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Trading Patterns, Ancient American

Trade was widely practiced in all parts of the moderate distances. The fi nely made and distinctive ancient , among of all levels Clovis points were used over much of of social complexity, from the earliest hunter- America. These objects were made separately in many gatherers to late prehistoric empires like the , and their similarities derive from a common Aztec and Inca. But the high costs associated technology that points to long-distance interaction with overland transport produced a vol- throughout . , a volcanic ume of long-distance lower than that found glass from which extremely sharp cutting tools were in many other ancient societies. made, was fi rst traded in the Paleoindian period. - sidian occurs geologically in only a limited he native peoples of the New World exhibited a of mountainous areas in western North America, T great diversity of trading patterns before the Eu- , and the . Each source area has ropean invasion. In most ancient American societies, a distinctive chemical “fi ngerprint” in the occurrence trade and exchange were strongly embedded within and quantity of trace elements. When subjected to social institutions and practices. The long-distance any of a number of analytical techniques for measur- trade identifi ed by archaeologists was typically only ing trace elements, an obsidian artifact’s geological one component of wider processes of social interac- place of origin can be traced. tion that included exchanges of ideas and informa- In most parts of the New World, the Paleoindian tion, warfare and diplomacy, marriage alliances, and period was followed by the Archaic period (starting migrations of peoples. Trade assumed an independent c. 8000 BCE and ending at different in differ- commercial status only among the late states of Meso- ent areas). This was a of growing populations, america ( and northern ). increased reliance upon plant foods, and growing technological sophistication. In Mesoamerica, the Earliest Inhabitants Andes, and the Amazon, plants and animals were domesticated at this time. The Archaic period fur- The timing of the initial migrations to the New World nishes evidence of increasing long-distance trade of is a topic of considerable debate. Regardless of their stone tools. Although the evidence for trade is clear actual age, however, the earliest archaeological sites in in the Paleoindian and Archaic periods, the overall North and America provide evidence for a low volume of exchange was low and people obtained level of long-distance trade. During this time, known most goods in their local area. Trade was probably as the Paleoindian period (c. 15,000 BCE–8000 BCE), organized in what archaeologists call “down-the-line small bands of hunters and gatherers traded projec- trade,” in which trade goods move through reciprocal tile points and other tools made of high-quality exchange from group to group without merchants or (a variety of silica) and other varieties of stone over long-distance exchange expeditions.

2533 2534 • BERKSHIRE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD HISTORY

Nay, be a Columbus to whole new and worlds within you, opening new channels, not of trade, but of thought. • Henry David Th oreau (1817–1862)

mounds and open plazas. Some Hopewell burials and other offerings contained thousands of ornaments and other fi nely crafted objects, many of which were im- ported from great distances. Imported burial goods include at least ten types of native copper ornaments, fi nely-made stone bifacial tools, obsidian objects, mica mirrors, smoking pipes of clay and stone, ornaments of human bone and bear’s teeth, tools of deer bone, quartz crystal, shell beads, and silver objects. The emphasis on ornaments among the imported goods of the Hopewell and other North American cultures suggests that social factors were more im- portant than strictly economic factors as stimuli for trade. Elaborate ornaments and exotic goods were most likely used in ceremonies and at other public gatherings (before being deposited in offerings) to communicate information about social identity and status. They probably served as sources of prestige for high-ranking individuals. This pattern contin- ued in the most politically complex and spatially expansive North American culture, the of southeastern and midwestern North America (c. 1000–1550). This Cayuse woman from Oregon wears shell disk Archaeological sites of the Mississippian culture earrings, a shell bead choker, and shell beads, items are larger and more numerous than those of earlier used since ancient times for trade and as burial cultures. The largest Mississippian site—— goods. Photo by Edward Curtis circa 1910. Library of Congress. was a true urban center with a substantial popula- tion, monumental architecture, powerful rulers, and various types of craft specialists. Many archaeologists North America classify Cahokia as an example of the form of political organization. Cahokia was located in the The roster of North American long-distance trade American Bottoms (in Illinois, across from St. Louis), goods increased dramatically with the end of the Ar- the largest expanse of rich alluvial fl oodplain along chaic period to include marine shell, ceramics, and the Mississippi . This had numerous Mis- objects made of copper, galena, obsidian, and other sissippian settlements, all engaged in agricultural types of exotic stone. The frequencies of imported production and many with active craft industries. goods were typically much higher than in Paleoindian Exchange was extensive on both the regional level and Archaic times. Obsidian found at sites in eastern (linking the sites in the American Bottoms area) and North America and marine shell ornaments at sites the macroregional level, as evidenced by a variety of far inland show trade over long distances. Several exotic imported goods found in excavations. Although later cultures are noteworthy for high quantities of some utilitarian goods were widely traded—partic- imported goods. The Hopewell culture of the North ularly agricultural hoes produced from high-quality American Midwest, for example, is best known for its chert—most Mississippian trade goods were orna- elaborate public ceremonialism centered on earthen ments, ritual items, and the raw materials used to TRADING PATTERNS, ANCIENT AMERICAN • 2535

Mayan burial site. Archaeologists have found evidence of imported luxury items by examining burial offerings and other excavations. Photo by Arturo Delfi n. produce such goods (including copper, marine shell, practices. The commonalities that defi ned Mesoamer- and a variety of precious stones). The organization of ica were sustained by systems of long-distance interac- Mississippian trade probably included down-the-line tion that included exchanges of both goods and ideas. trade, gifts among localized elites, and exactions of Although long-distance trade goes back to the earliest taxes or tribute from subject populations. inhabitants of Mexico and , the distinctive exchange systems that created and defi ned Mesoamer- Mesoamerica ica as a distinctive area developed after the start of the Formative period (c. 1600 BCE). In cultural terms, the Mesoamerica is a whose numerous Formative period saw the spread of a way of life based peoples and cultures shared a variety of traits and upon , (year-round villages), and 2536 • BERKSHIRE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD HISTORY

. soon developed in several parts of Albán in , and a colony of merchants from the Mesoamerica, including the Pacifi c coast, the Valley of latter area has been excavated at Teotihuacán. Oaxaca, central Mexico, and along the The transition to the Postclassic period (900–1520) (home of the Olmec culture). The rulers of these poli- was marked by a signifi cant increase in economic ac- ties exchanged a number of goods, including jadeite, tivity in most parts of Mesoamerica. For this period, serpentine, and other precious stones; obsidian tools; written historical records supplement archaeological ceramic vessels; iron ore mirrors; shell ornaments; and evidence, and it is clear that highly commercialized various animal products used in ritual, such as sting- long-distance trade fl ourished. ray spines and turtle shells. As in the case of Hopewell and Mississippian exchange in North America, most Islands trade goods were luxury goods used in social display and ceremonial performance, and the production, ex- The initial inhabitants of the Caribbean islands, most change, and consumption of these goods was prob- likely immigrants from the Mexican mainland, traded ably under the control of chiefs and elites. with peoples of northeast for crystals The Classic period in Mesoamerica (c. 250–900) and other ritual items. A major migration from South was marked by the rise of powerful states in most re- America began c. 2000 BCE, bringing new peoples gions. In the jungle lowlands of Guatemala and Mexico, into the Lesser and eventually to most of the Mayan ruled -states from urban centers with Caribbean. These “” peoples, ancestors of abundant monumental architecture. Imported luxury the Tainos, maintained contact with people in South goods were essential elements in the elaborate public America through trade in a variety of goods. From performances and lavish lifestyle of these rulers. Kings earliest times, the peoples of the Caribbean were ex- often adorned themselves with imported precious pert mariners who used dugout canoes to undertake stones (such as jadeite and obsidian) and headdresses both local and long-distance voyages. Trade within of tropical bird feathers. They sponsored exclusive elite islands and between adjacent islands was extensive in feasts at which foodstuffs such as cacao and other deli- all periods, whereas the extent of long-distance trade cacies were served from elaborate painted pottery ves- varied across time and . sels. Obsidian had to be imported from distant sources, The major long-distance trade goods found at and most Classic-period Maya obsidian objects func- archaeological sites in the Caribbean are chert (for tioned in the realm of social display and rituals. fl aked stone tools), pottery and volcanic pottery tem- The contemporary Teotihuacán of central per, beads made from a variety of exotic stones (e.g., Mexico presents a cultural and economic contrast to quartz crystals, amethyst, and diorite), and ornamen- the Maya polities. Less fl amboyant than their Maya tal carved stone objects (including distinctive stone counterparts, the rulers of Teotihuacán concentrated pestles). The trade connections with South America more effort on trade and craft production. Located were still going strong with Columbus arrived in the near several major geological sources of obsidian, Caribbean. He noted ornaments of a -copper al- Teotihuacán controlled the production and trade of loy worn by Taino chiefs. The Taino worked local- obsidian tools and jewelry in northern Mesoamer- ly-occurring gold but did not cast metal, and these ica. Excavations have located numerous craft work- ornaments must have been obtained through trade shops, and Teotihuacán houses have yielded goods with the South American mainland. imported from all parts of Mesoamerica. Teotihuacán exports—found all over Mesoamerica—include ce- South America ramic vessels in addition to obsidian objects. Some kind of special economic and diplomatic relationship As in North America and Mesoamerica, long- existed between Teotihuacán and the city of Monte distance exchange in South America started with the TRADING PATTERNS, ANCIENT AMERICAN • 2537

earliest hunter-gatherers of the Paleoindian period. Empire expanded rapidly to control nearly the entire Exchange throughout the was prob- area of the Andes and the Pacifi c coast. ably extensive in most periods, but since the bulk of The peoples of the Andes made use of a number of the material culture consisted of perishable goods this distinctive trading patterns quite different from those trade is diffi cult to document archaeologically. Early of Mesoamerica and North America. Most important explorers and travelers reported active riverine ex- was a strong desire for self-suffi ciency on the part of change systems that some scholars treat as models for villages and polities. The varied environments of the earlier periods. For a variety of reasons, trade is easier Andes, caused primarily by differences in elevation, to study archaeologically in the Andean region. After are often in close juxtaposition. Rather than having the development of chiefdoms and states in the An- villages in each zone specialize in local products and des, several goods of limited occurrence were widely trade with one another (as happened in Mesoamerica), traded over great distances. Of these goods, obsidian villages and polities sent out temporary settlements to and marine shell stand out. There are fewer geological exploit different zones so that each social unit could be sources of obsidian in the Andes than in Mesoamerica, self-suffi cient by controlling the products and resources but Andean peoples made active use of the superior of many zones. This pattern was fi rst described by the cutting edges of this stone in all periods. Marine shell anthropologist and historian John Murra, who called was another important trade good in the Andes. Par- it “verticality.” The Inca rulers adapted self-suffi ciency ticularly valued was the colorful shell of the spiny oys- and verticality to their empire, with the result being a ter (genus ), used to make ornaments and bureaucratic, state-run economy. Taxes were paid in ritual goods. These shells occur naturally only along labor as well as in goods. Managers organized labor the Pacifi c coast of Ecuador and Central America, and parties and tracked the storage and movement of raw their presence at sites in the Andes was due to long- materials, fl ocks of llamas and alpacas, foods, and distance exchanges with northern groups. craft products. Money, markets, and independent mer- developed early in the Andes (c.1800 BCE), and objects chants did not exist in the , although these of gold, silver, and bronze were widely traded. institutions did occur among some Andean groups The entire Andean zone was linked into a single outside the reach of the empire. cultural and economic system during three periods, called “horizons” by archaeologists. The Early Ho- Ancient American Trading Patterns rizon (800–200 BCE) was dominated by the Chavín culture. The central settlement, Chavín de Huántar Native inhabitants of North America, the Caribbean, (in present-day western central ), has yielded ar- and early Mesoamerica traded mostly ceremonial and chaeological evidence of exchange with both the Ama- luxury goods, at low quantities in the fi rst two areas zonian lowlands and the Pacifi c coast. Mechanisms of and at higher quantities in Mesoamerica. Late Me- long-distance interaction included both the exchange soamerican peoples adopted commercial exchange of goods and the spread of the Chavín style, which institutions that raised the volume of trade and was probably the material expression of a common extended the diversity of goods exchanged. In the religious system that linked numerous localized small Andes, a drive for self-suffi ciency led to distinctive polities. The Middle Horizon (600–1000) witnessed state-run trade systems. Overall, the high costs as- the spread of two major art styles centered on the sociated with overland human transport produced a of Huari and Tihuanaco (in the central and southern volume of long-distance trade lower than that found Andes, respectively). Huari was the capital of a territo- in many other ancient societies. rial empire in which both trade and the imperial art style contributed to political integration and domina- Michael E. SMITH tion. During the Late Horizon (1400–1530), the Inca Arizona State University 2538 • BERKSHIRE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD HISTORY

See also ; Art—Pre-Columbian Central and South Masson, M. A., & Freidel, D. A. (Eds.). (2002). Ancient Maya America; ; Inca Empire; Mesoamerican Societies; political economies. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira. Mississippian Culture; Trading Patterns, Mesoamerican McKillop, H. (2002). : White gold of the ancient Maya. Further Reading Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Muller, J. (1997). Mississippian political economy. New York: Baugh, T. G., & Ericson, J. E. (Eds.). (1994). Prehistoric exchange Plenum. systems in North America. New York: Plenum Press. Murra, J. V. (1980). The economic organization of the Inka state. Burger, R. L. (1992). Chavín and the origins of Andean civiliza- Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. tion. New York: Thames & Hudson. Nassaney, M. S., & Sassaman, K. E. (Eds.). (1995). Native Ameri- Burger, R. L., Mohr Chávez, K. L., & Chávez, S. J. (2000). can interactions: Multiscalar analyses and interpretations in Through the glass darkly: Prehispanic obsidian procurement the eastern woodlands. Knoxville: University of Tennessee and exchange in southern Peru and northern Bolivia. Journal Press. of World Prehistory, 14(3), 267–312. Rouse, I. (1992). The Tainos: Rise and decline of the people D’Altroy, T. N., & Hastorf, C. A. (Eds.). (2001). Empire and do- who greeted Columbus. New Haven, CT: Yale University mestic economy. New York: Plenum. Press. Earle, T. (2002). Bronze Age economics: The beginnings of political Salomon, F. (1986). Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas: economies. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. The political economy of North-Andean chiefdoms. New York: Gaxiola G. M., & Clark, J. E. (Eds.). (1989). La obsidiana en Me- Cambridge University Press. soamérica [Obsidian in Mesoamerica]. , Mexico: Smith, M. E. (2003). The (2nd ed.). Oxford, U.K.: Blackwell Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia. Publishers. Hegmon, M. (Ed.). (2000). The of regional interac- Smith, M. E. (2004). The archaeology of ancient state economies. tion: , warfare, and exchange across the American Annual Review of Anthropology, 33, 73-102. southwest and beyond (Proceedings of the 1996 Southwest Smith, M. E., & Berdan, F. F. (Eds.). (2003). The Postclassic Symposium). Boulder: University Press of Colorado. Mesoamerican world. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Lee, T. A., Jr. & Navarrete, C. (Eds.). (1978). Mesoamerican com- Press. munication routes and cultural contacts. Papers, vol. 40. Provo, Wilk, R. R. (2004). Miss Universe, the Olmec, and the valley of UT: New World Archaeological Foundation. Oaxaca. Journal of Social Archaeology, 4, 81–98.