Crossing the Caribbean Sea. Towards a Holistic View of Pre-Colonial
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Journal of Caribbean Archaeology Copyright 2010 ISSN 1524-4776 CROSSING THE CARIBBEAN SEA: TOWARDS A HOLISTIC VIEW OF PRE-COLONIAL MOBILITY AND EXCHANGE Corinne L. Hofman Faculty of Archaeology Leiden University P.O. Box 9515 2300 RA Leiden The Netherlands [email protected] Alistair J. Bright Kaiserstraat 10 2311 GR Leiden The Netherlands [email protected] Reniel Rodríguez Ramos Universidad de Puerto Rico Recinto de Utuado Programa de Ciencias Sociales PO Box 2500 Utuado, Puerto Rico 00641-2500 [email protected] Abstract Pre-Colonial Caribbean communities participated in intensive interaction networks of hu- man mobility and exchange of goods and ideas, guided by their cosmovision, technology, and socio-political organization. The urge to garner status, which reflected on the group and the individual, and the desire for access to a myriad of materials and products formed im- portant motivations for articulating pre-Colonial interaction circuits. Through the adoption of a multi-disciplinary perspective, this paper seeks to develop a holistic view on the opera- tion of interaction network(s) across a wide, socio-politically diverse region between 6000 BC and the early Colonial period. The adoption of a diachronic, macro-geographic perspec- tive will help evaluate the structure through time of these social networks at archipelagic and pan-Caribbean scales. Résumé Guidées par leur vision du cosmos, leur technologie et leur organisation sociopolitique, les populations préhistoriques de la Caraïbe se sont inscrites dans des réseaux d’interaction de mobilité et d’échanges de biens et d’idées. Le besoin d’acquérir un statut reflétant l’identité communautaire et individuelle, ainsi que le désir d’accéder à une grande quantité de maté- riaux et de produits, ont constitué en soi des motivations importantes. Suivant une approche Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 1 Crossing the Caribbean Sea Hofman et al pluridisciplinaire, cet article tente de développer une vision holistique des modalités de fonctionnement de ce(s) réseau(x) d’interaction au sein d’une vaste région, socialement et politiquement hétérogène, entre 6 000 av. J.-C. et les débuts de la période coloniale. Le choix d’une approche macro-géographique et diachronique devrait permettre d’évaluer la structure de ces réseaux sociaux sur un temps long et à une double échelle, archipélagique et pan-caribéenne. Resumen Los miembros de la comunidad prehistórica caribeña participaron en la red de interacción de movilidad humana e intercambio de mercancías e ideas, guiados por su cosmovisión, tecnología y organización sociopolítica. La ansia de obtener estatus, de modo a definir la identidad del grupo y del individuo, y el deseo de tener acceso a diferentes materiales y productos, formaron motivaciones importantes para articular circuitos de interacción precolonial. A través de adoptar una perspectiva multi-disciplinaria, este artículo intenta desarrollar una perspectiva holística a la funcionamiento de la red o de las redes de interacción a través de una ámplia región de diversidad sociopolítica entre 6000 a. C. y el comienzo del período colonial. La adopción de una pespectiva geográfica ámplia y diacrónica ayudará evaluar la estructura de estas redes sociales en escalas archipelágicas y pan-caribeñas a través del tiempo. Communities in interaction seafaring, were able to move directly The highly variegated pre-Colonial Car- across the Caribbean Sea and between is- ibbean (is)landscape, always had a dy- land passages as early as around 6000 BC namic, inter-connected character thanks to (Callaghan 2001; Febles 1991; Wilson et the maritime orientation of its native al. 1998). The success of these early migra- (Amerindian) inhabitants and the region- tions and of later settlement and establish- wide interaction networks they maintained. ment of interaction networks undoubtedly It is now commonly accepted that human depended greatly on the maintenance of islanders were never socially isolated ex- contacts with the ‘homeland(s)’ and be- cept in very extreme cases, but rather that tween communities throughout the region the sea likely functioned as an ‘aquatic mo- (Hofman et al. in press). These linkages or torway’, a plane that the islanders would ‘lifelines’ would have acted as a safety net, have traversed frequently, despite its occa- crucial in times of environmental or social sional unpredictability (e.g., Boomert and hazards, by ensuring that demographically Bright 2007; Broodbank 2002; Fitzpatrick unstable fledgling colonies would have suf- (ed.) 2004; Rainbird 2007). Seen from this ficient access to suitable marriage partners perspective, the Caribbean Sea actually (Keegan 2004; Kirch 2000; Moore 2001). linked communities instead of separating Upon first contact in 1492, the native them, encouraging (micro-)regional mobil- inhabitants of the Caribbean astonished the ity and exchange (e.g., Berman and Europeans with their voyaging skills and Gnivecki 1995; Hofman et al. 2007; the elaborate interaction networks they Keegan and Diamond 1987; Watters and maintained. Moreover, the Europeans were Rouse 1989). Indeed, the pre-Colonial peo- impressed by the high speed at which ex- ples of continental regions of Central and change objects were introduced into and South America, having learned the skill of circulated within these networks. As Chris- Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 2 Crossing the Caribbean Sea Hofman et al topher Columbus noted in the diary of his neo-Indian Antillean cultures. Thus Rouse first voyage, barely 72 hours after making opposed the concept of a ‘Circum- landfall in the Americas: Caribbean culture area’, which united the Caribbean and Intermediate culture areas in “Monday, October 15 […] terms of parallel socio-political develop- and while I was between these ments (Steward 1947).2 two islands i.e., Santa María Instead, following a specific framework [Rum Cay] and this large one of cultural taxonomy, cultural diffusion which I named Fernandina was envisioned as the outcome of popula- [Long Island], I met a man tion movement or migration, drawing on a alone in a pirogue [canoe] combination of archaeological, linguistic going from the island of Santa and physical anthropological research. María to Fernandina. He had With the exception of some Lithic and Ar- with him a small loaf, the size chaic Age peoples, the Caribbean archipel- of his fist, a gourd of water, ago was determined to have been settled some red earth ground into from the mainland of South America in a powder and made into paste, phased, stepping-stone manner (see Curet and some dried leaves, which 2005 for an extensive review of this issue). these people must greatly This perspective resulted in a diachronic prize, for they presented me focus on island settlement instead of a syn- some of it on San Salvador. chronic perspective on inter-community He had also a basket made in communication and exchange. their native fashion in which Various hypotheses were subsequently he had a small string of glass advanced to understand the motivations beads and two blancas and mechanisms underlying migrations. [Spanish coins]. From these Push and pull factors were invoked, with things I knew that he had warfare and population pressure in the come from the island of San lands of origin on the one hand and the Salvador, had touched Santa economic attractiveness of the insular terri- María, and was now going to tories on the other (Siegel 1991). Oppor- Fernandina”.1 tunism and flexibility were suggested to be inherent traits by which people were able Irving Rouse (1951, 1992), one of the to move into the Antilles through adapta- founding fathers of Caribbean archaeology, tion to the available resources. Recently, an advanced the perspective of interacting is- Arawakan diaspora has been proposed land communities as early as the 1950s. In (Heckenberger 2002). Migration in this positing that islands are not isolated con- sense is viewed as a unilinear event at the texts where cultures evolve without exter- macro-scale of cultures or supra-cultures nal influence, he defined several geo- (known as series and subseries) and not cultural spaces (so-called passage areas) traceable at the micro-scale of local groups that acknowledged interaction between identifiable by styles or complexes. Fur- neighboring islands, yet envisaged little or thermore, the mental template of a sole ori- no interactions with the adjacent continen- gin for Ceramic Age island populations in tal regions after Ceramic Age settling with northeastern South America still con- the exception of northeastern South Amer- strained these contributions, leaving poten- ica, the supposed Orinocan ‘homeland’ of tial macro-regional connections with other Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 3 Crossing the Caribbean Sea Hofman et al neighboring continental areas like coastal demographic fitness, permitting access to a Central America, Colombia and western range of basic needs and promoting the for- Venezuela unconsidered (Rodríguez mation and maintenance of socio-political Ramos and Pagán Jiménez 2006; Wilson alliances through marriage and ritual ser- 2007). vices, exchange is a form of communica- tion. The exchange of utilitarian wares and Shifting paradigms socially valued goods would for instance Recently, a multi-linear, reticulate model frequently be accompanied by the sharing for island settlement and communication of myths, tales, songs, dances, ritual networks