish religious and communal contemporary Jewish Studies at Hebrew shot), naches (pride), and heimish (homey). life offers Jews ample opportunity to converse Union College—Jewish Institute of Religion Super Jews even report more use of Yiddish- with others like them and to learn and spread in Los Angeles. She is finishing a book influenced grammar, such as “Are you Hebrew and Yiddish words. entitled Becoming Frum: How Newcomers coming to us for dinner?” and “She has Non-Orthodox super Jews are crystal- Learn the Language and Culture of what to say.” lizing into a distinctive group within the Orthodox Judaism.
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