The Great Learning the Doctrine of the Mean
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
										Recommended publications
									
								- 
												  Kung Tzu Confucius 500 BC the DOCTRINE of the MEAN TheKung tzu Confucius 500 BC THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN The Doctrine of the the Mean [Zhong Yong Chung Yung], attrib. to Confucius, trans. In Wing-Tsit Chan, A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy, (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1963), 95-115 this version available on the Internet via World Wide Web at gopher://gopher.vt.edu:10010/11/66/3 What Heaven has conferred is called The Nature; an accordance with this nature is called The Path of duty; the regulation of this path is called Instruction. The path may not be left for an instant. If it could be left, it would not be the path. On this account, the superior man does not wait till he sees things, to be cautious, nor till he hears things, to be apprehensive. There is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing more manifest than what is minute. Therefore the superior man is watchful over himself, when he is alone. While there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy, the mind may be said to be in the state of Equilibrium. When those feelings have been stirred, and they act in their due degree, there ensues what may be called the state of Harmony. This Equilibrium is the great root from which grow all the human actings in the world, and this Harmony is the universal path which they all should pursue. Let the states of equilibrium and harmony exist in perfection, and a happy order will prevail throughout heaven and earth, and all things will be nourished and flourish.
- 
												  The Eight Houses a Preliminary Survey 1.2.1 © May 2002, Harmen MeskerThe Eight Houses A preliminary survey 1.2.1 © May 2002, Harmen Mesker Contents Introduction 2 List of tables The designer: Jīng Fáng 京房 2 Table 1. King Wen’s sequence of the trigrams 5 The system 4 Table 2. The Eight Palaces 5 The names of the hexagrams 5 Table 3. Jou Tsung Hwa's Quihun and Youhun 8 The yóu hún 遊魂 and the guī hún 歸魂 6 Table 4. Shì and yīng lines 10 The soul in Chinese society 6 Table 5. Hidden hexagrams 12 Jou Tsung Hwa and Miki Shima 8 Table 6. The Ten Stems 12 The Generation Line: shì yáo 世爻 9 Table 7. The Twelve Branches 12 Line relationships: shì yīng 世應 9 Table 8. The Five Phases 12 ‘Self’ and ‘Other’ lines in Sherril & Chu 10 Table 9. Stems, Branches and Phases associations Hidden hexagrams: fēifú 飛伏 11 with the lines of the Pure Hexagrams 13 Stems, Branches and Elements 12 Table 10. Flying Hexagrams in the Duànyì-tiānjī 19 The liùqīn 六親 Six Relationships 14 Table 11. Hidden hexagrams in the Duànyì-tiānjī 20 Wén Wáng bāguà 文王八卦 divination 15 Hidden hexagrams in Wén Wáng bāguà 15 The Duànyì-tiānjī 斷易天機 16 Jou Tsung Hwa’s The Tao of I Ching 16 A page from the Duànyì-tiānjī 17 Hidden hexagrams in the Duànyì-tiānjī 18 More hypotheses 20 The hypothesis used on other hexagrams 21 Conclusion 21 Bibliography 21 Notes 22 1 Introduction At the end of Wilhelm’s Yìjīng there is an appendix with the name ‘The hexagrams arranged by Houses’.
- 
												  “Daoism and Confucianism” In: Liu X. (Eds) Dao Companion to Daoist PhilosophyLai Karyn. (2015) “Daoism and Confucianism” In: Liu X. (eds) Dao Companion to Daoist Philosophy. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy, vol 6. Springer, Dordrecht, pp. 489-511. This is the post-print version. The definitive version is to be found at: https://link-springer- com.wwwproxy1.library.unsw.edu.au/chapter/10.1007/978-90- 481-2927-0_21 This chapter relies on a distinction between Confucianism and Daoism made during the Han dynasty (漢朝: 206 BCE–220 CE) and further perpetuated in Chinese intellectual history. It examines the connections between pre-Qin (秦朝: 221– 206 BCE) Daoist and Confucian philosophies, focusing on their differences as well as similarities. While it has been traditionally accepted that there are many tensions, and even antagonism, between concepts and approaches in Daoist and Confucian thought, the discussion here also focuses on the historical linkages and philosophical continuities that at times blur the distinction between the two. The primary comparison here will be conducted at three levels: the individual within its environment, the socio-political world, and the cultivation of the self. These three levels of analysis are organized in three sections, from the more inclusive to the more specific. However, the sections are only theoretical divisions, since both Daoist and Confucian philosophies emphasize a concept of selfhood that focuses on an individual’s relationships with others, within a larger natural and cosmic environment. To more fully understand these comparisons, it is important also to examine the intellectual climate within which interactions between so- called Daoism and Confucianism took place. These details, including information gleaned from relatively recently discovered texts, are not merely tangential to our understanding of both philosophies.
- 
												  The Six Principles of Chinese Writing and Their Application to Design As Design IdeaISSN 1923-1555[Print] Studies in Literature and Language ISSN 1923-1563[Online] Vol. 8, No. 3, 2014, pp. 84-88 www.cscanada.net DOI: 10.3968/4968 www.cscanada.org The Six Principles of Chinese Writing and Their Application to Design As Design Idea ZHOU Zhen[a],* [a]Academy of Fine Arts, Shandong Normal University, Jinan, China. The Six Principles are the principles of Chinese *Corresponding author. characters’ formation and application which was Received 12 February 2014; accepted 26 May 2014 developed during the formation of Chinese characters. Published online 25 June 2014 As an open set with new characters constantly being developed, the total number of Chinese characters from Abstract past to present reaches a tremendous sum. The Chinese Given the impact that nationality and locality have on the dictionary published by the People’s Republic of China in essential elements of design, it is a demanding task for 1989 covered about 56,000 characters. It is really amazing Chinese designers to set up new Chinese design styles. that such huge and complicated character-formation can In my opinion, the Six Principles of Chinese Writing (六 be generalized by only six principles. = 書原理), which are the principles of Chinese characters’ In my opinion, the Six Principles comprise a set of formation and application, is a set of design idea that can design thoughts based on using graphics to indicate be applied to modern design. In this paper, I present my meanings. From this standpoint, the Six Principles can research on the new design idea of design based on the be regarded as an effective design method which can be Six Principles of Chinese writing with mark design as applied to modern design, especially in the field of visual examples.
- 
												  The Old MasterINTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi.
- 
												  Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents)饒宗頤國學院院刊 第五期 417 2018 年 5 月 頁 417– 445 Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents). Edited by Martin KERN and Dirk MEYER. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017. Pp. vi+508. Edward L. SHAUGHNESSY East Asian Languages and Civilizations, The University of Chicago The publication of a major English-language book on the Shang shu 尚書 (Elevated documents) or Shu jing 書經 (Classic of documents), the second of the Chinese classics, should surely count as a major milestone in the Western study of early China. As the editors note in their Introduction, the Shang shu has inspired all aspects of Chinese political philosophy for over two thousand years now. Yet, as they also say, “In some kind of reverse—and bizarre— Book Reviews correlation, the Shangshu is as important to the Chinese political tradition as it is neglected in Western scholarship” (p. 2). Their claim just above this that “major Western works on the Shangshu can be counted on two hands, with fingers to spare” is only a bit exaggerated.1 In this volume we now have fourteen studies in just over 500 pages, that directly address at least fourteen different chapters of the Shang shu, not to mention two chapters of the 1 True, I count only eight or nine such studies listed in the various bibliographies attached at the end of each chapter, but they do not even include mention of such classic studies as Paul Pelliot, “Le Chou King en caractères anciens et le Chang Chou che wen,” Mémoires concernant l’Asie Orientale 2 (1916): 123–77, or Benjamin Elman, “Philosophy (I-Li) versus Philology (K’ao-cheng): The Jen-hsin tao-hsin Debate,” T’oung Pao 2nd ser.
- 
												  Using a Radical-Derived Character E-Learning Platform to Increase Learner Knowledge of Chinese CharactersLanguage Learning & Technology February 2013, Volume 17, Number 1 http://llt.msu.edu/issues/february2013/chenetal.pdf pp. 89–106 USING A RADICAL-DERIVED CHARACTER E-LEARNING PLATFORM TO INCREASE LEARNER KNOWLEDGE OF CHINESE CHARACTERS Hsueh-Chih Chen, National Taiwan Normal University Chih-Chun Hsu, National Defense University Li-Yun Chang, University of Pittsburgh Yu-Chi Lin, National Taiwan Normal University Kuo-En Chang, National Taiwan Normal University Yao-Ting Sung, National Taiwan Normal University The present study is aimed at investigating the effect of a radical-derived Chinese character teaching strategy on enhancing Chinese as a Foreign Language (CFL) learners’ Chinese orthographic awareness. An e-learning teaching platform, based on statistical data from the Chinese Orthography Database Explorer (Chen, Chang, L.Y., Chou, Sung, & Chang, K.E., 2011), was established and used as an auxiliary teaching tool. A nonequivalent pretest-posttest quasi-experiment was conducted, with 129 Chinese- American CFL learners as participants (69 people in the experimental group and 60 people in the comparison group), to examine the effectiveness of the e-learning platform. After a three-week course—involving instruction on Chinese orthographic knowledge and at least seven phonetic/semantic radicals and their derivative characters per week—the experimental group performed significantly better than the comparison group on a phonetic radical awareness test, a semantic radical awareness test, as well as an orthography knowledge test. Keywords: Chinese as a Foreign Language (CFL), Chinese Orthographic Awareness, Radical-Derived Character Instructional Method, Phonetic/Semantic Radicals INTRODUCTION The rise of China to international prominence in recent years has made learning Chinese extremely popular, and increasing numbers of non-native Chinese students have begun to choose Chinese as their second language of study.
- 
												  The Analects of ConfuciusThe analecTs of confucius An Online Teaching Translation 2015 (Version 2.21) R. Eno © 2003, 2012, 2015 Robert Eno This online translation is made freely available for use in not for profit educational settings and for personal use. For other purposes, apart from fair use, copyright is not waived. Open access to this translation is provided, without charge, at http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23420 Also available as open access translations of the Four Books Mencius: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23421 Mencius: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23423 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23422 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23424 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION i MAPS x BOOK I 1 BOOK II 5 BOOK III 9 BOOK IV 14 BOOK V 18 BOOK VI 24 BOOK VII 30 BOOK VIII 36 BOOK IX 40 BOOK X 46 BOOK XI 52 BOOK XII 59 BOOK XIII 66 BOOK XIV 73 BOOK XV 82 BOOK XVI 89 BOOK XVII 94 BOOK XVIII 100 BOOK XIX 104 BOOK XX 109 Appendix 1: Major Disciples 112 Appendix 2: Glossary 116 Appendix 3: Analysis of Book VIII 122 Appendix 4: Manuscript Evidence 131 About the title page The title page illustration reproduces a leaf from a medieval hand copy of the Analects, dated 890 CE, recovered from an archaeological dig at Dunhuang, in the Western desert regions of China. The manuscript has been determined to be a school boy’s hand copy, complete with errors, and it reproduces not only the text (which appears in large characters), but also an early commentary (small, double-column characters).
- 
												  The Rituals of Zhou in East Asian HistorySTATECRAFT AND CLASSICAL LEARNING: THE RITUALS OF ZHOU IN EAST ASIAN HISTORY Edited by Benjamin A. Elman and Martin Kern CHAPTER FOUR CENTERING THE REALM: WANG MANG, THE ZHOULI, AND EARLY CHINESE STATECRAFT Michael Puett, Harvard University In this chapter I address a basic problem: why would a text like the Rituals of Zhou (Zhouli !"), which purports to describe the adminis- trative structure of the Western Zhou ! dynasty (ca. 1050–771 BCE), come to be employed by Wang Mang #$ (45 BCE–23 CE) and, later, Wang Anshi #%& (1021–1086) in projects of strong state cen- tralization? Answering this question for the case of Wang Mang, how- ever, is no easy task. In contrast to what we have later for Wang Anshi, there are almost no sources to help us understand precisely how Wang Mang used, appropriated, and presented the Zhouli. We are told in the History of the [Western] Han (Hanshu '() that Wang Mang em- ployed the Zhouli, but we possess no commentaries on the text by ei- ther Wang Mang or one of his associates. In fact, we have no full commentary until Zheng Xuan )* (127–200 CE), who was far re- moved from the events of Wang Mang’s time and was concerned with different issues. Even the statements in the Hanshu about the uses of the Zhouli— referred to as the Offices of Zhou (Zhouguan !+) by Wang Mang— are brief. We are told that Wang Mang changed the ritual system of the time to follow that of the Zhouguan,1 that he used the Zhouguan for the taxation system,2 and that he used the Zhouguan, along with the “The Regulations of the King” (“Wangzhi” #,) chapter of the Records of Ritual (Liji "-), to organize state offices.3 I propose to tackle this problem in a way that is admittedly highly speculative.
- 
												  A Study of Ch' EngC143 ) A Study of Ch' eng -The Cosmo-ethical Principle in the Confucian Metaphysics of Morality- by Shim, Jae-Ryong* I. Introduction The efforts of some of the modern Confucian scholars seem to turn toward re-establishingConfucian order ~nd harmony with creative en thusiasm. They declare that the contribution of Confucianism to the eternal hope of mankind toward realizing the true sense of culture and peace is not to be simply discarded, because the true spirit of Confucianism is nothing but a craving for order and harmony. \\That, then, is the motive to achieye the ideal of Confucianists In their craving for harmony? The answer given from the time of its initiator Confucius himself down to the present is invariably one: ch' eng' (sincerity, truth, or absolute reality). The other key-concepts like hsing b (nature), jen C (humanity or benevolence), li d (principle or rationality) and ch'j e (principle of dynamic creativity or material force), etc. have been cast to incessant trnasformation and faced ups and downs according to the time and situations. The intricate relations and proper places of those key-concepts will be examined later on within the general framework of the Neo-Confucian metaphysics of morality centering around the concept of ch' eng. The purpose of this paper is, first, to trace the ongm and develop- * Assisstant Professor, Department of Philosophy; Seoul National University. mentof the concept ch' eng in the history of Chinese philosophy, and, second, to reconstruct the genuine philosophy of commitment in com pliance with the true spirit of Confucianism which is now .
- 
												  Study and Uses of the I Ching in Tokugawa JapanStudy Ching Tokugawa Uses of and I Japan the in Wai-ming Ng University Singapore National of • Ching $A (Book Changes) The of 1 particular significance has been book of a history. interest and in Asian East Divination philosophy basis its and derived from it on integral of Being civilization. Chinese within parts orbit the Chinese of the cultural were sphere, Japan traditional Ching development indebted for the the 1 of of its to aspects was culture. Japan The arrived in later sixth than the and little studied text in century no was (539-1186). Japan ancient readership expanded major It literate such Zen to groups as high-ranking monks, Buddhist courtiers, and period warriors medieval in the (1186- 1603). Ching scholarship 1 during reached Tokugawa its period the (1603-1868) apex Ching when the became 1 popular of the influential and Chinese This 2 most texts. one preliminary is provide work aims which brief Ching of overview 1 to essay a a scholarship highlighting Tokugawa Japan, in popularity themes: several of the the text, major writings, schools, the scholars, of/Ching and characteristics the and scholarship. 3 Popularity Ching The of the I popularity Ching Tokugawa of the The Japan in acknowledged I has been by a t• •" :i• •b Miyazaki Japanese number scholars. of Michio Tokugawa scholar of a thought, has remarked: "There by [Tokugawa] reached Confucians consensus was a pre-Tokugawa historical of the For overview Wai-ming in Japan, Ng, Ching "The 1 in text a see Japan," Quarterly Ancient (Summer Culture 1996), 26.2 Wai-ming 73-76; Asian and Ng pp.
- 
												  Food Ethics in Ancient China: a Confucian Perspective27 Food Ethics in Ancient China: A Confucian Perspective Chun-chieh HUANG* 1. Introduction Food ethics in ancient China was a complex of ideas that emerged from the Chinese view of life and attitude toward the elderly. They can be seen as the manifestation of the Confucian political ideal of the “kingly way,” and in particular, the related idea of “humane governance.” Food ethics in ancient China was also linked to the everyday practice of eating, especially in the context of rural life. In this paper, I will attempt to parse this thesis, focusing on Mencius’ saying that “those who are seventy can eat meat.” In his conversation with King Hui of Liang (梁惠王, r.319‒301 BCE), Mencius (孟子, 372‒289 BCE) expounded his ideal of the “kingly way” of governance. He stated:1 If the mulberry is planted in every homestead of fi ve mu of land, then those who are fi fty can wear silk; if chickens, pigs and dogs do not miss their breeding season, then those who are seventy can eat meat; if each lot of a hundred mu is not deprived of labour during the busy seasons, then families with several mouths to feed will not go hungry. Exercise due care over the education provided by the village schools, and disci- pline the people by teaching them the duties proper to sons and younger brothers, and those whose heads have turned hoary will not be carrying loads on the roads. When those who are seventy wear silk and eat meat and the masses are neither cold nor hungry, it is impossible for their prince not to be a true King.