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China at the Gates a New Power Audit of Eu-China Relations
CHINA AT THE GATES A NEW POWER AUDIT OF EU-CHINA RELATIONS François Godement & Abigaël Vasselier ABOUT ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values- based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: • A pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over two hundred Members - politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries - which meets once a year as a full body. Through geographical and thematic task forces, members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Carl Bildt, Emma Bonino and Mabel van Oranje. • A physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think-tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris, Rome, Sofia and Warsaw. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. • Developing contagious ideas that get people talking. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to carry out innovative research and policy development projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR produces original research; publishes policy reports; hosts private meetings, public debates, and “friends of ECFR” gatherings in EU capitals; and reaches out to strategic media outlets. ECFR is a registered charity funded by the Open Society Foundations and other generous foundations, individuals and corporate entities. -
Relations Between Chambers in Bicameral Parliaments 121
Relations between Chambers in Bicameral Parliaments 121 III. Relations between Chambers in Bicameral Parliaments 1. Introductory Note by the House of Commons of Canada, June 1991 In any bicameral parliament the two Houses share in the making of legisla- tion, and by virtue both of being constituent parts of the same entity and of this shared function have a common bond or link. The strength or weakness of this link is initially forged by the law regulating the composition, powers and functions of each Chamber, but is tempered by the traditions, practices, the prevailing political, social and economic climate and, indeed, even the personalities which comprise the two Chambers. Given all of these variables and all of the possible mutations and combina- tions of bicameral parliaments in general, no single source could presume to deal comprehensively with the whole subject of relations between the Houses in bicameral parliaments. Instead, the aim of the present notes is to attempt to describe some of the prominent features of relations between the two Houses of the Canadian Parliament with a view to providing a focus for discussion. The Canadian Context The Constitution of Canada provided in clear terms: "There shall be One Parliament for Canada, consisting of the Queen, an Upper House styled the Senate, and the House of Commons." The Senate, which was originally designed to protect the various regional, provincial and minority interests in our federal state and to afford a sober second look at legislation, is an appointed body with membership based on equal regional representation. Normally the Senate is composed of 104 seats which are allotted as follows: 24 each in Ontario, Quebec, the western provinces (6 each for Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia) and the Maritimes (10 each in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick and 4 in Prince Edward Island); six in Newfoundland and one each in the Yukon and Northwest Territories. -
1 H.E. Mr Andrzej Duda, President of the Republic of Poland H.E. Mr
H.E. Mr Andrzej Duda, President of the Republic of Poland H.E. Mr Tomasz Grodzki, Marshal of the Senate of the Republic of Poland H.E. Ms Elżbieta Witek, Marshal of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland H.E. Mr Mateusz Morawiecki, Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland 8 June 2020 Excellencies, On 19 March 2020 the Bar Council of England and Wales (Bar Council) and the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC) wrote to you to express grave concern as to the motion filed by the National Prosecution Office to the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court (Disciplinary Chamber) to waive the immunity of Judge Igor Tuleya. We called upon the relevant Polish authorities to respect their obligations under the Polish Constitution, the European Convention on Human Rights, and European Union law; to comply with the judgment of the Supreme Court of 5 December 2019; to respect the resolution of the Polish Supreme Court of 23 January 2020; to refrain from actions and statements attacking and vilifying judges and prosecutors; and to take all necessary measures to suspend the operation of the Disciplinary Chamber and end the politicisation of the new National Council of the Judiciary. We called for the arbitrary motion against Judge Igor Tuleya to be withdrawn without delay. We understand that there is to be a hearing of the motion on 9 June 2020. Since 19 March there have been important developments. On 8 April 2020 the Court of Justice of European Union specified in Case C-791/19 R (Commission v Poland) that Poland must immediately suspend the application of the national provisions on the powers of the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court with regard to disciplinary cases concerning judges. -
Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Gospodarki Krajowej W Kutnie
Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Gospodarki Krajowej w Kutnie NR 14 GRUDZIEŃ 2020 PÓŁROCZNIK ISSN 2353-8392 KUTNO 2020 Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Gospodarki Krajowej w Kutnie Wydział Studiów Europejskich Rada Programowo-Naukowa Przewodniczący Rady: prof. dr hab. Anatoliy Romanyuk, Uniwersytet Narodowy im. I. Franko we Lwowie Zastępca Przewodniczącego: dr hab. Zbigniew Białobłocki, Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Krajowej w Kutnie Członkowie: prof. dr hab. Wiera Burdiak, Uniwersytet Narodowy im. Jurija Fedkowycza w Czerniowcach prof. dr hab. Walerij Bebyk, Narodowy Uniwersytet Kijowski im. Tarasa Szewczenki prof. dr hab. Markijan Malski, Uniwersytet Narodowy im. I. Franko we Lwowie prof. zw. dr hab. Lucjan Ciamaga, Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Krajowej w Kutnie dr hab. Krzysztof Hajder, Uniwersytet im. A. Mickiewicza w Poznaniu prof. dr hab. Walenty Baluk, Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie prof. nadzw. dr Vitaliy Lytvin, Uniwersytet Narodowy im. I. Franko we Lwowie prof. Pavel Pavlov, PhD, Prorektor ds Badań i Nauki Wolnego Uniwersytetu Warneńskiego prof. Galya Gercheva D.Sc, Rektor Wolnego Uniwersytetu Warneńskiego, ks. dr hab. Kazimierz Pierzchała, Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II Recenzenci zewnętrzni: prof. dr hab. Nataliya Antonyuk, Uniwersytet Opolski prof. dr hab. Walerij Denisenko Uniwersytet Narodowy im. I. Franko we Lwowie prof. zw. dr hab. Bogdan Koszel, Uniwersytet im. A. Mickiewicza w Poznaniu prof. dr hab. Janusz Soboń, Akademia im. Jakuba z Paradyża w Gorzowie Wielkopolskim prof. dr hab. Wasyl Klimonczuk, Narodowy Uniwersytet Przykarpacki im. Wasyla Stefanyka w Iwano Frankowsku prof. dr hab. Swietłana Naumkina, Narodowy Juznoukrainski Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. K. D. Uszynskiego w Odessie prof. dr hab. Galina Zelenjno, Instytut Etnopolitologii im. I. Kurasa w Kijowie dr hab. Krystyna Leszczyńska- Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie Redaktor naczelny: dr hab. -
The Rafto Prize 2018 Is Awarded to the Polish Lawyer Adam Bodnar and the Institution He Leads, the Office of the Commissioner F
Award statement 27.09.2018 THE RAFTO PRIZE 2018 IS AWARDED TO THE POLISH LAWYER ADAM BODNAR AND THE INSTITUTION HE LEADS, THE OFFICE OF THE COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS, FOR THE IMPORTANT STANCE TAKEN IN THE FACE OF CURRENT POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN POLAND. - Defender of minority rights and judicial independence in Poland A key function of the Ombudsman, the Commissioner for Human Rights, is to ensure that the public authorities secure and respect the human rights of all members of Polish society. As Commissioner, Adam Bodnar has highlighted the crucial role played by independent Ombudsman institutions in safeguarding human rights in Poland - and other countries - where such actors and institutions come under attack. To guarantee fundamental human rights for all, it is necessary to maintain the independence of the judiciary, a free press, and an active civil society. Protection of the interests of minorities is a significant democratic value. Democracy is fragile when it is reduced to the will of the majority and when human rights, minority rights and the rule of law are undermined. Since Law and Justice (PiS) won the Polish election in October 2015, the party has used its majority in the National Parliament to adopt legislation that reduces the independence of the courts and centralizes state powers. New laws grant the government control of state media and place severe limits on freedom of information and political lobbying. The rights of vulnerable groups have been repeatedly ignored. In this situation, the Commissioner for Human Rights is an important defender of judicial independence and minority rights. As an independent ombudsman, Adam Bodnar stands out as an advocate of democracy, a defender of minorities and fundamental human rights. -
POLAND Date of Elections: March 21, 1976 Purpose of Elections
POLAND Date of Elections: March 21, 1976 Purpose of Elections Elections were held for all the members of Parliament on the normal expiry of their term of office. Characteristics of Parliament The unicameral Parliament of Poland, the Sejm (Diet), is composed of 460 members elected for 4 years. Electoral System All Polish citizens are entitled to vote provided they are at least 18 years old, have not been convicted of crime or deprived of their civil rights by judgement of a court and are not mentally deficient. Also entitled are persons who have resided in Poland for five years and have no other nationality, even if their Polish citizenship is not yet established. Electoral registers are drawn up at the constituency level by the local people's councils and revised before each election. Voting is not compulsory. Any qualified elector who is at least 21 years of age may stand for election to the Diet. The mandate of deputy is not incompatible with any other public or private function. According to the Constitution amended in 1976, candidates are nominated by political and social organizations embracing the country's urban and rural population. For the 1976 general elections, Poland was divided into 71 constituencies, each returning from three to ten deputies, depending on the constituency's population. Deputies are elected by absolute majority system, with electors in each constituency voting for lists of candidates presented by political parties. Each elector votes for as many candidates as there are seats to be filled in the constituency and, since the names on any party list can exceed this total, may cast preferential votes for candidates of his choice by crossing out names of others. -
The Polish Paradox: from a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article The Polish Paradox: From a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion Zofia Kinowska-Mazaraki Department of Studies of Elites and Political Institutions, Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Polna 18/20, 00-625 Warsaw, Poland; [email protected] Abstract: Poland has gone through a series of remarkable political transformations over the last 30 years. It has changed from a communist state in the Soviet sphere of influence to an autonomic prosperous democracy and proud member of the EU. Paradoxically, since 2015, Poland seems to be heading rapidly in the opposite direction. It was the Polish Solidarity movement that started the peaceful revolution that subsequently triggered important democratic changes on a worldwide scale, including the demolition of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of Communism and the end of Cold War. Fighting for freedom and independence is an important part of Polish national identity, sealed with the blood of generations dying in numerous uprisings. However, participation in the democratic process is curiously limited in Poland. The right-wing, populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) won elections in Poland in 2015. Since then, Poles have given up more and more freedoms in exchange for promises of protection from different imaginary enemies, including Muslim refugees and the gay and lesbian community. More and more social groups are being marginalized and deprived of their civil rights. The COVID-19 pandemic has given the ruling party a reason to further limit the right of assembly and protest. Polish society is sinking into deeper and deeper divisions. -
Effects of Institutional Variables on Legislative Voting Behaviour: Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Eight Bicameral Legislatures
MASARYK UNIVERSITY The Faculty of Social Studies The Department of Political Science Mgr. Kamil Gregor Effects of Institutional Variables on Legislative Voting Behaviour: Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Eight Bicameral Legislatures Dissertation Thesis Advisor: Prof. PhDr. Maxmilián Strmiska, Ph.D. Brno 2015 1 Affidavit / Čestné prohlášení I declare that this thesis was written by me alone and using only sources listed in References. Prohlašuji, že jsem tuto dizertační práce vypracoval samostatně a pouze s použitím uvedených zdrojů. Brno, 20. 11. 2015 Mgr. Kamil Gregor 2 Abstract This thesis challenges conventional straightforward accounts of legislative voting behaviour found in existing literature by systematically testing a set of hypotheses regarding effects of three institutional independent variables – the dependency of the executive on the legislature, party leadership control over prospects of legislators’ re-election and cameral symmetry – on two dependent variables describing legislative voting behaviour – party group unity and prevalence of strategic legislative voting. In order to control for effects of possible intervening variables, a quasi-experimental design is employed: Values of the three independent variables are dichotomized and eight national bicameral legislatures with all possible combinations of these values are analysed. Differences in values of the dependent variables between the lower and the upper chamber in each legislature are measured. The differences are then used as the outcome in the csQCA method in order to estimate combinations of institutional conditions necessary and sufficient for the measured differences to occur. The thesis finds that in symmetrical legislatures, strategic legislative voting is similarly prevalent in both chambers while in asymmetrical legislatures, it is more prevalent in the lower chamber. -
Parliaments of Different Countries
Follow Us On Parliaments of Different Countries A parliament is a legislative, elected body of government. A modern parliament has three functions: representing the electorate, making laws, and overseeing the government. A legislative body is called as a Parliament, National Assembly, Congress, etc., by different countries. Some Islamic countries call their legislative bodies as Shora or Majlis. This article contains the list of all the countries and their legislative bodies. So, read the list and help yourself score better in exams. You can also try the quiz on “Parliaments of different Countries” here – Quiz Link Parliaments of different Countries Country Type Name of house(s) House of the People Afghanistan National Assembly House of Elders Albania Parliament People's National Assembly Algeria Parliament Council of the Nation General Council Andorra National Assembly Angola House of Representatives Antigua and Barbuda Parliament Senate Chamber of Deputies of the National Congress of Nation Argentina Argentina Senate of the Nation National Assembly Armenia House of Representatives Australia Parliament of Australia Senate National Council Austria Austrian Parliament Federal Council www.recruitment.guru/General-Knowledge/|1 Follow Us On Parliaments of Different Countries Azerbaijan National Assembly House of Assembly Bahamas, The Parliament Senate Council of Representatives Bahrain National Assembly Consultative Council National Parliament Bangladesh House of Assembly Barbados Parliament Senate House of Representatives National Assembly -
Kapitalo Valstybinis Reguliavimas, Įgyvendinant Viešojo Ir Privataus Sektorių Partnerystę Torių Partnerystę
www.mruni.eu Živilė Š utavi č IENĖ Živilė ŠutAvičienė DAKTARO DISERTACIJA VIE ĮgyVENDINANT REGULIAVIMAS, VALSTYBINIS KAPITALO Š OJO IR PRIVATAUS SE PRIVATAUS IR OJO Kapitalo valstybinis reguliavimas, įgyvendinant viešojo ir privataus sektorių partnerystę K Torių PARTNERYstę Torių ISBN 978-9955-19-571-9 2013 SOCIALINIAI MOKSLAI, TEISĖ (01 S) VILNIUS, 2013 MYKOLO ROMERIO UNIVERSITETAS Živilė Šutavičienė KAPITALO VALSTYBINIS REGULIAVIMAS, ĮGYVENDINANT VIEŠOJO IR PRIVATAUS SEKTORIŲ PARTNERYSTĘ Daktaro disertacija Socialiniai mokslai, teisė (01 S) Vilnius, 2013 Disertacija rengta 2006–2013 metais Mykolo Romerio universitete Mokslinis vadovas: Prof. dr. Birutė Pranevičienė (Mykolo Romerio universitetas, socialiniai mokslai, teisė – 01 S) nuo 2012 m. spalio 4 d. iki 2013 m. dr. Vytautas Šulija (Mykolo Romerio universitetas, socialiniai mokslai, teisė – 01 S) nuo 2006 m. rugsėjo 1 d. iki 2012 m. spalio 4 d. Konsultantas: Prof. dr. Algimantas Urmonas (Mykolo Romerio universitetas, socialiniai mokslai, teisė – 01 S) nuo 2006 m. iki 2013 m. ISBN 978-9955-19-571-9 Mykolo Romerio universitetas, 2013 TURINYS ĮVADAS ....................................................................................................................................................... 5 I. METODOLOGINIAI VIEŠOJO IR PRIVATAUS KAPITALO SAMPRATOS NAGRINĖJIMO KLAUSIMAI TEISĖJE IR JŲ REIKŠMĖ VALSTYBINIO REGULIAVIMO TOBULINIMUI ADMINISTRACINĖS TEISĖS POŽIŪRIU ..............................................................19 1.1. Metodologiniai kapitalo sąvokos vartojimo galimybių -
Parliament and Democracy
ang_couv.qxd:Mise en page 1 29.1.2008 10:56 Page 1 PARLIAMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY a guide to good practice PARLIAMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY ISBN 978-92-9142-366-8 90000 9 789291 423668 ISBN 978-92-9142-366-8 2006 INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION 2006 •Anglais.qxd:Mise en page 1 3.12.2007 10:44 Page i Un Parlement qui rend des comptes I i PARLIAMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A GUIDE TO GOOD PRACTICE •Anglais.qxd:Mise en page 1 3.12.2007 10:44 Page ii ii I PARLEMENTS ET DÉMOCRATIE AU 21ÈME SIÈCLE •Anglais.qxd:Mise en page 1 3.12.2007 10:44 Page iii Un Parlement qui rend des comptes I iii PARLIAMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A GUIDE TO GOOD PRACTICE Written and edited by David Beetham Inter-Parliamentary Union 2006 •Anglais.qxd:Mise en page 1 3.12.2007 10:44 Page iv iv I PARLIAMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Copyright © Inter-Parliamentary Union 2006 All rights reserved Printed in Switzerland First reprint October 2007 ISBN: 978-92-9142-366-8 No part of this publication may be produced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, via photo- copying, recording, or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Inter- Parliamentary Union. This publication is circulated subject to the condition that it shall not by way of trade or otherwise be lent, sold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than in which it is published and without a similar condition, including this condition being imposed on the subsequent publisher. -
Allan Rosenbaum
ALLAN ROSENBAUM HOME OFFICE 5000 Riviera Drive Florida International University Coral Gables, Florida 33146 University Park Campus PC 250A (305) 665-1409 Miami, Florida 33199 Phone: (305) 348-1271 [email protected] ______________________________________________________________________________________ EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND: Ph.D. Political Science - State and Urban Government American Politics and Public Policy (1976) University of Chicago; Chicago, Illinois M.A. Political Science - Public Administration and Political Psychology (1967) University of California; Berkeley, California M.S. Ed. Administration of Higher Education College Student Personnel (1964) Southern Illinois University: Carbondale, Illinois B.A. History (1962) University of Miami; Miami, Florida PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE: June 1994 - Present Professor, Public Administration Director, Institute for Public Management and Community Service and Center for Democracy and Good Governance Florida International University (FIU); Miami, Florida Actively involved in all aspects of Master’s and PhD programs in Public Administration. Led PhD program as it expanded from a dozen to 40 students and achieved considerable international recognition. Also, led NASPAA reaccreditation efforts and state mandated ten-year program reviews of BPA, MPA and PhD programs. Organized videoconference course on contemporary public issues for US Embassy, Warsaw, Poland for Polish international relations students. Represented department in discussions regarding establishing joint BPA and MPA programs in China in conjunction with two Chinese institutions and in discussions regarding establishing joint research and training initiatives with various European and Latin American institutions. Past chair of college tenure and promotion and past chair faculty governance committee. Active involvement in revisions of BPA, MPA and PhD curriculum. Served as Acting Director and Director for founding of a then new FIU School of Public Administration, 2004-06.