The Radical Right in Policy Space: a Comparative Analysis of Radical Right Parties in Eastern and Western Europe

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Radical Right in Policy Space: a Comparative Analysis of Radical Right Parties in Eastern and Western Europe The Radical Right in Policy Space: A Comparative Analysis of Radical Right Parties in Eastern and Western Europe by David Pupovac Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Supervisor: Levente Littvay Budapest, 2015 CEU eTD Collection Declaration I hereby declare that this dissertation contains no materials accepted for any other degrees, in any other institutions. The dissertation contains no materials previously written and/or published by any other person, except where appropriate acknowledgement is made in the form of bibliographical reference. David Pupovac August31, 2015 CEU eTD Collection i Abstract The analyses presented in the dissertation address the functioning of the European radical right in the policy space by comparatively analyzing Eastern and Western European radical right parties. The dissertation contributes to a better understanding of the ideology of the European radical right and the function ideology plays in the radical right’s performance in elections. The research addresses three central problems: the definition and the ideological transformation of the radical right; ideological differences between Eastern and Western European radical right parties; and the effect of ideological shifts and interactions of competitors in the policy space on the variation of radical right’s vote shares. In addition to the central research questions, the dissertation addresses the problem of conceptualization and dimensionality of the policy space and contributes to the literature on measuring ideological positions of parties using hand-coded manifesto data. The analyses provide evidence for these principal conclusions. Firstly, social and political changes forced radical right parties to adapt and to alter some aspects of their ideologies. I argue that authoritarianism, typically associated with the traditional radical right, is neither a sufficient nor a necessary characteristic of the contemporary radical right. I claim that definitional characteristics of radical right parties are to be found in extreme positions considering the “Other”, and this location in the policy space is the quality which distinguishes radical right parties from other party families. To account for these hypotheses, I test contesting definitions of the radical right and provide evidence for the transformation of the radical right’s ideology and the moderation considering the authoritarian policy dimension. Nevertheless, I also demonstrate that, despite these ideological changes, modern radical right parties still share with historical fascist and Nazi parties the same type of extremism with respect to the exclusion on the basis of in-group/out- group distinction. Secondly, although the modern understanding of the radical right rests on an assumed ideological distinctiveness of Eastern (post-communist) and Western European radical right parties, I challenge this assumption and argue that the perceived distinction is a byproduct of different political and historical circumstances characteristic for Eastern and Western European states. In assessing the validity of the ideological difference, I consider both particular issues and the position of parties in the multidimensional policy space. The analysis presents evidence against the assumed ideological differentiation between Eastern and Western European radical right parties and, thus, contests the foundation of the modern understanding of the radical right. Thirdly, I argue that ideological shifts and the location of parties in the policy space have a significant explanatory power in accounting for the variation of vote shares of radical right parties. I demonstrate that, in the presence of relevant social, economic and institutional indicators, the ideological division of party systems with respect to exclusionary and authoritarian issues has a consistent and substantial effect in explaining the variation of radical right vote shares. Consequently, I provide evidence that, while electoral success of the CEU eTD Collection radical right may be aided by socio-economic, cultural and institutional contexts, the lack of a national consensus considering the issues such as national identity, traditionalism or civic liberties contributes to the growth of radical right vote shares. ii Acknowledgments This dissertation has been in process for many years and there is no possible way to thank everyone who had helped me. However, I have to mention some of the people who have been indispensable in getting this project completed. First of all, I want to thank my supervisor, prof. Levente Littvay, whose extraordinary professional and personal support, strong commitment to my academic development and enduring patience were crucial in this long and challenging journey. Having him as my mentor and a friend has been a great honor. I would also like to extend my utmost gratitude to prof. Tamás Rudas and prof. Anton Pelinka for supporting me in the most difficult period of this process and showing me the way forward. I am also deeply indebted to prof. Lawrence LeDuc for helping me to pursue my academic ambitions. Most of all, I would like to thank my friends and colleagues, Elene Jibladze, Elena Stavrevska, and Dane Taleski for their friendship and help. I am also very grateful to the faculty and staff of the Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy and International Relations for their professional advice. Especially, I would like to mention Robert Sata for offering his generous help. Special thanks to members of the Political Behavior Research Group (PolBeRG) and particularly to prof. Gábor Tóka, Juraj Medzihorsky, Paul Weith, Sebastian Popa, Martin Mölder, Daniela Širinić and Constantin Bosancianu. Above all, I would like to thank my parents, Radmila and Rajko Pupovac, whose selfless love and endless encouragement made this dissertation possible. I dedicate this work to them. CEU eTD Collection iii Table of Contents DECLARATION .................................................................................................................................................. I ABSTRACT ......................................................................................................................................................... II ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................................................................................................. III TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................................................... IV LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................................ VIII LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................................................. IX PART 1: RESEARCH DESIGN, CONCEPTUALIZATION AND MEASUREMENT ..................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION: RESEARCH QUESTIONS, DESIGN OF ANALYSIS AND METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................................................... 2 1.1. THE PERILS OF THE RADICAL RIGHT AND THE ACADEMIC LITERATURE ................................................... 2 1.2. THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE DISSERTATION ............................................................................................ 4 1.2.1. The radical right in the policy space of Eastern and Western Europe ......................................... 4 1.2.2. The research questions ................................................................................................................. 7 1.2.2.1. How to define the radical right? ............................................................................................... 7 1.2.2.2. Is there an ideological difference between the Eastern and the Western European radical right? 9 1.2.2.3. Which factors influence vote share variation of the radical right? ......................................... 11 1.3. THE PROPERTIES OF THE RESEARCH DESIGN ......................................................................................... 12 1.3.1. Terminology and case selection ................................................................................................. 13 1.3.2. Units of analysis ......................................................................................................................... 15 1.3.3. Scope conditions ......................................................................................................................... 15 1.3.3.1. Geographical conditions......................................................................................................... 16 1.3.3.2. Political and historical conditions .......................................................................................... 16 1.3.3.3. Time span ............................................................................................................................... 17 1.3.3.4. Excluded cases ....................................................................................................................... 17 1.4. DATA AND METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................. 18 1.4.1. Expert surveys: limits
Recommended publications
  • Territorial Autonomy and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand
    ICIP WORKING PAPERS: 2010/01 GRAN VIA DE LES CORTS CATALANES 658, BAIX 08010 BARCELONA (SPAIN) Territorial Autonomy T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | WWW.ICIP.CAT and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand Roger Suso Territorial Autonomy and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand Roger Suso Institut Català Internacional per la Pau Barcelona, April 2010 Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 658, baix. 08010 Barcelona (Spain) T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | http:// www.icip.cat Editors Javier Alcalde and Rafael Grasa Editorial Board Pablo Aguiar, Alfons Barceló, Catherine Charrett, Gema Collantes, Caterina Garcia, Abel Escribà, Vicenç Fisas, Tica Font, Antoni Pigrau, Xavier Pons, Alejandro Pozo, Mònica Sabata, Jaume Saura, Antoni Segura and Josep Maria Terricabras Graphic Design Fundació Tam-Tam ISSN 2013-5793 (online edition) 2013-5785 (paper edition) DL B-38.039-2009 © 2009 Institut Català Internacional per la Pau · All rights reserved T H E A U T HOR Roger Suso holds a B.A. in Political Science (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, UAB) and a M.A. in Peace and Conflict Studies (Uppsa- la University). He gained work and research experience in various or- ganizations like the UNDP-Lebanon in Beirut, the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) in Berlin, the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights to the Maghreb Elcàlam in Barcelona, and as an assist- ant lecturer at the UAB. An earlier version of this Working Paper was previously submitted in May 20, 2009 as a Master’s Thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies in the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, Swe- den, under the supervisor of Thomas Ohlson.
    [Show full text]
  • Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
    This page intentionally left blank Populist radical right parties in Europe As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political par- ties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the par- ties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research. cas mudde is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Antwerp. He is the author of The Ideology of the Extreme Right (2000) and the editor of Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (2005). Populist radical right parties in Europe Cas Mudde University of Antwerp CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521850810 © Cas Mudde 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
    [Show full text]
  • Subcultural Appropriations of Appalachia and the Hillbilly Image, 1990-2010
    Virginia Commonwealth University VCU Scholars Compass Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 2019 The Mountains at the End of the World: Subcultural Appropriations of Appalachia and the Hillbilly Image, 1990-2010 Paul L. Robertson Virginia Commonwealth University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd Part of the American Popular Culture Commons, Appalachian Studies Commons, Literature in English, North America Commons, and the Other Film and Media Studies Commons © Paul L. Robertson Downloaded from https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5854 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at VCU Scholars Compass. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of VCU Scholars Compass. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Robertson i © Paul L. Robertson 2019 All Rights Reserved. Robertson ii The Mountains at the End of the World: Subcultural Appropriations of Appalachia and the Hillbilly Image, 1990-2010 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Virginia Commonwealth University. By Paul Lester Robertson Bachelor of Arts in English, Virginia Commonwealth University, 2000 Master of Arts in Appalachian Studies, Appalachian State University, 2004 Master of Arts in English, Appalachian State University, 2010 Director: David Golumbia Associate Professor, Department of English Virginia Commonwealth University Richmond, Virginia May 2019 Robertson iii Acknowledgement The author wishes to thank his loving wife A. Simms Toomey for her unwavering support, patience, and wisdom throughout this process. I would also like to thank the members of my committee: Dr. David Golumbia, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • 2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
    2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties of Kosovo Serbs in the Political System of Kosovo: from Pluralism to Monism JOVANA RADOSAVLJEVIĆ & BUDIMIR NIČIĆ 3
    1 NEW SOCIALINITIATIVE Political parties of Kosovo Serbs April in the political 2021 system of Kosovo: From pluralism to monism 2 Political parties of Kosovo Serbs in the political system of Kosovo: from pluralism to monism JOVANA RADOSAVLJEVIĆ & BUDIMIR NIČIĆ 3 Characteristics of the open society within Serb community in Kosovo Political Civil society parties of organizations in the Kosovo Serbs in Openness of Serbian Serbian community in the political system media in Kosovo Kosovo – Beteween of Kosovo: From perceptions and pluralism to presentation monism Attitudes of Kosovo Openness of institutions Community Rights in Serbs of security to the citizens of Kosovo Kosovo institutions Analysis of the Kosovo Serbs in the economic situation in dialogue process the Serb-populated areas in Kosovo Research title: Political parties of Kosovo Serbs in the political system of Kosovo: From pluralism to monism Published by: KFOS Prepared by: Nova društvena inicijativa (New Social Initiative) i Medija Centar (Media Center) Authors: Jovana Radosavljević, Budimir Ničić The original writing language of the analysis is Serbian language. Translated by: Biljana Simurdić Design: tedel Printed by (No. of copies): tedel (100) This paper is published within OPEN, a project carried out by the Kosovo Foundation for Open Society (KFOS) in cooperation with the organizations Nova društvena inicijativa (New Social Initiative) and Medija Centar (Media Center). Views expressed in this publication are exclusively those of the research authors and are not necessarily the views of KFOS. Year of publishing: 2021 CONTENT 05. WHO ARE 16 03. IMPORTANT PLAYERS AND POLITICAL PARTIES 9 WHAT ARE THEIR OF KOSOVO SERBS, ROLES FROM PLURALISM TO MONISM 01.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties I Discourse & Ideology
    Continuities and Change in Greek political culture: PASOK’s modernization paradigm 1996-2004 Nikolaos Bilios (MPhil LSE) PhD student UoA- Marshall Memorial Fellow [email protected] [email protected] University of Athens Faculty of Law Department of Political Science and Public Administration Summer 2009 Paper for the 4th Biennial Hellenic Observatory PhD Symposium on Contemporary Greece Session II- Panel 5- Political Parties I: Discourse & Ideology Room : U110, Tower 1 Chair: Prof. Kevin Featherstone 1 ABSTRACT Throughout the 90s, PASOK (Panhellenic Socialist Movement), in common with the other European social democratic parties, has advocated a revisionist approach towards socialism and has placed the 'modernization' of the Greek society high on its political agenda. By focusing on the characteristics of PASOK’s transformation, this paper aims to exemplify the repercussion of this development on its political discourse i.e. the modernization paradigm (eksychronismos). Key questions will be addressed: What is the significance of ‘modernization’ as a political discourse? What is its empirical documentation and how its methodological use will help us to study and to decipher the role of this political ideology in conjunction with PASOK’s new character, ideological agenda, social base. The material composing the analysis of this paper derives from empirical research on the speeches delivered and interviews given by the Prime Minister Kostas Simitis and other members of the ‘modernizers group’ and by articles and texts which have been published in the daily press, periodicals and books. INTRODUCTION The discussion about the ideology, role and organization of political parties is continuous and classic. The scope and intensity of the challenges currently faced in Western European political parties is exceptionally great, threatening the viability of the manner in which they have traditionally operated and causing them to seek new behaviors and strategies.
    [Show full text]
  • We're Not Nazis, But…
    August 2014 American ideals. Universal values. Acknowledgements On human rights, the United States must be a beacon. This report was made possible by the generous Activists fighting for freedom around the globe continue to support of the David Berg Foundation and Arthur & look to us for inspiration and count on us for support. Toni Rembe Rock. Upholding human rights is not only a moral obligation; it’s Human Rights First has for many years worked to a vital national interest. America is strongest when our combat hate crimes, antisemitism and anti-Roma policies and actions match our values. discrimination in Europe. This report is the result of Human Rights First is an independent advocacy and trips by Sonni Efron and Tad Stahnke to Greece and action organization that challenges America to live up to Hungary in April, 2014, and to Greece in May, 2014, its ideals. We believe American leadership is essential in as well as interviews and consultations with a wide the struggle for human rights so we press the U.S. range of human rights activists, government officials, government and private companies to respect human national and international NGOs, multinational rights and the rule of law. When they don’t, we step in to bodies, scholars, attorneys, journalists, and victims. demand reform, accountability, and justice. Around the We salute their courage and dedication, and give world, we work where we can best harness American heartfelt thanks for their counsel and assistance. influence to secure core freedoms. We are also grateful to the following individuals for We know that it is not enough to expose and protest their work on this report: Tamas Bodoky, Maria injustice, so we create the political environment and Demertzian, Hanna Kereszturi, Peter Kreko, Paula policy solutions necessary to ensure consistent respect Garcia-Salazar, Hannah Davies, Erica Lin, Jannat for human rights.
    [Show full text]
  • Published As: Jackie Smith and Nicole Doerr, “Democratic Innovation in the U.S
    Published as: Jackie Smith and Nicole Doerr, “Democratic Innovation in the U.S. and European Social Forums” in A Handbook of the World Social Forums. J. Smith, S. Byrd, E. Reese, and E. Smythe, Eds. Paradigm Publishers. (2012) Chapter 18 Democratic Innovation in the U.S. and European Social Forums Jackie Smith and Nicole Doerr Democratization is an ongoing, conflict-ridden process, resulting from contestation between social movements and political elites (Markoff 1996; Tilly 1984). The struggle to make elites more accountable to a larger public has produced the democratic institutions with which we are familiar, and it continues to shape and reconfigure these institutions. It also transforms the individuals and organizations involved in social change, generating social movement cultures, norms and practices that evolve over time. In this chapter, we conceptualize the World Social Forum (WSF) process as part of a larger historical struggle over people’s right to participate in decisions that affect their lives. As other contributions to this volume have shown, the WSF has emerged from and brings together a diverse array of social movements, and has become a focal point for contemporary movements struggling against the anti-democratic character of neoliberal globalization. Neoliberalism’s threats to democratic governance result from its expansion of the political and economic authority of international financial institutions like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization; its hollowing out of national states through privatization, the international debt regime, and international trade policies; its privileging of 1 expert and technocratic knowledge over all other sources of knowledge; and its depoliticization of economic policymaking (Brunelle 2007; Harvey 2005; Markoff 1999; McMichael 2006).
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected]
    University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 1-20-2018 Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Barrett, Ryan, "Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors" (2018). Dissertations. 725. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/725 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett M.A. Political Science, The University of Missouri - Saint Louis, 2015 M.A. International Relations, Webster University, 2010 B.A. International Studies, 2006 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School at the The University of Missouri - Saint Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophy in Political Science May 2018 Advisory Committee: Joyce Mushaben, Ph.D. Jeanne Wilson, PhD. Kenny Thomas, Ph.D. David Kimball, Ph.D. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter I. Policy Formulation 30 Chapter II. Reform Initiatives 84 Chapter III. Economic Policy 122 Chapter IV. Energy Policy 169 Chapter V. Security and Defense Policy 199 Conclusion 237 Appendix 246 Bibliography 248 To the Pat Tillman Foundation for graciously sponsoring this important research Introduction: Ukraine at a Crossroads Ukraine, like many European countries, has experienced a complex history and occupies a unique geographic position that places it in a peculiar situation be- tween its liberal future and communist past; it also finds itself tugged in two opposing directions by the gravitational forces of Russia and the West.
    [Show full text]
  • Heritage, Landscape and Conflict Archaeology
    THE EDGE OF EUROPE: HERITAGE, LANDSCAPE AND CONFLICT ARCHAEOLOGY by ROXANA-TALIDA ROMAN A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Classics, Ancient History and Archaeology School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2019 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The research presented in this thesis addresses the significance of Romanian WWI sites as places of remembrance and heritage, by exploring the case of Maramureș against the standards of national and international heritage standards. The work provided the first ever survey of WWI sites on the Eastern Front, showing that the Prislop Pass conflictual landscape holds undeniable national and international heritage value both in terms of physical preservation and in terms of mapping on the memorial-historical record. The war sites demonstrate heritage and remembrance value by meeting heritage criteria on account of their preservation state, rarity, authenticity, research potential, the embedded war knowledge and their historical-memorial functions. The results of the research established that the war sites not only satisfy heritage legal requirements at various scales but are also endangered.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • New Civic Activism in Ukraine: Building Society from Scratch?
    New Civic Activism in Ukraine: Building Society from Scratch? Susann Worschech European University Viadrina Abstract Since Euromaidan, civil society in Ukraine faces new challenges and a new role in society. Volunteer work, donations and civic activism have increased vis-à-vis the humanitarian crisis and the war in Eastern Ukraine in an unprecedented dimension. Civil society’s takeover of state responsibilities depicts the compensation of state failure. But it is questionable whether the post-Euromaidan civil society contributes to Ukraine’s democratization process. Based on two case studies, in this article I examine new issues civil society in Ukraine deals with, what forms the basis of a new quality of civic activism and participation. Further, I describe structures, activities and interrelations of this new Ukrainian volunteer movement, with the aim to discuss its ambivalent role in fragile democratization. Key Words: civil society; democratization; volunteer movement; Euromaidan; Ukraine, trust networks. 3 Introduction Euromaidan, or the “Revolution of Dignity”, marked a watershed for Ukrainian civil society and scholars alike. Until that event, civil engagement, self-organization and societal solidarity were considered low in the post-soviet space.1 At the same time, the existing organized civil society was described as elitist, artificial, and donor-driven.2 But since the nation-wide protests of 2013– 2014, civil society in Ukraine grew to an unprecedented dimension. The huge and unexpected 1 David Ost, “The Decline of Civil Society After ‘Post-Communism,’” in The New Politics of European Civil Society, ed. Ulrike Liebert and Hans-Jörg Trenz, Routledge Studies on Democratizing Europe (London; New York: Routledge Chapman & Hall, 2011).
    [Show full text]