Race, Reaction, and Reform: the Three Rs of Philadelphia School Politics, 1965-1971 Author(S): Jon S
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Race, Reaction, and Reform: The Three Rs of Philadelphia School Politics, 1965-1971 Author(s): Jon S. Birger Source: The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 120, No. 3 (Jul., 1996), pp. 163-216 Published by: The Historical Society of Pennsylvania Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20093045 . Accessed: 22/03/2011 22:11 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=hsp. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Historical Society of Pennsylvania is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. http://www.jstor.org 2? THE Pennsylvania Magazine OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY Race, Reaction, and Reform: The Three Rs of Philadelphia School Politics, 1965-1971 NOVEMBER 17,1967. BLACKFriday in Philadelphia. The student at demonstration and subsequent riot Philadelphia's school board were in to headquarters that day relatively minor comparison the racial disturbances that rocked other cities in 1967. There were no deaths or to was not serious injuries, and damage property minimal. But while it may at was one have been obvious the time, there major casualty. Black Friday a a dealt fatal blow to two years of profound school reform initiated by young man Harvard-trained superintendent named Mark Shedd and the who hired him, septuagenarian school board president Richardson Dilworth. Perhaps most to Philadelphia's beloved former mayor, Dilworth had hoped do for the city's public school system what he had done for city government. As Democratic mayor from 1955 to 1962, he attacked corruption in city hall? the legacy of nearly seventy years of unchallenged Republican rule?and a a helped transform decaying downtown into national model for urban renewalWhat Dilworth and Shedd had initiated in Philadelphia signified most a "the dramatic revolution in city school system in the postwar period," The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography Vol. CXX, No. 3 (July 1996) 164 JON S. BIRGER July to the authors of aUnited States according Department of Education study.1 never Unfortunately, the revolution took hold. The events of November 17, a 1967, crystallized white, working-class opposition to school reform that to overcome. Shedd and Dilworth proved unable J.William Jones, former public relations director of the Philadelphia Board of recalled November as "the most Education, 17,1967, devastating day of my life?I actually physically broke down and cried at the end."2 Jones's office window overlooked the courtyard of the board's fort-like, U at shaped administration building Twenty-First Street and the Benjamin Franklin Parkway. That morning, 3,500 black high school students left to school and converged upon the administration building demand better more courses schools, black teachers and principals, in African culture and to African-American history, permission form African-American clubs in to wear to the schools, and the right African clothes school. These students to new had decided take school superintendent Mark Shedd at his word. At was not forty-one Shedd only the youngest superintendent that anyone in most Philadelphia could remember but also the unconventional. Earlier that a to year Shedd challenged meeting of student council presidents apply to own was pressure his school bureaucracy?which before Shedd's arrival so so to one an inbred and resistant change that observer had likened it to to own "arthritic turtle." He urged the students draft their proposals for urban studies programs and take them to their social studies teachers. If the were to teachers unwilling try the student suggestions, they should continue were Copies ofMark Shedd's speeches provided by former Shedd assistant J.William Jones. Iwould to like thank Jones, Shirley Shedd, Thomas Minter, Ralph Sloane, andWendell and Carolyn Pritchett me were to am for meeting with and providing the oral histories that crucial my research. I particularly me access indebted to Louise Jones of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania for giving to the Richardson were a new Dilworth Papers; when I began my research, Dilworth's papers collection and had yet to be to formally catalogued by HSP archivists. I would also like thank Margaret Jerrido of the Temple two University Urban Archives, the anonymous reviewers selected by The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (PMHB), and the following individuals who critiqued early drafts of the master's thesis from which this essay is adapted: Michael Zuckerman, Thomas Sugrue, Michael Katz, Theodore Sizer, and Diane Ravitch. Marilyn Gittell andT. Edward Hollander, "The Process of Change: Case Study of Philadelphia," in The Politics of Urban Education, ed. Marilyn Gittell and Alan G. Hevesi (New York, 1969), 222. 2J.William Jones, interview by author, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Aug. 5,1994. 1996 RACE, REACTION, AND REFORM 165 fighting up each rung of the bureaucratic ladder, if necessary going straight to the board of education.3 a.m. was The demonstration began peacefully, but by nine it obvious that turnout 350 would far exceed the students originally anticipated by school to meet administrators. Eventually Shedd agreed with thirty student leaders to their were discuss grievances. "They very well behaved," Shedd told Philadelphia Bulletin reporter Fred Hamilton. "They wanted things that weren't totally unrealistic. We heard their demands and then went into a session to them an conference give answer."4 Police Lieutenant George of the was in Fencl, head Civil Disobedience Squad, charge of keeping the peace outside the Board of Education building. At around eleven a.m., two onto a students climbed the roof of parked car, breaking the car's radio antenna in an the process. The size of the crowd, along with increase in to noise and movement, convinced Fencl radio for help. the time was at seven At Police Commissioner Frank Rizzo city hall, was blocks away, where he attending the swearing-in ceremonies for 111 new and Rizzo in police sergeants corporals.5 grew up South Philadelphia's Little the eldest son a beat In mo Italy, of cop. eleventh grade, following his out a ther's death, he dropped of high school, and after brief stint in the navy he joined the police force at age twenty-two. Whether the offenders were or drunken sailors, counterculture hippies, Black Power activists, Rizzo had little tolerance for a anyone creating public disturbance. Rising through the a as a no-nonsense ranks, he earned reputation cop who swung first and ask ed was a questions later. It style that suited the times, and inMay 1967 he was appointed police commissioner, only months after Shedd had been nam new ed the school superintendent. There remains much debate over Rizzo's treatment of blacks. To some he was a racist, while others view him as more of an the equal-opportunity bully. Whatever case, Rizzo certainly had partic ular for black to contempt nationalists, and according Shedd assistant Ralph had a in was never Sloane?who cousin the police force?Rizzo shy about was voicing his opinions: "It very clear who Rizzo thought the bad guys he to statements was were, and started make around the police force that it 3 Peter Invades Binzen, "Philadelphia: Politics the School," Saturday Review, Feb. 5, 1972, 46; William Grant, "Philadelphia Schools Aiding Blacks," Detroit Free Press, Feb. 28,1969, 2-A. 4 Fred Hamilton, Rizzo (New York, 1973), 79. 5 R. Joseph Daughen and Peter Binzen, The Cop Who Would Be King: Mayor Frank Rizzo (Boston, 1977), 114-17. 166 JON S. BIRGER July was as that nigger-lover Shedd that the problem."6 Since his appointment police commissioner, Rizzo's experience with the public schools had gener to ally been limited breaking up fights between students; given this perspec tive he was sure to he oppose policies believed undermined adult authority. The first time Sloane encountered Rizzo was at the scene of a confrontation at a between black and white students South Philadelphia High School, out month before Black Friday. 'This great big Chrysler pulled up and pop ped Rizzo with his assistant," Sloane said. "He took his baton and stuck it at a up his sleeve. Rizzo walked around these things with baton, and he use to out could just drop it and it smash the shit of you. He said, 'Who's was here from the Board of Education?' Even though I just twenty-five years old, I was the one from the Board of Education. So he called me over, and me he held my tie and lifted up and said, 'We've had enough of this sick "7 ology shit.' came on When Fencl's call in November 17, Rizzo packed the newly to scene. promoted officers into buses and sped them the What happened next the is disputed.