Relative Calm in the Strait
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Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
3/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 30 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 34 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 36 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 39 Taiwan Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 41 Bibliography of Articles on the PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, and on Taiwan UWE KOTZEL / LIU JEN-KAI / CHRISTINE REINKING / GÜNTER SCHUCHER 43 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 3/2006 Dep.Dir.: CHINESE COMMUNIST Li Jianhua 03/07 PARTY Li Zhiyong 05/07 The Main National Ouyang Song 05/08 Shen Yueyue (f) CCa 03/01 Leadership of the Sun Xiaoqun 00/08 Wang Dongming 02/10 CCP CC General Secretary Zhang Bolin (exec.) 98/03 PRC Hu Jintao 02/11 Zhao Hongzhu (exec.) 00/10 Zhao Zongnai 00/10 Liu Jen-Kai POLITBURO Sec.-Gen.: Li Zhiyong 01/03 Standing Committee Members Propaganda (Publicity) Department Hu Jintao 92/10 Dir.: Liu Yunshan PBm CCSm 02/10 Huang Ju 02/11 -
Hebdomadario De La Política Taiwanesa
HEBDOMADARIO DE LA POLÍTICA TAIWANESA Nº 13/2013 * Semana del 25 de Noviembre al 1 de Diciembre [email protected] 1) Informe 2) Observaciones de contexto 3) Datos relevantes 4) Nombres relevantes 1. Informe El anuncio de China continental del establecimiento de una Zona de Identificación de Defensa Aérea en el Mar de China Oriental, que incluye en su perímetro a las deshabitadas Diaoyutai, también provocó revuelo en Taiwán. Taipei, que calificó la decisión de “lamentable”, reunió a su Consejo de Seguridad Nacional y estableció contacto con EEUU y Japón, significando que ni sus reclamos de soberanía ni la leve superposición de esta nueva zona con la propia de la República de China motivarían cambios en la delimitación de su propia área. Por su parte, Beijing hizo saber que la citada zona concuerda “con los intereses de ambos lados del Estrecho”. A la pregunta de si Taiwán la aceptaría o no, el gobierno no ha respondido de manera definitiva pero 1 las aerolíneas han empezado a entregar sus planes de vuelo a China continental (al igual que Singapur o Filipinas y, unos días después, Corea del Sur y EEUU, por el momento) argumentando razones de seguridad. Taipei, señaló que la decisión, que en ningún caso fue objeto de consulta previa, no es favorable para el positivo desarrollo de las relaciones a través del Estrecho y así se lo hará saber al continente “a través de los canales adecuados”. La oposición acusó al gobierno de respuesta “muy débil” ante tal violación de la soberanía taiwanesa. Los diputados del PDP y la UST ocuparon el estrado de la presidencia del Yuan legislativo para protestar, exigiendo medidas enérgicas. -
27 the China Factor in Taiwan
Wu Jieh-min, 2016, “The China Factor in Taiwan: Impact and Response”, pp. 425-445 in Gunter Schubert ed., Handbook of T Modern Taiwan Politics and Society, Routledge. 27 THE CHINA FACTOR IN TAIWAN Impact and response Jieh-Min Wu* Since the turn of the century, the rise of China has inspired global a1nbitions and heightened international anxiety. Though Chinese influence is not a ne\V factor in the international geo political syste1n, the synergy between China's growing purchasing po\ver and its political \vill is dra\ving increasing attention on the world stage. With China's e111ergence as a global econontic powerhouse and the Chinese state's extraction of massive revenues and tremendous foreign reserves, Beijing has learned to flex these financial 1nuscles globally in order to achieve its polit ical goals. Essentially, the rise of China has enabled the PRC to speed up its n1ilitary moderniza tion and adroitly co1nbine econonllc measures and 'united front \Vork' in pursuit of its national interests. Hence Taiwan, whose sovereignty continues to be contested by the PRC, has been heavily i1npacted by China's new strategy. The Chinese ca1npaign kno\vn as 'using business to steer politics' has arguably been success ful in achieving inany of the effects desired by Beijing. For exan1ple, the Chinese government has repeatedly leveraged Taiwan's trade and econonllc dependence to intervene in Taiwan's elections. Such econonllc dependence n1ay constrain Taiwanese choices within a structure of Beijing's creation. In son1e historical 1no1nents, however, subjective identity and collect ive action could still en1erge as 'independent variables' that open up \Vindo\vs of opportun ity, expanding the range of available choices. -
ACROSS the TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017
VOLUME 5 2014–2015 ACROSS THE TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017 Compendium of works from the China Leadership Monitor ALAN D. ROMBERG ACROSS THE TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017 Compendium of works from the China Leadership Monitor ALAN D. ROMBERG VOLUME FIVE July 28, 2014–July 14, 2015 JUNE 2018 Stimson cannot be held responsible for the content of any webpages belonging to other firms, organizations, or individuals that are referenced by hyperlinks. Such links are included in good faith to provide the user with additional information of potential interest. Stimson has no influence over their content, their correctness, their programming, or how frequently they are updated by their owners. Some hyperlinks might eventually become defunct. Copyright © 2018 Stimson All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from Stimson. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1211 Connecticut Avenue Northwest, 8th floor Washington, DC 20036 Telephone: 202.223.5956 www.stimson.org Preface Brian Finlay and Ellen Laipson It is our privilege to present this collection of Alan Romberg’s analytical work on the cross-Strait relationship between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan. Alan joined Stimson in 2000 to lead the East Asia Program after a long and prestigious career in the Department of State, during which he was an instrumental player in the development of the United States’ policy in Asia, particularly relating to the PRC and Taiwan. He brought his expertise to bear on his work at Stimson, where he wrote the seminal book on U.S. -
Election 2008 and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations
Romberg, China Leadership Monitor, No. 21 Election 2008 and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations Alan D. Romberg With the nomination of Frank Hsieh Chang-ting as the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) presidential candidate to oppose Kuomintang (KMT) candidate Ma Ying-jeou in Taiwan’s March 2008 presidential election, and with the PRC gearing up greater pressure on Taiwan’s participation in international organizations, this is an appropriate moment to think about how the election will affect cross-Strait relations. The policies adopted by the next Taipei administration will, of course, be decisive in determining the course of those relations over the next four or even eight years. However, the campaign itself will shape both the way the next administration approaches cross-Strait issues and the mindset of Mainland policymakers as they prepare to deal with the new Taiwan leadership. It will also condition U.S. attitudes toward the winner. Taiwan—Where the Candidates Stand on Cross-Strait Relations One of the striking things that emerges from conversations with senior leaders in the KMT and DPP is their common assertion that, for all of the barbed rhetoric and legislative battles that divide them, and for all of the attempts by the current Taipei administration to paint the KMT as a PRC collaborator, the mainstreams of their parties are not terribly far apart in crucial respects on cross-Strait issues. Both candidates advocate broader cross-Strait economic and cultural ties. Both seek to expand Taiwan’s “international space” in a capacity that does not subordinate it to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). -
Information Heterogeneity and Economic Voting: a Cross-National Analysis Chia-Yin Wei University of South Carolina
University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations 2016 Information Heterogeneity and Economic Voting: A Cross-National Analysis Chia-yin Wei University of South Carolina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wei, C.(2016). Information Heterogeneity and Economic Voting: A Cross-National Analysis. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/3847 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Information Heterogeneity and Economic Voting: A Cross-National Analysis by Chia-yin Wei Bachelor of Arts Shih-Chien University, 1997 Master of Arts National Taiwan University, 2001 Master of Arts University of Texas at Austin, 2007 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2016 Accepted by: Fuh-sheng Hsieh, Major Professor David Darmofal, Committee Member Charles J. Finocchiaro, Committee Member Tse-min Lin, Committee Member Paul Allen Miller, Vice Provost and Interim Dean of Graduate Studies © Copyright by Chia Yin Wei, 2016 All Rights Reserved. ii DEDICATION Dedicated to my grandparents, parents, my brother, sister, sister-in-law, and nephews for love, wisdom, and strength. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my deepest gratitude to John Fuh-sheng Hsieh, my supervisor, for his patient guidance, continuous encouragement, and constructive critiques since I entered the Ph.D. -
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure. -
The Brookings Institution Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES in cooperation with THE CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY TAIWAN’S MATURING DEMOCRACY The Brookings Institution Washington, D.C. Monday, May 14, 2012 [TRANSCRIPT PREPARED FROM AN AUDIO RECORDING] ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 1 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction: RICHARD BUSH Senior Fellow and Director, Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Opening Remarks: LARRY DIAMOND Professor of Political Science, Director, Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law Stanford University Panel 1: Government DAVID BROWN Adjunct Professor, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies Johns Hopkins University DA-CHI LIAO Professor of Political Science National Sun Yat-sen University NIGEL N.T. LI Adjunct Professor, Graduate School of Law, Soochow University Adjunct Professor, Graduate Institute of Political Science, National Taiwan University JIUNN-RONG YEH Professor, College of Law National Taiwan University Panel 2: Politics and Society JOHN FUH-SHENG HSIEH Professor of Political Science University of South Carolina ERICH CHE-WEI SHIH News Anchor and Senior Producer CTi Television SHELLEY RIGGER Brown Professor of East Asian Politics Chair, Department of Political Science Davidson College ERIC CHEN-HUA YU Assistant Professor of Political Science 2 National Chengchi University Panel 3: Implications of Democratic Consolidation -
Communiqué No. 138, Pp
Taiwan Communiqué Published by: Formosan Association for Public Affairs 552 7th St. SE, Washington, D.C. 20003 Tel. (202) 547-3686 International edition, February / March 2013 Published 5 times a year 140 ISSN number: 1027-3999 Massive “Fury” rally in Taipei Two hundred thousand take to the streets On 13 January 2013, some 200 thousand people took to the streets in Taipei in the largest demonstration yet against the policies of President Ma Ying-jeou since his re-election one year ago. The march began at around 3:00 pm at the Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall, and moving along two or three different routes, the processions converged in front of the Presidential Office, where leaders of the democratic opposition gave speeches during the evening. Photo: Taipei Times The rally was led by DPP luminaries such as Chairman Su Tseng-chang, former Chairman and Presi- dential candidate Dr. Tsai Ing-wen, former vice-president Annette Lu, and former prime ministers Frank Hsieh and Yu Shyi-kun. Winter of discontent Leading members of the DPP speaking to the crowd against The main theme of the the backdrop of the "Fury" characters and the Presidential gathering was “Fury”: Office in Taipei on 13 January 2013 Taiwan Communiqué -2- February / March 2013 people being angry about the state of the economy, which grew only at around 1% during the past year, in spite of promises by the Ma government that the agreements with China, in particular the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) concluded in 2010, would bring new prosperity to Taiwan. The unemployment rate has remained relatively high, making it difficult for young college graduates to find jobs, while housing prices have skyrocketed, leaving first-time buyers out in the cold. -
Is China Colonizing North Korea?
Is China Colonizing North Korea? Unraveling Geopolitical Economy in the Production of Territory Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Seung-Ook Lee, M.A. Department of Geography The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Joel Wainwright, Advisor Mathew Coleman Bruce Cumings Ed Malecki Becky Mansfield Copyright by Seung-Ook Lee 2013 Abstract This dissertation examines the complex articulations between geopolitical and geoeconomic imperatives across national borders in the production of state territory. More specifically, it investigates the development of territorial linkages between North Korea and northeast China, scrutinizing the political-economic conditions that underlie these bilateral relations. My central thesis is that the recent changes in political-economic relations between these two countries have resulted not from a unilateral economic movement on the part of China – a ‘colonization’ – but instead through the mutual articulation of two processes: on one hand, North Korea’s deployment of territorial strategies to leverage its regional capacities and, on the other, China’s geo-economic approach to enhancing security in the border region. I contend that the discourse of China’s colonization of North Korea that has been constructed and disseminated by South Koreans reveals that both liberals and conservatives in South Korea desire North Korea as a sort of colony, albeit in different forms. This argument unfolds in three parts. First, in Chapter 2, I begin with a theoretical elaboration of geopolitical economy in the production of territory. Here I examine two different dialectical interactions which are deeply entangled with the production of state territory—the dialectics between geopolitical and geoeconomic logics of power and between territorial practices and representations of territory. -
Partido Comunista De China: Organización Central Real
CHINA:CHINA: ECONOMIA,ECONOMIA, POLITICAPOLITICA YY SOCIEDADSOCIEDAD ((ZhongguoZhongguo:: zhengzhizhengzhi 中国中国:: 政治政治)) EUGENIOEUGENIO ANGUIANOANGUIANO Curso CECHIMEX-FE-UNAM AgostoAgosto--noviembrenoviembre dede 20082008 ZhongguoZhongguo ((中华人民工和国中华人民工和国)) RepRepúúblicablica PopularPopular ChinaChina 中华人民共和国中华人民共和国 ¾ Superficie: 9,561,000 kilómetros cuadrados ¾ Población: 1.3 mil millones (fines de 2004) ¾ División política, 33 entidades: ¾ 4 municipios especiales, uno de ellos capital del país (Beijing 北京). ¾ 22 provincias, más la “provincia rebelde” de Taiwan (台湾). ¾ 5 regiones autónomas (自治区). Mongolia Interior (内蒙); Ningxia (宁 夏); Xinjiang (新疆); Tibet (西藏); Guangxi (广西). ¾ 2 regiones administrativas especiales. Hong Kong (香港) y Macao (澳门). República de China 中华民国 ¾ Taiwan e islas adyacentes. Superficie 31,179 kilómetros cuadrados ConstitucionesConstituciones polpolííticatica yy cartascartas magnasmagnas dede lala RepRepúúblicablica PopularPopular ChinaChina ¾ ProgramaPrograma ComComúúnn dede lala ConferenciaConferencia ConsultivaConsultiva polpolííticatica deldel PuebloPueblo ChinoChino (29(29 dede septiembreseptiembre dede 1949).1949). 6060 artartíículosculos enen 77 capcapíítulos.tulos. ¾ PrimeraPrimera ConstituciConstitucióónn (28(28 dede septiembreseptiembre dede 1954).1954). PrePreáámbulombulo yy 106106 artartíículosculos enen 44 capcapíítulos.tulos. ¾ SegundaSegunda ConstituciConstitucióónn (17(17 dede eneroenero dede 1975).1975). PrePreáámbulombulo yy 3030 artartíículosculos enen 44 capcapíítulos.tulos. ¾ TerceraTercera ConstituciConstitucióónn -
New Zealand's China Policy
澳大利亚-中国关系研究院 NEW ZEALAND’S CHINA POLICY Building a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership July 2015 FRONT COVER IMAGE: Chinese President Xi Jinping shakes hands with New Zealand’s Prime Minister John Key at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, March 19 2014. © AAP Photo Published by the Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) Level 7, UTS Building 11 81 - 115 Broadway, Ultimo NSW 2007 t: +61 2 9514 8593 f: +61 2 9514 2189 e: [email protected] © The Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) 2015 ISBN 978-0-9942825-1-4 The publication is copyright. Other than for uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part may be reproduced by any process without attribution. CONTENTS List of Figures 4 List of Tables 5 Acknowledgements 5 Executive Summary 6 The Historical Context 11 Politics Above All Else 17 Early Days 17 The Pace Quickens 21 Third-country relations 29 Defence and Security 33 New Zealand’s Military Responses to China 34 To The Future 38 Economic and Trade Relations 41 A Larger Share of Global Trade 41 Free Trade Agreements 42 Merchandise Trade 48 Trade in Services 52 Investment Flows 52 Chinese Students in New Zealand 60 Tourism 62 Lessons from the New Zealand-China FTA 64 People 70 Immigration 70 Chinese Language in New Zealand 72 People-To-People 74 Conclusion 75 About The Centre 76 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: New Zealand-China Exports and Imports (1972-2014) 48 Figure 2: Top Six Sources of New Zealand 49 Merchandise Imports (2000-13) Figure 3: Top Six Destinations for New Zealand 50 Merchandise Exports (2000-13) Figure 4: