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Aspects of Helen Clark's Third Term Media Coverage ANZCA08 Conference, Power and Place. Wellington, July 2008 Helengrad and other epithets: Aspects of Helen Clark’s third term media coverage Margie Comrie Massey University Margie Comrie is an Associate Professor in the Department of Communication Journalism and Marketing at Massey University where she teaches journalism studies and public relations. Her email address is [email protected] Abstract As New Zealand’s long-serving Prime Minister, Helen Clark, leads the Labour Party in its bid for an unprecedented fourth term in office, the nature of media coverage is crucial. This paper, while concentrating on Clark’s current term, reviews her relationship with the media over two decades. It discusses the gendered nature of reportage that continues to dog Clark, despite international recognition of her leadership. The paper argues that an often subtle gender bias in the media portrayal of Clark puts her at a disadvantage in the upcoming political contest with a younger male opponent. Introduction Nearing the end of an unprecedented third term of a Labour-led government, New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark dismisses the notion that gender is still an issue for her. Initially discounted as a woman with no leadership potential, she struggled her way to public acceptance and a protracted media honeymoon in her first term as prime minister. However, despite her eight years leading the country, Helen Clark’s gender remains a subtle disadvantage in the media as she faces a younger male opponent. Studies (e.g. Norris, 1997; Ross & Sreberny, 2000; Tuchman, 1978; van Zoonen, 2000) demonstrate that media reporting of female politicians is subject to gendered news frames and stereotypes that trivialise their contributions and handicap them in their quest for office. This paper aims to explore whether Clark’s media coverage in her third term reflects the normal treatment of a long-term incumbent up against a strong, media-savvy new opposition leader and whether it reflects a gender bias typically facing women political leaders. Even in a time of rapidly expanding communication technologies, the mass media, as the key source of voters’ political information, remain vital for politicians. Louw ANZCA08: Power and Place: Refereed Proceedings: http://anzca08.massey.ac.nz 1 ANZCA08 Conference, Power and Place. Wellington, July 2008 (2005) is among a number of writers pointing out how mass media systems emerged to service the needs of mass democratic systems, advocating that journalists and politicians have a symbiotic relationship and that over time “journalists became key players in producing and circulating political symbolism” (p.60). The systems are so intermeshed that former metropolitan editor and current NZ Equal Opportunity Commissioner, Judy McGregor (1996), for instance, speaks simply of “news media politics”. Female politicians, however, must deal not only with watchdog journalists eager for any mini-scandal (O’Leary, 2002) to feed the needs of a commercialised news machine, but also the stereotyping, condemnation, trivialisation and absence that Tuchman (1978), borrowing from Gerbner, termed the ‘symbolic annihilation’ of women by the mass media. Byerly & Ross (2006, p.37) categorise the contemporary representation of women in news as providing a “complex and mixed picture” across the globe, but they report on continued marginalisation and stereotyping of women. Women continue to be a marginal presence, significantly under-represented as news subjects, with little difference made in over a decade of the Global Media Monitoring Project (Gallagher, 2005). Other international studies cited by Byerly and Ross (2006, p.41) show when women appear they are overrepresented as victims, subject to blatantly sexist reporting “framing them as objects and temptresses”. In addition, Fountaine (2002) reports figures from the GMMP demonstrating that women’s marital and family status was more likely to be reported, particularly in political news, celebrity news, crime and accidents and disasters. For example, she says, the figures from 2000 show that “in political news stories, 17 per cent of women are identified by marital status compared to just one per cent of men” (p.246). Sreberny & van Zoonen (2000) speak of the “the profoundly gendered nature of contemporary mediated politics” (p.13) in manifestations from serious journalism to talk shows. With the increasing “intimization” of politics, they argue, men’s representation in politics is moving close to that of women, implying greater media coverage about “the persona as well as the broader family context in which the politician lives, and with the representation of self (grooming, fashion, mannerisms etc.)” (p.11). As such, Sreberny & van Zoonen say, “gender is a more crucial issue in social and political life than ever” (p.13). However, the growing interest of political ANZCA08: Power and Place: Refereed Proceedings: http://anzca08.massey.ac.nz 2 ANZCA08 Conference, Power and Place. Wellington, July 2008 reporters in the private sphere (traditionally the female sphere as opposed to the public sphere, the preserve of males) does not necessarily advantage women. For instance van Zoonen (2000) shows the Dutch gossip press portrays female politicians’ family lives as suffering because of their political role, while male politicians, seen as having supportive families, can use them to boost their image of integrity and reliability. Moreover, Byerly and Ross (2006) contend there has been little progress, citing evidence, particularly from Britain, to show female politicians continue to be treated differently from male politicians and are “persistently trivialized by media speculation over their private lives, domestic arrangements, and sartorial style” (pp. 44-.45). While both Clark and her press secretary have dismissed the notion that gender remains a factor in her media coverage (Comrie, 2006), this paper contends that the Prime Minister still receives different treatment because of her gender. The New Zealand media - only too conscious that women hold a number of key posts in government, judiciary and industry - have progressed. However, they still succumb to stereotyping and the thoughtless repetition of the “media misogyny” (McGregor, 1996, p.187) which characterised the treatment of Clark in the early days of her leadership. This paper examines aspects of Clark’s third term coverage, particularly since the accession of John Key to the National Party leadership. It opens with a brief report on the use of the term ‘Helengrad’ in major newspapers and magazines (traced from its genesis in 2000 through the use of the Factiva data base). A second source of data was the coverage of three key opinion polls in May 2007 when Clark for the first time in eight years lost her status as preferred prime minister. Articles on the polls, published between May 13 and June 4, in the three largest metropolitan dailies - the New Zealand Herald, The Dominion Post and The Press, were studied, along with immediate poll coverage on TVNZ’s One News and TV3’s Three News. Finally, some aspects of treatment in the capital city’s The Dominion Post are referred to, particularly the “pole dancing” episode and images by cartoonist Tom Scott (also syndicated in other Fairfax papers). ANZCA08: Power and Place: Refereed Proceedings: http://anzca08.massey.ac.nz 3 ANZCA08 Conference, Power and Place. Wellington, July 2008 Context: Clark and the Media Helen Clark’s early roller coaster ride with the media has been documented in a number of sources (for instance Comrie, 2006; Edwards, 2001; McGregor, 1996; O’Leary, 2002). McGregor noted the “obsession, which runs to a substantial clippings file, with Labour leader Helen Clark’s hairstyle and voice” (p.181). The problem for women in politics, as McGregor saw it, was the media’s search for a gendered ideal “a Beehive bimbo-Boadicea who combines political energy and power with a stereotypical femininity expressed in conventional prettiness” (p.183). Clark’s early years in politics were dogged by rumours about her sexuality, pushing her into marrying partner Peter Davis in 1981 (Edwards, 2001). When, she gained party leadership in 1993 by toppling the populist Mike Moore, The Dominion Post printed a front page photo of Clark and Davis in an awkward open-mouthed kiss, even though another more flattering picture was available. Reviewing such events, McGregor (1996, p.187) pointed out the struggle Clark had to gain acceptance as Labour leader was linked to “media misogyny”. Clark responded to the attacks with media training and an ‘open all hours’ policy for journalists. This paid off in a protracted first term media honeymoon (O’Leary, 2002) that continued, despite some damaging incidents, until well into her second term (Comrie, 2006). By early 2004, though, media were ready for change, greeting the meteoric rise of National leader Don Brash on the back of his racially divisive Orewa speech with open delight. The consensus was that Clark at last had an election fight on her hands (see for instance Clifton, 2004a and 2004b). After a too-close-to-call election, Labour, along with coalition partners, formed a third Labour-led government in late 2005. National’s leader Don Brash was soon ousted. His downfall was partly attributable to persistent rumours about an extramarital affair, reflecting contemporary media focus on the personal lives of both male and female politicians. Brash’s replacement was the younger, personable John Key, who stressed his state house background, skilfully disassociated himself from Brash and his dubious alliances and media dealings exposed in The Hollow Men (Hager, 2006), and was prepared to ditch unpopular policies. ANZCA08: Power and Place: Refereed Proceedings: http://anzca08.massey.ac.nz 4 ANZCA08 Conference, Power and Place. Wellington, July 2008 National had for some time been doing well in the polls, but it took Key to overtake Clark, who lost her status as preferred prime minister in three May 2007 polls: the TNS-TV3 poll released on May 13; the Herald-DigiPoll of May 26; and the One News Colmar Brunton poll of May 27.
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