FUNDAŢIA CORNELIU COPOSU Creºtin-Democraţia În România ºi

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FUNDAŢIA CORNELIU COPOSU Creºtin-Democraţia În România ºi FUNDAÞIA CORNELIU COPOSU Creºtin-Democraþia în România ºi Europa Fundaþia Corneliu Coposu în parteneriat cu Fundaþia Academia Civicã ºi Fundaþia Hanns Seidel a organizat în cursul anului 2016 un concurs de eseuri despre refuzul de a tranzacþiona ideile oglindite în activitatea lui Corneliu Coposu. Concursul s-a adresat studenþilor, master- anzilor ºi doctoranzilor din sistemul universitar românesc ºi european, în special de la Facultãþile de Istorie, ªtiinþe Politice, Drept ºi Jurnalism. Au fost declarate câºtigãtoare lucrãrile: Andrei Moraru - Dimensiunea de martir a lui Corneliu Coposu - Premiul I; Tudor Viºan-Miu - Seniorul care nu a negociat principii: democratul, patriotul ºi monarhistul Corneliu Coposu – Premiul II; Ana Maria Ruxandra Dima - Onestitate în vremurile tulburi ale istoriei - Premiul III. Sperãm cã acest concurs ºi-a atins scopul, ºi anume de a promova principiile creºtin- democrate prin creºterea ºi menþinerea intere- sului tinerilor pentru viaþa ºi activitatea lui Corneliu Coposu, liderul creºtin-democraþiei româneºti. 24 ANDREI MORARU Dimensiunea de Martir a lui Corneliu Coposu Andrei Moraru a Literatura este bogatã în moduri de a-l descrie pe obþinut licenþa în jurna- Corneliu Coposu, printre care ºi cel de „martir”. Însã, li- lism de la Universitatea teraturii îi lipseºte o abordare criticã a martiriului lui din Worcester (Marea Corneliu Coposu, aºa cum contemplarea fenomenului Britanie) urmatã de o martiriului în general legat de perioada comunistã este diplomã de master în abia la început în România (Hall 2014, 158). Aºadar, relaþii internaþionale ºi integrare europeanã de eseul îºi propune sã analizeze dimensiunea de martir la ªcoala Naþionalã de susþinând teza conform cãreia martiriul lui Corneliu ªtiinþe Politice ºi Coposu este o construcþie socialã compusã din realitatea Administrative. Este suferinþelor îndurate ºi interpretarea societãþii cu privire la student în cadrul mas- moºtenirea pe care a lãsat-o omul politic. Se clarificã noþi- terului de politicã ºi unea de martir, se evidenþiazã ideile lui Corneliu Coposu politici europene al în legãturã cu doctrina creºtin-democratã, se traseazã Universitãþii din Leuven suferinþele psihice ºi fizice ale lui Corneliu Coposu ca (Belgia). urmare a refuzului de a le tranzacþiona ºi se con- cluzioneazã prin evidenþierea recunoaºterii la nivel de societate a jertfei pentru a le apãra. Moartea naturalã reprezintã culminarea unui martiriu al supravieþuirii, iar prin recunoaºterea lui la nivel social, capitalul simbolic al lui Corneliu Coposu devine fundamentul abstractizãrii acestuia ºi ideilor pe care le-a susþinut. 1. Despre noþiunea de „martir”1 Noþiunea de „martir” nu are o definiþie fixã în studiile de specialitate, ridicându-se problema entitãþii care poate clasifica un sacrificiu ca fiind sau nu martiriu. În ___________ 1 Termenul de „martir” apare la genul masculin. În pofida utilizãrii acestui gen, cerutã de normele lingvistice de redactare, un „martir” poate fi în egalã mãsurã o persoanã de 25 gen feminin sau care se identificã cu un alt gen. lumea secularã contemporanã, ideea de martir îºi reþine validitatea cel puþin ca metaforã, care cuprinde nobilitatea auto-sacrificiului pentru o cauzã mai înaltã decât propria persoanã, nefiind exclusivã domeniului religios2 (Flanagan ºi Jupp, 2014). Încadrarea unui act de auto-sacrificiu în categoria de martir cuprinde cel puþin trei dimensiuni: aprecieri privind noþiunea de „martir”, cauzele pentru care a murit martirul ºi moºtenirea pe care generaþiile viitoare cred cã au primit-o (Connerton, 1989 citat în Flanagan ºi Jupp, 2014, 109). Martirul definit în sens abstract este întruchiparea auto-sacrificiului, fie prin suferinþã extremã, fie prin moarte, pentru un set de valori ºi credinþe. Din punct de vedere religios, martirii denotã prezenþa Împãrãþiei Cereºti în lume ºi prin moarte deschid poarta cãtre o lume nouã. Mitul jertfei hristice este antecedentul mãrturiei transcendenþei ºi a libertãþii vieþii umane întru Duh (Hall, 2014, 152). Altfel spus, prin sacrificiu, martirii acceseazã o dimensiune spiritualã care ridicã fiinþa umanã ºi care permite contemplarea jertfei lui Iisus Hristos. Tentativele de înjosire, dezarticulare ºi corectare a fiinþei umane prin torturã în puºcãriile comuniste, mai ales în cadrul „fenomenului Piteºti”, se opun acestei înãlþimi spirituale, care devine evidentã în cele mai acerbe condiþii. Aºadar, auto-sacrificiul este susþinut de dimensiunea spiritualã transcendentã, în care suferinþa fizicã sau moartea sunt secundare, acþionând ca mãrturii ale credinþei. Martirul se confruntã cu suferinþa sau moartea într-o experienþã continuã, unde moartea este momentul adevãrului tuturor experienþelor traumatice anterioare (Hall, 2014, 153). Spre deosebire de tradiþia creºtinilor timpurii care au sãvârºit martirii, actul lui Corneliu Coposu este opus în formã, dar similar în substanþã. Conform Recla (2014), martirii creºtini se opuneau culturii ºi monopolului legitim asupra violenþei a Imperiului Roman, care, prin omorârea acestora, îºi reafirma suveranitatea. Prin moarte benevolã, martirii creºtini preluau controlul asupra propriei suveranitãþi ºi ieºeau din cadrul instituþional impus. Motivul pentru care supravieþuirea ºi suferinþa mai degrabã decât moartea lui Corneliu Coposu sunt relevante este fiindcã instituþia cãreia setul lui de principii ºi valori se opune nu încearcã numai afirmarea suveranitãþii, dar pune accentul pe schimbarea oamenilor, pe „noul om” comunist. Aºadar, în materie de luptã interioarã, unde avea loc adevãrata luptã simbolicã, supravieþuirea ºi suferinþa lui Corneliu Coposu este mai reprezentativã decât moartea, pentru cã suveranitatea sistemului totalitar nu îl înfrânge interior prin violenþa fizicã ºi simbolicã. Pe lângã realitatea suferinþelor sau a morþii, definirea unui martir depinde de ceea ce rãmâne în urma lui. Spre exemplu, nici în zilele noastre nu sunt cunoscute numele multor martiri din perioada comunistã, care s-au auto- ______________ 2În cazul lui Corneliu Coposu, este vorba despre martiriul politic cu elemente religioase, având în vedere apropierea dintre principiile sale politice ºi creºtinãtatea, vezi secþiunea 2. 26 sacrificat pentru credinþele lor. Condiþia suferinþei sau a morþii este insuficientã, fiindcã martiriul reprezintã un „discurs care creeazã sau menþine o identitate de grup, prin susþinerea unui reprezentant ideal al comunitãþii, care a ales sau a fost fãcut sã moarã pentru valorile ei” (Middleton, 2014, 130). Martirul ia fiinþã în relaþie cu societatea în care a trãit, unde discursul auto-sacrificiului trebuie sã existe (Middleton, 2014). În creºtinism, acest discurs este central prin mitul mai sus menþionat al jertfei hristice, iar societatea româneascã este profund religioasã, aºa cum a fost însuºi Corneliu Coposu. Prin urmare, martirul trebuie sã treacã prin suferinþã extremã sau prin moarte, relativ la cadrul instituþional cãruia i se opune. Suferinþa deschide drumul cãtre transcendenþã, acþioneazã ca mãrturie a crezului politic, iar suferinþa creeazã un mare capital simbolic pentru martir. Moartea, ca limitã a martiriului, sedimenteazã sacrificiul ºi îl ridicã pe martir. Însã, martirul nu are acces la aceastã asociere, dacã societatea din care se trage ºi pe care o vizeazã actul de sacrificiu nu îl recunoaºte ca atare. Altfel spus, dacã acest capital simbolic3 nu genereazã un sentiment de apreciere ºi de recunoaºtere din partea societãþii, martirul nu este martir. 2. Doctrina þãrãnistã ºi creºtin-democraþia în România. Ideile lui Corneliu Coposu În cazul lui Corneliu Coposu, martiriul este politic, chiar dacã prin prisma apartenenþei ideologice ºi credinþei personale are o legãturã intimã cu religia, iar planurile uneori se suprapun. Spre exemplu, obiectivul principal al manifes- tului þãrãnist este transcendenþa omului, care s-a menþinut cu variaþii pânã în perioada contemporanã. Cauzele nobile ale auto-sacrificiului (vezi secþiunea 3) sunt corelate cu doctrina þãrãnistã creºtin-democratã, cu moralitatea creºtinã ºi dreptatea socialã. Corneliu Coposu a fost profund influenþat de cãtre doctrina þãrãnistã. Pe linia familialã, tatãl sãu, protopopul greco-catolic Valentin Coposu, a fost prieten ºi colaborator al lui Iuliu Maniu, liderul Partidului Naþional Român, responsabil cu unirea Transilvaniei ºi crearea României de la 1918. Pe linie profesionalã, Corneliu Coposu a activat jurnalistic ºi politic ulterior fuziunii dintre Partidul Þãrãnesc, condus de Ion Mihalache, ºi Partidul Naþional Român, care a pus bazele creºtin-democraþiei în România. Acesta a fost mentorat de cãtre Iuliu Maniu ºi a militat pentru programul politic al noii formaþiuni politice, Partidul Naþional Þãrãnesc. (Iancu, 2012) Unirea celor douã partide a determinat apariþia creºtin-democraþiei în România, influenþând semnificativ gândirea lui Corneliu Coposu. Odatã cu ______________ 3Resursele disponibile unui individ ca urmare a onoarei, prestigiului sau recunoaºterii, ca element al valorii pe care o deþine într-o societate. 27 apariþia þãrãnimii ca o clasã socialã în Europa de Est, dupã Primul Rãzboi Mondial, apare doctrina þãrãnistã. Þãrãnimea are „misiunea istoricã” de a aduce democraþia în Rãsãritul Europei, unde burghezia nu s-a manifestat ca o forþã împotriva elementelor oligarhice financiare ºi absolutismului politic, care se confundã cu dezvoltarea capitalismului. Astfel, va putea obþine putere politicã ºi îºi va putea manifesta interesele, care sunt menþinerea capitalismului, îmbunãtãþirea mijloacelor de producþie ºi prosperitatea societãþii. Þãrãnismul
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