Poland: Briefing on the Rule of Law and Independence of the Judiciary in Poland in 2020-2021
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Implementation of the Helsinki Accords Hearings
BASKET III: IMPLEMENTATION OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE NINETY-SEVENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION THE CRISIS IN POLAND AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE HELSINKI PROCESS DECEMBER 28, 1981 Printed for the use of the - Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 9-952 0 'WASHINGTON: 1982 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida, Chairman ROBERT DOLE, Kansas, Cochairman ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah SIDNEY R. YATES, Illinois JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania JONATHAN B. BINGHAM, New York ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York TIMOTHY E. WIRTH, Colorado CLAIBORNE PELL, Rhode Island MILLICENT FENWICK, New Jersey PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont DON RITTER, Pennsylvania EXECUTIVE BRANCH The Honorable STEPHEN E. PALMER, Jr., Department of State The Honorable RICHARD NORMAN PERLE, Department of Defense The Honorable WILLIAM H. MORRIS, Jr., Department of Commerce R. SPENCER OLIVER, Staff Director LYNNE DAVIDSON, Staff Assistant BARBARA BLACKBURN, Administrative Assistant DEBORAH BURNS, Coordinator (II) ] CONTENTS IMPLEMENTATION. OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS The Crisis In Poland And Its Effects On The Helsinki Process, December 28, 1981 WITNESSES Page Rurarz, Ambassador Zdzislaw, former Polish Ambassador to Japan .................... 10 Kampelman, Ambassador Max M., Chairman, U.S. Delegation to the CSCE Review Meeting in Madrid ............................................................ 31 Baranczak, Stanislaw, founder of KOR, the Committee for the Defense of Workers.......................................................................................................................... 47 Scanlan, John D., Deputy Assistant Secretary for European Affairs, Depart- ment of State ............................................................ 53 Kahn, Tom, assistant to the president of the AFL-CIO .......................................... -
Przegląd Więziennictwa Polskiego
PRZEGLĄD WIĘZIENNICTWA POLSKIEGO Kwartalnik poświęcony zagadnieniom prawnym, kryminologicznym i penitencjarnym Nr 96 Warszawa 2017 III kwartał 2017 Wydawnictwo Centralnego Zarządu Służby Więziennej Ministerstwa Sprawiedliwości Rada Naukowa: Przewodniczący − Czesław Kłak Wiceprzewodniczący − Krzysztof Wiak Członkowie: Krzysztof Krajewski, Emil Pływaczewski, Edward Skrętowicz, Jerzy Migdał, Beata Pastwa-Wojciechowska, Teodor Szymanowski, Stefan Lelental, Brunon Hołyst, Lech K. Paprzycki, Grażyna Szczygieł, Kazimiera Juszka, Barbara Stańdo-Kawecka, Ryszard Andrzej Stefański, Katarzyna Kaczmarczyk-Kłak, Piotr Stępniak, Wojciech Zalewski, Adam Redzik, Agnieszka Lewicka-Zelent, Robert Opora, Anna Fidelus, Zbigniew Izdebski, Matthew Maycock, Doug J. Dretke, Helena Valkova, Frider Dunkel, Miklos Levay, Jacek Pomiankiewicz, Marcin Warchoł, Bartłomiej Kowalski. Redakcja kwartalnika „Przegląd Więziennictwa Polskiego” Redaktor Naczelny − Piotr Łapiński (tel. 22-640 8424), Zastępca Redaktora Naczelnego − Marcin Dudzik, Zastępca Redaktora Naczelnego − Robert Pelewicz, Redaktor językowy (język polski) − Małgorzata Nowotny, Redaktor językowy (język angielski) − Marta Kuźma, Redaktor statystyczny − Tomasz Banyś, Sekretarz Redakcji – Konrad Wierzbicki. Kontakt: Redakcja „Przeglądu Więziennictwa Polskiego”, ul. Wiśniowa 50, 02-520 Warszawa Redaktor naczelny − tel. 22-640 8424, e-mail: [email protected] Sekretarz redakcji – tel. 504-609-742, e-mail: [email protected] fax: 22 848 6268 Strona internetowa: http://www.sw.gov.pl/przeglad-wieziennictwa-polskiego Wydawca: Centralny Zarząd Służby Więziennej, 02-521 Warszawa, ul. Rakowiecka 37a. Warunki prenumeraty: „Przegląd Więziennictwa Polskiego” jest rozprowadzany drogą prenumeraty. Sprzedaż pojedynczych numerów prowadzi redakcja. Zamówienia na prenumeratę należy przesłać do redakcji i wpłacić odpowiednią kwotę na konto: Ministerstwo Sprawiedliwości CZSW, Biuro Budżetu NBP o/o Warszawa Nr 76 1010 1010 0401 5222 3100 0000 w NBP O/O W-wa. Cena jednego numeru wynosi 20 złotych, a prenumerata roczna 80 złotych. -
The Independence of the Judiciary in Poland: Reflections on Andrzej Rzeplinski's Sadownictwo W Polsce Ludowej (The Judiciary in Peoples' Poland (1989) [Article]
The Independence of the Judiciary in Poland: Reflections on Andrzej Rzeplinski's Sadownictwo W Polsce Ludowej (the Judiciary in Peoples' Poland (1989) [Article] Item Type Article; text Authors Frankowski, Stanislaw Citation 8 Ariz. J. Int'l & Comp. L. 33 (1991) Publisher The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ) Journal Arizona Journal of International and Comparative Law Rights Copyright © The Author(s) Download date 30/09/2021 17:15:25 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Version Final published version Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/659476 THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE JUDICIARY IN POLAND: REFLECTIONS ON ANDRZEJ RZEPLINSKI'S SADOWNICTWO W POLSCE LUDOWEJ (THE JUDICIARY IN PEOPLES' POLAND (1989) Stanislaw Frankowski* I. INTRODUCTION The role of the judiciary within a political power structure and, in particular, its relation to the other branches of government, has always been a thorny and sensitive issue in countries of "real communism." On the one hand, communist rulers found it useful to create the appearance of retaining the "bourgeois" concept of judicial independence as a subterfuge for legiti- mizing their autocratic, in some instances even totalitarian, system of power. At the same time, however, they have always advanced the principle of the "leading role" of the Party as the fundamental tenet of their ideology. Despite all the scholarly effort, it proved impossible to devise a plausible theory which would diffuse the conflict between the officially proclaimed ideal of judicial independence and the Party's hegemonic role. As a result, most theorists dealing with the question of judicial independence in communist societies resorted to a set of carefully crafted phrases, obscuring rather than revealing the nature of the conflict. -
Democratisation, Economic Reform and Human Rights in Poland – Conflict Or Consonance?
Eras Edition 8, November 2006 – http://www.arts.monash.edu.au/eras Democratisation, economic reform and human rights in Poland – conflict or consonance? Thomas Bamforth (Norwegian Refugee Council, Formerly of the University of Melbourne) Abstract: This paper examines some of the conflicts underlying the apparently neutral and technical policies to bring about marketisation and democratisation in Poland. In particular, it looks at whether the underlying understanding of political activity and conceptions of human rights inherent in the political/economic reforms were consistent with Poland’s historical experience and rights traditions. The paper argues that the legacy of economic reform in Poland has undermined more culturally entrenched systems of economic production and democracy and has fragmented social understandings of what rights are in such a way as to undermine the legitimacy of the political and economic transition. The nature of man is intricate; the objects of society are of the greatest complexity; and therefore no simple disposition or direction of power can be suitable either to man’s nature or to the quality of his office. - Edmund Burke From its inception, capitalism has radically changed every material, social and cultural facet of the societies it has touched, and it continues to do so. - W. D. Perdue The rise of the economic technocrat, or technopols in John Williamson’s vocabulary of political economy, has severed economic analysis from its parental disciplines of moral philosophy, politics, and history. ‘Neutral’ economic fixes are thus available for reformist politicians who seek to open their societies to the potential riches of the free market. In Poland, the work of the technopols – Jeffrey Sachs and Leszek Balcerowicz who held positions of political power based on their economic expertise – has arguably succeeded. -
Poland's Constitution of 1997
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:44 constituteproject.org Poland's Constitution of 1997 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:44 Table of contents Preamble . 3 Chapter I: The Republic . 3 Chapter II: The Freedoms, Rights, and Obligations of Citizens . 7 Chapter III: Sources of Law . 17 Chapter IV: The Sejm and The Senate . 19 Chapter V: The President of the Republic of Poland . 26 Chapter VI: The Council of Ministers and Government Administration . 32 Chapter VII: Local Government . 36 Chapter VIII: Courts and Tribunals . 38 Chapter IX: Organs of State Control and For Defence of Rights . 44 Chapter X: Public Finances . 47 Chapter XI: Extraordinary Measures . 49 Chapter XII: Amending the Constitution . 51 Chapter XIII: Final and Transitional Provisions . 52 Poland 1997 Page 2 constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:44 • Motives for writing constitution • Preamble Preamble Having regard for the existence and future of our Homeland, Which recovered, in 1989, the possibility of a sovereign and democratic determination of its fate, We, the Polish Nation -all citizens of the Republic, • God or other deities Both those who believe in God as the source of truth, justice, good and beauty, As well as those not sharing such faith but respecting those universal values as arising from other sources, Equal in rights and obligations towards the common good -
Ruled by Law
RULED BY LAW THREATS TO THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN POLAND IN 2015-2019 RULED BY LAW THREATS TO THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN POLAND IN 2015-2019 Authors Małgorzata Szuleka, Marcin Wolny in cooperation with Maciej Kalisz Our thanks go to Danuta Przywara, Maciej Nowicki, Dr Piotr Kładoczny, Dr Barbara Grabowska-Moroz, Jarosław Jagura, Konrad Siemaszko, Patryk Wachowiec and Daniel Witko for their assistance and comments on the first versions of this report. Graphic design and layout Marta Borucka Cover photo Jan Kolar / unsplash Edition I Publication available under the Creative Commons license. Acknowledgment of authorship under the same conditions 4.0 (CC BY-SA 4.0) Legal status: 15th September 2019 Publisher Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights ul. Zgoda 11 00-018 Warszawa CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................... 5 Summary of events in the years 2015–2019 ........................................ 7 The parliamentary elections in October, 2015 .............................................. 7 Information on the most important systemic changes ...................................... 8 The shrinking space for human rights ...................................................... 9 Calendar of changes .......................................................................10 A crisis in the rule of law – attacks on the judiciary ...............................13 Changes in the Constitutional Tribunal ...................................................13 Changes to the Supreme -
1 H.E. Mr Andrzej Duda, President of the Republic of Poland H.E. Mr
H.E. Mr Andrzej Duda, President of the Republic of Poland H.E. Mr Tomasz Grodzki, Marshal of the Senate of the Republic of Poland H.E. Ms Elżbieta Witek, Marshal of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland H.E. Mr Mateusz Morawiecki, Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland 8 June 2020 Excellencies, On 19 March 2020 the Bar Council of England and Wales (Bar Council) and the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC) wrote to you to express grave concern as to the motion filed by the National Prosecution Office to the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court (Disciplinary Chamber) to waive the immunity of Judge Igor Tuleya. We called upon the relevant Polish authorities to respect their obligations under the Polish Constitution, the European Convention on Human Rights, and European Union law; to comply with the judgment of the Supreme Court of 5 December 2019; to respect the resolution of the Polish Supreme Court of 23 January 2020; to refrain from actions and statements attacking and vilifying judges and prosecutors; and to take all necessary measures to suspend the operation of the Disciplinary Chamber and end the politicisation of the new National Council of the Judiciary. We called for the arbitrary motion against Judge Igor Tuleya to be withdrawn without delay. We understand that there is to be a hearing of the motion on 9 June 2020. Since 19 March there have been important developments. On 8 April 2020 the Court of Justice of European Union specified in Case C-791/19 R (Commission v Poland) that Poland must immediately suspend the application of the national provisions on the powers of the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court with regard to disciplinary cases concerning judges. -
The Protection of Human Rights in the New Polish Constitution
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 22, Issue 2 1998 Article 2 The Protection of Human Rights in the New Polish Constitution Ryszard Cholewinski∗ ∗ Copyright c 1998 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj The Protection of Human Rights in the New Polish Constitution Ryszard Cholewinski Abstract This Article examines the extent of human rights protection under the Constitution of the Re- public of Poland of April 2, 1997 (”new Polish Constitution” or “Constitution”), adopted on April 2, 1997, by the Polish National Assembly and approved by the Polish people in a referendum on May 25, 1997. The Constitution, a lengthy document composed of 243 articles, came into force on October 17, 1997, and is one of the last constitutions to be adopted in Central and Eastern Europe since the start of the political and socio-economic transformations of the post-communist era. This Article emphasizes the importance of the new Polish Constitution in light of the long tradition of constitutionalism in Poland. Part I surveys some of the earlier constitutional texts, with particular focus on the provisions concerning the protection of human rights. After briefly discussing the difficulties encountered in drafting the new Polish Constitution, Part II analyzes the protection of rights and freedoms in the Constitution in light of the most recent developments. This part focuses on the general principles underlying rights and freedoms in the Constitution, certain prominent civil and political rights of particular importance in their specific Polish context, the debate surrounding the constitutionalization of economic and social rights, the protection of so-called ”third-generation rights” such as the right to a clean and healthy environment, and lim- itations on rights and freedoms. -
The Rafto Prize 2018 Is Awarded to the Polish Lawyer Adam Bodnar and the Institution He Leads, the Office of the Commissioner F
Award statement 27.09.2018 THE RAFTO PRIZE 2018 IS AWARDED TO THE POLISH LAWYER ADAM BODNAR AND THE INSTITUTION HE LEADS, THE OFFICE OF THE COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS, FOR THE IMPORTANT STANCE TAKEN IN THE FACE OF CURRENT POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN POLAND. - Defender of minority rights and judicial independence in Poland A key function of the Ombudsman, the Commissioner for Human Rights, is to ensure that the public authorities secure and respect the human rights of all members of Polish society. As Commissioner, Adam Bodnar has highlighted the crucial role played by independent Ombudsman institutions in safeguarding human rights in Poland - and other countries - where such actors and institutions come under attack. To guarantee fundamental human rights for all, it is necessary to maintain the independence of the judiciary, a free press, and an active civil society. Protection of the interests of minorities is a significant democratic value. Democracy is fragile when it is reduced to the will of the majority and when human rights, minority rights and the rule of law are undermined. Since Law and Justice (PiS) won the Polish election in October 2015, the party has used its majority in the National Parliament to adopt legislation that reduces the independence of the courts and centralizes state powers. New laws grant the government control of state media and place severe limits on freedom of information and political lobbying. The rights of vulnerable groups have been repeatedly ignored. In this situation, the Commissioner for Human Rights is an important defender of judicial independence and minority rights. As an independent ombudsman, Adam Bodnar stands out as an advocate of democracy, a defender of minorities and fundamental human rights. -
The Polish Paradox: from a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article The Polish Paradox: From a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion Zofia Kinowska-Mazaraki Department of Studies of Elites and Political Institutions, Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Polna 18/20, 00-625 Warsaw, Poland; [email protected] Abstract: Poland has gone through a series of remarkable political transformations over the last 30 years. It has changed from a communist state in the Soviet sphere of influence to an autonomic prosperous democracy and proud member of the EU. Paradoxically, since 2015, Poland seems to be heading rapidly in the opposite direction. It was the Polish Solidarity movement that started the peaceful revolution that subsequently triggered important democratic changes on a worldwide scale, including the demolition of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of Communism and the end of Cold War. Fighting for freedom and independence is an important part of Polish national identity, sealed with the blood of generations dying in numerous uprisings. However, participation in the democratic process is curiously limited in Poland. The right-wing, populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) won elections in Poland in 2015. Since then, Poles have given up more and more freedoms in exchange for promises of protection from different imaginary enemies, including Muslim refugees and the gay and lesbian community. More and more social groups are being marginalized and deprived of their civil rights. The COVID-19 pandemic has given the ruling party a reason to further limit the right of assembly and protest. Polish society is sinking into deeper and deeper divisions. -
Universal Periodic Review of Poland Submission by the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights & Professor Zbigniew Hołda Association 2016
Universal Periodic Review of Poland Submission by the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights & Professor Zbigniew Hołda Association 2016 1. Introduction The Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights (“HFHR”) is one of the biggest and oldest non- governmental organisations working to protect human rights in Poland. HFHR’s mission is to promote human rights, democratic values, and rule of law. HFHR undertakes educational, legal and monitoring activities both in Poland and the countries of the former Soviet block. HFHR has a consultative status at the United Nations Economic and Social Council (“ECOSOC”) and is a member of numerous research networks and platforms. HFHR participated as a stakeholder in the first cycle of the Universal Periodic Review in Poland. The Zbigniew Hołda Association (“PHA”) was established in May 2010 on the initiative of criminal justice lawyers. The Association aim is to promote the achievements of Professor Zbigniew Hołda, a renowned human rights advocate and specialist in the field of rule of law, criminal justice, freedom of expression and artistic freedom. The goal of the Association is to monitor and intervene in case of rule of law violations or criminal justice abuses. In our submission, we would focus on the recently changed human rights landscape in Poland and focus primarily on the Constitutional Tribunal crisis, as it directly affects and impairs the protection of human rights in the country. We also discuss the situation around public media, and the effect of the recent changes to the laws on public media on media freedom. Moreover, we refer to the attacks on the judiciary and their impact on the division of powers. -
Poland Amnesty International Submission for the Un Universal Periodic Review 27Th Session of the Upr Working Group, April/May 2017
POLAND AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL SUBMISSION FOR THE UN UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW 27TH SESSION OF THE UPR WORKING GROUP, APRIL/MAY 2017 FOLLOW UP TO THE PREVIOUS REVIEW During its second UPR in 2012, Poland supported recommendations on a number of issues, including ensuring that the office of the Human Rights Commissioner (Ombudsperson)1 is sufficiently resourced,2 recognizing aggravating circumstances for hate crimes related to gender identity and sexual orientation,3 and strengthening anti-discrimination laws to better protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) persons and persons with disabilities.4 Poland also accepted, but considered already implemented, a recommendation to ensure women’s access to lawful abortion by creating clear regulations for the implementation of the 1993 Act on Family Planning5 and partially supported a recommendation to conduct an effective inquiry into Poland’s involvement in the CIA’s rendition and secret detention programme.6 While some positive steps were taken with respect to these recommendations, those steps were subsequently reversed or did not come into effect. For example, in 2013, the Council for the Prevention of Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance was established;7 however, in 2016 it was abolished.8 Despite support expressed to Amnesty International in March 2015 by the then Minister of Justice, efforts have stalled to amend the Penal Code9 to investigate and prosecute crimes related to gender identity and sexual orientation as hate crimes.10 LGBTI persons and persons with 1 The terms “Ombudsperson” and “Ombudsman” were used during Poland’s last UPR. The term “Human Rights Defender” was used in the office’s English language publications in the past and was replaced, in 2016, by “Commissioner for Human Rights” or “Human Rights Commissioner”, which is the term used throughout this submission.