The Case for Latvia Disinformation Campaigns Against a Small Nation on the Boundary of Two Worlds: Identity, Freedom, and Moral Imagination in the Baltics 15

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The Case for Latvia Disinformation Campaigns Against a Small Nation on the Boundary of Two Worlds: Identity, Freedom, and Moral Imagination in the Baltics 15 The Case for Latvia Disinformation Campaigns Against a Small Nation On the Boundary of Two Worlds: Identity, Freedom, and Moral Imagination in the Baltics 15 Editor Leonidas Donskis, Professor of Political Science and Philosophy, and Director of the Political Science and Diplomacy School at Vytautas Magnus University, Kaunas, Lithuania Editorial and Advisory Board Timo Airaksinen, University of Helsinki, Finland Egidijus Aleksandravicius, Lithuanian Emigration Institute; Vytautas Magnus University, Kaunas, Lithuania Stefano Bianchini, University of Bologna, Forlì Campus, Italy Endre Bojtar, Central European University; Budapest, Hungary Kristian Gerner, University of Uppsala, Sweden John Hiden, University of Glasgow, UK Mikko Lagerspetz, Estonian Institute of Humanities, Estonia Andreas Lawaty, Nordost-Institut; Lüneburg, Germany Olli Loukola, University of Helsinki, Finland Hannu Niemi, University of Helsinki, Finland Alvydas Nikzentaitis, Lithuanian History Institute, Lithuania Yves Plasseraud, Paris, France Rein Raud, University of Helsinki, Finland, and Estonian Institute of Humanities, Estonia Alfred Erich Senn, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA, and Vytautas Magnus University, Kaunas, Lithuania David Smith, University of Glasgow, UK Saulius Suziedelis, Millersville University, USA Joachim Tauber, Nordost-Institut; Lüneburg, Germany Tomas Venclova, Yale University, USA The Case for Latvia Disinformation Campaigns Against a Small Nation Fourteen Hard Questions and Straight Answers about a Baltic Country Jukka Rislakki Amsterdam - New York, NY 2008 Translated from the Finnish by Richard Impola © Cover image: Drawing by eleven-year old Benita Plezere, who was deported on May 25th 1949 from a farmhouse in Latvia to Siberia, together with her family. During their travel and in exile she made postcard drawings of their experiences, that she mailed to her Grandmother in Latvia. Autumn 1956 they were able to return to Latvia. Used with permission of The Museum of the Occupation of Latvia. The paper on which this book is printed meets the requirements of “ISO 9706:1994, Information and documentation - Paper for documents - Requirements for permanence”. ISBN: 978-90-420-2423-6 ©Editions Rodopi B.V., Amsterdam - New York, NY 2008 Printed in the Netherlands To the memory of Nora Kūla Physical torture is not at all as effective as influencing one’s mind. That is exactly why communication is the key to power. Manuel Castells Contents Prologue t .JTJOGPSNBUJPO EJTJOGPSNBUJPO Questions and Answers t "SFNJOPSJUJFT FTQFDJBMMZUIF3VTTJBOT EJTDSJNJOBUFEBHBJOTUJO -BUWJB *TJUWFSZEJGGJDVMUGPSUIFNUPCFDPNFDJUJ[FOT %PUIFZ IBWFQPMJUJDBMSJHIUT t "SFUIF3VTTJBOTEFOJFEUIFSJHIUUPVTFUIFJSMBOHVBHFJO-BUWJBO TPDJFUZBOEJOUIFTDIPPMT t 8FSFUIF#BMUJDMBOETBTNBMM VOEFSEFWFMPQFEQSPWJODFJOBGBS corner of Europe, to which Germans, Swedes, Poles, and Russians brought religion, culture, and well-being and where no QSFSFRVJTJUFTGPSJOEFQFOEFODFFYJTUFE t %JEUIF-BUWJBO3FETIFMQ-FOJOTFJ[FQPXFSJO3VTTJB %JEUIFZ IFMQNVSEFSUIF3VTTJBOSPZBMGBNJMZ t 8BT-BUWJBHSBOUFEJOEFQFOEFODFBTBQSFTFOU 8BTUIF8BSPG *OEFQFOEFODFBOFYBHHFSBUFENZUI 8BTJUBTFSJFTPGNJOPS TLJSNJTIFTUIBUUIF-BUWJBOTXFSFBCMFUPXJOXJUIGPSFJHOIFMQ t 8IZEJEUIF-BUWJBOTOPUSFTJTUUIF4PWJFUBSNZTUBLJOHPWFS UIFJSDPVOUSZJO %JEUIFQFPQMFDBSSZPVUBOBOUJCPVSHFPJT anti-fascist revolution, after which Latvia joined the legally, by NFBOTPGFMFDUJPOT 8 Contents t %JE-BUWJBOTNVSEFSUIFJS+FXTJO )PXBOUJ4FNJUJDJTBOE XBT-BUWJB t 8IZEJEUFOTPGUIPVTBOETPG-BUWJBOWPMVOUFFSTGJHIUJOUIF44 troops, and why are SS veterans still allowed to march on the TUSFFUTPG3ʚHBJOTUFBEPGCFJOHCSPVHIUUPKVTUJDF t %JEUIF4PWJFU6OJPOPDDVQZ-BUWJB 8FSFUIF-BUWJBOTWJDUJNTPGHFOPDJEF t %JEUIF-BUWJBOTTVDDVNCUP4PWJFUQPXFS DPPQFSBUFXJUIUIF Communist authorities, and start their independence movement POMZBGUFSUIF-JUIVBOJBOTBOE&TUPOJBOTIBECFHVOUIFJST t )BT-BUWJBBMXBZTCFMPOHFEUP3VTTJBBOECFOFGJUFEGSPNJU *TJUBTUSBUFHJDBMMZJOEJTQFOTBCMFBSFBGPS3VTTJB t 4IPVMEOU-BUWJBCFHSBUFGVMGPSGBDUPSJFT IPVTFT TDIPPMT SPBET BOEIBSCPSTCVJMUEVSJOHUIF4PWJFUFSB 4IPVMEOUTIFQBZ DPNQFOTBUJPOBTXFMM t )BT-BUWJBCFFOVOXJMMJOHUPFTUBCMJTIHPPESFMBUJPOTXJUI OFJHICPSJOH3VTTJB %PFT-BUWJBDIBNQJPOBOJOUSBOTJHFOU IPTUJMFMJOFUPXBSE3VTTJBJOUIF&VSPQFBO6OJPO BOEEJETIF EFDMJOFBCPSEFSBHSFFNFOUXJUI3VTTJB %PFTTIFEFNBOEUIBU 3VTTJBIBOEPWFSTPNFCPSEFSBSFBTUPIFS t )BWFUIFOFXMFBEFSTPG-BUWJBQSJWBUJ[FETUBUFQSPQFSUZGPSUIFJS own use and are they guilty of massive corruption while the NBKPSJUZPGUIFQFPQMFMJWFJOQPWFSUZ t "DLOPXMFEHFNFOUT)PXBOE8IZ5IJT#PPL$BNFUP#F t #BTJD'BDUTBCPVU-BUWJB t /PUFT t #JCMJPHSBQIZ t *OEFY Prologue Misinformation, Disinformation? Eiropa mūs nesapratīs (Europe will not understand us). A favorite song on Latvian radio in 2004 Who owns the past owns the future. George Orwell The first time I set foot in Latvia, at the center of Europe1 in the autumn of 1988, the changes had already begun that would lead to regained independence for this Soviet republic three years later. I came as a journalist for the Helsingin Sanomat 'JOMBOETMBSHFTUOFXTQBQFS*LOFXMJUUMFBCPVU-BUWJBUIFO FYDFQUUIBU it was situated between Estonia and Lithuania, that its capital was Rīga, and that many of its words and names ended oddly with the letter “s” I had, of course, at least heard earlier in school courses in geography and history about the Baltic countries—that they had been united with the 4PWJFU6OJPOJOUIFVQIFBWBMTPG World War II, and that they were its most western and most highly developed republics. As the poet Ivar Ivask wrote in 1986: “Strange to hail from almost anony- mous shores / in overexplored Europe where the Baltic / still hides a lunar side, unilluminated / except for subjugations, annexations / which continued unabated for centuries.”2 I soon came to the same conclusion as many other visitors to Latvia: that this was a nation of poets, gardeners, and singers. “Every Latvian is a born poet, everyone makes up verse and songs and can sing,” Johann Kohl wrote of Latvians in 1841.3*XPVMEBEE iBOEBOBUJPOPGTPMEJFSTw*EPOUNFBOUIBUUIF people are bloodthirsty or violent, but that circumstances—both geographical and historical—made them soldiers. In many places I encountered people who had never met a Western for- eigner. The language difficulties were huge. Once the initial problems were 12 Prologue overcome—once I had crossed the language barrier, had time to get acquainted with the land and its history, and had made friends—a normal reaction fol- lowed: I saw everything in a positive light. Everything was fine, interesting, BOEFYDJUJOH0OMZHSBEVBMMZEJE*SFBMJ[FUIBUUIFSFXFSFQSPCMFNTBOEEFGFDUT in Latvia just as in any other country. I learned to speak Latvian, even published a book that dealt with Latvian his- tory, and wrote a factual book about Finland for Latvians.4 As a professional journalist, I naturally read a lot that others said about the Baltic countries. I could not help but notice that Latvia had an image problem. "EFDBEFBGUFSNZGJSTUDPOUBDUXJUIUIFDPVOUSZ *CFDBNFPVSOFXTQBQFST chief correspondent for the Baltic countries. An experienced Finnish foreign correspondent tutored me for the task: “I wish you luck, but it is the unfortu- OBUFUSVUIUIBUUIF#BMUJDDPVOUSJFTXPOUSFNBJOJOEFQFOEFOUGPS MPOH #VU that is no tragedy. These days Russia is a democratic nation”. And lately Anatoli $IVCBJT 3VTTJBTFOFSHZD[BS IBTBMTPTBJEUIBU3VTTJBT new empire would be liberal, since it could be created with money and not armored divisions.5*OTPGBSBTUIF,SFNMJOTGPSFJHOQPMJDZIBTBHVJEJOHQSJO- ciple, it seems to be a return to its position as a great power. According to Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov: “It would be childish to expect Russia to be content with playing a minor part instead of assuming its role as one of the XPSMETMFBEJOHOBUJPOTw6 The commentator on international politics Simon Araloff relates that the Kremlin and Russian companies are doing all in their power to get control of the big energy-related firms, the Latvian Ventspils Nafta and the Lithuanian .BäFJLJV/BGUBi0OFTFFTDMFBSMZJOUIJT.PTDPXTMPOHSBOHFTUSBUFHZ UIF intent of which is to lay the groundwork for the future conquest of the Baltic economy.”7 $POUJOVJOHUIFTFUIPVHIUT BOESFNFNCFSJOHUIBU3VTTJBT(B[QSPNJTBMTP an important media owner), nowadays it is not absolutely necessary to conquer territory with traditional weapons, for “wars” are waged on multi-level informa- tion battlefields with the aid of propaganda, public relations, and rumor. With UIFTF POFDBODPORVFSNJOETBOEEFTUBCJMJ[FHPWFSONFOUT5IFXJOOFSJOBO information war is the one with the greater resources, skill, and information. In the present age of technology, it can also be a lightning war, inasmuch as propa- ganda can be spread throughout the world in a moment. The widespread conspiracy theories about 9/11 show how powerful a source of misinformation the internet can be. According to press reports, five years after the 2001 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, 36 percent of Americans CFMJFWFEUIBUUIF64HPWFSONFOUXBTTPNFIPXHVJMUZPGUIFBUUBDLTPSBUMFBTU LOFXBCPVUUIFN*OUIFNJEEMFPGUIFZFBSŞŜŜŠTPNFŠŜQFSDFOUPG64DJUJ[FOT The Case for Latvia 13 still believed that Saddam Hussein and Al-Qaida cooperated and that there were weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. This, according to Manuel Castells, shows that “manipulation is possible without censorship or orders to publish disinformation.”8 He writes that insults and rumors become art, because a negative message is five times more effective than a positive one. Everybody takes
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