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Romanian Political Science Review Vol. XXI, No. 1 2021
Romanian Political Science Review vol. XXI, no. 1 2021 The end of the Cold War, and the extinction of communism both as an ideology and a practice of government, not only have made possible an unparalleled experiment in building a democratic order in Central and Eastern Europe, but have opened up a most extraordinary intellectual opportunity: to understand, compare and eventually appraise what had previously been neither understandable nor comparable. Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review was established in the realization that the problems and concerns of both new and old democracies are beginning to converge. The journal fosters the work of the first generations of Romanian political scientists permeated by a sense of critical engagement with European and American intellectual and political traditions that inspired and explained the modern notions of democracy, pluralism, political liberty, individual freedom, and civil rights. Believing that ideas do matter, the Editors share a common commitment as intellectuals and scholars to try to shed light on the major political problems facing Romania, a country that has recently undergone unprecedented political and social changes. They think of Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review as a challenge and a mandate to be involved in scholarly issues of fundamental importance, related not only to the democratization of Romanian polity and politics, to the “great transformation” that is taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, but also to the make-over of the assumptions and prospects of their discipline. They hope to be joined in by those scholars in other countries who feel that the demise of communism calls for a new political science able to reassess the very foundations of democratic ideals and procedures. -
Revista Academiei Forţelor Aeriene
Review of the Air Force Academy The Scientific Informative Review, Vol X, No 2(21)/2012 BRAŞOV SCIENTIFIC ADVISERS EDITORIAL BOARD Technical Sciences and Applied Mathematics Editor-in-chief Cmdr Prof Mircea BOŞCOIANU, PhD Maj Assistant Prof Adrian LESENCIUC, PhD (“Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, Brasov, Romania) (“Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, Brasov, Romania) Prof Ion DINESCU, PhD Editorial assistants (“Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, Brasov, Romania) Technical Sciences and Applied Mathematics Prof Nicolae JULA, PhD Maj Cristea RĂU (Military Technical Academy, Bucharest, Romania) (“Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, Brasov, Romania) Prof Ştefan NEDELCU, PhD Management and Socio-Humanities (“Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, Brasov, Romania) Capt Assistant Cătălin CIOACĂ Col Prof Marian PEARSICĂ, PhD (“Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, Brasov, Romania) ( “Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, Brasov, Romania) Editors Cmdr Prof Constantin ROTARU, PhD Technical Sciences and Applied Mathematics (Military Technical Academy, Bucharest, Romania) Capt Cmdr Assistant Prof Ionică CÎRCIU, PhD Prof Florentin SMARANDACHE, PhD (“Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, Brasov, Romania) (University of New Mexico, Gallup Campus, USA) LtCol Assistant Prof Laurian GHERMAN, PhD Associate Prof Lavinia GAVRILĂ, PhD (“Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, Brasov, Romania) (“Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, Brasov, Romania) Associate Prof Ivanka Milkova STAMOVA, PhD Associate Prof Doru LUCULESCU, PhD (Burgas Free University, Burgas, Bulgaria) (“Henri Coandă” Air Force Academy, -
Anti-Corruption Policies Revisited Computer Assiste
EU Grant Agreement number: 290529 Project acronym: ANTICORRP Project title: Anti-Corruption Policies Revisited Work Package: WP 6 Media and corruption Title of deliverable: D 6.1 Extensive content analysis study on the coverage of stories on corruption Computer Assisted Content Analysis of the print press coverage of corruption In Romania Due date of deliverable: 30 June, 2016 Actual submission date: 30 June, 2016 Authors: Natalia Milewski , Valentina Dimulescu (SAR) Organization name of lead beneficiary for this deliverable: UNIPG, UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI PERUGIA Project co-funded by the European Commission within the Seventh Framework Programme Dissemination level PU Public X PP Restricted to other programme participants (including the Commission Services) RE Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission Services) Co Confidential, only for members of the consortium (including the Commission Services) The information and views set out in this publication are those of the author(s) only and do not reflect any collective opinion of the ANTICORRP consortium, nor do they reflect the official opinion of the European Commission. Neither the European Commission nor any person acting on behalf of the European Commission is responsible for the use which might be made of the following information. 1 CONTENTS 1. The Analysed Media p. 3 2. Most used keywords p.4 3. Most frequent words p.5 4. Word associations p. 13 5. Evolution over time p. 25 6. Differences among the observed newspapers p. 29 7. Remarks on the influence that the political, judicial and socio-cultural systems have on p. 33 the manner in which corruption is portrayed in Romanian media 8. -
Scientific Exorcisms? the Memory of the Communist Security Apparatus
285 Stefano Bottoni PhD University of Florence, Italy ORCID: 0000-0002-2533-2250 SCIENTIFIC EXORCISMS? ARTICLES THE MEMORY OF THE COMMUNIST SECURITY APPARATUS AND ITS STUDY IN ROMANIA AFTER 1989 Abstract This article discusses the institutional attempts to deal with the archival legacy of the Romanian communist security police, Securitate (1945–1989), during the democratic transition in post-communist Romania. The first part draws a short outline of Securitate’s history and activities as one of the main power instruments of the communist dictatorship. The second part of the article shows the development of political attitudes towards institutional attempts to deal with the communist past in the post-communist Romania. This paper describes the reluctant attitude of the ruling circles in the 1990s towards the opening of the Securitate archives and the lustration attempts. The formation of the National Council for the Study of Securitate Archives (Consiliul Național pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securității, CNSAS, legally established 1999) hardly changed the general situation: the archives of the Securitate were transferred to CNSAS with significant delays, and the 2008 ruling of the constitutional court limited its lustration competences. The establishment of the Institute for the Investigation of Communist Crimes and the Memory of the Romanian Exile (Institutul de Investigare a Crimelor Comunismului şi Memoria Exilului Românesc, IICCMER, established 2005) and formation in 2006 of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship Institute of National Remembrance 2/2020 286 in Romania led by renowned political scientist Vladimir Tismăneanu together with the research and legal activities of CNSAS contributed to a broader evaluation of the communist regime (although its impact seems to be limited). -
Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition
TITLE : COMMUNISM AND POST-COMMUNISM IN ROMANIA : CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AUTHOR : VLADIMIR TISMANEANU, University of Marylan d THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : University of Marylan d PR1NCIPAL 1NVEST1GATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 81 1-2 3 DATE : March 26, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research . However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate an d disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under thi s Contract, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its ow n internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities an d individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination i n accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United State s Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United State s Government. -
Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019
Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019 A report drafted by GlobalFocus Center, Bucharest, in cooperation with MEMO98, Bratislava. Supported by Democracy Reporting International, Berlin. Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019 Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019 February, 2019 Bucharest, Romania This project was supported by Civitates Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019 GlobalFocus Center is an independent international studies’ think tank that produces in-depth research and high-quality analysis on foreign policy, security, European aairs, good governance, and development. Our purpose is to advance expertise by functioning as a platform for cooperation and dialogue among individual experts, NGOs, think-tanks, and public institutions from Romania and foreign partners. We have built, and tested over 10 dierent countries a unique research methodology, proactively approaching the issue of malign interference by analysing societies' structural, weaponisable vulnerabilities. We are building a multi-stakeholder Stratcom platform, for identifying an optimal way of initiating and conducting unied responses to hybrid threats. Our activities are focused on fostering regional security and contributing to the reection process of EU reforms. During November 1-24, 2019, GlobalFocus Center, in cooperation with MEMO98 and Democracy Reporting International (DRI), monitored Facebook during the 10 and 24 November presidential election polls in Romania. AUTHORS GlobalFocus Center: Ana Maria Luca, Run Zamr (editor) ANALYSTS: Alexandra Mihaela Ispas, Ana Maria Teaca, Vlad Iavita, Raluca Andreescu MEMO98: Rasťo Kužel Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019 Contents I. INTRODUCTION 4 II. HIGHLIGHTS 5 III. CONTEXT 6 III.1 TRUST IN MEDIA AND SOCIAL MEDIA CONSUMPTION IN ROMANIA 6 III.2 PUBLIC ATTITUDES AND TRUST IN INSTITUTIONS 7 III.3 THE NOVEMBER 2019 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 7 IV. -
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe Michael Shafir Motto: They used to pour millet on graves or poppy seeds To feed the dead who would come disguised as birds. I put this book here for you, who once lived So that you should visit us no more Czeslaw Milosz Introduction* Holocaust denial in post-Communist East Central Europe is a fact. And, like most facts, its shades are many. Sometimes, denial comes in explicit forms – visible and universally-aggressive. At other times, however, it is implicit rather than explicit, particularistic rather than universal, defensive rather than aggressive. And between these two poles, the spectrum is large enough to allow for a large variety of forms, some of which may escape the eye of all but the most versatile connoisseurs of country-specific history, culture, or immediate political environment. In other words, Holocaust denial in the region ranges from sheer emulation of negationism elsewhere in the world to regional-specific forms of collective defense of national "historic memory" and to merely banal, indeed sometime cynical, attempts at the utilitarian exploitation of an immediate political context.1 The paradox of Holocaust negation in East Central Europe is that, alas, this is neither "good" nor "bad" for the Jews.2 But it is an important part of the * I would like to acknowledge the support of the J. and O. Winter Fund of the Graduate Center of the City University of New York for research conducted in connection with this project. I am indebted to friends and colleagues who read manuscripts of earlier versions and provided comments and corrections. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
7. Political Development and Change
F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy. -
Post-Communist Romania: a Peculiar Case of Divided
www.ssoar.info Post-communist Romania: a peculiar case of divided government Manolache, Cristina Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Manolache, C. (2013). Post-communist Romania: a peculiar case of divided government. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 13(3), 427-440. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-448327 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Post-Communist Romania 427 Post-Communist Romania A Peculiar Case of Divided Government CRISTINA MANOLACHE If for the most part of its post-communist history, Romania experienced a form of unified government based on political coalitions and alliances which resulted in conflictual relations between the executive and the legislative and even among the dualist executive itself, it should come as no surprise that the periods of divided government are marked by strong confrontations which have culminated with two failed suspension attempts. The main form of divided government in Romania is that of cohabitation, and it has been experienced only twice, for a brief period of time: in 2007-2008 under Prime-Minister Călin Popescu Tăriceanu of the National Liberal Party and again, starting May 2012, under Prime Minister Victor Ponta of the Social Democratic Party. -
Theatre Forum Annual Conference 12Th & 13Th June 2008
Is it worth it? Theatre Forum Annual Conference 12th & 13th June 2008 Theatre Curator Forum note The annual Theatre Forum conference is a great Theatre Forum is the representative association for opportunity to ask questions in a situation where the performing arts in Ireland. Membership includes there are lots of people gathered to offer answers. all the theatres and arts centres around the country; So why not ask a big question? We’ve all felt it professional theatre, dance and opera production at some time. Disillusionment, doubt, frustration, companies; and the main arts festivals. those low ebbs when the question ‘is it worth it?’ lurks in one’s mind. Theatre Forum acts as a voice for the performing arts community to government, state and semi- ‘Is it worth it?’ can carry many different meanings state agencies and elected representatives. of course, from the philosophical question ‘is art worth it?’, through the political question ‘is theatre The organisation also organises training and worth State support?’, to the practitioner’s personal professional development courses and seminars. questions ‘is it worth the grief, the sacrifice, and Its website www.theatreforumireland.com is an the emotional roller-coaster ride?’, and ‘is it worth invaluable resource containing factsheets and model slogging through the failures and the hum-drum to contracts, an opening night clash diary, an industry achieve the often elusive successes?’ employment page, a barter page, members' notice board and much more. This year’s conference offers a series of different ways to approach these questions, allowing members to engage with their own experience of enthusiasm and disillusionment, passion and despair, the see-saw of positive and negative For further information: feelings involved in working in the performing arts. -
The Impact of the European Union on Corruption in Romania
The Impact of the European Union on Corruption in Romania Alexandru Hirsu Hamilton College Advisor: Alan Cafruny, Ph. D. Professor of Government Levitt Research Fellowship-Summer 2015 Abstract After the revolution of 1989, Romania confronted with high levels of corruption, and had a difficult time strengthening its democratic process. 10 years later, when the country became an official candidate for accession to the European Union (EU), the Romanian democracy saw hope for consolidation. However, despite the expertise and resources provided by the EU until 2007 in order for Romania to meet the acquis communautaire, the EU failed to bring about sustainable change. An incomplete European framework with guidelines tailored to Romania’s fragile democracy, and inadequate monitoring of the country’s political actions were the main causes for Romania’s slow democratic consolidation. The paper provides an analysis on Romania’s fight against corruption with a focus on the development of the anticorruption agencies, the rule of law, and the public administration from 2006 to 2012. Introduction Although scholarly attention upon corruption has grown over the past years and the number of soft and hard legislative tools to combat corruption has increased, corruption today still represents one of the main threats to the stability of democratic governments. In post- communist satellite states, in particular, corruption has remained a more prevalent issue. Leslie Holmes referred to it as “a rising tide of sleaze in ex-communist Europe,” claiming that “corruption has replaced communism as the scourge of Eastern Europe” (2013, 1163). As an ex- communist state itself, Romania has struggled endlessly with corruption over the past twenty five years.