An educational history of the Pima and Papago peoples from the mid-seventeenth century to the mid-twentieth century
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Authors Hagan, Maxine Wakefield, 1913-
Publisher The University of Arizona.
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Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/597074 AN EDUGA.TICHAL HISTORY OF THE PIMA AND PAPAGO
PEOPLES FROM THE MID-SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
, . , TO THE MID-TWHfTIETH CENTURY .
" ' Maxine wf Hagan
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the ■ A / COLLEGE OF EDUCATION V In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of
DOCTORATE IN EDUCATION
In the Graduate College
UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
1 9 5 9
/ £ ? 7 ? / I Ids
STATEMENT BY AUTHOR
This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library.
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ii TABLE Of CONTENTS
PAGE
LIST OF TABLES AND G R A P H S ...... iv mOSODUCTICN ...... 2
Chapter
II. BACKGROUND ...... 9
III. THE PEOPLE OF PIMERIA ALTA PRIOR TO THE COMING OF THE SPANISH ...... 3^
IV. THE MISSION SYSTEM AND ITS EDUCATIONAL OBJECTIVES . . . 48
V. THE UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD INDIANS AND THEIR E D U C A T I O N ...... 67
VI. EARLY ANGLO-AMERICAN INDIAN RELATIONS IN ARIZONA .... 95
VII. P I M A ...... 108
VIII. PAPAGO BACKGROUND AND EDUCATION ...... 139
IX. THE HISTORY OF BOARDING SCHOOLS ATTENDED BY PIMA AND PAPAGO STUDENTS ...... 186
X. THE HISTORY OF UNITED STATES BUREAU AND PAROCHIAL DAY SCHOOLS AMONG THE PIMA AND PAPAGO ...... 207
XI. THE EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES OF PIMA AND PAPAGO STUDENTS IN PUBLIC S C H O O L S ...... 222
XII. S U M M A R Y ...... 238
BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 319
ill LIST OF TABLES AND GRAPHS
PAGE
Progress of the Pima Indian Mission in S c hools...... 125
St. John's Indian High School Enrollment...... 129 i Enrollments for the Government Schools on the Fima R e s e r v a t i o n ...... 136
Annual School Attendance Report for Papa go Indian Agency .... iBl
Figures on Pima Education during the Latter Hoarding School E r a ...... 201
Age-Grade Relationship Papa go Children...... 217
Grade Achievement Papa go Children vs Pima County Children . . . 218
School Census of Indian Children...... 232
Enrollment of Indian Children in Public S c h o o l s ...... 234
Attendance Figures by Tribe and Comparison in Types of Schools Attended, 1945-46 ...... 250- 259
Comparison of Total Enrollments by Grades in Federal Schools, 1945-46 ...... 260
Comparison of Enrollments in Grades on a Percentage Basis, 1944-46 ...... 261
Attendance Figures by Tribe and Comparison in Types of Schools Attended, 1947-57 ...... 262- 315
iv INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION
Statement of the Problem
The educational experience of the Pina and Papa go Indian tribes from the Spanish penetration of the seventeenth to the aid-twentieth century constitutes the problem of this study. The acculturation, the formal, informal, and vocational education will be traced. The con tributions of sectarian and non-sectarian schools will be analyzed. The effect of the policies of the Spanish, Mexican, and United States gov ernments on the aboriginal education will be examined.
The Importance of the Study
A chronological-topical history of the education of the Piman people presently occupying the Pima and Papago reservations in southern
Arizona should be of value to the scholar who seeks, by means of edu cation, to assimilate the members of the tribes into off-reservation society.
Delimitation of the Study
This Study will be confined to the sociological and educational development of the Piman people for the 300 year span stated above, pima tribe members living on the Salt Biver Reservation will be con sidered only in relation to their present attendance in Arizona State public schools.
2 3
No attempt will be made to judge any specific pattern of education as being the solution to the present day dilemma. No condem nation will be made concerning past or present educational offerings.
!Ehe term "education11 will be used in its broadest sense to include academic, vocational, economics, cultural, social, and civic training.
Manner of Treatment
The various aspects of the problem will be treated under twelve chapter headings in an historical-topical manner. To facilitate refer ence the organization within the thesis and within each chapter will be presented in chronological order.
The material upon which this work is based has been subjected to both internal and external criticism. Legend concerning the develop ment of any aboriginal people has, in effect, made liars of all who seek truth. In order to avoid the possibility of too much fantasy, this thesis has sacrificed much of the glamour it might have contained.
Sources of Data
The primary material, amassed and synthesized for the first four chapters, comes basically from Jesuit and Franciscan Registers and other forms of Ecclesiastical reports. Secondary sources have been used to supplement parts of the development not recorded by either the mission aries or the Indians.
The section concerning Indian education after the coming of the
Anglo-Americans is based on documents from the War Department, the
Department of the Interior, Congressional Records, and letters from k religious, government, and military personnel. Personal interviews with people now serving, or who have served, on the Pima or Papago reser vations have been a valuable source of data. Newspaper articles, church periodicals, and various quarterly reviews containing material pertinent to the study constitute additional sources.
Belated Literature
Evelyn Adams' book entitled American Indian Education, published by King's Crown Press in Morningside Heights, New York, 1946, is a com prehensive study of United States Indian educational policy. In her introductory chapter, she sketches Spanish, French, and English colonial educational policies effectively. The value of her work for the person interested in Indian education, however, lies in the subsequent chapters which deal with the changes in educational policy during the United
States national period.
Mr. Robert A. Backenberg's history of the Gila River Reservation has been an invaluable source dealing with all facets of Pima problems.
The specific title of this book is: A Brief History of the Gila River
Reservation by Robert A. Eackenberg, Research Associate, Bureau of
Ethnic Research, University of Arizona Press, Tucson, Arizona, 1955•
Dr. William Kelly's Indians of the Southwest, First Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnic Research, University Press, Tucson,
Arizona, 1953, has supplied the author with a comprehensive report of the progress of the principal Indian tribes of Arizona. 5
The late Dr. Bufus Bay Wyllye published in The Nev Mexico
Historical Review, Volume VI, Number 2, in November of 1931, an article entitled "Padre Luis Velardes Eelacion of Pimeria Alta, 1716". This z / "Eelacion” gives the student of papagueria the reactions of a pioneer priest to the aborigines found on what is today the Papa go Reservation.
Julian H. Steward has provided a valuable source of the economic and social basis of all primitive groups. The title of his work is:
"The Economic and Social Basis of Primitive Bands,” Essays in Anthro pology in Honor of A. L. Kroeber, University of California Press,
Berkeley, California, 1936.
John H. Hamilton's master's thesis, "A History of the Presby terian Work Among the Papa go and Pima Indians of Arizona," written for the University of Arizona, Department of History, is a valuable source of information concerning the work of the Presbyterians among the Pima' and Papago Indians.
Father Bonaventure 0'Biasser's unpublished book "Cross Over the / Desert" contains unusual material on the history of Pimeria Alta, gleaned from old church documents. This study is a singularly valuable source concerning the founding of permanent formal schools for the
Papago.
In 1938, Marvin E. Heard prepared a master's thesis for the
College of Education at the University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, entitled: "Three Centuries of Formal and Informal Educational Influ ence and Development Among the Pima Indians." This manuscript is particularly well-illustrated with pictures of the early religious and educational institutions of the Anglo-American period. 6
E. Castetter and W. Bell compiled in 1948 a comprehensive study:
Pima and Papa go Agriculture, published by the University of New Mexico
Press. These authors did a study of the basic economic problems of the
Pima in regard to the water, soil, and land allotment problem. This book also contains an excellent discussion of wild foods, both flora and
fauna, used by the Piman peoples.
M r . Charles C . Di Peso in his work based on Father Velardes1 records published a study concerned with the now extinct Sobaipuri
section of the Piman tribe. Mr. Di Peso's work is set up in two volumes and deals with almost every phase of the culture of the Sobaipuri. The publisher was the Amerind Foundation, United States Printing Press,
Washington, D. C., 1953•
Albert H. Kneale in a volume based on hie thirty-six years as an
Indian agent published in 1950 a narrative on the total United States
Indian problem with emphasis on his last assignment as agent to the
Pimas. Mr. Kneale's Indian Agent was published by the Caxton Printers,
Limited, in Caldwell, Idaho, 1950.
Edward Everett Dale wrote a book on the Indians of the Southwest
in 1949. This study covers the Indian problem by states and areas of
interest. Mr. Dale's book is The Indians of the Southwest, published by
University of Oklahoma press, Herman, Oklahoma, 1949•
Herbert Eugene Bolton during his lifetime covered thoroughly the
history of the Colonial Spanish and their contact with the aborigines of
Mexico, the State of Arizona, and other areas of North America where
contact took place between the Spanish clergy, conquistadores, and the
Indians. The writer has found invaluable and dependable information 7 from his lectures and his books. The three secondary references most frequently relied upon in the early part of this study are: z Herbert Eugene Bolton's Kino's Historical Memoirs of Plmeria Alta. Uni versity of California Press, Berkeley, California, 1948; Him of
Christendom, Macmillan Company, New York, New York, 1936; and "The
Mission as a Frontier Institution in the Spanieh-American Colonies,"
American Historical Review, Volume XXIII, October, 1917 • Certain sections of Greater America, Essays in Honor of Herbert Eugene Bolton, written by his students, have been used as source material. These essays were published by University of California Press, Berkeley and
Los Angeles, California, 1945, and edited by Dr. Adele Ogden et al.
Another fine source of background material is Dr. Elliott Coues* translation of Father Garces * diary entitled: On the Trail of a Spanish
Pioneer, "The Diary and Itinerary of Francisco Garces in His Travels
Througi Sonora, Arizona, and California, 1775-1776," published by
Francis P. Harper, New York, New York, 1900. CHAPTER II
BACKGROUND CHAPTER II
BACKGROUND
Historical Background of the Problem
The flags of Spain, Mexico, and the United States have flown
over the area occupied by the piman people. Spain in the seventeenth
century and United States in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries made provision for the education and acculturation of the Papagos and
Pimas. Mexico made little formal or informal contribution to education
on the far northern frontier of Sonora.
Spain, the greatest colonial power of her day, had gradually
pushed her great American Empire northward. Sonora was always one of
the frontiers, but provision was made for the Christianization and
education of the aboriginal peoples under the complex colonial system.'*"
The Council of the Indies, a body in Spain set up by Charles V in 1524
to deal with colonial affairs for the king, was the controlling force.
In the New World the viceroy was acting ruler under the di
rection of the Council of the Indies. The viceroy's power was checked
by a series of provisions that kept him from gaining sufficient power to
secede from Spain. With the exception of the great viceroy Anthony
Mendoza, the terms of the viceroys of New Spain were from four to seven
^Salvador de Madariaga, The Rise of the Spanish American Empire, Macmillan Co., New York, New York, 1947, p. 51-
9 10 years in length. The viceroy could not marry while a representative of the Crown in the New World, his investments were limited, he could not give grants of land, and at the close of his term the affairs of hie administration were investigated by a Court of Inquiry. All subjects of the viceroyalties bad the right to complain to this court.
The viceroyalties were divided into kingdoms which were to be come new viceroyalties when their prosperity and population warranted the change. Die kingdoms were divided into provinces. Each province had a governor or alcalde major. The important body at the city level was a town council, consisting of prominent citizens.
Military garrisons or presidios were established strategically to protect roads from the silver mines so the recuse could safely trans port their precious loads.
A part of this complicated system was the missionary who came to secure souls for Christ and subjects for the Spanish CrownThe Jesuit clergy had a principal clerical administrative figure in Borne called a
“General", who was in charge of the missionaries of his Order in the colonial mission field. New Spain, in the seventeenth century, had a
“General" in Mexico City to supply missions and missionaries. Under the
Jesuit General Procurator was a Provincial, and under him a Rector or
Superior, who might have from three to six missions under his juris diction. The link of this mission system was the Visitador. It was his duty to report on missions and their progress. Die missionary, that
^Lesley Byrd Simpson, Many Mexicos, University of California Press, Berkeley, California, 1952, p. 6 9 . 11 greatest of all pioneers, was to seek likely locations in centers of
Indian population for new missions, make converts, establish compounds and visitas, and set about Christianization and education for the eter nal glory of God and Spain. The hardships which these men of God endured in the desert are almost beyond belief. Bieir entradas^ were made on foot, muleback, or on horseback across country over which today, we rarely travel in high powered automobiles.
By the time Father Eusebio Kino, the Apostle of Fimas, came to
Pimeria Alta to bring Christianity, and training in catechism and eco nomic adequacy to the Pisan people, the glory of the great Spanish colonial system was waning. Weak kings in the seventeenth century had left the administration of the colonial system to inadequate men.
Fortunately, the Church and the individual missionary were still in spired. In the arid lands of the Sobaipuri, Pima, and Papa go no rich minerals were found; no cities like those in Mexico and Peru were evi dent. There were only sedentary settlements of aborigines practicing a primitive type of agriculture supplemented by an endless search for the uncultivated edibles provided by an ungenerous mother nature. Kino found them thus when he arrived in l66j. Hie first mission in what is now Arizona was San Gabriel de Guevavi, founded sometime between 1687 and 1691.
3peter Hasten Dunne, S. J., "Pioneer Jesuit Missionaries on the Central Plateau of New Spain," Greater America, Essays in Honor of Herbert Eugene Bolton, ed. Dr. Adele Ogden et a l ., University of Cali fornia Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, 1945, p. 175. 12 / The over-all plan for the missionary field of Pimeria Alta was formed by Father Kino under instructions received from his superior. Z The district he formed was called Pimeria Alta and included the upper
Pimas and their neighbors the Yumane of the lower Colorado. The upper
Pimas consisted of the Altar-Magdelena Valley Pimans, the Sobaipuri
Pimans in the San Pedro Valley at San Xavier, the Pimans of the Gila, and the Pimans of the desert. Owing to lack of personnel and insuffi cient military protection, the Jesuits under Kino were able to conduct actual organized mission work only among the Indians of the Altar-
Magdelena Valley, the Sobaipuri Pimans, and the Papagos.
Between 1687 and 1711, mission sites were selected by Kino and crude churches were built Kino worked much with adults in his edu cational program because he believed that only.through respected men of the tribes could the the aborigines be educated to Christianity, and a better way of economic lifeHe imported fruit-bearing vines, vege tables, new cereals, cattle, sheep, and Christianity. He taught the
Indians to build more effective dwellings and to aid him in constructing churches. In 1701, Father Kino succeeded in having four missionaries sent to the area occupied by the pimas and Papagos.
^Herbert Eugene Bolton, Kino's Historical Memoirs of Pimeria Alta, University of California Press, Berkeley, California, 1946, p. 110.
^Jesuit conversion program— to concentrate on the influential in society— in contrast to the Franciscan method, e.g., Juniper© Sierra and Frances Xavier. Quotatation from Jesuit and Franciscan policy obtained from Father Bonaventure O'Blasser, O.F.M., St. John's Mission, Laveen, Arizona, January 1956. 13
After Kino's death, little was done in this area until the pre
sidio was founded at Tubac. This presidio was established three miles north of Tumacacori. Fifty soldiers were made responsible for pro
tecting Tumacacori, Guevavi, Arivaca, and even the remote San Xavier / The Indians of pimeria Alta had a relatively simple religion
dependent upon manifestations of nature, therefore, the religion of the
Catholic fathers did not find consistent organized resistance as it had among the Indians with more complex cultures. The church at San Xavier was plundered during the Pima Rebellion of 1751,7 but Jesuit mission
aries returned in 1752. By this time the Apaches, now mounted, twice
raided the mission compound. The Jesuits, however, were losing favor
throughout the Spanish dominions. In 1767, by order of Carlos III of
Spain, they were expelled from his possessions
This mission field was turned over to the humble, industrious
Franciscan order in 176 8 . Father Francisco Gance's took charge of San
Xavier and a new era began. Father Garces was the most beloved of all
the priests during the Spanish Colonial mission period in Arizona. This
hardy padre wandered from tribe to tribe preaching and teaching. During
the period of the Franciscans permanent buildings were constructed, and
the churches were decorated and furnished. Architects of our day find
convincing evidence that much of Tumacacori was built before San Xavier,
^Bolton, op. cit., pp. 110-11.
Tflotes from Dr. Russell Ewing's course on the History of the West, summer term, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, July, 1954.
®Bolton, op. cit., pp. 110-12. as mistakes made in the construction of Tumacacori were avoided in the building of San Xavier.
In 1768 and 1789* the Apaches had devastated Kino's mission at
Guevavi and the priests and faithful fled to Tumacacori.9 As a result of this misfortune, Tumacacori became the head district. It was now to ward Tumacacori that the Apaches leveled their hate, and the garrison at
Tubac gave insufficient protection. Father Superior Narcisco Gutierrez, head priest at the time, was not one to give up easily. He planned and built, with native labor and adobe brick, a solid Romanesque church and compound. The school room constructed by Gutierrez was not ideal by to day's standards. Its unsanitary location was next to the stables, but it was a part of a structure set aside for the specific purpose of education. z Meantime, Father Garces was traveling constantly among his charges seeking ever and again places suitable for the mission chain that was to be built joining the missions of Pimeria Alta to those of the Pacific coast.
Father Garces, within six months after coming to San Xavier del Bac, in 1770, had explored most of southwestern Arizona.
In 1772, Anza ^Grandson of the first Anzaj, who was then in command of the presidios in Sonora became interested in marking a trail from Sonora to the California Missions. Anza, Garces, and seme thirty companions started on January 8, 177^> from Tubac. They followed the Camino del Diablo to Yuma and from there went across the Colorado to Mission San Gabriel, to what is now the city of Xos Angeles, and on to the presidio of Monterey. On the return journey, Garces left the party and made a visit to the Yavapai
^lewis Wetzler, "History of the Pima," Ph. D. Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, California, 1949, p. 50. 15
Indians of northern Arizona before returning to San Xavier, on July 10, 1774.10
The fortunes of Tumacacori and San Xavier del Bac from 1781 until 1B21 were uncertain, due to insufficient support from Spain.
Tumacacori was partially finished and Father Bamon liberos, who had succeeded Gutierrez, decided to put the unfinished structure in usuable order. Father Bamon completed the nave, and the sanctuary for services, readied the school and workshops, and erected living quarters and store houses around the patios. A century and a quarter after the Sobaipuri
Pimans had called Father Kino with their crosses, there was at
Tumacacori a real church at last. The new church with its gilded images, bells, lights, and provisions for education, was enjoyed by the natives for only five years. In 1827 came the abrupt expulsion of the
Franciscans from their missions by order of the Mexican government.
San Xavier del Bac, on the Papago Indian Beservation nine miles south of Tucson, is the only one of the Arizona missions which stands to day just as it appeared in the years of the Spanish colonial padres.
Kino considered this mission site the garden spot of the desert. From the day the site of San Xavier was discovered by Father Kino in April or
May of 1700, until 1810, this was the most prosperous mission in the southwest. The Papago and Pima converts were instructed there in the ways of Christianity and taught improvements in agriculture, cattle raising, and the building trades.
lOpufus K. Wyllys, Arizona, The History of a Frontier State. Hobson and Herr, Phoenix, Arizona, 1950, p. 41. ' 16
The decline of San Xavier set in about 1810, and when the Fran ciscans left in l82k, the mission was at the mercy of the Apaches and the elements. The Papagos, faithful to the memory of the padres and their teachings, preserved the building for posterity. z Spanish influence on the Indians of Pimeria Alta lasted even through the lean years until 1870, when Anglo-American influences began to be felt in this remote area. European work techniques and new modes of life were adapted to some extent by the village Indians. Some wan dering tribes were transformed into settled communities. Native diet, housing, and clothing were improved. In the cultural transition, how ever, much of the Indian civilization was permanently destroyed.
The curriculum of the mission schools was simple and elementary consisting of rote singing, prayers, rudiments of arithmetic, crafts, and the elements of agricultureReligious instruction was given twice daily to Indians over eleven years of age and once each day to children over five. This instruction was oral and did not require lit eracy. The government wanted the friars to teach the Spanish language as an aid in political control, but the friars persisted in the use of
Indian dialects. The mission community was developed by the intro duction of new plants, livestock, and improved farming methods. The women were taught spinning, weaving, and the preparation of new foods, introduced by the Spanish. Higher academic subjects were taught to a
HFrcm unpublished works of Father Bonaventure 0 ‘Blasser, Fran ciscan Historian, who obtained hie material from Catholic ecclesiastical records of Franciscan historical records. Interview, San Carlos Reser vation, Arizona, November 5, 1952. 17 few exceptional individuals; a limited number were sent to Spain to be given instruction.^ "Supervised segregation to modify Indian culture was Spain's unique contribution to American Indian education."^
There was no pattern for Indian education on the Sonoran fron tier after Mexico secured her independence until the treaty of
Guadalupe-Hidalgo and the Gadsden Purchase brought the Pima and the
Papago section of the tribe on the northern side of the Mexican border under the jurisdiction of the United States. The Pimans had encountered the Anglo-Americans before the exchange of territory. The Piman people, like the Koreans, occupied an area that served as a crossroads for travel. All sorts of people, Spanish and Anglo-Americans, had crossed the Piman country because of their peaceable attitude toward intruders.
These tourists with the white skins, blue eyes, and light hair, how ever, had been on urgent business of their own not pausing long enough to make their influence felt upon the Pima and Papa go.
The United States policy toward Indian education did not spring full-blown from the head of Zeus. When the United States government took over it was natural, since the new nation had been under British rule for 150 years, that the British-American Indian policy should prevail.12 *
12Ibid.
13ward B. Adams and Richard E. Sloan, History of Arizona. Arizona Press, Phoenix, Arizona, 1930, V, Uo.
l^It should be remembered that the piman tribes did not occupy territory held by the British Crown, and only felt the influence of British policy through United States after the Treaty of Guadalupe- Hidalgo and the Gadsden Purchase. 18
Evelyn Adams concisely states the British Indian policy in North
America:
A partially centralized administration, field supervision by government officials, the reserving of land for the tribes, the purchase of tribal land, the removal of Indian population and the assignment of education of tribes to religious missionaries.^
Three departments of Indian Affairs were created by the Conti nental Congress in 1 7 7 5 The northern department extended southward
to include the Iroquois; the southern department included the Cherokees; and the middle department had charge of the area between the above mentioned tribes.
The Articles of Confederation, which became effective in 1781, provided for regulating trade and managing affairs with Indians then
under the control of the British Crown.^
The Constitution of the United States provided for Congress to
regulate trade with Indians. In 1789, when the War Department was
-iQ established, it was assigned the management of Indian Affairs. By
the Act of August 1784 responsibility for Indian relations was trans
ferred from Congressional Committee to the Secretary of War. *8
^Evelyn Adams, American Indian Education» King’s Crown Press, Morningale Heights, New York, 1946, p. 12.
^William H. Mace, Mace's School History of the United States. Band McNally and Co., Chicago, Illinois, 1904, p. 198.
17ibid., pp. 198-9 9 .
l8Ibid., p. 212.
19u.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Significant Dates in the History of the Indian Service. U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 2$, D. C., 1949, pp. 1-2. 19
The War Department, being interested in other things, left the
Indians under the supervision of missionaries from 1786 until 1793•
In 1793> the president appointed resident agents, who took over small practical educational projects which were subsidized by the United
States government. In 1793# an appropriation of not more than $20,000 annually was authorized for the purchase of domestic animals and farming implements, but the national treasury being lean, in 1800, the maximum was reduced to $15,000 annually.
Two dependable sources of revenue were established for Indian education by the appropriation for the "Indian Civilization Fund" in 1819, and the designation of certain treaty annuities specifically for education in 1820. The "Civilization Fund" was an annual appro priation of $10,000 to be used for the education of frontier tribes.
The President was authorized to appoint instructors in agriculture and elementary teachers for the children. The missionaries continued their work in academic and practical training assisted by funds from this source. Prior to the establishment of the "Civilization Fund", the
Missionary Board established a joint interdenominational board to deal with Indian welfare
In 1824, the Bureau of Indian Affairs was organized in the Vjar
Department. The personnel of this department consisted of the head of the department, a chief clerk, and one assistant. There were many com plaints against the War Department, consequently in 1832, the President appointed a Commissioner of Indian Affairs whose duty it was to direct
20%bld., pp. 2-4. 20 and manage all relations vith Indians. In 1634, Congress passed the
"Indian Intercourse Act", which is regarded as the "Organic Act of the
Indian Service". This act provided for a field force of twelve agents with salaries of $1,500 annually. Governors of territories had formerly acted as ex-officio superintendents of Indian Affairs, and in some cases this practice was continued, but all Indian agents were under the direct supervision of the Commissioner.^
The Papa go and Pima were at this time under the Mexican flag, but Indians from east of the Mississippi were being removed west. The
Removal Act was passed in 1830, and within ten years some 70,000 Indians had been transferred Education had been suspended during the move but government interest in Indian education continued, and missionaries were eager to resume their work.
The American Board appointed Reverend Samuel Parker to tour the western country in 1835 • The purpose of this tour was to gather infor mation that would help in planning schools and missions. Reverend
Parker recommended a manual labor school. The government and the missionaries worked together in providing schools for children and practical training for adults. The Manual Labor School, the specific contribution of the period from 1830 to 1845, was a boarding school located among the tribes and partially subsidized by the government on condition that manual labor be included in the formal schedule. Boys
21yrom a lecture by Dr. Orpha McPherson, Federal Supervisor of Indian Education in Arizona, March, 1944.
22pay Allen Billington, Westward Expansion, Macmillan Co., New York, New York, 1949, pp* 470-72. 21 and girls both attended the manual labor school, where they were in structed in letters, manual labor, morals, and Christianity.^3
In 1849, the Bureau of Indian Affairs was transferred from the
War Department to the Department of the Interior. Shortly after the transfer was effected, there was an outbreak of Indian wars which pre cipitated bickering between the two departments, and the disgruntled
War Department refused to cooperate with the Department of the Interior.
The Indians were in a desperate plight. They had left the land that made them self-sustaining. Reservation life and insufficient rations placed the Indians in a chaotic situation. The Federal Program had been devastating, but despite this, there still remained genuine govern ment interest in education.
After the Civil War it was obvious that something had to be done about the economic distress of the Indians. In 1869, President Grant was authorized to appoint a Board of Commissioners consisting of ten persons to assist in selecting adequate officials, and in general, "to
improve the administration of Indian Affairs"In its first annual
report, published in 1869, the Board recommended that the Indians be
collected on reservations, and eventually be put together to form a
State of the Union, and that the treaty system be abolished.^5 $he
^Material on the manual labor schools was obtained from A. E. (Bert) Robinson, former Superintendent of the Pima Agency at Sacaton, Arizona, Phoenix, Arizona, February 6, 1954.
2^Ward R. Adams and Richard E. Sloan, History of Arizona. Arizona Press, Phoenix, Arizona, 1930, V, 4o.
25George C. Wells, Orienting of New Employees, U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, u.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1953, pp- 2-3. 22
Board further recommended that the legal status of uncivilized Indians be that of wards of the Government and the policy of making payments of money annuities be abolished. They recommended that schools and missions be established and that the study of English be introduced to the various tribes. Indians who proved capable should then be given individual ownership of land. This Board worked on behalf of the
Indians until 1933> when it was abolished by Executive Order.
The Army Appropriations Act of 1870 provided that any officer on the active list accepting a civil appointment would have to vacate his commission, therefore, officers were compelled to relinquish their positions as Indian Agents. President Grant decided to delegate the nomination of Indian Agents to religious organizations interested in missionary work among the Indians.
In I87O, Congress authorized an annual appropriation for Indian educationThis appropriation consisted of $100,000 to be set aside for the support of Industrial and other schools among the tribes for whom no other provision had been made.
Many religious groups founded schools and missions with the aid of Federal funds. Reverend Cook did his initial work among the Pimas in the early eighteen seventies, under the direction of the "Association of the Ladies of New York11 and subsidized by the Federal government. This organization was founded to promote mission work within continental
United States. Later, most of these schools became government
26]5velyn Adams, American Indian Education, King's Crown Press, Morningsle Heights, New York, 19^6, p. 48. 23 institutions and received the major portion of their support from the
United States government.2?
The story of Indian education from 1793 until 1908 is the story of the famous or infamous Indian Agent. The post was an heritage from the English colonial period and for many years the agent was the only government representative residing among the Indians. The agents' records, financially speaking, were certainly not unblemished. A law was passed in 1875 requiring a reviewal of records of expenditure and making these records subject to inspection. These and other laws were passed in subsequent years in an attempt to cut down on error and em bezzlement, but little real improvement was achieved until Civil
Service was introduced into the Indian Service. Increasing field super vision tended to curb the agents' authority until the discontinuance of the post in 1908.
The government criticized the denominational strife among missionaries, and their insistence upon using native dialects in their schools. President Grant tried to cut down this strife by assigning a specific reservation area to a specific denomination.
In 1879; the old language controversy between missionary societies flared up again and the two missionary societies which
insisted upon the bilingual policy were threatened with withdrawal of
27Information secured from Mr. Noel I. phieffer, Superintendent, Retired, Phoenix, Arizona, School of Industrial Arts, Phoenix, Arizona, former member of Cook Bible School. Mr. Phieffer's father brought his family to the Phoenix Indian School in 1892, where he was blacksmith for the school. Interview, June 8 , 1953. 2k federal support, unless they complied with government regulations.
Mission schools were gradually replaced by government schools in many areas.
Another controversy of the developmental period was based on the type of school most suitable. By 1890, the government preferred the in dustrial boarding school located among the tribes. Training the youth away from Indian customs and beliefs was the immediate aim. The on- reservation day school was denounced because it was felt that the
influence of its tribal surroundings could not be counteracted. In
connection with this problem, John Eaton, Jr., Commissioner of Education,
advocated boarding schools equipped with workshops and farming land, and
suggested that day schools be used in remote areas where transportation was difficult. Eaton also proposed that non-reservation government
boarding schools be established to train Indian students who would re
turn to their tribes as teachers and examples.
In 1879; General Bichard Pratt opened the first non-reservation
boarding school at Carlisle, Pennsylvania.^® The school at Carlisle was
always an elementary school offering vocational courses in agriculture,
mechanics, and nursing. One half of the day was spent in industrial
training and in work on the farm, and the other half in academic work.
When the Indian youngster completed hie school training, he was placed
with a white family for three years. Hie Carlisle school was closed
in 1918, and the old barracks and new buildings were used in the
2®Bay Allen Billington, Westward Expansion, Macmillan Co., New York, New York, 1949, p. 6551 25 government's rehabilitation program after World War I.
In 1885> the growth of the Indian education program warranted a centralized administration of education. Federal appropriations had increased and it was felt that an Inspector of Education should be appointed. J. M. Haworth received the first appointment, but died with in a few months, and the organization of the Indian Education Division was left to his successor, J. H. Oberly. Superintendent Oberly pre sented the first comprehensive discussion on federal Indian education.
He observed in his annual report for 1885 that Indian education had evolved without centralized direction and the federal administrative service had been inadequate. He also stated that he did not consider the Indian agent qualified to serve in the field of education. Super intendent Oberly suggested that uniform textbooks and uniform teaching methods be adopted. He advocated the desirability of uniform school buildings in place of makeshift abandoned barracks, sheds, warehouses, for Indian schools. He believed firmly in the boarding school because it made it possible to take children out of the Indian camps while they were young and susceptible to training. Superintendent Oberly also pro posed compulsory attendance and suggested a reform school for incorrigible Indian students. He recommended the merit system as a means of improvement of school personnel.
Thomas J. Morgan served as Commissioner of Indian Affairs from 1B89 to 1893' This man was an administrative strategist, and with
the help of his superintendent of schools, Daniel Dorchester, traveled
six thousand miles in two months in I889, while compiling the first com prehensive official field report on Indian education. The report 26 disclosed that the Indian school teachers vere incompetent, and that adeq.uate facilities for school programs were almost non-existent. The proposals made in this report were acted upon, and more careful field supervision was instituted. The first codification of school rules was made. A course of study for all schools was prepared and the merit system adopted for personnel appointments.^9 improvements continued and educational offerings gradually spread to almost all reservation
Indians.
Indian Commissioner, Francis E. Leupp, who served from 1904 to 1909, was the first official to advocate day schools and denounce the boarding schools. He pointed out that the impoverishment of Indians was intensified by the loss of land, and not sufficiently alleviated by in dustrial training to prepare Indian children for citizenship, with the ultimate purpose of accepting responsibility for their own economic and vocational welfare.3®
Unfortunately, the changes that took place laid the ground work for regimentation of schools. The first uniform course of study, which was adopted in 1916, followed the first six years of academic in struction in public schools, with an additional provision for student labor. It was considered necessary for the student to work half of the day because of limited government appropriations, but it was thought
29charles A. Beard and Mary E. Beard, A Basic History of the United States, Doubleday, Doran and Co., New York, New York, 1944, p. 328.
30j?rom a lecture by D r . Orpha McPherson, Federal Supervisor of Indian Education in the Southwest, Phoenix, Arizona, May 20, 1954. 27 that the students1 progress would not be hampered if this work were correlated with regular periods of instruction. Bius, by an admini strative adjustment, institutional labor was to be transformed into a kind of vocational training. The regimentation was further solidified by a set of examinations that accompanied the uniform course of study;
Indian education, after two-thirds of a century of Federal
Indian Bureau supervision, cannot be easily evaluated. When one con siders carefully the gigantic machinery involved, one wonders not that so little has been done, but that so much has been accomplished.
Indian education closely trailed the development of the American school system, with insufficient attention to the off-reservation social and economic training of American Indian youth.
The "Wheeler-Howard Act" of 193^ was an attempt to revive com munity life on the reservation.^ The Wheeler-Howard Act provided for more self-government and for the holding of land by the tribe rather than by individuals. John Collier, Commissioner of Indian Affairs at that time, vigorously promoted the new policy. The Indians were given lessons in soil conservation and improved methods of raising livestock.
Schools were made a part of community life, and one of the goals of in struction was to help solve practical local problems.
The evolving programs since Collier's day have gradually brought school and curricula closer to their counterparts in the off-reservation world. The State of Arizona has been assuming increasing responsibility
3lThis Act was an indirect result of the "Meriam Report", published in 1928. 28 for Indian education. From the time the first schools in Arizona were founded; there has always been Indian attendance in public schools.
Sometimes the public schools have received federal support for the
Indians and sometimes not. The Indians, although shy and socially back ward,, have done quite as well as the white youngsters when given equal opportunities.
At present, the Indian children are entering public schools pro vided for them, and long-established state public schools in the areas in which they live.^2 This experiment seems to be working effectively.
Indian Bureau funds contribute to schools where Indian children are in attendance on a per capita basis.
Secondary education among the Indians is still the exception rather than the rule, but more and more youngsters are attending public,
Indian Bureau, and parochial high schools.
Extensive acceleration programs, to meet the specific problems of the Indians in off-reservation social and economic adjustments, are underway and seem to be enjoying exceptional success.
In addition to an increased Pima and Papago attendance at
Phoenix Indian School, Esquela in Tucson, and St. John's at Laveen, there are many who attend nearby public high schools. Ajo has a rela tively large group of Papagos and Plmas in public high school attendance, as do Tucson, Coolidge, Casa Grande, Mesa, and Scottsdale.33 3
32A s a result of Johnson-0 'Halley Act Funds.
33$he Salt River Section of the Pima Reservation is located four miles east of Scottsdale, Arizona. 29
Although progress is slow, it is not now beyond conception that public schooling will be provided for all Indian children in Arizona.
Non-segregated public schooling will have a marked effect upon adjust ment to off-reservation economic and social life and will in time bring an end to reservation living. The young person, who has been for a period of time exposed to higher living standards of off-reservation life, will be most reluctant, in the future, to accept a meager reser vation livelihood.
Too long, the unrealistic picture of the red man, living in his neolithic state, has existed. Such an idea presupposes that the Indian has had no contact with more advanced civilizations, and is still to be found living entirely within his early seventeenth century cultural pattern. This is not the case, and to attempt to approach the present day problem from such a premise is impractical.
Two factors are always of concern in educational planning: first, the individual or group to be educated, and secondly, the means and subject-matter of education to be employed in achieving certain aims and objectives.
The Papago and Pima Indians have had an extensive experience under the direction of two powerful nations with comprehensive aims and objectives for Indian education, formal and informal. Spain, at the height of her colonial glory, was seeking subjects for the Crown, souls for Christ, and trained labor for mines and ranches. All instruction, according to a cedula or law of the Spanish government, was to be in the
Spanish tongue. This order was not obeyed by the pioneering priests be cause they did not approve of the slave-like labor conditions forced 30 upon the Indians working for enterprising Spanish colonists.
The padres, beginning with Kino and following through a long line of successors, both Jesuit and Franciscan, hoped to Christianize amd improve the economic lot of the Piman people. Importation of flora and fauna, new implements, and new methods of building construction definitely changed the pattern of aboriginal culture. The tribal folk- I lore and religion were changed by the early Spanish padres. Some aboriginal customs have remained, but the influence of the Christian religion has been felt in the development of the Pima and Papago tribes since the coming of Father Kino. Aboriginal superstition and the
Christian religion merged and became the basis of new beliefs that in fluenced Indian culture profoundly. The Piman peoples never discarded the farming and cattle raising knowledge they obtained, although it continued to be necessary to supplement their diet with wild plants and animals. The mission buildings of the padres were preserved long after the fathers had been forced to leave. The heritage from the Spanish is to be observed in the names of the Indian families. The padres, being unable to pronounce names in the Piman tongue, for convenience gave them
Spanish names and these names remain as the surnames of the majority of the Papago and Pima tribe members.3^
The formal education was not continued to any extent after the priests from Spain departed, but the essence of the Catholic faith and
3^For example: On the Papago Tribal Council in 1952, twenty-eight of the thirty-nine members bore names of Spanish origin. Information secured from Thomas Segundo, Papago Tribal Council Chairman, Sells, Arizona, May 8, 1952. 31 the practical arts of planting fields, raising stock, and building structures taught them remain unless disturbed by another religion or way of life obtained from a later dominant culture.
The so-called Mexican period from 1821 until 1853 was not a fertile one from the standpoint of formal or vocational education, but the influence of their Mexican neighbors had a lasting effect upon
Indian diet and custom.
The Pima and Papa go tribes had considerable experience with the
Anglo-American traveler before the eighteen fifties. The California gold rush brought many a wagon train across their country. Prospectors, trappers, outlaws, and explorers had also found these Indians friendly and eager to be of service as guides through Yuma country, or to supply grain at a price.
Settlers drifted into Arizona after the United States Civil War, and established themselves on land near the Piman holdings. Sometimes controversies rose over a piece of farm land, but in general the Piman people welcomed the newcomers as an ally against the ever-dreaded
Apache.
By the time the first school was brought to the Pima Reservation in the eighteen seventies,35 the people of the present Pima and Papago reservations had almost two centuries of contact with some advanced culture.
35Established near Sacaton, Arizona, in 1871 by C. H. Cook, later Reverend Cook. 32
President Grant had just issued his Peace Policy, to "achieve the civilization and ultimate citizenship of all Indians in United
States", when the Pima school was founded. The objectives stated in
Grant's policy were worthy, but certainly a long time in achieving ful fillment in Arizona. Adoption of white culture has been slow and varying. Almost without exception all Pima and Papa go Indians belong to some denomination of the Christian faith. With the exception of people forty-five years of age and older, all members of these tribes have either attended school through the sixth grade or for shorter periods of time. This statement does not hold true in the remote villages in the western section of the Papa go Reservation, where even during the draft for World War II, the elders hid their sons and refused to allow mili tary officers to enforce the draft.
The schools, which the Papago and Pima people have attended, ran the gamut from the mission school supplied by the padres of eighteenth century New Spain to the Indian Bureau schools, parochial schools, and the Arizona State public schools, but as yet the reservations are full of able-bodied men and women living a semi-primitive and relatively meager life. CHAPTER III
/ THE PEOPLE OF PBtERIA ALTA PRICK
TO THE COMING OF THE SPANISH CHAPTER III
/ THE PEOPLE OF PIMERIA ALTA PRIOR
TO THE COMING OF THE SPANISH
/ The Spanish found in the northern reaches of Pimeria Alta no fabulous cities to plunder, but only scattered villages of peaceful brown farmers. When first discovered, the tribes occupying the area which is now southern Arizona were practicing a crude kind of plowless agriculture. They prepared the earth for planting with a "digging stick". Com, beans, squash, and cotton were grown. Then as now, there was a difference between the dwellers of the more arid region to the southwest, and those living along the Gila. The difference was and is one of environment, however, not of heredity.
The question of the basic origin is inevitably asked. The Piman people can trace their ancestry through legend only as far back as their migration from the Salt River Valley to the Gila River and southwest- ward.^
In regard to more recent, though pre-historic relationships, it
is thought by many authorities that the Piman people are descendents of the so-called Ho-ho-Kum, who built Casa Grande. This theory is sup ported by the fact that the Spanish of the seventeenth century found the
Iprank Boa a, Roland B. Dixon, and Pliny E. Goddard, Anthropology in North America, G. E. Strechert and Co., Boston, Massachusetts, 1915, p. 38. ! i
35
PI man, people irrigating and cultivating crops much as archeologists tell us the Ho-ho-Kum had done
The Piman people speak a language which has numerous repre sentatives in northern Mexico, such as the Yaqui, Mayo, and Tarahuma.
This Piman stock.3 can be shown in turn to be related to other Shoshoni- speaking peoples of Arizona. Ihe Piman language is related to the language of the Hqpi, and Chemehuevi, and to the southern Pa lute about as German links up with English and the Scandinavian languages. No re lationship between the Piman group, and the Yuaan linguistic stock has been satisfactorily demonstrated.
The Pima and Papa go Indians had an adequate food supply, except during times of extreme drought, prior to the coming of the Spanish.
The Gila River Pimas lived largely on their crops of com, beans, and squash.^ Wild game supplied meat. The gathering of wild berries and roots lent variety. The Papagos, however, could not depend, for their livelihood, upon the produce of their fields, but had to rely also upon foraging expeditions. For this reason Papa go foraging became almost as systematic as domestic cultivation.
2E. Castetter and W. Bell, Pima and Papago Agriculture, Univer sity of New Mexico Press, Boswell, New Mexico, 1946, p. 82.
^American College Dictionary. Harper and Brothers Publishers, New York and London, 1948 ed., p. 1189# a stock is usually considered a language group that cannot be shown, either on the basis of vocabulary or of structure, to be related to any other language.
^Eilario Gallego, "Reminiscences of an Arizona Pioneer," Arizona Historical Review, University of Arizona and Arizona Pioneers Historical Society, Tucson, Arizona, January 1935, VI, No. 1, 77. 36
The Papago were forced to develop a pattern, of living Involving z • two homes. In Papaguerla there are no running streams to serve as a
basis for a permanent irrigation system. During the rainy months, how
ever, crops could be raised. Bie papa go had their fields at the mouths
of washes where the crops were irrigated when rains brought water down
the ordinarily dry washes. Another trick of irrigation farming was and
still is the use of the "bolsa",-^ as a field for quick growing crops.
The dampness remaining after the water subsides is sufficient to bring
the crop to fruitation.
The Papa go s lived in their summer hemes until all crops were
gathered, and around the first of September, when the summer rains
ceased, the harvest time was at hand. It usually took until the end of
October before all the crops were stored. Then the whole village moved
up near the mountains, to take advantage of natural springs for domestic
water supply. The months away from the "fields" (the spring and summer
homes) were spent in hunting wild game and foraging for wild foods.
We have often been told of the nomadic Papagos. Even our good senator, the Honorable Henry F . Ashurst, has expressed his opinion that the Papagos are good matured peaceable nomads.
Carl Lumholtz visited the country about 1910. He published the results of his brief study in a book entitled, 'New Trails in Mexico' in 1912. His statements concerning the Papagos are to the effect that these desert folk were half-nomadic.
5a "bolsa" is a relatively shallow hole, large in diameter, dug to catch rainwater. When the water subsides the crops are planted in the damp earth. Translation obtained from Enos Francisco, Head of the Papa go Tribal Council, Sells, Arizona, June 8, 1955* 37
By this statement Carl Lumholtz Indicates he represents the group that class the Papagos as being half-nomadic, which vould mean roaming vithin a small area to suit weather and seasonal con ditions, as it is the case with the Hava joe.
Both opinions fall short of the truth. Lumholtz spent but part of a year in the Papa go domain; I met him at the Pima villages on his return from the desert. Since his statement that the Jesuits and Franciscans made efforts to gather the Papagos away from their rancherias is not a historical fact, we can see that he was not very careful about the statements.
The truth is that the Papa go have lived in permanent villages since before the advent of the whitemen. Every one of these villages had attached to it what we might call emergency villages embracing field locations, waterholes, cactus groves, mesquite forests, acorn plots, localities for gathering basket material, etc.
The village proper was built of houses of a more permanent construction than those found in the emergency villages. The Papa go villages consisted of permanent houses, which were built on a uniform plan. They were of such permanency that some of the larger council houses are still extant, as at Santa Rosa, pisinimo, and Anegam. The former custom of destroying houses at the death of the owner accounts for the lack of more examples. In Spanish literature the permanent villages of the Papagos are at times styleji pueblos, but more frequently they are referred to as ran cherias . The word rancheria implies a house construction notably less permanent than that of the pueblos. It is, therefore, not correct to make an essential distinction between the words pueblo, village, and rancheria
The Pima section of the tribe living along the Gila River did not find as many moves necessary as the harvest was more abundant from well irrigated river lands and hunting was good in nearby mountains during the winter. Fish from the Gila River was an item in their diet.
^Father Bonaventure O'Blasser, "Papagueria, The Domain of the Papagos," Arizona Historical Review. University of Arizona and Arizona Historical Society, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, April, 1936, VII, No. 2, 3-4. 38
In lean years the Papa go worked for the Pima to secure com, beans, and cotton. The papago grew little cotton in their entire area.
In their meager fields food crops were planted of necessity. Beans supplied the basic item of their diet, and it was from the tepary bean they received their name. The Spanish, who first came through Papa go and Pima lands, found great difficulty in understanding and pronouncing the Indian language. The Papa go were referred to as the Papavi Au-autam by the other Indians. This literally means "Bean People". The Spanish, being unable to pronounce Papavi Au-autam, called the southwestern section of the Piman tribe Papa go a. The Pimas got their name from a misunderstanding. To avoid talking too much to the Spanish, the Pimas answered almost every question asked with "pi nyi maah", meaning in their language, "I don’t know". The Spanish took these words of negation to mean that Pirn or Pima was the name of the tribe.7
The Spanish, in the seventeenth century, were interested in the types of food the Pima and Papa go people ate, and how it was prepared.
They left us good records on this subject. Deer, rabbit, ground- squirrel, wild sheep, and mice supplied the Indians with meat. Quail and dove were also plentiful. Tie Gila River Pimas ate fish from the river. Meat was cooked by holding it impaled on a stick over the fire or roasted in the ashes. Cereals were ground, by use of the metete, into a coramea1-like consistency. Cereals were either eaten cold and dampened by water or heated in primitive pots. Tie tortillas eaten to-
Tflerbert Eugene Bolton, Rim of Christendom, Macmillan Co., New York, New York, 1936, p. 2431 39 day by these tribes are, an importation of the Spanish. Beans were usually ground into meal or cooked whole in the cooking pots. Wild fruits and vegetables were either cooked or eaten raw, as flavor and consistency indicated. Babbit or venison, corn and roots, were com bined into a stew cooked in a clay pot. The cabbage-like heads of the mescal were roasted in a huge pit, warmed at the bottom with hot stones.
Mescal cooked today in much the same way is described by sophisticated
Indians as a poor man's artichoke sans sauce.® Fruit from the prickly pear cactus was roasted and eaten. On some occasions it was eaten raw, but the tiny spines of the fruit made it almost necessary to roast each plum-like fruit. The tender flowering stalks of the century plant and the Yucca were also roasted. Food was often preserved by drying. The meat was cut into thin strips and hung up to dry. Fruits and roots were also dried and then stored in pits for later use. The mesquite bean was dried and used for both food and medicine. A Bulletin of the
Department of the Interior records the following:
Most of the Spanish writers who visited the pimans commented on the importance of ground mesquite flour to their diet, and the fact that the gathering of the Sahuaro fruit had significance for ceremonial as well as subsistence purposes. One of the major reasons for Piman reliance on these native plants was that they continued to produce in years of water shortage when all culti vated crops failed.9
®Interview with Thomas Moore, Papa go Indian, Ajo, Arizona, May 6, 1952.
9u.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Questions on Indian Culture, U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, C. C., 1949, Pamphlet I, p. 8. . Tobacco, liquor, and chewing gum were in use prior to the
Spanish penetration. Hie native liquor, a potent brew made of cactus products, was used to celebrate the harvests and any other occasion the
Indians felt needed celebrating.^0 Tobacco was used cm solemn
occasions, such as the beginning of a council meeting. Neither the
Papago nor Pima used pipes but placed their tobacco in pieces of hollow
reed, or wrapped it in the white, inner sheath of the corn ear . One of
the most perplexing problems concerns tobacco. Castetter and Bell
record the following:
The Pima did not cultivate tobacco before the Spanish contact, yet a substantial amount of ritual and ceremonial behavior in volved the use of small quantities of tobacco, indicating that it is an older item of Piman culture. Before the coming of the • Spanish, then, it appears that the Pima secured a species of wild tobacco (Nicotiniana tfigonophy11a ) through trade with the Papago.H .
For chewing gum they used the juice of the milkweed vine or the ip sweet gum found on the mesquite tree.
The aborigines of southern Arizona did not wear much clothing during the warm months. The women wore short skirts of cotton, or the
tanned skins of animals. These garments were a one-piece affair, twisted around the hip and reaching the knees. The men wore breech
^Robert A . Hackenberg, A Brief History of the Gila River Reser vation, a publication of the Bureau of Ethnic Research, Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, 1955* P« 12.
H e . Castetter and W. Bell, Pima and Papago Agriculture, Univer sity of New Mexico Press, Roswell, New Mexico, 1946, pp. 57, 66-68, 71.
IZibld., p. 71. 4l clouts of buckskin or hand-woven cotton. Both sexes went barefoot, except on the trail, when they wore roughly designed sandals made of animal skins. When the weather was colder, blankets of cotton or skins were thrown around the shoulders for warmth. Babies and small children wore nothing in summer, and were wrapped in blankets made to fit them in winter. Men and women both wore long hair and adorned themselves with crude stone earrings. Young men wore more jewelry in this culture than did the young women. They used paint to seme extent to adorn themselves.^3 women made a permanent discoloration on their faces with tattoed blue lines reaching from the corners of their mouths to their chins
Die dwellings of the Pima and Papa go were built, of necessity, from the material at hand. A dome, made of bent rods leaning across four rafters covered with brush and adobe, furnished insulation from rain, heat, and cold. There were no windows and the door was made only large enough to crawl through. Each family had three or four of these little round houses, one for the parents, and the others for married sons who brought their wives home to live.^
^3Isaac T. Whittemore, Among the Fimas or the Mission to the Pima and Maricopa Indians, printed for "The Ladies’ Union Mission School Association," Albany Press, Albany, New York, 1893, P- 6l.
•^This custom is still prevalent today among the older women.
^Marvin E. Heard, "Three Centuries of Formal and Informal Educational Influences and Development Among the Pima Indians," Master of Arts Thesis, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, 1938, p. 74. All cooking was done outside in a circle cleared in the dirt, and a fence of brush was strung around in an attempt to keep out blowing sand. Three or four families used this cooking circle and shared a small hut used as a food store house nearby. In the summertime they lived under a heavy brush and mud roof supported by four or six strong poles. In each family group there was another building to house the feminine members of the tribe during their menstrual periods. It was believed an evil magic power descended on women at this time, and they must not touch tools used by men.
In each village there was a larger house where the headman lived. This was just a dwelling where the villagers held their meet ings. later in their development the headman didn't live in the meeting house but in a small one beside it.
The economic pattern of the tribes was basically agricultural, as has been stated. There was always interchange between the Papa go and Pima sections of the Piman people. Prior to the coming of the
Spanish, trading had been going on between these two sections for gen erations, according to legend. The Papago traded wild game, cactus jams, and fibers used in rope making, for the more abundant cereal crops of the Fimas. Die Papa go s also made trips to their southern neighbors, south of what is now the United States-Mexican boundry line.
In Mexico the Papagos traded the specialities of their desert and their labor for vegetables and basketry material. These Papago traders learned something about Spanish culture from their cousins south of the border. The Pimans south of the border had been trading for sometime with the Spanish. These Spanish articles were in turn traded to the 43
Papago. Spanish clothing, knives, beads, and guns were thus brought / Into Papaguerla long before the white men, themselves, came to this far northern frontier. Trade, of course, was barter and the goods of one group was simply exchanged for that of another.
By profession, both the Pima and Papago groups were basically farmers. Die Papagos were to a greater extent traders and hunters.
The economic life of these aborigines was geared only to produce or acquire enough worldly goods to live adequately. Greed and ambition were not necessarily frowned upon, but there was little understanding concerning either. If a man were greedy, he ate too much, became fat, and that was that. If he were ambitious, he could work toward becoming the leading hunter or the best farmer or trader, and that was also that.
Competition, as we know it, was almost non-existent.
Personality differences are probably the most important among the things little appreciated by whites. We tend to assume for all mankind the drives, ambitions, and responses of our friends and neighbors. When an Indian does not respond to seme oppor tunities, when he fails to use initiative in certain matters, seems slow in reaching a decision, or exhibits other personality traits that vary from white expectations, he is almost always considered aberrant, shiftless, or untrustworthy. Among some Arizona tribes, notably the Apaches, individual initiative and individual excellence in certain pursuits are prized traits. Among others notably the Pima, individuals are discouraged from displaying this type of behavior. This is often thought of as an undue fear of criticism, but it is not Just that. It is an emphasis upon reduction of tensions, and a high regard for smoothness in social relations.^7
■^Robert A. Hackenberg, A Brief History of the Gila River Reser vation, a publication of the Bureau of Ethnic Research, Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, 1955, PP« 15-l6.
^william H. Kelly, Indians of the Southwest, First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnic Research, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, 1953, PP» 12-13. a
The family was, and ia the basic unit of social and political organization for the Pima and Papa go. The paternal side of the family- controls the membership of the larger family, the clan and the village.
Each village elected, and still elects, a headman, vhoae function is that of a shepherd and an arbitrator. In the evenings, in the past, the headman built a fire and called the men of the village to discuss community affairs. At present fewer purely "village meetings" are held.
Ho decision was passed except by unanimous vote. The sacred relics of the village were kept by the headman. He had to know the magic speeches which were recited to bring rain or chase away disease, and it was his duty to preside at ceremonies and all formal gatherings. The headman usually chose one of his younger relatives as his successor. He taught the man of his choice how to care for the sacred things and to recite the magic speeches. After the old headman died, the village usually accepted his choice, but if they didn't like the successor, they asked the successor to teach someone else.
Almost all villages chose a man to lead in war. They called him the hard or bitter man. He was chosen because he had proved himself brave in battle. This war leader had to know certain speeches which would, by magic, take away the enemy's power. There was also an official chosen to lead the hunting. He had to know the speeches which would bring the game near the hunter. Sometimes the great hunter was also the leader for games. The pimans were great sportsmen. They
^Information received from Thomas Segundo, Papa go Tribal Council Chairman, Sells, Arizona, March 6, 1952. played kickball, and ran races, first on an intramural basis and then competed village against village.^
The before mentioned officers were almost primitive priests.
Their principal duties involved magic, and speech making, but they really bad no authority except the respect of the people.^® / The culture of the people of pimeria Alta was not complex.
Their religion was simple and their placid life was complicated only by a search for food. Occasionally, they engaged in warfare with other tribes.21 Later, after the Spaniard had armed and mounted the Apache, this warfare became primarily a defense operation against the deadly raiders. / The education of the aboriginal people found in Pimeria Alta was conducted by the parents and certain elders of the tribe. The curriculum was based on tribal needs for the perpetuation of their native culture. The boys were taught to hunt, to carry cm warfare, pre pare the land, plant and take care of irrigation projects. Both boys and girls were taught religious ceremonies and religious dancing and singing. The girls were taught to harvest, to gather wild berries and other types of flora, preserve skins, weave rough cotton cloth, make rattan baskets, fashion cooking pots, cook, maintain the household and
l^Ibid., Explanation: "The ball was a spherical stone or a round piece of wood covered with mesquite gum."
20juiian H. Steward, "Economics and Social Basis of Primitive Bands," Essays in Anthropology in Honor of A. L. Kroeber, University of California Press, Berkeley, California, 1936, p. 334.
23-ibid., pp. 334-35* k6 care for the young.
The Piman people were receptive for the most part to the
Spanish, and regarded them not so much as deadly Intruders as welcome settlers. Few were the difficult Incidents on this early frontier as
European culture and the Mission System were Introduced to the mild brown aborigines. Had the culture of the Piman people been more com plex, and had these aboriginal people been practicing a clearly defined religion, the story might have been quite different. CHAPTER IV
THE MISSION SYSTEM AND ITS
EDUCATIONAL OBJECTIVES CHAPTER IV
THE MISSION SYSTEM AND ITS
EDUCATIONAL OBJECTIVES
The vast Spanish Colonial empire of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries owes much to the individual missionary and to the mission system developed by the Missionary Orders of the Catholic priesthood. It cannot be too often stated that the greatest heroes of the Spanish conquest and colonization were not the mighty and glamorous
conquistadores but the humble missionary padres. The Spanish govern ment, in order to establish and maintain control of her empire, enlisted the Church as her ally. The Church was more than willing to cooperate.
The objectives of the Spanish government were to conquer and hold a vast
empire. The government and the clergy were not at loggerheads, but
speculators and exploiters forced the clergy to take a strong stand in
the interests of the Indians. The orders of the Catholic Church had two basic functions: (l) to Christianize the aborigines, and (2) to educate
them in the ways of European society. It was necessary to add vo
cational education for Christianization and general acculturation if the aborigines were to maintain and raise their standard of living."*"
•kjleve Ballenbeck, land of the Conquistadores, Caxton Printers, Limited, Caldwell, Idaho, 1950, p. 284.
48 The Initial missions in what is now Arizona were established in sedentary villages or clusters of villages. In Central Mexico each missionary was assigned about three villages or pueblos. On the northern frontier of Sonora the missionaries were scarcer, and had to cover more territory. Bolton states:
It was a colorful pageant. Black robes moved into the wilder ness beside or ahead of prospector, miner, soldier, cattlemen, and frontier trader. Die central feature of the mission was the pueblo. The Black Bobe went into the wilds seeking out heathen, making them his friends, telling them the Gospel story, baptizing the children of such parents as were willing, and adults who were dangerously ill.3
It was soon realized this method of visitation, such as
Dr. Bolton describes, was not feasible for either the purposes of the
Church or of Spain, so the idea of the mission and then the mission system was evolved.
The pueblos were used as the sources of "supplies and Indian personnel for new missions. Bolton states:
As the nucleus of a new pueblo, it was customary to bring a few families of Christianized Indians from an older mission to help tame and domesticate the raw recruits. The heart of the mission and the pride of the padre was the Church. Near by was the resi dence of the pastor. Close at hand, in another quadrangle, perhaps, were the houses of the Indians, which constituted the pueblo. In a fully developed mission there were carpenter shops, blacksmith shops, spinning and weaving rooms, corrals for the stock, field, irrigation ditches, and everything possible to make a well-ordered and self-supporting agricultural unit. All this was supervised by the missionary himself, assisted sometimes by a lay brother, expert in the mysteries of farm and shop. At first
^Usually the missionary maintained one head mission compound and two visitas.
Sserbert Eugene Bolton, Bim of Christendom, Macmillan Co., New York, New York, 1936, p. 8. 50
all buildings vere of the most flimsy character. These in time were replaced by substantial adobe structures, larger and more beautiful. Churches of adobe or stone vere built still later by the Franciscans. In hostile country it was necessary to erect a strong protecting wall around the pueblo, or at least around the missionary's residence, and to provide it with military towers. Such a mission was a veritable frontier fortification.
To help supervise the labor of the Indians, keep them in order, punish minor offenses and drill the neophytes in the rudiments of civilized life, native officers were appointed according to their respective spheres, some of these functions were performed by the missionary, others by the provincial gover nor, or some other representative of the king.
Instruction of the neophytes provided a daily round in drill in Catechism, prayer, and sacred music.
Many were taught to read and write, and a few were sent to Jesuit and Franciscan seminaries in Mexico and abroad.
The mission system was made up of a series of mission compounds and their visitas.
This study is primarily concerned with the mission established in the Piman country of what is now the State of Arizona. As mission aries and explorers pressed gradually northward, it came to their notice that the Indians were increasingly primitive. In South America and in what is now Central Mexico, the natives were quickly instructed as they had reached a relatively high level of aboriginal civilization and were proficient in the use of simple tools of their own making. The desert people to the northward were not so far advanced. These people were inhibited by a shortage of water, a torrid climate, and what was then thought to be poor soil.
%Tbid., pp. 9-10 51
It is generally believed that the first structures built for religious and educational purposes in Arizona were built by Franciscan priests sent to the Hop! country from Santa Fe, New Mexico.^ Fathers z Francisco Porras, Cristobal de la Concepcion, and Andres Gutierrez, with the help of a few Spanish soldiers, established a settlement at the
Hopi town of Awatobi. The Hop! Indians were not receptive to the teachings of the first padres and resented their interference.
Padre Porras was poisoned by the Indians of the Walapai Pueblo in 1633, but in spite of this tragedy and other adversities, four other missions 6 z were established among the Hopi by 1675 • The Pope Rebellion of 1680 drove all Spanish out of this area if they were not slain by the Indians before escaping. The five padres in charge were killed.
A more significant penetration was about to take place to the southward, in what was the State of Sonora in Northern Mexico. Al though New Mexico and the northern part of what is now Arizona was the special missionary field of the Franciscan Order, the Jesuit Order was
in charge of the missionary work on the west coast of New Spain. Their / first mission was set up in modern Sonora on the Bio Mayo in 1613• Four z 7 years later they were at work farther north among the Yaqui Indians.1
There were 48 religious and educational institutions established
5ibid., pp. 58-6 2 .
^Father Bonaventure O'Blasser's unnumbered notes.
Tr u Tub Kay Wyllys, Arizona, The History of a Frontier State, Hobson and Herr, Phoenix, Arizona, 1950, p. 41. 52 in New Mexico and Arizona in the next 200 years.
Spain in America reflected the indissoluble union of the altar and the throne.^
Earl R. Forrest states in his very interesting little book on missions of the Southwest:
From 1598 to 1608, 8,000 Indians were converted to Christianity and by 1617, there were between 11,000 and Ur,000 neophytes.
In 1630, there were thirty-three missions and fifty years later in 1680, the year of the great Pueblo Rebellion, there were forty. Sixteen of the New Mexico missions are still in use; twenty-six are in various stages of ruin, and the others have completely disappeared. Arizona has one mission still in use; nine are in ruins, while all traces of the remaining eight have completely vanished.10
The first mission in what is new Arizona was San Gabriel de
Guevavi founded by Father Kino during his early years in Pimeria Alta.^
Father Bonaventure O'Blasser states that Tumacacori was founded in 1692 as a visits of Guevavi.^ Tumacacori ^ was the name of a settlement of the Sobaipuri, a tribe of Piman stock now long since extinct.
®Notes obtained from early Franciscan records and translated by Father Bonaventure 0*Blasser, St. John's Mission, Laveen, Arizona, March, 1957.
9c .H. Haring, The Spanish Empire in America, Oxford University, . Press, New York, 19U7, p. 179.
l°Earl R. Forrest, Missions and Pueblo in the Old Southwest. World Publishing Co., Cleveland, Ohio, 1929, p. 5b. ' ‘
n ibid., p. 60
12Excerpt from Father Bonaventure O'Blasser's as yet unpublished book "Cross Over the Desert."
^Tumacacori when translated into the old Piman dialect means "curved peak." 53
The development of Tumacacorl1b interesting and reasonably con sistent records of its progress were kept by its priests, both Jesuit and Franciscan. In l699> the village of Tumacacorl was apparently on the other side of the river, and the first crude church constructed by the Jesuits was placed there. No record of the removal of the church to its present site exists, and there is no record as to when con struction of the present building was started. When Apaches devastated
Guevavi in 1768, Tumacacorl became the head district.
In 1768, the Franciscans were assigned the Piman missionary area. After causing Guevavi to be depopulated, the Apaches leveled their hate on Tumacacorl. The garrison at Tubac gave insufficient pro tection, but despite all odds Tumacacorl clung tenaciously to an uncertain existence. Father Gutierrez, then in charge of Tumacacorl, is credited with the planning and building of the present church with native labor and native materials. Father Gutierrez saw hie church rise
in the Bomanesque tradition, classical in line and design, in spite of the constantly marauding Apache. Unfortunately, Father Gutierrez was unable to finish the structure as originally planned, but his successor
Father Ramon Liberos finished the nave and the sanctuary for services,
completed the school and workshops, and erected living quarters and
storehouses around the patios. This mission compound was equipped and
used only five years before the Franciscans were expelled from their
■^Father Bonaventure O'Blasser's notes taken from the Guevavi Register, obtained at St. Catherine's Mission, San Carlos, Arizona, November 10, 1953. 54 duties by the Mexican government in 1827. In 1848, due to continued
Apache raids, the natives moved to San Xavier, taking the fittings of the chapel with them.^
San Xavier del Bac was the only mission still in existence when this area was transferred to United States in 1854.
San Xavier del Bac, on the Papa go Indian Beservation, nine miles south of Tucson, is the only one of the Arizona missions which stands
today, as it appeared in the years of the Spanish colonial missionaries.
Father Kino considered this mission site the garden spot of the desert.
Over the years trees such as fig, quince, orange, peach, pomegranate, and apple flourished, and vegetables and farm products introduced by the
Spanish grew abundantly. / San Xavier del Bac, known as the Papago rancheria since the
seventeenth century, has a history similar to that of Tumacacori but was
located further away from the Apache raiders. The actual church as we
know it today, bears the date 1797, which is presumably the date of its
completion.
Between the time of its foundation and the date of its com
pletion, much transpired that is of historical interest. From the day
San Xavier was founded by Father Kino in April or May of 1700, until the
Jesuits were expelled in 1767, this was the most prosperous mission in
^*Nancy Newhall, "The Shell of Tumacacori," Arizona Highways, Phoenix, Arizona, November, 1952, XXVIII, No. 11, 5-11.
^Letter from Father Bonaventure O'Blasser, O.F.M., Franciscan Historian, St. John's Mission, laveen, Arizona, October 12, 1955. 55 the Southwest The story of the building of the mission at del Bac belongs to a later part of this chapter. The foundations for the build ing were Jesuit, but the Franciscans or Order of Friars Minor actually built the beautiful edifice that is seen today.
Another mission in this area was San Cayetano de Calabazas, located on the Santa Cruz River south of Tubac. Father Bonaventure
O'Blasser is convinced by his perusal of old mission records that it was founded by Father Kino about l6<&, as a visits of Guevavi. Calabazas was a Papa go Indian village. In 1760, there were ll6 neophytes here, but by 1772 they had dwindled away to 64. According to old records there was no church and no house for the padre, so it is possible that priests from Guevavi serviced Calabazas at this time. After Guevavi was abandoned mission records state Calabazas was a visits of Turnscacori until both a church and a residence for a permanent priest were erected in 1791; after which it was changed from a visits to an independent mission.^ / On October 26, l699> Father Kino visited the Pima rancheria known as Bacuancos. According to old Spanish documents translated by
Father Bonaventure O'Blasser, it was located on the Santa Cruz River / near the present Mexican boundary. It was in Pimeria Alta, seven
-^A quotation from Father Bonaventure O'Blasser, St. John's Mission, Laveen, Arizona, December 31, 1955* Based on notes translated by Father Bonaventure from Franciscan Registrars.
-Lflbid., January 6, 1955. 56 leagues*® south of Guevavi. M s mission ceased to exist after Kino's death in 1711. 19
Another visits of Guevavi was a Piman village to the west called
Arivaca. It was abandoned by the missionaries following the Pima Bebel- Pn lion of 175!• Father Kino had also visited another Piman village and / given it the saint's name of San Francisco de Atl, but there was appar ently no actual mission founded there until Father Ignacio Pfefferkorn founded a small one in 1756• / San Sera fin was a Piman rancher la northwest of San Xavier del
Bac, visited by Kino in 1699. The old mission records only mention it occasionally. The last record found is by Padre Gerces who called it
San Serafino de Napcub. It was always a visits, probably of San Xavier.
Professor Frank Lockwood states in his monograph concerning
Father Kino's foundation work:
Before the close of 1698 Kino had visited all parts of hie vast field and at every important point had taken steps looking toward permanent missionary work.
At nearly every place he was later to occupy, he had made sub stantial beginnings in sowing, building, and animal husbandry.
*®Funk and Wagnalls Hew Practical Standard Dictionary, Britannica World language Edition, 1955 ed., I, Part 1, p. 761, a league varies from two and forty-two hundreths to four and six-tenths miles in length.
•Mission work was suspended due to unrest among certain factions of the piman people. Excerpt from Father Bonaventure O'Blasser's notes.
^ORussell Charles Ewing, "The Pima Uprising of 1751: A Study of Spanish-Indian Relations on the Frontier of New Spain,” Greater America, Essays in Honor of Herbert Eugene Bolton, ed. Dr. Adele Ogden et a l ., University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, 194-5> P* 26k- 57
Already M s well-established missions, spread fan-wise from Dolores northward yand northeastward to Remedies, Cocospera, San lazaro, Santa Maria, Quiburi, San Luis Bacuancos, Guevavi, Tumacacori, and San Xavier, and westward and northwestward to Laurie, Magdelena, San ^gnacio, Tubutama, Saric, Ati, Auitoa, Pitiquito, Gaborca, and Sonoita. At about this time Kino became very much absorbed in geography and exploration, for he believed he was on the point of solving the problem of support for his beloved California Mis sions. 1
Kino'e dream of establishing California missions was not realized by him. Seeking ever to extend the mission field he begged that a successor be sent to Nuestra S m o r a de los Dolores so he could use San Xavier as his headquarters. Father Kino felt that San Xavier placed him closer to the unenlightened Indian nations to the west.
Spain, however, had spread herself too thin on the colonial scene.
Father Kino was not relieved, due to the expense of continual European warfare that kept Spain so poor she could spare neither military nor clerical personnel for this far Sonoran frontier. Kino crossed the
Colorado River on a raft, but he was never able to make the journey through Alta California. Father Kino died at Magdalena in 1711 and
Father Inis Velarde succeeded him.
The area around San Xavier seems to have been largely neglected / from 1711 until 1731, when three Jesuits were assigned to Pimeria Alta pp and Father Felipe Segesser came to San Xavier. In 1733; Father
Gasper Steiger took his place and stayed only three years. There is
^Iprank C . Lockwood, With Padre Kino on the Trail, Social Science Bulletin, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, February 15, 1934, No. 5*
Z^From Father Bonaventure O ’Blasser’s notes on Pimeria Alta, com piled from Church Records and Registrars. Obtained by the author from Father Bonaventure, St. John's Mission, laveen, Arizona, March 8, 1957. 58 apparently no record of who replaced Father Gasper Steiger. Father
Paver was known to be stationed at San Xavier in 1750. Father
Bomventure 0 'Blasser states that according to the Church records no mention is made concerning Father Paver, except in relation to his flight from the aroused Pimas in.1751
In 1752, after the suppression of the rebellion, a presidio was founded at Tubac. This presidio with fifty soldiers kept down Piman troubles, which were not likely to occur again anyway, but was insuf ficiently staffed to protect Tumacacori and San Xavier from Apache raids.
The Jesuits were losing favor in all Spanish dominions by the seventeen fifties and the "Pima Rebellion11 added fuel to the fire in
Northern Sonora. A series of trials were held, and the Jesuits were exonerated, but their influence flagged and they were expelled in 1767•
In 1768, Father Francisco Hermenegildo Garces, the first Fran ciscan, came into the areaSuch an impressive name for so humble a man. The courage displayed by Father Kino was monumental, but Father
Garces not only matched, but surpassed the courage of the great Jesuit pioneer. Garces, when his Spanish protectors and Indian guides fled in fear, went on alone. He journeyed far and wide riding an inferior horse or a mule. Often this humble man was lost, cold, and hungry, or hot and
23ihe year of the "Pima Rebellion."
2*tDr . Elliott Coues, On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, "The Diary and Itinerary of Francisco Garces in His Travels Through Sonora, Arizona, and California, 1775-1776," translation of Father Garces1 diary, Francis P. Harper, New York, New York, 1900, I, h. 59 thirsty, but still he went on exploring, preaching, and teaching.
Father Gerces was not a builder of shrines and beautiful earthly- churches, but a builder of the souls of the brown men. His zeal fired the great military man, Juan Baptists de Anza of the presidio at Tubac, with Kino’s old dream of an overland route to California. Anza felt that if a lone friar could go to the Colorado Elver in a few days, as / Garces had done, it should be easy for a colonial expedition with a military escort to go along the Camino del Diablo, and up the Coast to
San Francisco.
Garces never regarded the Indians as savages, although he must have been convinced they were a little dangerous when he was forced to flee from the Hop! at Oriabe, but that is another story. The Yumas along the Colorado Elver continually requested missions. Finally, this request was granted when two combination presidio-town and mission settlements were founded in 1779• The settlements were poor and did not impress the Yumas, who were far more savage than the mild Indians to the south. In 1781, the Yumas rose against the poorly equipped settlements and murdered the inhabitants including Father Garces.
What did Father Gerces contribute to the education of the Piman people and the other aborigines he visited? There is no positive simple answer to this. He did not teach them to read, write, spell, or cipher, or even to build beautiful edifices such as his fellow Franciscans constructed with Indian help. What Father Garces did for Spain,
Christendom, and education, was to provide a living example of kindness, understanding, and an ideal model of European manhood. 6o
It is difficult to believe that the Franciscans could plan, con
struct, and put to use elaborate mission compounds, such as Tuoacacori and San Xavier amid Apache troubles and with inadequate assistance from
Spain. There is conclusive evidence that the buildings constructed by
the Franciscans were not loacted directly on the original sites of
Father Kino's adobe churches.2'* Dr. Cummings, after prolonged study and
consultation with architects, came to the conclusion Tumacacori was partly constructed prior to San Xavier. Mistakes made in the con
struction of Tumacacori were not made at San Xavier.
Tumacacori was never the elaborate mission compound that
San Xavier del Bac was and is. The building at Tumacacori was super
vised by the practical Franciscan priest. Father Harcisco Gutierrez, and
finished by Father Ramon Liber os The building materials used were
great boulders from the river bed and massive adobe brick made by the
Indians.
The dark little room provided specifically for education was
located next to the stables and must have been a rather uncomfortable
place for either the imparting or receiving of instruction. This room,
however, has the distinction of being the first schoolroom in Arizona.^7
^ A n interview with Dean Cummings, Professor Emeritus, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, July 6, 1950.
^ F r o m Father Bonaventure O'Blasser's unnumbered notes taken from Franciscan Mission records, and translated by earlier Franciscan Historians.
27inference inferred from observation of the data. 6l
The mission compound was never completely finished according to
Father Hareisco Gutierrez’s plans, but Father Eamon Liberos did the best he could, and outfitted the church as beautifully as possible and made the compound functional by 1822.
In 1827, came the abrupt expulsion of the Franciscans from their domains. Mexico had thrown off the ever-weakening control of Spain in
1821 and by 1827, Mexico had expelled the religious orders and declared all education free, lay, and obligatory. Tithes were abolished and church officers were appointed by the Mexican government. u
For a while the nativerremembered the teachings of the padres and made an attempt to take care of the images and pictures, but some
time after 1848, due to continued Apache raids and a hard winter, they were forced to move bag and baggage to San Xavier.
Much of the real story of the building of the beautiful
San Xavier del Bac mission has been lost in time, myth, and legend.
Often the truth is not glamorous enough and the facts lose themselves in
oft-told tales that rise to mystify the student of a later day. The
edifice of San Xavier was designed as was the beautiful church at
Caborca, Mexico, by the brothers, Gaona. Father Baltazar Carrillo, the
successor to Father Garces, was in charge of San Xavier when work began
on the new church in 1783 The date 1797 was carved on the sacristy
^Salvador de Madariaga, The Fall of the Spanish American Empire, Macmillan Co., New York, New York, 1948, p. 378.
29prcm the unnumbered notes of Father Bonaventure O'Blasser, com piled directly from Franciscan Records of the era. Obtained by the author from Father Bonaventure at laveen, Arizona, June 7 , 1957. 62 door by Pedro Bojorquez, the builder. Die 1797 date and Bojorquez name are still to be found on the edifice. It is believed he carved the date and name when the job was completed.
Legends concerning the building of San Xavier are many, but all agree that the brothers Gaona built San Xavier simultaneously with the
A/ / / / Church of Nuestra Senora de la Purlsima Concepcion in Caborca. It is obvious that the church at Caborca is almost a twin of San Xavier, / / though Concepcion is heavier in proportion. Hie story that Ignacio
Gaona fell from the unfinished tower of San Xavier just before it was finished is believed by every native Arizonan. Die tale has been told so many times it has become a truth undoubted. It is also believed that this is the reason the one tower is unfinished.
The art work inside the church is amazing in view of the location and circumstances under which the creative work took place.
Tradition has attributed the frescos inside to a friar from the Fran ciscan College of the Holy Cross at Queretaro. This unnamed friar probably studied under the great Mexican painter of that day, Francisco
Eduardo de Tresquerras.^® The Franciscan priest, who today guides tourist parties through the mission church, points out that actually three different artists must have worked on these. One of the artists was a genius with color. This type of work with sharp, clear beautiful pigmentation was taught by the traditionalists of Spain and Italy.
Sharp color was used on the great dome, the choir loft, and the faded
30The above statement Dean Cummings established by research, and bears out the opinions of earlier authorities on art. 63 sacristy. The nave and trancept murals must have been done by an artist who used severe rigid form and affected a more somber sense of color.
The creator of the angels high on the nave was a copyist, who enhanced his work with fantasy. Bile copyist also must have been responsible for the archangels around the Savior, the jolly cherubs with blue wings surrounding the Virgin, and the bouquets in both transepts. No names have come down to us unfortunately. Lost is the name of the sculptor, who created the five tall altar-pieces and set them about with the cherubim that climb among arabesques and flowers, hold up the niches and cornucopias intended for candles, and loop up the draperies. Who placed in this Franciscan mission the fine figure St. Ignatius of
Loyola, founder of the Jesuit Order? Who made the beautiful St. Francis of Assisi, and the great commanding Savior? Where did the statue of
San Xavier come from? In time some scholar in the archives of Mexico or Spain may uncover the secret of these mysteries. The legend that
Father Kino built this church has, of course, been proven false. M s mission compound was not built piecemeal, but was constructed under the direction of one man or two architects working on one master plan during the Franciscan period.
Father Baltazar did not live to see San Xavier completed, but / Father Narcisco Gutierrez of Tumacacorl fame came to help him during hie last year of life. This practical padre took up the finishing of San
Xavier, and then returned to Tumacacorl to resume mission construction there.
After the coming of Mexican governmental authority a few parish priests came on rare occasions to hold services, and perform the offices 6k of the church. The formal Instruction of the natives ceased. Any stu dent concerned vith the education of the aboriginal people during the era of the Spanish padres, both Jesuit and Franciscan, must realize that education for the.most part was informal. To say the mission Indians attended school in the way they do today would be a gross misstatement.
Vocational education was well taught, but incidental to other objec tives. It was ever the desire of the missionary padres to Christianize and to do this they had to teach and teach. It was also their desire to raise the standard of living. It was thus necessary to instruct in the agricultural pursuits, and introduce plants and animals to enrich the primitive economic state of their charges. Father Kino and the
Jesuits that followed him worked on the building of native houses, as well as on crude adobe churches. The Franciscans, who raised the great mission buildings, taught the building trades at a higher level.
The success of the teaching of the basic concepts of the
Catholic faith is evidenced by the Yaqui Easter ceremonials, and the cult of the so-called Sonora Catholics. According to the clergy, these people practice Christianity as they know it. The instruction given by the ancient padres has come down to them from their forefathers. It is not amazing that so much of primitive superstition has crept into their concept of Catholicism, but truly remarkable that the concepts of
Christianity survived so long among them.
Father Bonaventure 0 ‘Blasser states that he built upon this 65 legendary knowledge, when he began hie work among the Papagos In 1911.31
In closing, it is necessary to give the wild Athapacasan abori gines, the Apaches, the discredit of putting an end to the formal and informal education of Papago and Pima mission Indians in Arizona. Sur vival became the keynote, and it is difficult, if not impossible, to carry on instruction of any kind during a state of constant seige.
3^Material secured from Father Bonaventure O'Blaseer'a own fine records begun in 1911 at Topawa. Copied by the author at St. Catherine’s Mission, San Carlos, Arizona, Noember 9 , 1952. CHAPTER V
THE UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD
INDIANS AND THEIR EDUCATION CHAPTER V
THE UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD
INDIANS AND THEIR EDUCATION
Before any understanding of Indian education in the State of
Arizona is gained, it is necessary to understand the policies of the
United States government in relation to Indian affairs down through the years. When the United States government was formed, it was natural, since the new nation had been under British rule for 150 years, that the
British Indian policy should prevail.
There is evidence that the handling of the problem by the former methods had not been too effective. Despite the long British colonial influence, the majority of the Indians remained untutored in the Euro pean sense; and their basic economy, while modified to some extent, was still inadequate by the white man's standards. Communal land ownership and tribal organization continued, and the native gods, conceived in crisis or in struggle for survival, partially met Indian spiritual needs.
On the other hand, Indiana now had some experience with Euro peans and were left bewildered by their customs. There are no generalizations to be made on Indian literacy level because of the vast variation in European influence and the lack of systematic compulsory education for the Indians. In closely settled areas where the white man
67 68
had great Influence over the savage, the Indian was relatively civilized
. by the end of the colonial period, but there were vast areas where
Europeans had not yet made their influence felt.
During the early development of the United States three depart
ments of Indian Affairs were created by the Continental Congress in
1775; the northern department, the southern department, and the middle
department. Five commissioners were appointed for the southern depart
ment and three for each of the other two.^ The commissioners were to
make friends with the Indians, to be in charge of treaty negotiations, p and at all cost to maintain peace.
The Articles of Confederation, which became effective in 1778,
provided for regulating trade and managing affairs with the Indians.
The Constitution of the United States when ratified provided for Con
gress to perform the same functions and in 1789, the management of
Indian affairs was assigned to the newly formed War Department. The
Secretary of War, at this time, took the place of the Committee which
had served since 1775.
It is interesting to note that Indian education had received
government aid immediately after the colonists revolted. Ministers and
teachers, maintained by Congressional funds, were stationed among the
•^It is interesting to note that many of the prosperous Indians in the southern department were slave owners.
2Charles A. Beard and Mary B. Beard, "Constitution of the United States, Article I," A Basic History of the United States. Doubleday, Doran and Co., New York, New York, 1944, p. 496. 69
Indians to serve as diplomatic agents. The efforts of these function aries achieved telling results in winning Indian support during the
American Revolution. The Mohawks remained loyal to England, but the
OneIdas, Tuscareras, and Stockbridge Indians aided the colonial cause, and were rewarded for their help by the “Treaty of 179^"
From 1786 until 1793, education remained under the supervision of missionaries. In 1793* the President appointed resident agents who took over small practical educational projects subsidized by the govern ment. Indian economic betterment through practical training was of primary interest to the men who were working out the future of the
Republic.
President Washington, in his third annual message to Congress in
1791, maintained that the economic improvement of Indians depended, in part, on the feir regulation of trade with them. Washington ordered $500 expended annually from 1792 for the purchase of clothing, farm Imple ments , and for the employment of vocational teachers to reside among them. In 1793, an appropriation of not more than $20,000 annually was authorized for the purchase of domestic animals and farming implements, but the national treasury was lean and, in 1802, the maximum was reduced to $15,000 per annum.^
3Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, A Basic History of the United States, Doubleday, Doran and Co., New York, New York, 19447 p . 496.
^Ibid., p. 510. 70
Two dependable sources of revenue were established for Indian
education in the appropriation of the Civilization Fund in 1819> and the
designation of certain treaty annuities specifically for the same pur pose in 1820.5 This fund was an annual appropriation of $10,000 to be
used for the education of frontier tribes. The President was authorized
to appoint instructors in agriculture, and academic teachers for the
children. The missionaries were to continue their work in academic and
practical vocational training.^
Prior to the appropriation of the Civilization Fund, the Mission
ary Board had established a joint interdenominational board to deal with
Indian welfare. This board was called "The American Board of Missions",
and represented the Congregational, Presbyterian, and the Dutch Reform
churches. The first step by this group was the development of a plan
for boarding and day schools which was submitted to the government in
1820 by Reverend Cyrus Kingsbury of the American Mission Board. The
plan called for four boarding schools and thirty-two day schools.
In March, 1824, the Secretary of War reported that there were 21
schools in operation, and the enrollment was about 800. All but four of
the schools had been opened since the appropriation of the Civilization
Fund, which had provided more than one-sixtieth of the $80,000 expended
by the missionaries.
5An interesting point made in this connection is that Congres sional funds were used for education in a political and military crisis.
^U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Education, U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1950, Category III, Item a. 71
When the Bureau of Indian Affairs vas organized by the War De partment in 1824, the personnel consisted of the head, a chief clerk, and one assistant. Soon after the Bureau of Indian Affairs vas founded there were complaints of inefficiency and mismanagement. As a result of this criticism in 1832, Congress passed the Indian Intercourse Act which is regarded as the Organic Act of the Indian Service.7 It provided for a field force of twelve agents with salaries of $1,500 annually. Gov ernors of territories had formerly acted as ex-officio superintendents of Indian affairs, and in some cases this practice was continued, but all Indian agents were under the direct supervision of the Commissioner.
The appointment of these new officials was largely necessitated by the removal of large numbers of Indians, who had exchanged their southern
land, east of the Mississippi Elver, for other lands west of it. o The Removal Act was passed in 1830, and within ten years some
70,000 Indians had been transferred. Education had been suspended during the removal, but government interest in education continued, and the missionaries looked forward to the resumption of their work.
The American Board appointed Reverend Samuel Parker to tour the western country in 1835> for the purpose of gathering information that would help in planning schools and missions. After a period of planning,
Reverend Parker’s education program took form. The manual labor school
^Edward Everett Dale, The Indians of the Southwest, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma, 194-9, p. 5- _
®U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Civil Rights, U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1950, Category VI, Item a. 72 vas introduced, the mission school continued, some tribes even set up their own schools, and the government and missionaries worked together in providing practical training for adults. The manual labor type school, the specific contribution of the period from 1830 to 1845, was a boarding school located among the tribes and partially subsidized by the government on condition that manual labor be included in the formal schedule. Many official reports advanced arguments in favor of this type of school. The reports pointed out that its; location among the tribes would please the Indians because they had always resented dis tant schools that separated their children from them. Some of the teachers were convinced that segregating the children would wean them away from tribal habits, and that the school would at the same time modify the customs of the community.^
The manual labor school was attended by both boys and girls.
They were instructed in letters, labor, mechanic, and household arts, morals, and Christianity.^® Some of the school officials were opposed to academic instruction, but none of the schools excluded it.
The first manual labor school west of the Mississippi was estab lished in 1839 at Port Leavenworth, Kansas, by the Methodist Episcopal
SocietyIn this particular school, six hours of the day were spent
^Carson Ryan, Jr., Superintendent of Pima Reservation Schools, Sacaton, Arizona, gave this information to the author January 26, 1958.
l®It is interesting to note how this theory is allied to the mission education of the Spanish colonial padres.
l^Ward R. Adams and Richard E. Sloan, History of Arizona. Arizona Press, Phoenix, Arizona, 1930, IV, 9 8 . 73 in the classroom, and six at work on practical projects. The boys worked on the farm and in the shops, and the girls attended to domestic affairs and studied spinning and weaving under expert teachers. The students habitually arose at four in the morning and retired at eight in the evening.^
In 1849, the Bureau of Indian Affairs was transferred from, the
War Department to the Department of the InteriorIt was felt that the Indian would never be properly civilized and educated by a depart ment that recognized only force. After the transfer was effected there was an outbreak of Indian wars which precipitated bickering between the two departments, and the disgruntled War Department flatly refused to cooperate with the Department of the Interior.
For the Indians, it had been a chaotic era:attended by removal, rations, reservations, and warfare. They had been shunted about and had
lost control of the land on which they had been self-supporting. Gov
ernment officials were poorly acquainted with actual reservation
conditions and were not aware of the Indians' desperate economic plight.
The Federal program had been devastating, but there still remained one
important vestige of genuine government interest. Federal appro priations had not completely ceased, and a portion was always designated
^Reverend E. Alexander Gray, Pastor Bethel Methodist Church, Phoenix, Arizona, obtained by author June 23, 1957• Reverend,Mr. Gray received his information from research done in the Methodist missionary field— a period covering the eighteen eighties.
^U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Establishment, U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washing ton 25, D. C., 1950, Category I, Item f. 74 for practical training which was required in all Indian schools re ceiving government aid.
After the Civil War, it was obvious that something had to be done about the economic distress of the Indians. President Grant's enemies agitated constantly for the return of the Indian Office to the
War Department. In 1869, the president was authorized to appoint a
Board of Commissioners consisting of ten persons noted for their intel ligence and philanthropy to assist in selecting good officials, and in general, to improve the administration of Indian Affairs In the first annual report published in 1869, the Board recommended that the
Indians be collected on reservations and eventually be put together to form a state of the Union, and that the treaty system be abolished.^
The report further recommended that the legal status of uncivilized
Indians be that of wards of the government, that the study of English be introduced to various tribes, and that Indians who proved capable be given individual ownership of land. This Board worked on behalf of
Indians until 1933, when it was abolished by executive order.^
The Army Appropriations Act of 1870 provided that any officer on the active list, accepting a civil appointment, would vacate his com mission, therefore army officials were compelled to relinquish their
l^iflurence Schmeckebier, The Office of Indian Affairs, Baltimore Press, Baltimore, Maryland, 1939, p. 8 9 .
•^George C . Wells, Orienting of New Employees, U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1953, p. 10.
l6Ibid., p. 3. 75 positions as Indian agents or resign their commissions. President Grant adopted the policy of delegating the nomination of Indian agents to re ligions organizations interested in missionary work among Indians.
M r . Dale has compiled the following figures to illustrate the obligations assumed by the following missionary groups:
In I672, the agencies were divided as follows: Quakers had in their charge sixteen agencies with 24,322 Indians; Baptists had five agencies with 40,800 Indians in their charge; the Presby terians had nine agencies with 38,069 Indians; the Christians had two with 8,287 Indians; the Methodists, fourteen agencies with 54,473 Indians; the Catholics had seven agencies with 17,856 Indians; the Dutch Reform Church had five agencies with 8,118 Indians; the Congregationslists had three agencies with 14,076 Indians; the Episcopalians, eight agencies with 26,929 Indians; the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions had one agency with 1,496 Indians; the Unitarians had two agencies with 3,898 Indians A7
With the ending of the Indian wars the duties of the agent changed. His function now was to establish hospitals, schools, issue rations, and provide for adult education in agriculture, sanitation, health, and homemaking. Ihe agent was also to issue licenses to traders, lease Indian lands, preserve order and attempt to advance
Indians in the way of white civilization and make them self-supporting.
Because of the great differences in tribes and their needs, the duties and responsibilities of agents varied greatly. President Grant's peace policy to achieve the "civilization and ultimate citizenship" of the
Indians was preferable to the preceding one of coercion, but it con tained two major weaknesses: it denounced Indian culture and it failed
^Edward Everett Dale, The Indians of the Southwest, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma, 1949, p. 80. 76 to integrate the Indian services.1^
The prolonged program to stamp out Indian culture as the primary source of Indian poverty failed because it attempted to superimpose a semi - technological work pattern without taking time to relate it to
latent values within the older pattern. The cardinal principle of social change is that social progress is a process of growth from old to r new practices. In the Indian program, land-legislation and education paralleled each other, never, converging their common economic aims, and
therefore, Indians were not properly trained to cultivate either their
communal lands or their individual plots. The land policy itself proved
to be disasterous in bringing about a terrific loss of Indian land, while schools, because of their regimentation, became less effective.
The Indian agents from 1793 to 1908 greatly effected whatever
educational program was carried out among the various tribes. The post
of Indian agent was a heritage from the English colonial period and for many years the agent was the only government representative residing
among the Indians. The agent's record, financially speaking, is cer
tainly not unblemished. A law was passed in 1875 requiring a transfer
of records of expenditure and making them subject to inspection.
Several other laws were passed in subsequent years in an attempt to cut
down error and embezzlement, but little improvement was achieved until
1892, when Civil Service was introduced into the Indian Service. In
creasing field supervision tended to curb the agent's authority until
Ibid., pp. 83-85• 77 the discontinuance of the post in 1908.19
It is interesting to note the short tenure of Pima Reservation agents and their lack of knowledge concerning many of the fundamental problems of the Indians.
Between 1878 and 1898, eleven different agents served brief terms at the Sacaton agency. Although, to their credit, it must be said that they all remarked on the ever-increasing water pro blem of the Pima, the short duration of their tenure made it impossible for them to even learn the history of the people they were dealing with. ®
The main criticism of the United States Indian Bureau was the denominational strife among missionaries and their insistence upon using native dialects in their schools. President Grant had tried to lessen
interdenominational competition by assigning a specific reservation area to a certain group. An amusing result of this assigning was that the wild Apaches were assigned to the mild and refined Dutch Reform group.22
In 1879; the old language controversy flared up again and the two missionary societies supporting the bilingual policy were threatened with the withdrawal of federal support unless they complied with govern ment regulations. The use of the Bible in the Indian tongue was
Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Establishment, U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washing ton 25, D. C., 1950, Category I, Item f.
^PRobert A. Hackenberg, A Brief History of the Gila River Reser vation, a publication of the Bureau of Ethnic Research, Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, 1955; P • 4?.
21it is interesting to note that this is the same criticism the Spanish government leveled at the seventeenth century Catholic mission aries .
^missionaries were sent by the Dutch Reform Church, but on dis? covering conditions returned home before touching the edge of Apacheria. 78 approved after 1888. As many mission schools were gradually displaced by government schools, the language controversy died out.
Throughout the developmental period there was much discussion about government adoption of the most suitable type of school. By 1880
the government preferred the industrial boarding school located among
the tribes. Training the youth away from Indian ways was the immediate aim. The day school was denounced because it was felt that the influ
ence of its tribal surroundings could not be counteracted. In
connection with the problem, John Eaton, Jr., Commissioner of Education, advocated boarding schools equipped with workshops and farming land, and
suggested that day schools be used in remote areas to fill in. He also proposed that non-reservation government boarding schools be established
to train Indian students who would return to their tribes as teachers
and examples.
In 1879; Captain Bichard H. Pratt opened the first non
reservation government boarding school to train Indian students who
would return to their tribes as teachers. This was the famed Carlisle
School and was located in Carlisle, Pennsylvania.^3 The Carlisle School
was always an elementary school offering advanced vocational courses in
agriculture, mechancis and nursing. One half of the day was spent in
industrial training and in work on the farm and the other half in aca
demic work. When the student completed his school training, he was
23por three years prior to 1879; Captain Pratt had been in charge of a large group of Cheyennes and Kiowas held as prisoners of war at Fort Marian; Florida. Captain Pratt had opened a school at the prison with great success. 79 placed with a white family for three years. The government paid $50 a year for his medical care and clothing, and hie labor was to compensate
for the benefits derived from the home situation. The Carlisle School
was closed in 1918 and the old barracks and the new buildings were used
in the government's rehabilitation program for veterans of World War
Carlisle's founder bad some very definite ideas about Indian
education and practiced them at Carlisle. He believed large boarding
schools should be established for the Indians as far as possible from
the reservation home.lands of the students. He thought the children
should be kept for a number of years. During this time they were not
to return to the reservation nor have any personal contact with their
families. Pratt believed it was better to take the Indian to civili
zation than to attempt to carry civilization to the Indian in hie native
habitat. During summer vacations the Indian boy or girl was to be sent
to work for seme white family. The family would pay the youngster and
sometimes the Indian became part of the family and dropped out of
Carlisle to attend public school near his foster home.
Many of the points made by Captain Pratt were well taken, but
there were serious faults in his thesis. The Indian Bureau, however,
adopted his plan and until comparatively recent times depended on the
off-reservation boarding school patterned after Carlisle.
^Carlisle's importance to Indian education is not so much due to the number of students who attended it, but to its becoming the model for all other large Indian boarding schools in the mid-west and west. 80
In 1926, out of a total of 24,591 pupils enrolled in government
schools, 20,092 were in boarding schools and only 4,499 vere in day-
schools.^ Even as late as 1944 when the movement to establish day-
schools had been going on for ten years, more than one-third of the p/T pupils in government Indian schools were in boarding schools.
The off-reservation government boarding schools took on a rigid military air, due to Captain Pratt’s background. The students were all
dressed in uniforms. They were placed in platoons and companies under
the command of student officers, appointed by the principal or superin tendent. As has been before stated, the school day was divided into two parts, a half of the day to academic subjects and the other half to pro
ductive labor. Each hour, from rising until taps at bed time, was
controlled by bells.
Mr. Albert H. Kneale, who spent 36 years in the Indian Ser vice,^ has written a very interesting account of the early boarding
schools.
The off-reservation boarding schools, like many idealistic plans for the benefit of Indians, failed to work satisfactorily. It failed from its very inception. However, many years passed before the Indian Bureau became aware of its failure and, during these years, similar schools were established in different sections of the country— one in Lawrence, Kansas; one in Chemawa, Oregon; one in Phoenix, Arizona; one in Genoa, Nebraska; and one in Chilocco, Oklahoma.
25iaurence F. Schmeckebier, The Office of Indian Affairs, Balti more Press, Baltimore, Maryland, 1929, p. 216.
2^U.8 ., Statistical Supplement to the Annual Report of the Com missioner of Indian Affairs, 1944, -p. 14. Exact figures are 11,712 in boarding schools, and'21,342 in day schools.
27m t . Kneale served from 1899 until his retirement in 1935. 81
In most of these schools, pupils were carried through high school as well as through the grades. Many different trades were taught— printing, plumbing, shoe-making, harness making, steam fitting, baking, tailoring, carpentry, masonery, painting, black- smithing, and others. They were trained in horticulture, animal husbandry, farming, dairying, in stenography and typewriting, in sewing, dress-making, cooking, and housekeeping. On the farm they learned the use of tractors and power machinery. In the kitchen they became familiar with every modern cooking device. In the sew ing room, they became expert in the operation of sewing machines, and when electrically driven machines were introduced, they became proficient in operating them. In the bakery, they could turn out a batch of a thousand loaves equal to the best, using, of course dough-making machines, and all possible labor-saving devices. They could create excellent cakes, pies, and cookies, by the wholesale. In the laundry, the operation of washing machines and mangles be came wholly familiar. They learned to wear and feel at home in the clothing prescribed by American civilization.
They had their Y.M.C.A. 's and their Y.W.C.A. *s, their Greek letter organizations, debating teams, bands, orchestras, baseball, football, and track teams. They were highly proficient in the execution of all modern dances. They acquired an excellent working acquaintance with the English language. American slang was mas tered in all of its intricacies. They had their own Christian Endeavors, and their 4-H clubs.
They were taught to despise every custom of their forefathers, including religion, language, song, dress, ideas, and methods of living. The home folks had no postal service, and many could not read or write, so all contact was lost. The home folks regarded their boarding school children as lost to them after an absence of four or eight or twelve years. As for the children, the majority of them knew that ultimately they were to return to the reservation where they were to spread the gospel of civilization.
These pupils could not realize, neither could their mentors, neither did the Indian Bureau, that the people among whom civili zation was to be spread had already witnessed and experienced enough of this civilization that they did not want to give up their Indian ways for it. Too, the Indian Bureau should have realized that these returning students could possess no influence. Accord ing to Indian thinking they were without the wisdom of age and experience.
I have seen these students, when they first saw their parents, stare in abject horror, then as the truth dawned on them, burst into tears. The parents on their part felt nothing but disgust. The girls were especially pitiful. They had no clothes suitable for camp life and were horrified at the cooking and serving habits of their relatives. Some fled to seek jobs as maids in nearby 82
cities and others returned quietly to the blanket. The boys either found vork as laborers or also returned to the blanket.
About 1932, the truth finally dawned and the pendulum swung back to the reservation day school.
Captain Pratt certainly cannot be blamed for this theory of civilizing the Indians through off-reservation boarding school edu cation. It is wise to remember always that experience is necessary when dealing with a problem so huge in scope as the assimilation of an abor iginal people into a super-imposed dominant society.
In 1885, the growth of the Indian educational program and the increase in federal appropriations warranted a centralized admini stration of education. J. M. Haworth, the first inspector of Indian schools, was appointed as the first superintendent, but he died within a few months and the organization of the Indian Education Division was left to his successor, J. H. Oberly. Superintendent Oberly pre sented the first comprehensive discussion of federal Indian education.
He observed in his annual report for 1885 that Indian education had evolved without centralized direction, the federal administrative ser vice had been inadequate, and that he did not consider the agent as qualified to serve in the field of education. He suggested that uniform textbooks and teaching methods be adopted. He advocated the desira bility of uniform school buildings in place of the makeshift abandoned barracks, sheds, warehouses, and other undesirable quarters that were
^Albert H. Kneale, Indian Agent, Caxton Printers, Limited, Caldwell, Idaho, 1950, pp. 168-73.
29j. H. Oberly,. Recommendations for Indian Education. U.S., De partment of the Interior, U.S. Bulletin, Washington, D. C., 1885. 83 being used to house Indian schools. He, like Captain Pratt, believed firmly in the boarding schools, because it made it possible to take children out of the Indian camps, while they were young and susceptible to training. Superintendent Oberly also proposed compulsory attend ance, and pointed out the need of a reform school for incorrigible
Indian students. He suggested the use of the merit system as the means of improvement of school personnel.
Thomas J. Morgan served as Commissioner of Indian Affairs from
1889 until 1893.3° This man was an administrative strategist, and with the help of his superintendent of schools, Daniel Dorchester, the
Indian Educational Program was more effective than it had been at any previous time. Superintendent and Mrs. Dorchester traveled 6,000 miles in two months in 1889, while compiling the first comprehensive field report on Indian education. This report showed that twelve schools out of twenty had never been visited by an Indian Office representative.
This report also disclosed that adequate facilities for programs were almost non-existent. The proposals made in this report were acted upon, and more careful field supervision was instituted. The first codifi cation of school rules was made. A course of study was distributed to all schools and the merit system adopted for personnel appointments.31
3^Daniel Dorchester, Comprehensive Field Report On Indian Edu cation, U.S., Department of the Interior, U.S. Bulletin, Washington, D. C., 3B93, P- 51.
33-Ibid., pp. 51-52. a
In IB90, the first field supervisor of Indian schools was appointed, and at her suggestion the first field matron was appointed in
I89I, with duties pertaining to everything connected with domestic work.
Her program was carried out through a system of intervisitation between her home and the homes of the Indians. This type of service was grad ually specialized and is now carried on by nurses, welfare workers, and teachers of home economics.
The aim of all Indian education as stated in 1890, was pre paration for citizenship. The course of study was planned primarily for the boarding schools, and was to be adopted for use in the day schools. It was a ladder arrangement covering a period of eight years.
During this time older, pupils were to attend reservation boarding schools for instruction in grades four through eight.
Mr. Covey in 1900 published a very interesting article con cerning the aims of Indian education: "The aim in Indian education is two-fold; to elevate the Indian in character and to enable him to be able to cope with advanced civilization.
The following items are quotations from a course of study pub lished by the Branch of Education of the Bureau of Indian Affairs in
1901:
1. The aims of the courses are to give the Indian child a know ledge of the English language, and to equip him with the ability to become self-supporting as speedily as possible.
32c. C. Covey, "Reservation Day Schools," The N.E.A. Journal of Address and Proceedings, Educational Publishers Association of America, Washington 6, D. C., 1900, pp. 900-904. 85
2. Die value of education must be measured by Its contribution to life interests, and it is our purpose to fit the Indian pupil for life.
3« All thoughtful teachers seem agreed that arithmetic should be taught with objects, not only in the first grades, but to a certain extent in all grades.
4. It is intended that all boys in school shall receive some in struction in blacksmithing sufficient, at least, to enable each to shoe a horse well, to set a tire on a wheel, etc.
5. One of the most important departments in the school should be to teach the girls homemaking.
6. An Indian child comes to school with practically no vocabu lary. Manifestly, the first need is to teach the child to talk.
7* Dae second year, the child comes to the classroom with no knowledge of reading.
8 . Reading and writing are not ends, but means for acquiring other knowledge.
9* Guard against too close confinement to the book.
10. Spelling is best taught by having the pupils master the words they meet within their life.33
Commissioner Francis E. Leupp, who served from 1904 to 1909; was the first government official to advocate day schools and denounce boarding schools. He pointed out that the impoverishment of Indians was intensified by the loss of land and not alleviated by boarding school training. He felt that all the schools lacked singleness of purpose to meet Indian economic needs; and recommended an individualized day school related to its community. Commissioner Leupp urged the government to
33George C. Wells, Orienting of New Baplpyees, U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1953,pp. 10-12. 86 prepare the Indian children for citizenship with the ultimate purpose of accepting responsibility for their own economic and vocational welfare.
Unfortunately, the changes that gradually took place laid the ground work for further regimentation of schools. The uniform course of study which was adopted in 1916 followed the first six years of academic
instruction in public schools with additional provision for student
labor. It was considered necessary for the student to work half the day because of limited government appropriations, but it was thought that the student's progress would not be hampered if this work were correlated with regular periods of instruction. Dms, by an administrative adjust ment, necessary labor was to be transformed into a kind of vocational
training. The regimentation was further solidified by a set of exam
inations that accompanied the uniform course of study. The cooperation
of the teachers in a program of passing the largest number of pupils was rewarded by promotion if at least 70)6 of the students made a satis
factory rating. Uniform examinations were suspended in 1917; but were
soon resumed and remained in effect until 1928.
After 1909; a few graduates of agricultural colleges were
appointed to develop agriculture among the Indians, and in 1916, the
agricultural program was improved, but only partially correlated with
the schools. Agriculture and home economics were not included in the
course of study until World War I. One of the greatest weaknesses of
the Indian Service at this time was the failure to correlate special
services in a total unified educational program.
Evaluation of the Indian educational program is next to impos
sible. The criticism that the Indian education program had not brought 87 economic betterment to large masses of Indian students is well taken, but for a generation peace was maintained and a certain amount of socio logical adjustment had taken place. Indian education closely trailed the development of the public school system, with insufficient attention to the specific needs of Indians. The total Indian situation was grow ing progressively worse, because of the staggering losses of land and the inefficiency of Indian education for economic adjustment.
The United States government realized a little belatedly that a reorganization of Indian Affairs was in order. Following the recon struction period after World War I, the "Report of the Committee of One
Hundred" appeared in 1924. The "Meriam Report" was published in 1928, and the "Wheeler-Howard Act" was passed in 1934. The "Wheeler-Howard
Act" tried to revive community life on the reservations. Diis act pro vided for more self-government and for the holding of land by the tribe rather than by individuals. John Collier, Commissioner of Indian
Affairs at that time, vigorously promoted the new policy. The Indians were given lessons in soil conservation and in improved methods of raising livestock. Schools were made a part of community life and one
of the goals of instruction was to help solve practical local problems.
A list of the acts passed effecting Indian policy from the be
ginning of the national period to 1949 shows the constant attempts on
the part of the United States government to solve the problem of Indian
adjustment: 88
SIGNIFICANT DATES HT •JSE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN SEE7TCB
I. ESTABLISHMENT
A. Act of August, 1789. Beeponeibility for Indian relations transferred from Congressional Committee to the Secretary of War.
B. February 28, 1793» First specific appropriation for Indian affairs in the amount of $50#000. (There had been earlier appropriations to defray the cost of negotiating treaties with Indian tribes.)
C. March 11, 1624 ♦ Bureau of Indian Affairs created within the War Department with a staff or four employees.
D. July 9» 1832. Congress authorized the President to appoint a Commissioner of Indian Affairs.
E. Act of June 30, 183^-• Provided for the organization of a 'Department of Indian Affairs' with specified duties. This is the organic law upon which the administration of Indian Affairs is based.
F. March 3» 1849. Bureau of Indian Affairs transferred to civilian administration in the Department of the Interior.
II. IAND POLICY
A. Act of July 22, 1790« Provided that no sale of lands by any Indians shall be valid 'unless the same shall be made and duly executed at some public treaty meeting# held under the authority of the United States'.
B. Act of March 1, 1793« Prohibited settlement on Indian lands and authorized the President to remove such settlers.
C. Act of June 14, 1862. provided that when an Indian accepted an allotment of tribal land, measures should be taken to protect him 'in the quiet enjoyment of the land so allotted to him'.
D. Act of February Q, 1887» Authorized the President to divide any Indian reservation into individual allotments, on which a twenty-five year trust period was to be imposed, and surplus lands not allotted were authorized to be sold.
E. Act of May 31# 1900 ♦ Authorized an individual Indian to lease his own land. 89
F. Act of June 18, 193%. Provided (l) No tribal lands might be allotted on any reservation unless the Indians accepted the Act by referendum vote, (2) Extended trust periods in definitely, (3) Authorized the Secretary to restore certain lands to tribal ownership, (%) Authorized the acquisition of lands for Indian use.
III. EDUCATION
A. Act of March 3. 1819. Provided first continuing appro priation for educational work among such Indians as the President might determine ($10,000). This act was known as the 'Civilization Fund Act'.
B. Act of August 15. 1876. First general annual appropriation for the support of industrial and other Indian schools ($100,000).
C. 1878. Indians first admitted to Hampton Institute, Negro industrial school in Virginia.
D. November 1, 1879♦ The Carlisle Indian Boarding School, Carlisle, Pennsylvania, was opened by Captain Pratt in the old army barracks and was supported by private contri butions. Two years later, the Federal Government appropriated gratuity funds for support of Carlisle, which was the first non-reservation Indian boarding school established by the Federal government for Indians. In struction in agriculture and manual skills was emphasized.
E. 1890. Policy adopted for reimbursing public schools for instructing Indian children; Contracts with individual public school districts were executed.
F. Act of April 18, 1934. Johnson-0 'Halley Act authorized contracts with states for the education of Indian children. Die first state contract to be executed covering reim bursement for expenditures for Indian children attending the public school was with California in 1935 ♦
G. Act of June 18, 1934. Authorized an educational loan fund for the further education of Indian children in advanced vocational schools and colleges. More than 2,500 Indian students received loans in the following fifteen years.
IV. HEALTH
A. 1884. First hospital constructed. 90
B. 1924. Health division created and cooperative agreement worked out by which United States Public Health Service supplies a medical director and certain field physicians.
C. Act of April 16, 1934. Johnson-0'Malley Act authorized the Secretary to enter into contracts with states or terri tories for ‘education, medical attention, agricultural assistance, and social welfare1 of Indians.
V. EESOUBCES USED AMD CONSERVATION
A. Agricultural Assitance
1. I878. Beginning with the admission of Indians to Hamp ton Institute, Virginia, emphasis has been placed on the teaching of agriculture and industrial trades at all the large Indian boarding schools. Work with adults during early reservation days was not organized • and was pursued intermittently.
2. March 9. 1931» The division of extention and industry was created by authority of the Secretary of the In terior to assist in farming, stock raising, marketing, and rural organizations, including the sale and leasing of tribal and allotted lands.
3. May 9, 1939* First funds appropriated for the re volving credit fund authorized by the Indian Reorganization Act. Since then a total of $14,959,000 has been loaned to Indian corporations, with delin quency rates on repayments less than one percent on accounts due. In the same period Indian owned cattle have increased from approximately 182,000 heads to 391,000 heads (1949)• Gross agricultural income in 1949 amounted to $48,363,000.
B. Forestry and Grazing
1. Act of June 12, 1890. Authorized the cutting of 20,000,000 feet of timber annually on the Menominee Indian Reservation. Previous to this date timber had been cut on individual Indian allotments and Congress had authorized the sale of dead timber on Indian reser vations. This Act of June 12, 1890, is probably the first act of Congress which limited the volume that could be removed for a specific area of forest lands under the jurisdiction of the Federal Government.
2. Act of March 3. 1909. Appropriated $100,000 for for estry work on Indian reservations and forestry division was organized soon afterward. 91
3 • Act of June 25, 1910. Authorized the sale of timber on Indian reservations under regulations prescribed by the Secretary. The regulations subsequently issued directed the conservative use of Indian forest re sources .
April 15, 1930. The management of Indian range lands was placed in the forestry division and regulations issued by the Secretary establishing range management policy.
5. Act of June 18, 1934. Directed the Secretary of the Interior to manage Indian forest and range resources in accordance with sustained yield principles.
6. Act of May 29. 1944. Authorized the Secretary of the Interior to approve sustained yield forest units under their respective jurisdictions and to make cooperative agreements with other owners in the establishment of such units.
C. Irrigation on Indian Lands
1. Act of July 2, 1868. Appropriated $50,000 for con structing an irrigation canal on the lower Colorado river for the Indians established on the Colorado Elver Reservation in development of systematic irri gation.
2. Act of July 4, 1884. First general appropriation for the construction of irrigation works, $50,000.
3. 1906. Irrigation division organized in Bureau of Indian Affairs, and the Act of March 3, 1909, author ized the Commissioner to employ superintendents of irrigation and skilled irrigation engineers.
if. Act of June 25 , 1910. Authorized the Secretary of the Interior to reserve power and reservoir sites within Indian reservations.
D. Soil Conservation
1. July 2, 1933. The Erosion Survey and Planning Com mittee , consisting of H. H. Bennett, Bureau of Chemistry, and Soils; C. K. Cooperrider, Southwestern Forest and Range Experiment Station; C. E. Raaser, Bureau of Agriculture Engineering; and L. M. Wins or of the same Bureau, reported on erosion conditions on the Navajo Indian reservation. This committee recommended the establishment of an erosion control experiment 92
station in the Mexican Springe area near Tohatchi, New Mexico, and this recommendation was concurred in by the Navajo Tribal Council.
2. July 25, 1933. Secretary Ickes authorized $5,000,000 for soil erosion work to be allotted to the states in proportion to their cultivated areas.
- 3 • April 2, 1935 ♦ Soil Conservation Act authorized the transfer of the Navajo erosion control project to the Department of Agriculture.
4. January, 1937• Hie Secretary of the Interior and the Secretary of Agriculture created the Inter-Departmental Bio Grande Committee. She committee was charged with the task of discovering ways and devising measures which would correct misuse of the lands in the upper Bio Grande watershed and achieve the rehabilitation of the native rural population of the watershed.
5* August 14-, 1937« Memorandum of agreement approved jointly by the Bureau of Indian Affairs and Soil Con servation Service to create a cooperative survey and planning unit entitled TC-BIA (Technical Cooperative- Bureau of Indian Affairs). The aim of the unit was to make surveys and studies, social and economic, to serve as a basis for proper land use and conservation programs within Indian reservations.
VI. CIVIL BIGHTS
A. Act of May 28, 1830. Authorized the President to exchange lands west of the Mississippi for lands possessed by Indians in the eastern region. In making these exchanges the President was authorized to provide for the protection of the Indian tribes in their new lands 'against all in terruption or disturbance from any other tribe or nation of Indians, or from any other person or persons whatever*.
B. Act of March 3 > 1 8 8 5 . Specified seven major crimes (later extended to ten) over which the Federal Courts were given jurisdiction in cases involving offenses committed by the Indian against another on Indian lands.
C. Act of February 8, 1887« (The General Allotment Act), provided that at the expiration of the trust period cover ing Indian allotments, the lands mig&t be conveyed to the Indians in fee, whereupon the Indian allottees should have the benefit of and be subject to the laws, both civil and criminal, of the state or territory in which they were residing. 93
D. Act of June 2, 1924. Bestowed citizenship upon all non citizen Indians born within the territorial limits of the United States.
E. Act of May 21, 193^• Repealed twelve sections of the United States Code which imposed peculiar restrictions upon the civil liberties of Indians.
F. Act of June 18, 1934. Referred to elsewhere, recognized the right of Indian tribes to form local governments of their own choosing and to exercise the powers inherent in Indian tribes and further empowered the Indian tribes to veto any proposed use of tribal assets.
G. Act of August 13, 1946. Created the Indian Claims Commis sion, before which Indian tribes might present claims against the United States without obtaining prior approval by Congress.
H. July 19. 19^9 and August 3» 19^-9♦ Court decisions in Arizona and New Mexico, respectively, upheld the right of the Indians in those states to exercise the ballot. These were the last states in which Indians had been denied the voting privilege.3^
The avowed objective of the Indian Service of the Department of the Interior through the years has been to work itself out of a job.
It is the belief of many educators within the Service, as well as those on the outside, that this can best be achieved through the media of education. Further study and research on the problem is needed but much progress has been made since the Reorganization Act of 1934.
34u.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Significant Dates in the History of the Indian Service, U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1949. CHAPTER VI
EARLY ANGLO-AMERICAN INDIAN REIATIGNS IN ARIZONA CHAPTER VI
EARLY ANGLO-AMERICAN INDIAN BEIATIONS IN ARIZONA
z The Indians of Pimeria Alta had long been without formal or in formal education when the Anglo-Americans entered the area following the
Mexican War. The Pima tribe came under the jurisdiction of the United
States with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, but the
Papago section of the Piman people were not under the American flag un til the Gadsden Purchase was effected in 18^4.
The Piman peoples were peaceful, and were in truth pleased to be removed from Mexican rule as they liked Anglo-Americans, and hoped for more protection from the marauding Apaches.
Arizona was a part of New Mexico territory until 1863• During these years the Navajos, Comanches, and Apaches caused trouble.
For the most part the exploration of northern Arizona was carried on by the military. Fort Defiance was established in 1852, in the Navajo country, and for many years this was the only outpost in northern Arizona occupied by Anglo-Americans.^- The Navajo had kept the military and the citizens around Santa Fe, New Mexico, worried by their
endless forays. The military leaders throughout the southwest felt the •
^Edward Everett Dale, The Indians of the Southwest, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma, 1949, p. 50.
95 96 fort was the solution to Indian raids. It is amazing how many Indian forts were established in New Mexico and Arizona in the years following the establishment of Fort Defiance.
Mention of the establishment of military forts, and the al location of Indian reservations will be made in the next few pages because the educational program that followed was dependent on the establishment of centers of population policed and organized.
It is possible that an educational program could have been in strumented for the peaceful Pimans before the other tribes were subdued, but it was unlikely it would have met with much success. It is also doubtful whether sufficient teachers would have been willing to teach the peaceful Pimans, while Apache depredations threatened.
From 1869 to 1871, Apache atrocities steadily increased until southern Arizona seemed to be a land where sudden death stalked every trail and lurked behind every rock or clump of cactus. It became clear that life would be intolerable for both white set tlers and peaceful Indians until the Apache were subdued. There were conflicting views about the way this could be accomplished. On the one side, force was tried. Brave and able army officers did their best to restrain or punish the marauders, but their forces were never adequate, and the vast distances to be covered, as well as the nature of the land and climate, gave the wily savages every advantage. President Grant inaugurated a peace policy by appointing agents recommended by various church groups. The Board of Indian Commissioners, keenly alive to its respon sibilities, solicited Congress in 1870 for a suitable appropriation to enable it to make peace with the Apache, and $70,000 was appropriated for this purpose.2
Fort after fort was established in the years to come, each to protect some strategic area in Arizona. Dr. Rufus Kay Wyllys in his book, Arizona, The History of a Frontier State, records the establish
2Ibid., pp. 95-96. 97 ment of each military base.
Fort Breckenridge was founded in 1859 near the junction of
Aravapai Canyon with the San Pedro River in the midst of the Pinal and
Aravapai Apaches. This post was later named Camp Grant. The first post
established in the Gadsden Purchase was Fort Buchanan. It was located / in the Sonoita Valley twenty-five miles east of the old Spanish pre
sidio of Tubac. Camp Mohave was established in 1858, abandoned in 1861, and regarrisoned in May of 1863. Camp Mohave was established to quell any difficulties that might arise in the Colorado River area. The
Mohave Indians were desperate fighters and kept travelers through their
country in fear for many years.
The California volunteers established Camp Lowell in Tucson and
Camp Bowie in Apache Pass .3 Camp Bowie was located on the overland
stage route. Diis pass was for many years the most dangerous point on
the southern route to California. Fort Whipple, near Prescott, was
established the same year. Camp Verde, forty miles east of Prescott, was founded a year after Fort Whipple. Camp Date Creek, in Skull
Valley, was also created in 1864. Later this camp was moved closer to
Wickenburg.
Camp McDowell was established in 1865 on the west bank of the
Verde River, seven miles above its junction with the Salt River. Die
friendly Pima and Maricopa welcomed this military camp as they had been / troubled by Apache raiders. Actually, the closest Pima rancher las were
3The California volunteers played a significant role in making the stage routes passable, and aided in protecting settlements against the marauding Apaches. 96 fifty miles distant along the Gila, but the mounted Apaches ranged far and vide. As the locations of the early forts are studied, it vill be noted that they, vere set up to protect travelers enroute to California.
Camp Hualapai, originally known as Camp Toll Gate, was estab
lished a mile and a half southeast of Aztec Pass, forty-five miles northwest of Prescott on the upper road to California. The first mili
tary camp at the junction of the Gila and the Colorado rivers was built
in 1851. Qhe post was later moved to the vest side of the Colorado
Elver and renamed Fort Yuma. Camp Apache was officially named in 1870, but was known under the various names of Camp Ord, Camp Mo go lion, and
Camp Thomas. This strategic fort of many names was located in the heart of the Coyotero-Apache country and remained an Important post
during the long period of. Apache warfare.
In addition to the relatively permanent stations mentioned above
there were many other temporary posts A
With the coming of the California volunteers, the settlement of
Arizona permanently by Anglo-Americans became assured. The Civil War
had brought a firm, orderly, and efficient military government. Arizona
became a separate territory in 1863. The first capitol was set up in
Prescott in l£64. The northern capitol site was chosen because Tucson,
the largest town, was notoriously sympathetic to the Confederacy.
Tucson became the capitol in I867, but ten years later it was restored
^Rufus Kay Wyllys, Arizona, The History of a Frontier State, Hobson and Herr, Phoenix, Arizona, 1950, pp. 113-16. All names of mili tary installations and dates came from the above. 99 to Prescott. Neither of the earlier rival towns for the capitol site was destined to win. In 1869# the capitol was brought to Phoenix where it has remained.
The citizens of Arizona were still jittery about Indians of all kinds in 1870, and could not go along with President Grant's peace policy.
In 1869, there were slightly over 30,000 Indians in Arizona
Only the Navajo, Hopi, pima, and Pueblo tribes were on reservations.
Other tribes had not yet been assigned to definite areas.
In 1871, President Grant sent Vincent Colyer, a Quaker gentle man, to see what he could do about getting the rest of the Arizona
Indian tribes on reservations. Vincent Colyer was not welcomed by the pioneer settlers, who felt he would thwart the efforts of the military and the citizens to subdue the Indians. The military officials treated
Colyer well enough, and with their help he managed to collect 4,000
Indians on reservations. These included most of the Tonto, part of the
Coyotero, and Pinal Apaches, as well as all the Apache-Mobave and
Apache-Yuma Indians who had merged with the Apache groups.
Meanwhile, in June of I87I, General George Crook had been appointed to head the military in Arizona. He was an able and resource ful military man and was to make the most significant contribution to the termination of Apache warfare. General Crook held up his campaign
^Annual Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, U.S., Depart ment of the Interior, Washington, D. C., IB70 , pp. ll4-40.
Unlv. of Arizona Library 100 against the Indians while Co Iyer experimented with peaceable settlement
of the question. Following Colyer, another peace commissioner.
General 0. 0. Howard, was sent to reconcile the Indians to Anglo-
American rule.^ General Howard, like Mr. Colyer, was not welcomed by
the people of Arizona, but he accomplished a good deal in spite of their unfriendly attitude. He arranged peace agreements between the Apache and the Piman tribes, and moved the Camp Grant Apache Reservation to San
Carlos on the upper Gila. He also brought about the abandonment of some of the more miserable camps in which the Apaches were guarded, such as those at Fort McDowell and Camp Date Creek, and moved the Indians to more pleasant reservations. General Howard's most important contri bution was making a treaty with Cochise, chief of the marauding
Chiricahua Apaches.
The main object of General Howard's mission was to pacify if possible Cochise and the Chiricahua. A former Commissioner had made the effort, but had been unable to get within a hundred, miles of the stronghold where the wily chieftain kept hie camp. After a search the General found a frontiersman by the name of Tom Jeffords, reputed to be a friend of the Chiricahua. On several occasions of attack the Apache band had spared him. Jeffords was willing to take General Howard to Cochise if he would go without an escort of soldiers. It was so agreed.
There were five in the party, that after days of hard journey ing reached the wary Apache chief in his rocky canyon— The General, Jeffords, Captain Sladen, and two friendly Apache scouts, Chico and Ponce. These two Indians told Cochise who General Howard was and what he had come for.
^Whittemore, Isaac T., Among the Pirns or the Mission to the Pimas and Maricopa Indians, printed for "The Ladies 1 Union Mission School Association," Albany Press, Albany, New York, 1893, p. 72. 101
'Nobody wants peace more than I do1, said Cochise. 'I have killed ten white men for every Indian I have lost, but still the white men are no less; and my tribe keeps growing smaller and smaller. It will disappear from the face of the earth if we do not have a good peace soon'.
Cochise was an old chief by this time. He was tired of constant foray and flight, and was ready to take his beef and flour and settle down. But he had sent hie twelve subchiefs out to plunder, and the decision must await their return. The General must stay with them ten days or more.
like General Canby, Howard was a lover of peace and of the Indians. He had no fear of treachery. He settled down to make friends with them all, children as well as elders, sharing his meals with them and teaching a younger son of Cochise to sign his name, 'Natchez'.
It was a name that was later to stand beside that of Geronimo as a symbol of outlawry. But for the present General Howard's peace efforts were successful. The various captains came in and a great council was held. The bands agreed to settle upon a Chiricahua reserve in southeastern Arizona with their friend Jeffords as their agent.
Cochise kept his promise of peace for the remainder of his life. Dying he passed on the obligation to his eldest son who was likewise faithful. But in I878, both had made their last ride. Continued forays across the Mexican border not construed by the Chiricahuas as a violation of their promise, led the government to abolish the reservation. The order went out to remove the band to the San Carlos reservation.
The Indian Office was endeavoring to carry out a 'policy of con centration*. New policies bloomed at least every fourth year and sometimes much more frequently.
This new policy sent a few Indians to the new reservation. It sent a greater number over the border into Mexico. Again the Indian Bureau had to ask the War Department to step in .7
In the fall of 1872, it became apparent that nothing but force could stop Apache outrages, and General Crook was the man for the task.
Crook was not only an Indian fighter; he was a builder and planner as
Tpiora Warren Seymour, The Story of the Bed Man, Longmans, Green, and Co., New York, New York, 1929, pp. 311-12. 102 well. Under his regime, unhealthful posts were transferred to better locations. He Improved the quarters of officers and men, constructed good wagon roads from army post to army post, and had maps made of the hostile regions and of the territory of Arizona. He built a telegraph line 700 miles in extent. He encouraged his officers to study the ways, ideas, rites, and ceremonies of the Indians under their control. Gen eral Crook made plans to secure and set out on the various Indian reservations vines and fruit trees best suited to the climate and location.
In 1875, General Crook was transferred to the Department of the
Platte. He was preparing to leave Arizona when a change came in the administration of Indian Affairs in the territory, and an effort was made to collect all the Apaches together on the San Carlos Beservation.
Four thousand Indians were placed on lands originally assigned to 8 00.
The consequences of such mismanagement was inevitable.®
The Indian reservations in Arizona were established between
1859 and 1890. The first reservation was established on the Gila River for the Pimas and some of the Maricopas. The Apaches were assigned two reservations. The one at Fort Apache was assigned in 1870 and the other at San Carlos in 1872. The Mohaves were placed on the Colorado River
Reservation in 1865. This reservation was shared by the Mohaves and
Chemehueves. The next reservation established was for the Papa go. This is a large reservation along the southern border between Ajo and Tucson.
The original reservation was set aside in 187^, and later enlarged to
®Ibid., p. 312. 103
include the Papagos and P i m a living at San Xavier Mission, and westward
to Gila Bend. The great Navajo Reservation was established in 1878.
The Havaeupai Reservation near the lower end of the (hand Canyon was
founded in i860. The Hop! Reservation was established in 1882.9 in
1883, the Hualapai Reservation was established along the south bank of the Colorado River. The Kaibab Reservation founded in 1883 lies in a
corner formed by Kanab Creek and the Utah-Arizona boundary. The
Yavapais were placed within the compound of old Port Whipple. South of
Yuma, on the Colorado River, the little Cocopah Reservation was founded for a branch of the Yuman and Cuchan nations.
All references to locations and foundation dates of Arizona
Indian Reservations come from a bulletin regarding Indian Reservations from 1855 to 1912. *10
Setting aside reservation lands and locating tribes on than did not solve the Indian problem in Arizona. The Apaches were restless and did not stay on lands allotted to them. Until the eighteen eighties, danger was constant from these marauding savages, and until after the dreadful Bosque Redondo the Navajo were dangerous.^
A little explanation of this darkest of all blots on the Indian relations policy is probably in order. Die Navajo tribes had been
^The Hopi Reservation lies in the center of the large Navajo Reservation.
10U.S., Department of the Interior, Executive Orders Relating to Indian Reservations from May 14, 1655, to July 1, 1912, U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1912.
Ucarlos B. Embry, America's Concentration Camps. David McKay Co., Inc., New York, New York, 1956, p. 101. giving serious trouble to the settlers of New Mexico territory from the close of the Mexican War until Kit Carson and the New Mexico Volunteers decided to move them out of their homelands. The reservation chosen was called Bosque Redondo and lay near Fort Sumner on the Pecos River. This reservation probably could have supported 200 individuals at best, but on it were placed at least 9,000 Navajo. The army supervised and con trolled the reservation, but failed to adequately feed, clothe, or protect the helpless Navajo from Comanche attacks. Finally, after more than four years, the Navajos who were still alive were allowed to re turn to a reservation on their own old lands in 1868.
The river Indians and agricultural Indians made the easiest adjustment to reservation life, perhaps because of the training of the early padres, and the settled economy of the Indians.
There is little question that the Indian problem would have been more quickly settled if the United States government had been con sistent in its policies. Untrained and unscrupulous Indian agents, grafting officeholders, greedy Indian traders, non-resident contractors, and dangerous whiskey-selling outlaws all did their share in delaying
Indian adjustment. There were good and wise men also, who were respon sible for the eventual reservation adjustment that took place. Agents who understood the complexity of the problem were rare. John P. Clum,^
•^Edward Everett Dale, Indians of the Southwest, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma, 1949, pp. 61-63.
l^Many pioneers of Arizona and Army personnel question J. P. Glum's motives and policies. 105 the youthful Apache agent, and Tom Jeffords, beloved friend of Cochise, tried to bring about understanding and a lasting peace.
The pioneers of Arizona might have been more helpful in the realization of the Indian adjustment project if they had not been so afraid of the red man. In cases vhere white farmers, ranchers, and businessmen overcame their fear and distaste, and hired the Indians, the red laborers proved, for the most part, able workmen after a period of training. The white ranchers and other employers, after experience with the peaceful Indians, tended to change their fear to an attitude of amused indulgence. This tolerant amusement on the part of the white people toward the Indians has had a long-lasting and damaging effect on the permanent off-reservation economic adjustment of the Indians. The use of Indians for seasonal and marginal labor has also served as a deterent toward permanent off-reservation relocation.
Schooling for Indians in Arizona was regarded as a federal government responsibility until comparatively recent times. Indians living off the reservation even in pioneer times, however, were per mitted to attend public schools in the area in which they lived.
Sometimes public schools collected part of the cost of educating the
Indian child and sometimes not. Mission schools of various religious faiths were subsidized by the federal government about 1870. The first school on the Pima Reservation was founded in 18?1 and was supported by federal funds. This first school for pimae became an on-reservation io6 boarding school in 1881.^ The same year the Navajo acquired a reser vation boarding school. In 188?, the Kearns Canyon Apache boarding school was established, and by 1892 the San Carlos and White Mountain reservations had government subsidized mission schools. Funds for these schools usually came from the general Appropriation Act. Ordinarily they did not educate any students beyond sixth grade, and those desiring further education were sent to non-reservation boarding schools.^
Gradually, from I87I until the turn of the century, more and more Indian youngsters were educated according to the ways of the white man. They knew his language, something about his customs, and studied from his school books, but were still not an integral part of his society. Assimilation into a dominant culture comes slowly, especially while in the memory of living men, the minority group represents the remnants of a deadly foe.^ Reservation living also has had a marked effect on generations of Indians. Many of the Indians feared to leave the reservation for the uncertain social and economic conditions to be encountered in off-reservation living. So the years have gone by, with increasingly more Indians establishing off-reservation hemes, but always too few percentage-wise to solve the assimilation problem.
^•^Whittemore, Isaac T., Among the Fimas or the Mission to the Fimas and Maricopa Indians, printed for "The Ladies * Union Mission School Association,” Albany Press, Albany, New York, 1893, p. Vf.
l^From Father Bonaventure O'Blasser's unnumbered notes; secured at St. Catherine’s Mission, San Carlos, Arizona, November, 1952.
l^piora Warren Seymour, The Story of the Red Man, Longmans, Green, and Co., New York, New York, 1929, pp. 357-58. CHAPTER VII
PIMA CHAPTER VII
PIMA
The northern Spanish frontier in the New World was determined largely by the attitude of the aboriginal tribes encountered. The sedentary Indians rarely opposed the white man’s right to rule, and soon became accustomed to the mission and colonial systems, often aiding the
Spanish soldiers in subduing or trying to subdue their war-like neigh bors. As the sedentary Indians were the principal aid to Spanish expansion, so the nomadic tribes were the chief obstacle in the way.
The Pima, with which are to be classified the Papa go and the extinct Sobaipuri, were and are an almost completely sedentary tribe, subsisting largely on the products of agriculture and mesquite bean, small game, and strange as it may seem in this desert country, fish.
Fresh fish was only a food item of the Gila Pimas as the groups away from the river had little or no access to fresh water fish.
It would appear that the Pima Indians have never supported themselves by the chase to any great extent. They were successful irrigation farmers until a white civilization, settling on the upper reaches of the Gila River, deprived them of the water neces sary to this type of farming.
The earliest record we have of the Pimas is that left by Father Kino . . . Father Kino found the Pima living exactly where they are today, and he found them successful irrigation farmers. Subsequent reports confirm this first report. Records show that the United States Army purchased in the early eighteen sixties
108 109
large quantities of both wheat and forage from the Pirns. 1
In relation to this same subject E. Gastetter and W. Bell give percentages of the food supply furnished by the Pimas for their own maintenance:
The conclusions we are forced to draw from our own field studies, as well as from historical accounts as to the ancient basis of Pima subsistence, is that, before white contact radically disturbed the economic pattern, the Pima cultivated crop in average years comprised about fifty to sixty percent of the total food supply, wild plants and animals constituting the remainder, thus food gathering was absolutely necessary to supplement the in adequate cultivated crops
In its major aspects the culture of the Pimas strongly resembles
the culture of the sedentary Yuman tribes of the Gila or lower Colorado
rivers. These lowland cultures in general appear to be partially de
rived from marginal contracts with cultural influences which came up the west coast of Mexico and across the Sierra Madre to the Pueblos. The
Pueblos modified and elaborated upon these influences, while the lowland
aborigines apparently simplified them. There is a strong resemblance
between the lowland Arizona peoples and the lowland tribes of southern / Sonora; the Yaqui and Mayo. J. Williams Lloyd in 1904- made some inter
esting observations concerning Piman appearance:
Their faces seen to me to be of almost Caucasion regularity and rather of a Dutch cast, that is rather, heavily molded. The fore head is vertical and inclined to be square; and the chin, broad
•kf.S., Congress, Senate, Report of the Subcommitte on Indian Affairs, Survey of Indian Conditions in the United States, U.S. Govern ment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1931, p. 8235♦
Castetter and W. Bell, Pima and Papago Agriculture> Univer sity of New Mexico Press, Roswell, New Mexico, 1 9 % % p. 57. 110
heavy and full, cornea out well to Its line. The nose la straight, irregular, or rounded at the end, but very seldom equiline and never flat and wide noetriled. The mouth is large but well shaped. The teeth generally are white, sharp and remarkably even, very seldom showing any canine projection. The whole face is a little heavy and square, but the cheek bones are not especially premi nent. The eyes are level, frank and direct, with long lashes and strong black brows. The babies often have a slight uptilt to the eyes resembling the Oriental ethnic groups. . .
The men are generally erect and of good figure with large chests and rather heavy shoulders. The legs are often a little bowed. They generally walk like the white man, not pigeon-toed. The hands are often small and well-shaped. The feet have a high-arched in step .
The women, as a rule, do not carry themselves gracefully. They are apt to be broad, fat and dumpy with large waists and loose and ungracefully moving hips. This deformity has been observed among Italian peasant women and among negro women and is presumed to be caused by carrying too heavy loads on the head at too early an age. This seems to have caused a settling down of the body into the pelvis with a loose alternate motion of the hips.3
Closely related dialects are spoken by the Pima and Papa go tribes. The
Pima tongue scarcely differs from Pima Baja, spoken in central Sonora, and the separation must have taken place in recent times.
When the Spanish came to what is now Arizona, the Pirns were living along about thirty miles of territory above the junction of the
Gila River stream with the Salt River. There is evidence that sane
European influence had reached the pimas through other Indians. The first definite and direct European influence was that exerted by Father / Eusebio Francisco Kino who traveled through this region between the years of 1687 and 1710. The first account of their villages is one given by Captain Manje^ who wrote the official report of Kino's journey.
3j. William Lloyd, "Aw-Aw-Tam," Indian Nights, The Lloyd Groups, Westfield, New Jersey, 1904, pp. 54-55. Ill
They were friendly from their first meeting with the Spaniards, and later manifested the same friendliness toward the Anglo-Americans, who penetrated their country in the nineteenth century.
The number of their villages in early Spanish and Anglo-American times has varied between five and ten. It is not to be supposed these villages were as permanent as were the community structures of the
Pueblo Indians. In 1910 when a survey of the Pima villages was made by an Indian agent, there were eighteen Pima villages
The Maricopas joined the Pimas in large number early in the nineteenth century. They had been moving slowly eastward for some years under pressure from the Tumas on the Colorado River. When the Maricopas mingled with the Pimas it enlarged the existing villages along the Salt
River. The Maricopas have been strongly influenced by the pimas except in language and burial customs.
The Maricopas were an off-shoot of the Yuman tribe, but had trouble with the Yumas. Just before the coming of the Anglo-Americans the Yuma tribe together with some warlike Cocopas took the warpath / against the Maricopas. The Maricopas fled to Pimeria Alta. The Pimas held a great council.^ At this council three possible plans were discussed:
^Notes from A. E. (Bert) Robinson, former Superintendent of the Pima Agency, Sacaton, Arizona, on an Agency report compiled in 1910, but not published until 1921; interview February 7 , 1954.
5a . E. (Bert) Robinson, Agriculture Teacher at Sacaton, Arizona, 1921, heard the story of the Big Council from old Indians who remembered being told of the council; interview February 7> 1954• 112
1. The Marieopas might be denied sanctuary and driven down the river to meet their fate at the hands of their foes.
2. The Pimas might exterminate the Marie opas and thus be assured of peace with the Yumas and Coe opas.
3. The Pimas might give the Maricopas sanctuary and make a mutual defense treaty with them.
After much discussion the Pimas decided on the third plan. The
Pimas then assigned land to the Maricopas at the junction of the Salt and Gila rivers, and told them, in no uncertain terms, that they must farm, not hunt and raid. The defense treaty was put into effect only once. The Yumas sent 158 braves and the combined forces of the Pimas and Maricopas killed all but one Yuman who escaped by escaped by swim ming the river and apparently warned the Yumas against any further raids, as none occurred.
Another interesting thing about the Pima-Maricopa alliance is that they didn't inter-marry until just recently. In business affairs, in domestic, in inter-tribal and negotiations with the white men, the tribe acted as one. The Pimas, however, maintained always a majority in the Tribal Council.
In social organizations the Pimas are very closely identified with the Papa go group. They were one tribe until an administrative division was made by the Indian Bureau. A. B. (Bert) Bob ins on says the
Pima have always referred to the Papa go as their country cousins. The tribal organization of both groups is identical. There are five divisions which run through all the villages of both tribes. Three of these divisions or groups are called the red ants, or red people, and the remaining two are known as the white ants. To the red group belong 113
the Akol, Apap, and Apaukl; to the white, Maam and Vaaf. Such dual
groups were usually prominent in religious ceremonies and games, one competing against another.
Descent in the divisions is from father to son, but there are no marriage restrictions associated with these groups. It is assumed
that these divisions once had some important religious or social relation to the life of the people, but if so the religious or social
significance of it is forgotten by the present day Pimas.
The family was and is the important unit of Pima social
structure.^ The families were made up of the parents, their children, and the wives and children of the sons. This was the reverse of the
custom of the pueblo people, among whom the married daughter remained
at home. The houses of the Pima were large enough to accommodate the
extended families, and were grouped into villages of considerable size.
Each village bad a chief and a council and an officer in charge of
cremonies and festivals.
The Pima had two geographical groups: the Pima of the Gila and
the Kohatk. The chiefs of the various Pima villages elected a chief of
the entire tribe who held office for life or until he was disabled. In
an election the son of a former chief was given special consideration.
The specific duties of the head chief were vague, but his influence was
great. In ancient times leadership in war seems to have devolved upon
^A. E. (Bert) Bobinson states that in 1921, the Pima father, the assumed head of the family, had to be reminded that he was responsible for his family and not the benevolent United States government; inter view, February 7> 1954. any individual who commanded sufficient confidence to recruit a band to follow him, but the leadership was only set up for one expedition.
The primitive religious beliefs of the Pima and Papa go are al most identical, rising as they did from a common source.7 Each village had a ceremonial house, which was of the same structure as the dwell ings, but much larger in size. The ceremonial house was under the care
Q of a man called "the keeper of the smoke”. This man was probably the priestly head of the village. The Pima, like the Papa go, had two classes of priests: the Siatcokam> who dealt with sickness, and the
Makai who were concerned with weather and the growth of crops. The
Makai also were responsible for making medicine for successful warfare.
The healing priests were both men and women and received their priest hood by inheritance. The Makai were generally men who were believed to have been possessed of supernatural powers. The production of rain was believed to have been accomplished by magic, the nature of which was carefully concealed from observers.9 The aboriginal spectators were sprinkled by means of dry feathers, the reeds of which contained the
^Interview with Enos Francisco, Head of the Papa go Tribal Council, Sells, Arizona, January 10, 195**-•
®Before the coming of the Spanish the tobacco used in ceremonies (Nicotinia trigonophylla) was grown in the area occupied by the Papa go and secured by the Pima section of the tribe by barter.
^Father Bonaventure O'Blasser received this information about the Pimas early in 1911 from early records kept by Jesuits and Franciscan padres who were stationed in Pimeria Alta in the eighteenth century. Information received by author from interview at St. John's Mission, Arizona, December 31# 1955• 115 sacred water. The novices who wished to become priests of this sort were given training. This training lasted from two to four years during which time certain rigid restrictions were observed.
The Piman peoples believed in a Creator called "Earth Magician”.
Later "Elder Brother" appeared and ultimately superceded "Earth
Magician". The religious beliefs and practices of the Pima are similar to those of the Pueblo people, but are much less complicated and spectacular.^
The formal and recorded educational history of the Pima begins with the establishment of missions by Father Kino. These missions were built primarily for the Sobaipuri, but the Pima were a closely allied tribe and sent braves to study the ways of the white men. The Apaches almost wiped out the Sobaipuri and the few who escaped joined the papagos and carried the knowledge they had obtained from the priests with them to their hosts.^ Apache warfare prevented the spread of the mission system to the present site of the Pima Reservation area. Kino held services for them at San. Xavier and on one occasion within the walls of ancient "Casa Grande". The Spanish priests made important economic contributions to the sedentary tribes. Probably the most valuable thing the Indians secured was wheat. Before the coming of the
Spaniards corn and maize had been grown, but not as efficiently as after the entradas. Kino and his followers also brought cattle, sheep, goats,
10Ibid.
Upather Bonaventure O'Blasser's notes for his unpublished book "Cross Over the Desert.” 116 horses, and mules which contributed much to the agricultural economy of / Pimeria Alta. There is little evidence that the early Padres made, drastic changes in the primitive irrigation system. These old ditches are still discemable on the Pima Beservation, as they have became filled up with a darker type of silt and look like pencil marks running through the light-colored desert sand.^
The Pimas tended to be friendly to the white men whether
Spanish or Anglo-American.
In 1868, A. J. Alexander, an Army officer stationed at Fort
McDowell, wrote a letter to his wife concerning the Pimas and Maricopas.
Ft. McDowell Arizona Territory October 18, 1868
My dear,
I have just returned from a ten days' scout in the mountains, which was very successful. I was accompanied by one hundred Pima and Maricopa Indians, whose wild ways and picturesque appearances were highly interesting. I have acquired a great deal of influ ence over them, since I led the whole band in a charge over hills, rocks, and streams. After my return, I had a very interesting conversation with Antonio Azul, the chief of the pimas, who told me he would welcome any person I would send to teach them, and that the children should go to school. These Indians are docile and friendly, and easily approached. As several white men reside hear them, who speak their language perfectly, it could be easily acquired. I told Antonio that the good people in the east, who loved the Indians, would send a good man to come and live there and teach them; that he did not want land or money from them, but would come only to do them good, and whatever he told them would be good, and they could trust him. He said it was very good and wanted to know when he would come. ^
12Observed from a plane by the author.
13Defter from General A. J. Alexander to his wife, October 18, 1868. Copy obtained from Cook Bible School, Indian School Road at Second Street, Phoenix, Arizona. 117
When General Alexander returned to the East, he went to Washing
ton and presented to the Department of the Interior the desire of the
Pimas for schools and teachers. He also discussed this further with his wife and Mrs. Alexander became very interested in the schooling problem, more so apparently than the Department of the Interior. The "Asso
ciation of Ladies of the State of New York" was founded to promote mission work within continental United States. Mrs. Alexander became a member. This society was to sponsor the first schools on the Pima
Beservation.
Mrs. Alexander was asked to make a report to the "Society" on
her husband's experience:
My husband says there are five thousand souls in the Pima Tribe and there are two white men living in their villages (one of them a licensed trader). The trader has a thorough knowledge of their language, and could assist a new-comer in acquiring it. The Fimas say that while they are at deadly enmity with the Apaches, they are the Whiteman's friends and would like to learn his ways.-^
The Association of Ladies in the State of New York sent a plea
to the Indian Commissioner in Washington asking for a mission and a
school for the Pima and Maricopa. Commissioner Parker replied as
follows:
Madam:
I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of a letter dated the seventh, accompanied by a printed report by the Ladies Missionary Association for New Mexico, Arizona, and Colorado; also a letter addressed to the Secretary of the Interior. These letters call attention to the project in view by the Pima and Maricopa Indians in Arizona, and reference is had to a report made by my
^Excerpts from a report by Mrs. Alexander to the Association of Ladies in the State of New York, December, 1868. 118
predecessor to the Secretary of the Interior, on the twenty-second of February last, suggesting that the matter should be transferred to the United States Agent in charge of the Indians, for a report as to what would be the best plan to adopt to accomplish the de sired object.
The officers of the Association it is representing, are anxiously waiting for the report of the agent, as they were advised he would be instructed accordingly; and it is asked if the govern ment will make an appropriation in behalf of the proposed mission and school. In reply, I beg leave to remark, there will soon be a new superintendent and agent in charge of the Indians in Arizona, and as I fully approve of the project of the Association, I will bear the subject in mind, and require the superintendent and agent to give it prompt attention. I have no doubt but that an arrange ment can be made between the Department and the Association, that will be satisfactory and result in great benefit to the Indians. But what amount of money the government will appropriate or what it will agree to perform can only be determined upon information which it is desired to have furnished by the Indian agent. When that shall have been received your association will be duly ad vised of the conclusion of the department in the matter.^
No action on this matter was taken at the time of receipt of
the letter in 1869. The Ladies Association kept planning and reports
from the Army at Fort McDowell continued the requests for schools on be
half of their charges. When General Alexander was transferred away from
Fort McDowell his successor^ Colonel George B . Sanford continued to urge
that a teacher be appointed. He directed his requests to the Pima
Indian Agent, Captain Grossman, who wrote the following letter to
Mrs. Alexander.
^Letter from Commissioner E. S. Parker to The Association of Ladies in the State of New York, June 17, 2869. 119
U. S. Indian Agency Sacaton, Arizona July 22, 1870
Mrs. A. J. Alexander
Madam:
By advice of Colonel Sanford, United States Army, I take the liberty to advise you on behalf of the Pima and Maricopa Indians which have been placed under my charge. The Colonel told me that you had always taken a kindly interest in their spiritual wel fare, and he thought it probable that you might be instrumental in sending a missionary to this Agency.
Colonel George L. Andrews, United States Army, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for this territory, and myself have both been and still are anxious to establish a school on this reservation, believing that by means of it we may in time improve the condition of the interesting Indians residing thereon. Since my arrival here, I have erected a commodious agency building in a healthy locality, to which I shall remove with my family on the first of next month. In it, a school room has been set apart, but I am still without a teacher and see no prospect of obtaining the ser vices of one, unless the Associations in the east will lend a helping hand.
I am inclined to the belief that efforts to Christianize the Pimas will not be strongly opposed by these Indians, but fear that their total indifference to a religious matters will be, for a time at least a serious obstacle.
A missionary sent here, would have to acquire the Pima language to a certain extent, and ought to have some knowledge of Spanish. The pima language is simple and easily acquired. I have already compiled a small vocabulary and my interpreter, Louis, who speaks a little English and very fair Spanish, would render every assistance.
I aha myself.
l^A letter from F. E. Grossman, Captain, U. S. Army, U. S. Special Indian Agent at Sacaton, Arizona, to Mrs. A. J. Alexander, July 22, 1870. Copy of this letter received from Cook Bible School, Indian School Road at Second Street, Phoenix, Arizona, January 4, 1955• 120
Die United States government at this time made provision for the erection of buildings at the Agency and for the support of teachers.
Nothing was done in securing a teacher or teachers for the Pimans, how ever, until C. H. Cook arrived on the scene in late December of IB70 with no formal or financial backing except his own zeal. The estab lishment of schools on the Pima Beservation (in the Sacaton area) is largely the story of Reverend Cook and later his wife, who aided him as a teacher.
The Reverend Charles H. Cook was an exceptional man. Cook was fired by a compulsion to bring the message of the Christian religion to the Pima tribe. He had little or no money and was willing to do most anything that he considered within reason to start his ministrations among these aboriginal people. He preached in a saloon, joined a bull- train and did numerous other types of work to achieve his objective.
This is all the more remarkable considering he did not know what lay be fore him when he reached his destination. To comprehend what caused
Reverend Cook’s willingness to overcome every obstacle he found in his way it is necessary to understand the versatile background of his life up to this point.
Charles Kock (German for Cook) was born on February twenty- second in 1838 at Nieder Waroldem, Germany. He was raised from the age of six months by his grandparents. They educated him to enter the teaching field which had been the family occupation for three generations.
Charles Cook left Germany before completing his education and arrived in New Orleans in 1855 • After working for a short period of time in a printing shop and then in a drugstore he shipped out as a sailor. Two years later after arriving in New York City, he enlisted for five years in Company C, Third United States Cavalry. He participated in some of the Indian wars and in the Civil War battles of Valverde and Apache Canyon during the Texas invasion of 121
New Mexico. Shortly after this he was wounded, which bothered him to some extent for the rest of his life.
Between the years of 1862 to 1864, he worked as a civilian, but on July 2, 1864 he reenlisted in the New York Light Artillery and was soon advanced to corporal. At this time he heard a Presby terian minister by the name of Dr. Shaw, which set him to thinking and eventually influenced him in his decision to make his life work in the field of Christianity. After his discharge in 1865 he lived in New York for about a year, then moved to Chicago. In Chicago he became a member of the Rock River Methodist Church and was placed in charge of the Ha Is ted Street Mission. At this time he was planning on going to China as a missionary, but became very much interested in the Indian problem after reading a letter which had been posted in the ‘New York Evangelist', dealing with the religious and educational needs of the Pima Indians. This article was the major influencing factor in his decision to come to Arizona. Over a year passed before he actually started on his great adventure.^'
Cook arrived in Sacaton December 23, 1870, after a trying jour
ney. Captain F. E. Grossman did not waste any time in hiring Reverend
Cook as the first Anglo teacher for the Pima. December twenty-sixth
Cook was employed and given a salary of $600 a year. Cook immediately went to work proselyting for education and the development of an actual membership for his school or schools as the case might be.
Reverend Cook, also during this time, studied diligently on per
fecting his use of the Pima language. Die buildings at Sacaton were in
fair order for the organization of a school, but equipment, books, and
slates were pitifully lacking. Some of the ladles of the New York Mis
sionary Society assisted in obtaining the needed supplies.
School was actually opened on February 15, 1871. This first
school was a day school, although Captain Grossman felt that a boarding
John Hamilton, "A History of the Presbyterian Work Among the Pima and Papa go Indians of Arizona," unprinted and unpublished Master's thesis. University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, 1948, pp. 18-23. 122 school would have been more appropriate. "On the opening day of school thirty-five students were present, also seme of the chiefs and a few of the parents, the children behaved well, on the whole and showed an apt ness to learn."1®
The first school opened by Cook was held a few miles west of the present site of Sacaton, Arizona. Die building was adobe and certainly sub-standard for even that day and age. This did not bother Indian attendance, as the school grew from thirty-five to fifty in the first semester. Attendance was somewhat irregular due to many factors. Among these factors were the harvest and planting seasons that constantly called the youngsters to farm duties, also the whole idea of regimented schooling was new and it was difficult to impress on either the parents or the children the importance of regular attendance.
Agent J. H. Stout comments on this irregularity of attendance in a letter to his friend and superior Mr. Bendell:
Die parents are willing for their children to learn, but none of them will guarantee the attendance of his child at school. It is left entirely up to the child. Where there is no compulsion to attend so there must be some inducement. School is held in a small room, fourteen by sixteen feet and is poorly ventilated. It has a dirt floor which has to be sprinkled many times per day to keep down the dust. Until recently it had few benches and no desks. We have had as many as fifty children at a time here, many coming several miles with little or nothing to wear . . . I feel that they should be encouraged to attend through material in ducements until such a time as they will be able to value education for itself alone. Since the fall of 1871, I have, from my own funds, been giving the children a daily ration. This helps regular
Ibid., p. 2k; the foregoing is a direct quote obtained by Hamilton from Reverend Cook’s diary. 123
attendance and devotion to study. The school is only available to a few because of the distance from other villages. °
It has been estimated that the cost of the ration program was between $150 and $200 per year. People working with this problem in cluding Reverend Cook also gave generously to its support, which for the most part furnished only noon lunches. The idea of food as an in ducement was not original with the Anglo-Americans. The Spanish
Colonial padres had fed both their students and their Indian workmen.
In July of 1872, Reverend Cook returned to Chicago and brought back a bride. This charming young lady was to assist him as long as she lived in the great work he was doing among the Pimas.
Shortly after his return the Cooks opened a second school about four miles west of the original school for the Maricopa Indians. The building was constructed at Reverend Cook's expense with the help of the
Indians. Die attendance was more regular at this new school than at the
Sacaton school because of a closer concentration of the Indian popu lation. In 1876, it was necessary to abandon this new school because no more teachers had been sent into the area and Mrs. Cook's increasing family kept her from teaching full-time.
Reverend Cook resigned his formal teaching position with the
Pima Indian Agency in 1878 and took a position with Charles T. Hayden at Pima Buttes, 20 but continued to conduct religious services in the
l^Better from J. H. Stout to Mr. Bendell, Pima Agency, February 8 , 1872, U.S. National Archives, "letters Received Arizona, 1872, Office of Indian Affairs," No. S822, Washington, D. C.
2%aterial obtained January 6 , 1954, from Miss Sally Hayden, Tempe, Arizona, who has her father's account books covering this period. Pima villages. His dream was to be a full-time minister of the Gospel among the Pimas, but there had been little or no financial aid from the
Methodist Church groups.
Negotiations had been going on for sane time to transfer the missionary work among the Pimas to the Presbyterian group. In 1879> one
of the leaders of the Board of Home Missions of the Presbyterian Church,
Dr. Sheldon Jackson, paid Neverend Cook a visit. When Jackson returned
to New York he tried to persuade the Methodist Board of Home Missions
to increase their support of Cook both among the Pimas and Papagos.
This they were unable to do. For one thing, the Dutch Reform Church was
the group to whan the Piman people had been formally assigned by the
federal government. •
The Dutch Reform Church was unable to take care of this mission
area so quite willingly turned over the assignment to the Presbyterians.
Dr. Jackson made another trip following this transfer to persuade
Reverend Cook to resign his position with Hayden, join the Presbyterian
Church and devote full-time to the care of the religious needs of the
Indians. Reverend Cook was persuaded to study at home with help by
mail from Dr. Jackson. On April 8 , 1888, Reverend Cook joined the
Presbyterian Church. Shortly after this, upon the completion of his
studies. Reverend Cook went to Los Angeles and was ordained a Presby
terian Minister. Reverend Cook was not a turncoat, but his chief
interest had always been the welfare of his beloved Pimas, and he felt
that the Presbyterians would aid him in this great cause more
effectively. 125
The figures following are part of a report on the progress of the Pima Educational Program made by Reverend Cook to the Presbyterian
Church Heme and Mission Board at the end of this first year in Sacaton.
Date______Pimas______Maricopas______Total
Boys Girls Boys Girls
December 1 13 6 24 . 19 62 December 4 9 - 10 8 27 December 5 15 3 11 7 36 December 6 22 10 19 14 65 December 7 6 2 18 9 35 December 8 15 9 21 15 60 December 11 19 13 20 14 60 December 12 15 11 20 17 63 December 13 12 1 24 16 53 December 14 14 7 21 16 58 December 16 19 8 22 16 65 December 18 15 5 17 15 52 December 19 13 11 18 16 50 December 20 17 17 13 16 63 December 21 11 6 16 14 47 December 22 10 10 16 14 50
TEE PIMA. INDIAN MISSION m s chop is m Arizona
Pima Government S c h o o l ...... lk2 Tucson Pr e s b y t e r i a l ...... 171 Phoenix Government School .... 48
IN SCHOOLS OUTSIDE ARIZONA
Albuq.uerq.ue Government School . . 105 Genoa, Nebraska, Government S c h o o l ...... 19 (The above included pupils from the three tribes— Pimas, Maricopas, and Papagcs.)21
^Report to Albany Branch of the Board of Home and Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church, made by Reverend C. H. Cook, Teacher, December 30, 1871* 126
Before the time of Beverend Cook the Catholic Orders were making plans for a penetration into Piman territory after the United States government came into power. The first school planned by the later Fran
ciscans in their Pima Mission school program was located at San Xavier
in i860, which also accommodated Mexican youngstersThey later planned schools at Gila Bend, St. John's, and Salt Biver. Of these only
St. John's was actually started by Father Severin Westhoff, O.F.M., in
the summer of 1897 • • In October of 1S97> property was secured for an
industrial school at Gila Bend, but Father Severin's efforts were
thwarted by Superintendent E. Hadley of Sacaton.
Father Justin Deutsch arrived in 1901 and took over St. John's,
developing it into a boarding school.
In November of 1911, a Catholic day school was founded at San-
tan, located across the river from Sacaton. In succeeding years
Catholic day schools were started at: St. Michael's Mission, Sacaton
Flats; St. Peter's Mission, Bapchule; St. Francis' Mission, Sacate; and
St. Francis' Mission, Akchin (near Maricopa).23 These schools were
finally amalgamated into St. Peter's at Bapchule, using buses to trans port the pupils to the "Union" school.
In the neighboring regions of the Papago country under Sacaton
jurisdiction prior to the formation of the Papago Sells Beservation in
22This first school was in operation for three years only, and then reopened in 1876 and closed again in lB8 8 . The second school was taught by two Franciscan sisters.
^letter from Father Bonaventure O'Blasser, O.F.M., to author, January 31; 1956. 127
1916 and 1917> the Franciscans opened a school at Chuichu (nine miles
south of Casa Grande) in 1912 and another at Gila Bend the early part of
1915• Father Tiburius Wand opened the school at Chuichu and Father
Nicholas Pershe11 opened the Gila Bend school. When the Indian Bureau
school was started at Gila Bend shortly before World War I, the Catholic
Indian school was closed because of the division of enrollment.
St. Peter's at Bapchule is at present the only parochial ele mentary day school on the Pima Beservation. The Catholic Church was
built at Bapchule in 1928 and the school was finished in 1 9 3 2 In
the beginning there were only two rooms, however, another room was
added in 1938 and in 19^1 the new school additions were finished. In
1932, fifty students were in attendance and at present there are 160
registered.
The grades presently include the first through the eighth. The
beginners often take two years for the first grade due to an inadequate
knowledge of English. The Sisterfsay the youngsters usually know
English today, and also cane to school at a much earlier age. The
curriculum parallels that of the public schools but with additional
religious instruction. The pupils attending the school come from the
villages surrounding St. Peter's Mission but are also transported by bus
from Santan.
The children who graduate go either to public high schools in
the area or on to St. John's boarding school. In 1955 and 1956, there
R e p o r t from the Mission School at St. Peter's, Bapchule, Arizona, February 5 , 1956. 128 were twenty-seven enrolled in Casa Grande High School and twenty-five enrolled in Coolidge.
The St. John's boarding school was for a long time the hub of the Catholic educational system in the area. In its beginning it accommodated lower grade youngsters, as well as carrying on an adult educational program. Gradually both public and parochial village day schools were founded. St. John's became first a junior high school admitting a few younger students and then a full four year high school.
Today they have grades nine, ten, eleven, and twelve, and in addition to the four grades have a pre-high school program to prepare students who have entered St. John’s with insufficient educational background.
The following are the 1955 and 1956 enrollment figures from St. John's by tribe and grade level: 129
ST. JOHN'S INDIAN HIGH SCHOOL
Pre-High School Freshman Sophomore Jur tior Senior (Grade 8 )
Boys 18 28 2k 3-5 9 Girls 16 29 30 32 9
Total 3k 57 54 2'■7 IS
Pima— Sacaton & Salt Elver
Boys 5 6 9 4 2 Girls 6 12 5 4 3
Papago— Sells , San Xavier, & Gila Bend
Boys 10 14 10 6 4 Girls k 11 17 6 2
Apache— San Carlos, Apache, & Mescalero
Boys 2 3 5 5 1 Girls 2 3 4 1 3
Taman— Ft. Yuma & Diegueno
Boys . - 2 - 1 Girls - 2 3 l 1
Navajo— •Poston & Beservation
Boys 1 3 - 1 Girls k 1 1
Totals Boys ...... • 94 Girls . . Grand Total ...... 190
2%eport from Father Bonaventure O'Blaaser, October 13, 1956, taken from school records submitted September 10, 1955 and September, 1956. 130
It is interesting to note also the figures on the higher edu cation of the students from St. John's.
Jesse Stevens (San Carlos Apache) University of Missouri, Agriculture Dan Thompson (San Carlos Apache) Haskell Institute, Commercial Vincent Stevens (San Carlos Apache) Haskell Institute, Commercial Henry Ramon (Fima) Haskell Institute, Commercial Hubert Segundo (papago) Haskell Institute Camilla Key (San Carlos Apache) Haskell Institute Patricia Lewis (Pima) Haskell Institute Antony Macukay (San Carlos Apache) Arizona State College, Tempo Mathew Tashq.uent (pima/papago) Arizona State College, Tempo Joseph Macukay (San Carlos Apache) Arizona State, Flagstaff Manuel Ortiz (papago) St. Joseph's-College, Albuquerque
HIGH SCHOOL GRADUATES WHO HAVE COMPLETED COLLEGE
Luis Andres (papago) from Haskell Institute Agnes Ramon (Papago) from Haskell Institute Evelyn Segundo (papago) from St. Joseph's Nursing School, Phoenix Lucille Harvey (Mescalero Apache) St. Joseph's Nursing School, Phoenix Theresa Macukay (San Carlos Apache) now holding head secretarial position in San Carlos Tribal Council Mary Macukay (San Carlos Apache)2&
In regard to Presbyterian schools in 1S93 there were more than
150 Fimas and Papagoe attending the Training and Industrial school in
Tucson. Oils school was under the supervision of a Presbyterian min ister, Reverend Howard Hillman. The purpose of this school was to prepare the young Indian to assume a place in the white man's society or to return to hie reservation to be a leader among his own people.
The introduction of the Pima to the ways of the white men was not so difficult as in the case of other tribes. They were located on the main line of travel through the territory of Arizona. Once the
Butterfield stage line reached the Pima country the passengers were safe 26
26Ibid., October 13, 1956. 131 until they reached the Turn country. The P i m a guarded these stages and aided the "white men against the Apaches. They seem always to have en joyed contact with the white men, and were willing to attend the schools supplied them by the various agencies who were interested in their wel fare .
Mr. A. E. (Bert) Robinson came to Sacaton in 1921 as agricul tural instructor. Bert Robinson occupied almost every office and job on the Pima Reservation in the years he spent in service there from 1921 until his retirement in 1952. Mr. Robinson's recollections of his years in Sacaton are invaluable. He states that in 1921, the government had three buildings in Sacaton, two doctors, a dispensary, and a hospital, and a six grade six room school. There were in attendance at the board ing school about 350 students. The students were often reluctant scholars and had to be brought forcibly to school and truants were often recaptured by Indian police.
The school was divided into two platoons according to the Bureau school pattern of that day. One platoon went to school in the morning and the other in the afternoon. When the youngsters were not in aca demic classes they were doing the maintenance work of the institution under the eye of supervisors. The fifth and sixth grade boys worked on the farms. These boys were not children but were from eighteen to
twenty years of age.
Mr. Robinson tells of a typical day at the Sacaton boarding
school:
Instead of bells, a bugle was used. One Indian bugler became so fascinated with his bugling ability he stayed on in school until the age of twenty-four. 132
Die bugle woke the children for the raising of the flag at dawn. Then at six-thirty they had setting up exercises. Breakfast was served at seven. After finishing breakfast dormitory chores were done. In the winter-time the flag was not raised until seven- thirty.
' Classes and supervised work began about 9 A.M. The six teachers were used according to grade when possible, but on occasion the full six grades were not represented by Indian students, so the teachers lacking a class would relieve the burden at other levels. The first two grades were consistently larger than the third through sixth. The teaching of the English language, as an effec tive tool, was a slow process and explains the large numbers at the lower levels.
Mrs. Robinson was sewing teacher, and being of an artistic turn, could not tolerate the shapeless uniforms the girls were wearing when she came to sacaton. Her class developed a constructive pro gram of making the uniforms fit the little girls for whom they were intended. At a later date she was even able to secure different materials to break the orphan asylum look of the institution.
In 1921, Mrs. Nancy Kennedy was matron of the girls1 dormitory and a much loved as well as much respected "mother* away from home. In school the charges were extremely well behaved, and too reticent as is the average Indian child, but in the dormitory they were typical youngsters and sometimes had to be chastized severly by the beloved "Ma" Kennedy .27
Meantime, Mr. Robinson was concentrating on the farm and irri
gation program. The Pimas didn't know anything about modern scientific agriculture. At one time the Pimas had inadvertantly water-logged the
land and it had become alkaline. This difficulty was minimized by the methods of the twenties, but never really cured until the pumping of
underground water began. Surface water was very meager from the time of
the Civil War until the building of Coolidge Dam and the passing of the
Gila River decree and Land Owners' Agreement. Actually the San Carlos
Act of 1924 released more water for the Pimas. Thus, agriculture was
^Information from A. E. (Bert) Robinson in an interview with the the author, January 30, 1956. 133
facilitated and new ditches had to be built for irrigation.
When the Coolidge Dam was dedicated in 1929 a great controversy
arose over payment of maintenance charges. The Indians didn't like to pay money. They felt their ancestors had an immemorial right to the water and couldn't see paying for what was already theirs. Mr. Robin
son carefully explained to them that this fee was to be used for
cleaning ditches. They still couldn't understand why they should pay
the fee so Mr. Robinson set aside 10,310 acres and planted it in
alfalfa and had the Indians cultivate it to pay the operation and main
tenance fee. Even today the fee is paid in this fashion.
The greatest problem of Pima agriculture grew out of an allot
ment law that was made in 1921, and has not been changed. In 1921, ten
acres of irrigable land was allotted to each man, woman, and child on
the reservation. The title to this land was held in trust by the gov-
ernment. Upon the death of any allottee, his heirs inherited his
original allotment. These ten acre allotments have remained intact with
ownership through inheritance and today are sometimes vested in fifty
people. With so many claimants it is not feasible to cultivate such a
small plot, consequently much of the Pima Reservation has been allowed
to go back to desert.
In 1928, the old boarding school at Sacaton was abolished and
day schools were established in several of the villages. This program
was a decided educational improvement. The boarding school children
were considered the responsibility of the government by the Indian
parents. Once in school, all parental responsibility ceased, but with
the advent of the local day schools some of the responsibility for 134 clothing, feeding, and keeping the youngsters in school had to be assumed by the parents. This problem, ■was a serious one, truant officers were at their wits end. They finally had to tell the parents if they didn't keep their children in school, they would go to jail. Many amusing things happened when the Indian children were being counted for the new schools. Mothers nursed six and seven year old children de claring to the Indian interpreters that they were still babies.
Mr. A. E. (Bert) Bob ins on decided on a new system of control in each area. He called meetings in each school district and had them elect Indian school boards. He explained to them that they couldn't hire and fire government teachers and that even he, as superintendent of schools couldn't do this, but that they could make recommendations con cerning courses of study and could express their feelings toward this new type education. These boards were elected and worked most effec tively. They informed government officials of cases where truancy was caused by lack of clothing and this was dealt with immediately. They also gave attention to the age-old problem of parental responsibility.
Pima Indians do not govern their children in the way white parents dis cipline their young. They allow the little ones to do very much as they please, and if the. youngsters did not wish to go to school regularly, the parents did not insist; consequently, the officials investigated pO these problems of truancy and made reports to Mr. Robinson.
^Interview with Mr. A. E. (Bert) Robinson, January 29, 1956. 135
Before the closing of the hoarding school in 1928 two govern ment day schools were already in existence. Gila Crossing which is
located about thirty miles northwest of Sacaton was founded in 1917> and Maricopa, forty-five miles northwest of Sacaton, was founded later
the same year. When the boarding school was closed in 1928 the en
rollments of the schools at Gila Crossing and Sacaton were sharply
increased. In 1931, San Tan (Santan), five miles east of Sacaton, was
founded and in the same year Casa Blanca located eight miles west of
Sacaton was established. The records indicate there was a school
established here about 1917, but evidently did not care for many pupils.
In 1936, the school at Blackvater was established. Its location is
twelve miles east of Sacaton. The new day schools were set up for the
first six grades only, but a grade was to be added each year until all
schools bad an eighth grade. After graduation from the eighth grade
youngsters desiring to go on to high school could go to Phoenix Indian
School, St. John's, or Esquela in Tucson. Prior to 1928 the youngsters
entered the previously named schools after finishing grade six. Before
the Indian Service zoned the area for secondary education (1928), the
Indians could select a government school and would ask for Biverside,
Haskell Institute, or Phoenix Indian School, but after zoning they
could go only to parochial secondary schools or to Phoenix Indian
School.
When Mr. Bob ins on came to Sacaton in 1921, there were only 350
Indian youngsters in attendance at the boarding school. In 1952, there
were 1,100 students in government schools on the reservation, an in
crease of 75$. The Pima youngsters are almost all in schools somewhere 136 today. Many of them attend public schools in the area, and still others have relocated to industrial areas and their children attend the public institutions near their off-reservation residence.
The following are the enrollments for the government schools on the Pima Reservation from 1950 to 1955
1950 1921 1952 1923 195k 1952
Pima Central 297 263 250 237 22k 238
Salt River 293 268 287 289 303 290
Blackwater 88 81 7k 7k 28 26
Casa Blanca 117 114 111 117 129 lk9
Santan 122 110 91 90 8k 98
Fort McDowell 21 2k 22 21 17 Ik
Gila Crossing 106 93 102 98 114 99
The Fort McDowell school was closed at the beginning of 1955 and the children now attend the Mesa and Scottsdale public schools. The transfer to these was feasible because road improvement made it easier to establish bus routes.
In 1953, three classrooms burned at Blackwater so all children above the first grade now attend Coolidge public schools.
H. E. O'Harra, Administrative Officer, Pima Area Field Office, made some interesting statements to the author concerning the various aspects of the present day Bureau schools on the Pima Reservation:
29ihe enrollments are from the Pima Area Field Office, Pima Agency, Sacaton, Arizona, courtesy of Carson V. Ryan, Reservation Principal. 137
There has been continuous curriculum, development in the Pima schools since their founding. Perhaps the sum of changes has been the emphasis upon complying with the State Course of Study which was revised in recent years. This is in line with the policy of the service which advocates use of state public schools for our Indian people as quickly as feasible. Another example, in addition to the adoption of the revised State Course of Study, is the shift ing of all high school children to public schools. Pima Central School used to go through the high school grades, but now provides work just through the eighth grade. Salt River School represents a similar change.3° Casa Blanca and Santan provide servies only through the fifth grade. Children above the fifth grade from these respective communities attend either Pima Central or public schools.
In regard to the retardation or late entrance problem it is in teresting to note that this year (1955) for the first time we did not have one single new child enter our school who could not at least speak a little English. In my twenty years with the Service this was a new experience. We hope in the near future 'Federal Schools' will not exist and the Pima schools all will be under the administration of the Arizona State Department of Education.3^
The present day schools on the Pima Reservation are a far cry
from the first schools founded by C. H. Cook. The growth of attendance
in the schools across the years has been tremendous, but it is impos
sible to show the extent of this growth because of the migration of the
Pimas to other areas of the state and nation and their constant change
from reservation schools to public schools.
3®In 1958 the eighth grade was discontinued.
3^-Section from, a letter written by H. E. O'Harra, Administrative Officer, Pima Area Field Office, Pima Agency, Sacaton, Arizona, January 19, 1956. CHAPTER VIII
PAPAGO BACKGROUND AND EDUCATION CHAPTER VIII
PAPAGO BACKGROUND AHD EDUCATIOIf
Our earliest knowledge of the Papago goes back to the sixteenth
. century expedition of Fray Marcos de Kiza. This group of hardy Spanish ' / explorers visited Papagueria and found the Indians friendly. Coronado
crossed through this area a short time later. Father Kino who followed
the two explorers in 1697/ bringing with him Diego Carasco, received the
voluntary subjection a a large number of Papagos, and administered the
oath of fealty. Father Kino baptized many and gave them Spanish names.
The Spaniards * trips were hurried with little more than one day stops at
even the largest villages.
It is recorded in the Papago code of laws that the Spanish at
this time appointed seven Indian governors who were under a head gover
nor at Gu Achi."1" This Spanish attempt at local administration was not
very successful as often the crown appointee was resented by the older
tribal authorities.
It is estimated that the Papago numbered about 10,000 in 1700.^
•*-From a partially translated Papago Calendar Stick secured from Thomas Segundo, Chairman of the Papago Tribal Council, Sells, Arizona, July 6, 1954.
2u.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Code of laws of the Papago Tribe and Annual Statistical Report, Sells Agency, Arizona, 1935, p. 35-
139 140
They had some knowledge of Christianity from the Indiana farther south who had experienced more than a century *8 contact with Jesuit priests on the northwestern coast of Mexico. Kino hoped to establish missions for the friendly Papa go as he had for the Sobaipuri, but Apache raids made conditions uncertain. Before Kino's time, the Apache had been plun derers, but after he came they acquired horses in increasing numbers, giving them the means of swifter attack and withdrawal. The Apache moved far toward the west, forcing the Sobaipuri before them out of the
Kino missions of the San Pedro and Santa Cruz Valleys. This movement had only started in Kino's time and the missions were not abandoned for several generations, Guevavi in 1764, and Tumacacori in the eighteen hundred and twenties.3
Not much is known of the Papa go from the time of Kino's death in 1711 until 1736, when missionary work in this area was revived.
Father Sedelmayr reported that the Papago people came to work for him on the missions of San Gabriel de Guevavi and San Xavier del Bac, which had been rejuvinated in 1732. Two trips through the Papago country were made by Father Sedelmayr and then came the Pima Rebellion of 1751 against the Spanish which left the Indians hostile for a tlme.^
The Jesuits were expelled by the Spanish Crown in 1767, and the priests of the Order of Saint Francis took up their work. Between 1769
3Gerard Decorme, Obra de los Jesuitas Mexicanos, University of Mexico Press, Mexico City, Mexico, 1930, p. 430.
^Hubert Howe Bancroft, The History of the North Mexican States and Mexico, A. L. Bancroft and”Co., Berkeley, California, 1&84, I, chap. XVIII, 492. and 1774, Father Garces made three trips to the desert homeland of the
Papago. Garces had a mud and stone chapel built east of the Santa Bosa
Mountains, and the Father from San Xavier visited there infrequently prior to 1827 • It is possible that at this time the Sonora Catholic sect got its start. Much has been made of this remote group of Catho lics, but actually their creed is but a primitive interpretation of the
Catholic religion.^ For its devotees,,the religion was a matter of own
ing pictures of saints and saying prayers; in short, worshipping as well as they knew in the Catholic way, learned from brief observation and in struction.
Before the coming of the padres the Papagos practiced, and still follow to some extent, certain primitive religious ceremonies. The re ligious activities of the Pima and Papago were much less complicated and less impressive than those of the South American, Central American, and
Mexican Indians. At one time each village had a ceremonial house; this house was under the care of the Keeper of the Smoke. The Keeper of the
Smoke was probably the priestly head of the village. Like the Fima pattern there were two classes of priests, the Siatcokam who dealt with sickness and the Makai who dealt with weather, crops, and warfare. Die healing priests were men and women who were selected by inheritance.
Die Makai were men, who were believed to be possessed of supernatural powers
5Interview with Sister Mary Mark, Franciscan Sister Superior, at Topawa near Sells, Arizona, May 8 , 1954.
^"Die Papago," Arizona State Teachers College Bulletin, Arizona Teachers College Press, Flagstaff, Arizona, 1939, XX, 14. Ik2
At the time of the harvest festival, men selected for the pur pose wore masks and were the singers at the c e r e m o n y These men were
called Uipinyim and were in an aboriginal sense, priests. Bie Papa go had only three important ceremonies. In aid-spring, a ceremony was held
to procure good crops of giant cactus fruit during the coming season.
In July, when the cactus fruit ripened, a festival of wine drinking was held. If the crops were bountiful, a harvest festival was held in the
Santa Rosa Valley.
The beliefs of the Papa go and Pima in regard to the supernatural were concerned with the more striking manifestations of nature such as
lightning, thunder, the sun, moon, wind, and rain.
The Papa go believed that sickness and other misfortunes came from offending the supernatural forces. They believed that certain rites should be performed for every individual. A baby had to be taken to a medicine man a month or so after birth to make him healthy, a good worker, and a swift runner.® These rites are still practiced, but the
Catholic missionaries and the Presbyterian religious workers have sub
stituted the Christian customs for these ancient rites to a great
extent.
The Papago considered dead persons as potential threats to health and food and took care to avoid offending the departed. Until about thirty years ago, the Papa go buried their dead in little stone
Tibia.
8Ibid., p. 12. 143 replicas of houses on a hill near each Tillage. Personal property was buried with the corpse and food was often interred with the body. The house where the death had occurred was t o m down and the name of the dead person was never mentioned again.9
At present, the papa go dead are interred in cemeteries which are blessed by Christian clergy. On rare occasions Roman Catholic and
Presbyterian Papago bury their dead in miniature adobe houses under the ground and bury extra clothing with them. Today, the home of the dead person is not destroyed and his name is more freely mentioned than in former times.^
Originally the Papago tribe included eleven parent villages with one or more smaller villages derived from each. The summer camp called the "Fieldsh was located on the flat lands where drainage from the mountains provided a certain amount of irrigation. The winter camp known as the "Well" was toward the base of the mountain as close to the water supply as possible. The Papago family was and is the basic unit.
A number of families make up a village, aid one or more villages make up a district.
Authority in the village was vested in the Chief, or Kobanal, and two assistants. These officers were elective. In some villages the chief always came from a village family, but this was not true o f ,
^Information obtained from Father Regie, O.F.M., during an inter view on Papago death and burial customs, Topawa, Arizona, March, 1955•
^Information from an interview with Enos Francisco, Head of Papago Tribal Council, Sells, Arizona, March, 1954. 1 # all villages. The chief held office until he wished to retire or until the people became dissatisfied with him. The chief functioned as Judge, mayor, and sheriff. He was required to settle disagreements over graz ing areas, and arbitrate a multitude of other disputes arising in village life. The chief was the head of the village council, which con sisted of all the men of the village. In the past, this council met every evening, but at present the village chief and village council, while they are still in existence are not so active. Everything that concerned this village was discussed in the council meetings. Lands were assigned for farm use, stock owners aired their problems, and the plans of the agency were discussed. Every person could have hie say and time was no object in the old tribal council. Unanimity of opinion had to precede a decision for the concept of majority rule was not known to the Papago.13"
With the coming of the white men the concept of majority rule was introduced to expedite decisions. The principal of seniority still prevails, and men under twenty-five rarely have much to say in council meetings. '
Die Papa go Tribe as political unit has existed for only twenty- four years. Before that time each village cooperated economically and socially, but there was no tribal government as such. On December 15,
193^, the papago Tribe became legally a political unit. To provide a
■^Early notes of Father Bonaventure 0 'Blasser, taken in 1910-11, obtained by author, St. Catherine's Mission, San Carlos, Arizona, November, 1953• 145 basis for self-government, the Papa go elected a committee of twenty men to draft a constitution. The western villages were reluctant to parti cipate, and five of the six-man committee which ironed out differences of opinion were members of the southeastern villages. Papa go tribal law and custom was the basis of the constitution which was ratified in 1936.12
The constitution divided the main reservation into nine districts; the small reservations at San Xavier and Gila Bend consti tuted two additional districts. Each of these districts were empowered to elect a council to provide local self-government; each district council in turn was to send two delegates to the tribal council, who should continue in office for two years or until recalled and replaced by the district c o u n c il.^-3
• As with any representative body, much of the value of the coun cil's work is dependent upon the support of the general public. The system set up by the Papago constitution is actually a structure of white concepts of majority rule and representative government super imposed upon the old system of unanimous agreement in village councils _
■^U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Papago Reorganization, U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1934.
13Ibid.
■^Notes from an interview with Thomas Segundo, Head of the Papago Tribal Council, Papago Reservation, Sells, Arizona, May 6 , 1952. lk6
Presently, on the Papa go Reservation, lav is administered by a tribal court and enforced by Indian judges whose appointment by the superintendent must be approved by the tribal c o u n c il.^-5 off the reser vation Indians are subject to state and local law. On the reservation the Indians are subject to federal law. Many difficulties which might come to court are settled within the family without recourse to law or are taken to the village court. The papa go as a group are a law abiding people and not many cases come up for trial.
The three Papa go reservations are under the jurisdiction of the
Papa go Indian Agency of the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs; headed by a superintendent and staffed by about 200 administrators, technicians, clerical and manual workers. In addition to the Admini strative Branch, the Agency is composed of three other branches: Indian
Resources and Engineering# Community Services, Health, Law and Order;
Social Service and Education. In all programs, the Agency staff works in close cooperation with the Tribal Council and it seeks to gain wide- spread public support before new developments are initiated.
One of the prime objectives of the Agency is to improve Papa go health. The birth rate on the three reservations in 19%3 was estimated at 42.3 per 1,000 population as compared with 23-9 for all United States
Indians, and 10.5 for the United States as a whole. Infant mortality is very high among the Papa go, and in 1943 there were 258 deaths per 1,000
15ibid.
^William H. Kelly, Indians of the Southwest, First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnic Research, University of Arizona Press, Tucson, Arizona, 1953, P* 30. 147 live births as against 40 per 1,000 for the country as a whole. Tuber culosis is exceedingly common and estimated as occurring at about seven times the rate of the country as a whole.^ Tracoma, nutritional diseases, and bad teeth are also health problems of grave importance.
In 1954 Sells did not have a hospital but used facilities at the Phelps
Dodge Hospital in A jo for cases from the western part of the reservation and cases from the eastern reservation go to the hospitals in Tucson.
At the present time limited hospital facilities are supplied for all reservation Indians at Sells, although more serious cases are still re ferred to the above mentioned hospitals. There is a doctor in Sells and nurses are stationed in strategic parts of the reservation. Modern medicine has not yet gained the confidence of all Papagos, but if ele mentary rules of sanitation, hygiene, and nutrition are taught with skill and patience, the Papago may be expected to adjust to these stan dards as they have to other customs of the white man.
Sister Rita Ann reports: "There ware no Indians in 'Covered
Wells' who refused the Salk Vaccine."*-®
The maintenance of law and order on the papago Reservation is under judicial authority of the tribal court, but the Indian Service employs a chief of police, two policemen, and two judges who are all
Indians. The chief difficulty has always been for the police enforce ment of the Indian liquor laws. Presently, it is in preventing
^Records of Papago Agency Office, Sells, Arizona, released to author by Enos Francisco, March, 1954.
•^Material from an interview with Sister Rita Ann, head teacher at Covered Wells Mission School, January 18, 1956. drunkenness since the papa go can legally buy liquor. The Indian police attempt to prevent trouble at the Indian rodeos, fairs, and fiestas.
The Papagos have always been too near an Illicit source of liquor in
Mexico. Although, in the past, the Indians were not permitted to buy
it, an Indian with plenty of money could usually induce a Mexican to buy
liquor for him. In regard to this problem a United States subcommittee made a survey of conditions:
The Papago Reservation adjoins the Republic of Mexico on the south for a distance of sixty-five miles, and considerable trouble is experienced from liquor being brought onto the reservation from that country. Every effort is made to cope with the situation. The international line crosses through a very rough, uninhabited country where there are no roads, and it is very difficult to en tirely eliminate smuggling of various kinds. Our agency police force is, on the other hand, very small. These officers are loyal and energetic in their work but are not sufficient in number to properly handle the situation. Three additional police privates should be added to this force
Indian judges impose jail sentences for drunkenness; and off the reser vation, state and local authorities also arrest intoxicated Indians.
This problem of drunkenness is one of prime concern to the Phelps Dodge
Company in A jo and has led to many dismissals.
John McLean, Employment Officer for the Phelps Dodge operation
in Ajo, says that it is hoped that the drinking problem is a temporary
one and the men dismissed can be reemployed. At present Ajo employe
150 men and has housing for families of 300 Indians
19u.S., Congress, Senate, Subcommittee on Indian Affairs, Report, Survey of Indian Conditions in the United States, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1931, p. 842.
^interview with John Me lean, phelps Dodge Employment Office, Phelps Dodge General Office, A jo, Arizona, October 6 , 1955. The Agency social worker performs a number of services for the papa go. Assisting Indians to off-reservation employment is of in
creasing importance. Selective Service matters for young men has been an important part of the social worker‘s task since World War II. Be
lief roles are small with the increase in Indian mine workers in A jo
since World War II. There is little juvenile delinquency, only about
twenty-five cases being handled between 19^0 and 1953
On July 13, 1911, the educational history of the Papa go gathered momentum when Father Mathias together with his provincial, the Very
Reverend Benedict Schmidt, O.F.M., called on the Bishop of Tucson and made arrangements to take over the entire Papago section of the large
Pima Reservation, with headquarters at Casa Grande. Father Mathias died
soon after, and Father Bonaventure O'Blasser took over the work in
October of 1911.2^
Father Bonaventure decided that schools were the most important
first step in Christianizing the papago. Prior to this assignment.
Father Bonaventure O ’Blasser had been two years with the Pima tribe and
during this time had diligently studied their dialects.
The papago and P ima speak almost a common language so Father
Bonaventure O ’Blasser was well prepared for his work among this more re mote group of Pimans. He did have two interpreters, however, Domingo
^Interview with Mr. Taylor, Agency Attendance Officer for Public Schools, Papago Agency, Sells, Arizona, June, 1955•
22Information secured from Father Leonard, Pastor in charge of Covered Wells, February 16, 1956. 150
Franco and Mark Manual, who aided him in understanding the more com
plicated discussions with the various village chiefs during his early work with the Papago.
A Calendar Stick that has just recently been translated records
the first exploration of the Franciscan Fathers to this area in 1907 and
the plans for establishing the early schools.
The interpretation and translation of the Papago Calendar Stick
is as follows:
1885 - Preparations were made during this year to allot lands to the people of ‘Weak* (San XavierJ, so in celebration, social dances were held at the villages of 'Bahn-Dak* and ‘Korn Vahya ’ and the following year at ‘Bahn-Dak* and 'Ahnagam'.
1B 86 - In this year allotments of land were made at ‘Weak’ (San XavierJ and the people now began a series of celebrations for the occasion.
1887 - There was an earthquake destroying much personal property. Some of the homes were destroyed and the mountains appeared to have caught on fire. Large rocks broke apart and rolled down the mountainsides making so much dust that the moun tains appeared to be smoking from fire.
1890 - Ihe Papago now began to dig their own wells, whereas before they depended on whatever sources of water they could find for survival. Now they found it necessary to dig their own wells by hand as for example here at San Lorenzo, ay home, where water was reached and became a permanent source of water for the people.
1891 - A big social gathering and dance at San Lorenzo in cele bration of the establishment of permanent water here.
1892 - Another big celebration was held here with many people par ticipating.
^Information secured from Father Bonaventure O'Blasser, St. Cath erine’s Mission, San Carlos, Arizona, November 9, 1952. 151
189^ - A ‘Vee-gee-dah* was held in this year with many people par ticipating in this ceremonial rite which is held once each four years.
1898 - Foot-race contests were held in 'Ak-Chin1 where many people gathered to witness and take part in the races. The com petition was keen and everyone had a good time.
1899 - In this year there were held at *Waak1 outstanding contests with the runners from ‘Gee-haw-Toak* competing against the athletes from 'Weak' (§an XavierJ in the shuttle relay races and the ‘Weech * with the use of the 'Shan-gee-whol1 (a wooden ball that was kicked ahead of the runner by the use of the bare toe. Oils race was usually run over miles of country3 There were other celebrations held during the year.
1902 - There was a big ’weech1 at ’Gia-Wbhl' with the 'Kokoliti ’ people competing against those people there.
1903 - Another big ’weech* took place at ’Weak’ with the Gee-haw- Toak people again competing against the 'Waak’ people.
1904 - ’Papahl' (priestaj began to appear among the people and be gan to establish missions and schools among them, the first one was built at San Solono, the next one at Tohbahwa fTopavaJ and another one at 'Ehig-muk' (ganta Rosa Village].
1905 - There was a ’weech' at 'Gee-haw-Toak* with the ’Hoo-hoo-lah' people competing. This was a big event with many people witnessing the contest.
1906 - The Federal Government *s law and supervision began to become evident about now. Chareo construction began with several of them being constructed. Notable among them was the one at ’Thonk Voh' (just east of Sells). There had been a small one there, but now a large one was constructed so that the flood waters were now unable to break the banks as they used to. Other charcoe were built over the area.
1908 - More wells were now dug, as by now the white man began to introduce the metal drilling tool and dynamite which could break through rock.
1909 - More wells were dug now over the area as the monument was now on the way and the people now wanted them. There was also a big celebration during this year. Die people made the pilgrimage to 'Mah-lee-nah1 (Magdalena, Sonora) and were not detained for long, but were permitted to come home with out any trouble. 152
1910 - Bie people all over the 1 Tonhoguvut1 put cm celebrations.
1911 - The Federal Government again making surveys and establishing lines all over our land preparatory to making allotments, but finally recalled the allotment of lands.
1912 - More chare os were built by the Federal Government. The people again put on a big •weech'.
1913 - There was another big 'weech1.
1914 - The Catholic priests built missions. They built one at San Lorenzo, one at Ahngahm jAnegamJ and all over our land.
1915 - More missions were built by the Catholic priests.
1916 - Dae Federal Government decreed that seme of our people should be made governors and appointments should be made to various positions, so that was done.24
His first experiment being successful, Father Bonaventure
O'Blasser realized that the program must be extended over the entire reservation and to do this it was necessary to rely to some extent cm native teachers. At Lourdes he was able to secure an Indian girl,
Maggie Norris, who had attended one of the off-the-reservation boarding schools. This teacher had a long association with Anglo-Americans and was well-dressed and well-mannered. This young Indian woman was very effective as a teacher and led to further experimentation in using boarding school students as teachers for the young Papa go. The school at Lourdes was housed in the first stone building built in the Papa go country.^5
24papago Calendar Stick, courtesy of Enos Francisco, Head of the Papa go Tribal Council, translated under the auspices of the Papago Tribal Council, March, 1953•
^Sister Bits Ann tells the story that Father Bonaventure O'Blasser was so busy he forgot on one occasion to take his teacher food for over two weeks. 153
In 1913 at Cowlick, nine miles below Casa Grande, another school was founded. This school is still in operation, but is now a government school. These were not boarding schools but day schools which pleased the Indians and caused attendance to be more regular than boarding schools on other reservations, where the children had to leave home for at least a week at a time.
A United States Agency school was founded at Indian Oasis or what is now Sells in 1916,2^ At this time there were only four houses in this village and most of the pupils came from other parts of the reservation. There doesn’t seem to be on record figures of either mem bership or average daily attendance. A Mr. Wilson was the teacher and though he was considered excellent and worked diligently for the im provement of the school he had difficulty with attendance due to the
Papagos1 reluctance to send their children away from home.
In 1916, another Catholic school was founded near Gila Bend. A graduate of S t . John's boarding school was the teacher and once a week the Father from San Xavier went to Gila Bend by train. This school was successful for only a short time, as the United States government founded a school in the area, and attendance was divided, making it no longer practical for the Catholic school to continue to serve the area.
Anegam was founded in 1916 also. Biis location is near Santa
Rosa, an area occupied by transient people, who go each year to work in the fields at Sacaton. Father Bonaventure 0 1Blaseer tells of forcibly
^^Report from Agency files at Sells, Arizona, secured from Louis Monical, Superintendent of Federal Schools, Papago Indian Reservation, October 5, 1954. 154 taking youngsters off the wagons of cotton planters who wished to work than for a nominal fee in their fields. These cotton farmers came some times from long distances to acquire cheap Indian labor.
Pisinimo, a school near Ajo, was founded in March of 1920.
Frank Vaequez, a native teacher, started successfully with twenty stu dents . There was also a school in A Jo just about where the pit of copper mine is today and this too was well attended by Indian pupils.
From 1922 to 1924 a school was run by native teachers under the direction of Father B o m venture 0 ’Blaseer at Covered Wells. Some of these native teachers were not Papagos but Indians of other tribes who responded to a request made to the Dean of Education at Haskell Insti tute for voluntary lay teachers. Some of these teachers were certified and paid for their work. In most of the before mentioned schools, from
1918 until about 1924 one certified teacher and (me Indian boarding school teacher worked with the Fathers in maintaining the school.
In the nineteen twenties these schools were turned over to the
Sisters of the Immaculate Heart who in turn were replaced by the Sisters of Saint Francis. The teaching was effective and more Indians were in attendance. The curriculum was very much like that of the public schools all over America in that day. One extra year in Americanization, was needed to prepare the youngsters for the classwork and catechism^ which were taught in the English language by the Sisters. Hie off- reservation secondary and pre-secondary boarding schools, which had been founded by the Government, the Catholics, and the Presbyterians, re ceived increasingly more Indians as the years went by and a larger number of students were prepared for higher levels of work in the reser 155 vation day schools.
The Presbyterians had been ten years ahead of the Catholics in arriving on the papa go Reservation, but their influence was not so strongly felt in the early days because, until the foundation of their school in San Miguel, they had sent their converts away to boarding schools in Tucson and elsewhere. The school at San Miguel ran success fully for some years and then was abandoned in the interest of the
Presbyterian boarding schools.^7
The government schools with which we will next deal were founded in the following years: Sells, 1915j Santa Rosa, 1915J Vamori,
1915i Chuichu, 1915; Poso Redondo, 1933; Kerwo, 1935; Santa Rosa Ranch,
1935; Choulic, 1935; Fresnal Canyon, 1936; Hickiwan, 1937; and Vaya
Chin, 1950.28
The following is a more concise set of reports on various problems of Anglo-American personnel from an Office Memorandum— United
States Government, August 1, 1952, from Mrs R. E. Jones to Mr.
Carson V. Ryan, Jr., Principal:
Subject: School Department
General Information:
Reservation founded by Executive order, February 1, 1917 • (papagos occupied land in the area known for generations.) Sells, as Agency Headquarters, was created immediately after the estab lishment of the reservation. Headquarters were moved from San
27]Ssquela, which is still in existence.
^Information secured from Carson Ryan, Jr., Principal of Schools on the Papa go Reservation, Sells, Arizona, January 8, 1952. 156
Xavier to Sells immediately following the Executive order.
In 1930, it was said that there were 100 children in the first five Bureau Schools of the reservation--Sells, Vaaori, and Santa Bosa, Chuichu, Kohatk.
Before government schools were established on the reservation the Papagos sent their children to the Presbyterian and Catholic schools and away to boarding schools off the reservation. As schools were established, the trend was toward day schools.
Schools were established as follows:
Sells 1915 Santa Bosa 1915 Vamori 1915 Kohatk 1915 Chuichu (under Pima jurisdiction; burned down shortly after construction) 1915 Ventana 1932 Peso Bedondo 1933 Kerwo 1935 Santa Bosa Ranch 1935 Choulic 1935 Fresnel Canyon 1936 Hickiwan Vaya Chin
In the beginning, curriculum was aimed to fit the child to make a living on the reservation. Since the long range plan, and in view of recent conditions and developments, the aim has been toward integration and assimilation with white culture and environment.
First government schools established were: Sells, Vamori, and
Kohatk, Santa Bosa and Chuichu
29lbid. 157
1927 Reported.— 1,493 children— 179 incapacitated- -1,314 eligible for school—985 pupils enrolled in schools— 329 pupils not in school.
1930 Reported— 400 in boarding school— 100 in 3 day schools, Sells, Vamori, Santa Rosa— 500 in government schools in all.
1931 A supervisor from Washington and an educational field representative reported and recommended:
400 children of school age not attending school on the •Papago— 11 Papagos were excluded from school (public) because a contract had not been negotiated with the State by Washington, D. C.
A great need for survey and study of conditions of re servation needs.
1,300 children of school age— only 450 of these have attended school at some time.
If all children attended, facilities available not adequate
English is spoken by nine out of fifty-one families of children in Santa Rosa.
Changing migratory habits of the people doubtful for off-reservation work is necessary for livelihood.
1933-1934 Superintendent reports only one building in the system , adequate for number of pupils it serves— six other schools not large enough.
1935-1936 Enrollment 105 in government boarding schools--550 in government day schools--655 total in government schools.
Superintendent reports;
1. Shortage of equipment. 2. Meager allowance to operate. 3. Transportation difficulties. 4. High incidence of disease. 5 . High incidence of malnutrition. 6 . Scattered migratory people. 7• Number of indifferent parents. 8 . Inadequate school supplies.
Special social workers appointed to check on attendance and social conditions in public schools and cotton fields. 158
1936- 1937 Superintendent reports and reco™»»«T^«:
1. High school at Sells is necessary. 2. GStree (3) cottages for teachers quarters necessary at Sells. 3 • Cooperation of Catholic and Indian Service on hoard ing school acceptance should be developed. 4. Conflict of bus routes of Catholic and Indian Ser- . vice needs adjusting. 5 . Meed a teacher with agricultural training at Sells. 6 . Traveling Indian Service supervisor needed.
1937- 1938 Superintendent reports:
1. Less than 6096 of Papa go children live near enough to schools to walk to them. 2 . poor roads cause high transportation costs. 3. Thirty-five percent of school costs go for trans portation, not including the bus drivers' salaries. 4. P.WJU helped build four permanent buildings, but five schools still in temporary quarters. 5. Supplies and equipment still inadequate. 6 . In past supplies and ice sent out twice weekly to schools— very expensive— so gas refrigerators bought and delivery cut to once weekly. 7 • Field supervisor recommends that a field worker is needed to check on school attendance in cotton fields and on reservation be appointed.
1939-1940 Trachoma eye treatment stepped up, and treatments reduce incidence greatly.
Papago health program and guide finished June 19, 1940— to be need in teaching health in the classrooms.
Library bus sent out to area reservations greatly helps supply library reading to isolated schools. Also gives moving picture show at each visit to the school.
1940-1941 Superintendent reports:
1. Buildings needed at Choulic, Chuichu, Hickiwan, Santa Bosa Ranch, and Ventana. 2. An education program for Papa go Reservation had been . developed by faculty of reservation schools. 3* H.Y.A. program being used to aid some Pa pa go stu dents . 4. An attempt to force attendance of children in cotton fields by special social worker frustrated by cotton field owners. 159
School figures: 1,586 children of school age (6-lB years)— 1,482 enrolled in school— 104 not in school.
1941-1942 Superintendent reports:
1. Tent schools at Choulic, Chuichu, Hickivan, Santa Bosa Bench. 2. Ventana school in desperate need of repair. 3. Bo Isa projects producing wheat enough for all schools. (See Choulic School) 4. Chuichu school garden producing vegetables which aid in feeding all schools. 5. Special education supervisor assigned to Pima and Papago jurisdiction. 6 . Mattress making project far adult women started by social workers for all women on the reservation.
1943-1944 December, 1942, special health supervisor pleads for: Education plan for children in the cotton fields and home economics teachers for girls in all schools (older girls).
Chicago Survey produces text which utilizes material gathered as research project cm the Papago. Very help ful material for personnel.
Special supervisor reassigned to Phoenix.
Library bus trips discontinued.
1944-1945 Special Shop Instructor assigned to Papago for winter to train teachers and work with children in the schools.
Testing program to evaluate achievement initiated by Washington.
Tribal Ordinance on compulsory education passed Jan uary 29, 1944•
1945-1946 Three light plants received and placed in outlying schools.
In August, the Principal reports:
1. Bus replacements very uncertain. 2. Bus drivers disappointed in pay raise. 3 . Two employees injured in fire at Kohatk School. 4. Kohatk School and truck destroyed in fire. 5 . Old buses beyond repair. i6o
In February, Principal reporta:
1. Three schools closed on account of lack of buses. 2. Two schools have only one bus each. 3. Only two buses of the outfit fit to use. 4. Insufficient funds--curtailment of all activities will be necessary. 5- Yentana and Queen's Well people request schools in their areas.
October, 194-5» Curriculum Revision:
1. Reservation curriculum is the result of cooperative efforts of staff, but needs revision. 2. Sells group have accomplished much in this line. 3. All curriculum has need of further revision and work, for development of common aim and direction. 4. Vocational work as being done needs more careful relationship to class work and reduced in proportion to number of pupils and time available. 5. Effort made to increase the integration of vo cational training with class work. 6 . Classroom work is on a par with public school work, also the techniques are comparable with those in the public schools. 7 . Attendance records show that parents still don't realize the necessity for regular attendance in order to progress in education. 8 . Poor attendance due to cotton field labor. 9* Beginners who speak no English when they start school lose a year--thus retardation results. 10. Since there are only three schools which have been in session thirty years, thus resulting progress is - remarkable. First, schools had to educate adults to . need for education--pioneer work was necessary.
Recommends: .
1. Keep schools in communities where children can stay heme while attending. 2. A secondary school on the reservation is necessary. 3* Instruction emphasis should be on English, reading, numbers, science, health, gardening, sewing, and cooking.
Plant needs:
1. Semi -boarding plan should be adopted at Sells and Santa Rosa Ranch. l6l
2. Equipment and supplies all inadequate except at Sells, every school needs all kinds of instructional equipment, sports goods, movies, etc.
In General:
Work on the Papago reservation is good— considerable progress has been made.
Principal comment on the above report:
It is necessary to educate parents to school attendance necessity before it will be possible to accomplish much and parents and children together will be the solution to the problem.
Special Supervisor Report:
Same person as above— checking, March, 19%6.
Reports;
1. Revision and work on curriculum as suggested has been started. 2. Club and vocational activities have been reduced in proportion to student number— and related more to classroom work. 3. A central library at Sells .has been planned and is in process. Reiterate recommendation for boarding schools set-up for Santa Rosa school.
1946-1947 In January cotton pickers return so reservation atten dance picks up.
March 5 --Five new buses arrive, but with wheel bases so long that it is very difficult to get about on reser vation roads.
January, 1947:
Principal states achievement tests as part of a yearly- pro gram among reservation schools.
1947-1948 University of Arizona Research on attendance of school children of the Ana gam Village— July, 1948.
Study made of twenty-seven families— forty-two children.
Low attendance due to:
1. Movement of people to cotton fields. 162
2. Bad health of children, particularily in fields. 3. Parents keep children home to help in the fields. 4. Conflict of attendance and religions ceremonies.
Recommends:
1. Increase tribal enforcement for attendance by:
a. Increasing the number of personnel— increased efforts of personnel. b. Cooperation of County and service personnel. c. Instituting boarding arrangement in Santa Rosa— short term boarding until parents return from off-reservation cotton fields. d. Village conferences with teachers and principal.
On Ana gam Families of Ana gam Village:
1. When at home, Ana gam attended 6 7 .6 at Santa Rosa. 2. When in cotton fields attended 39*6 at Casa Grande.
Schools on the reservation available to be used will not solve the problem— the child must desire to go to school. The child’s desires are considered even though the parents believe the school to be a good thing for the child and wants him to attend.
1949-1950 Indian Service out of Washington starts wide achieve ment testing program for all children from the fourth grade up.
Two trailer units for boarding students trough to Santa Rosa and aided greatly in stabilizing attendance in that school. (See Santa Rosa)
1950- 1951 Two more trailers installed in Santa Rosa.
1951- 1952 Building a dormitory to accomodate seventy-two pupils at Santa Rosa started.
VAMQBI SCHOOL
1915 Established— one of the first five schools established by the government for the Papagoe.
Started on semi-boarding basis, but for lack of facili ties had to be discontinued as boarding school— put on day basis--had thirty pupils.
1916 Permanent building put up— adobe classrooms, kitchen, dining room quarters, toilets (old building still in 163
uee, 1952).
1933 Closed and consolidated with Sells school, children be ing transported by bus to Sells to save costs of operating school in the remote area.
1935-1936 Abandonment of transportation to Sells being considered.
1936 Ee-opened as a separate school— to save transportation costs.
1937- 1938 Bus route to Rocky point started bringing thirteen children.
1938- 1939 Building reported needing repair— recommended that it be abandoned.
1939- 1940 One hundred percent response for hospitalization for trachoma. Epidemic of whooping cough and flu— health teaching emphasized.
1941- 1942 Health campaign and teaching brings about campaign to clean up the village.
1942- 1943 Attendance remains much the same— old building still in use.
S E U S COMMUNITY SCHOOL
1915 Established one of first five schools by the government for the Papago people.
1931-1932 Enrollment reached twenty-one pupils— children drawn from Sells village.
1933-1934 Enrollment increased to seventy-two--with the trans porting into Sells of the children from Vamora Village, Eresnal, and Topawa Village (some).
Increased enrollment meant addition of third teacher to staff. Overcrowded conditions necessitates holding one class in school kitchen. Most children in half the en rollment entered for the first time in the last three years— many between sixteen and eighteen years of age— Sells and Santa Rosa graduated five pupils from the eighth grade.
1934-1935 Traveling Home Economics teacher starts classes for Sells girls— divides time between Sells and Santa Rosa. l64
1935-1936 Bufl route extended to Rocky Point (Papago reservation).
Increased enrollment necessitated building tent school for additional space— beginners and first grade were taught in the dining room, kitchen, teacher *s quarters building. Other five grades taught in two-room tent building.
Vocational work extended by the addition of small tent house to take care of few tools and work benches— work for older boys.
Teachers assume debt of buying moving picture machine on time, holding weekly movies for the community. Tent building used for this purpose— merchandise offered as door prizes to customers. Tent flaps had to be nailed down to keep rubber neckers from peeping in. Partition removed from two classrooms to make one big room for the show. Desks turned about so the audience could use them for chairs. Confusion resulting made Monday morn ing preparations for work a time of exasperation and frustration.
1936- 1937 By this time there were six members bn the faculty.
New stone building dedicated by school P.T.A.— building contained six classrooms, a heme economics wing, an office room, store room, two lavatories, and a janitor’s room, kitchen, school shop, teachers' quarters.
Programs initiated:
Community garden, bolsa (see Choulic), older boys vo cational work with the Indian Agency blacksmith, P.T.A., and moving pictures for the community.
1937- 1938 Total enrollment increased to 182.
Modernized and enlarged shop ready for use.
poultry building constructed by older school boys— poultry flock started.
Walls for terraces around school plant finished and planted to grass.
Sells Hillside \ poultry and Bee Club organized— student organization to carry on vocational activities, bees, poultry, furniture— Home Economics teacher assigned to Sells Staff. 265
1938- 1939 Seven classrooms in use, school over-loaded— 235 pupils Adobe Home Economics cottage— two rooms constructed for Home Economics program.
1939- 1940 Home Economic teacher has summer pre-school classes.
Honey and poultry sold by school amounted to $1,745.00— 500 pounds of honey.
Much activity vith soil conservation, art, music.
1941- 1942 Band instruments purchased large music activity program.
December, school dining room remodeled.
Home Economic classes started for older boys (health practice, simple cookery, mending, machine mowing, social customs).
Woman’s Club very active.
1942- 1943 Peak of teacher-pupil activity.
Chicago University and Bureau of Indian Affairs con duct Child Study Program to discover facts concerning child growth and training among the Papagos. Result ing material beneficial for teacher and agency personnel. Teachers aid in fathering material and testing pupils.
Personnel gained much in experience as well as acquain tanceship with the people.
1943- 1944 Boise activities discontinued, and poultry club program reduced.
1944- 1945 Supervisor reports:
1. Need for boarding school facilities for isolated pupils on the reservation. 2. Above should be provided for at Sells School. 3. Progress of students in the school in every way com parable to public school pupils. 4. Any retardation is due to poor attendance.
1945- 1946 Library at Sells organized— centralized place for col lecting of information on teaching practices, Papa go information, and general reading materials.
1948-1949 Papa go Veterans’ school organized and houses in Sells building. l66
194-9-1952 Enrollment gradually building up--some attendance trouble with outlying villages.
Club activities continue community services and vo cational experience.
Moving picture shows for community continued.
1952 School kitchen remodeled and modernized.
SAN (Eft BOSA CCMMUNITT SCHOOL
1915 Established— one of first five schools built by the government for the papagoe.
1916 First permanent building erected— adobe with quarters for teachers, dining room, kitchen, and classrooms.
1926-1927 Limited boarding school to day school— pupils lived in school while parents went to cotton fields.
1929- 1930 School opened with fourteen in boarding school and the A.D.A. for that year was thirty.
1930- 1931 Enrollment increased necessitating three teachers-- eighty-two enrollment, of those, fourteen boys lived out in the village, but ate at school. (Qiirty-six girls lived at the school.
Supervisor survey and report:
On the early Santa Rosa School.
February 11, 1931:
Life on the Papa go reservation is as primitive as can be imagined. Of fifty-one families, only nine parents spoke any English.
Superintendent fUliott estimated that there were 1,300 papa go children of school age and only 450 ever attended any school. If all wished to attend, facilities would be very inadequate. Attendance was very irregular, how ever, parents were beginning to wish to send them off to boarding school. Santa Rosa isolated, poor, life primi tive, people migrating to eke out existence and for religious observances.
papagos are home five months out of the year, and at no consecutive time longer than two months. If women re mained at heme during round-up possible to have four 167 months school period. Religious observances were many.
Supervisor recommends;
Ac.kijp children to walk’to school— (me mile.
Achin children— five miles— to he transported by bus.
Kaka children twenty miles— twenty pupils available by bus.
Covered Wells children— by bus fourteen miles.
Open school in Ventana if McKinney negotiations com pleted.
Survey of number of children in the area should be made— in years since Santa Rosa school started about 191 six men teachers and three woman teachers.
Growth of this school is due to:
1. Papago desire for education. 2. Teacher activity among people in the community. 3• High morale among the personnel. 4. Hopes for improvement of the situation.
Present school very inadequate— one class being held in the school kitchen. Heeds: more beds, more adequate diet, more matrons, and housekeepers.
Recommends:
Devices to better situation;
1. If returned to day school many children would be de prived of education, and faith of the Papago would be destroyed. 2. Temporary boarding school should be used— not per manently . 3. Sleeping porches need to be built around building to accomodate three rows of beds. k. Need fifty more mattresses and beds. 5. Food allowance and menus should be improved. 6 . Children admitted should be limited to a fifty mile radius— buses used to bring those too far to walk. 7 • Plant should be enlarged to take care of 100. 8 . Classrooms for third and fourth grade students should be provided that non-reservation boarding school dropped. 9. Increased staff should be provided. 168
10. It should be made certain that parents take children back into their homes when they return from the cotton fields, also they should provide clothes for their children.
11. A pilot study is needed to decide upon educational methods to be used.
1931t 1932 One hundred and twenty-one pupils still enrolled in boarding school— first bus route started.
1933-1934 Another teacher added to staff— a traveling Home Eco nomics teacher who spent part time at Sells— second bus route added. New buildings put up of adobe brick— four classrooms at cost of $13,000 .0 0 .
1935-1936 A.D.A. 153.
Heme Economics unit added to new school, also prin cipal's living quarters (cottage).
Bad year for attendance— opened with less than fifty percent. School opens with fifty-five enrolled and only up to 130 in January.
Staff of five teachers with six grades being taught. The plan is to add a grade a year as children progress until at least Junior High attained.
Cotton field work decreases attendance greatly.
1937- 1938 School year began with fifty and ended with 130. A.D.A. of 68$ owing to cotton field work.
School operates flour mill, serving reservation in co operation with extension department.
1938- 1939 School unit included: Adobe five classroom building, principal's quarters, showers, and laundry room (house), old adobe dining room, kitchen, and teachers' quarters toilets.
1939- 1940 Home Economics end shop activities centered about how to improve home living conditions, and encourage the best use of native products.
Broken sessions introduced to try to better attendance.
School operated May thru June--Eecess thru August— September thru October 13— Becess from October 14 to December 11— December 12 thru May 24. 169
Had two eighth grade pupils— transportation cost ten gallons per day. Ground 20,000 pounds In mill (wheat), paid by toll. Community activity large P.TJU, moving pictures, evening rooms open for men and boys, and also shop for the men and a sewing room for the women. In the same year a baby clinic was started.
1940- 1941 Broken sessions continued, but not enough teachers to care for pupils.
Community programs continued.
Closed basket project (cooperative buying project, with materials and small dry goods items exchanged for basket value) because of organization of Tribal Arts Crafts board.
Night classes organized.
1941- 1942 Broken sessions continued--very poor year for atten dance.
Health conditions bad— epidemic came back with people from the cotton fields.
School encourages and sponsors cattle scales for use of the community. Installs scales thus saving people money. $290.00 collected leaving $131.00 for buying fencing.
1942- 1943 Small attendance, more cotton pickers leave the reser vation. .
Staff cut to two teachers— poorest attendance yet.
Home Economics teacher transferred.
Reprimand from Washington for poor attendance with a threat to cut appropriations for the school.
Reservation Principal reports:
School closed from September, 1942, because drouth drove people to cotton fields to survive. School will be opened in April to run thru June— Reopened in August and run thru November then closed and reopened again in February, 1944. 170
1943-1944 Supervisor visits and reports:
Over-crowded rooms— not enough teachers--disfavor of broken sessions.
1944-1945 Superintendent reports;
1. Great personnel and attendance difficulties. 2. land set aside by district council for the school.
Supervisor reports:
1. Program lacks organization. 2. lack of duties being clearly assigned to personnel. 3. Need for better staff. 4. Need for part-time boarding facilities.
1947-1948 University of Arizona Survey of school situation in Ana gam village— study of twenty-seven families in Ana gam— forty-two children. Low attendance due to:
1. Movement of people to the cotton fields. 2. Bad health is evident— particularly in the cotton fields. 3. Parents keeping children home to help in the fields. 4. Conflict of attendance and religious ceremonies.
Recommends;
1. Increase in tribal attendance enforcement. 2. Personnel increase. 3• Increase in effort and cooperation of all personnel. 4. Limited boarding arrangement at Santa Bosa--short time. 5. Village conferences with teachers and principals— when at Anagam attendance 6 7 .6--attendance at Santa Rosa— when at Casa Grande— attendance 39*6.
Schools on the reservation will not solve the problem— it is evident a child must desire to go to school. The child's desires are considered even though the parents believe school to be good.
1949-1950 Large cut in number to be sent to boarding school.
Supervisor Beatty advised request of two trailer units to be used for dormitories and one teacher to take care of increase in enrollment.
1950-1951 Trailers used to stabilize attendance. 171
1951-1952 Two more trailers added to facilities.
Attendance more regular, programs in school work and social adjustments very satisfactory.
June, 1952, new dormitory building construction started to care for:
1. Seventy-two pupils. 2. Quarters for four teachers. 3. Power house. 4. Dining room, and kitchen.
KOHATK COMMUNITY SCHOOL
1915 First school building similar to Santa Bosa— torn down by the people shortly after construction.
1917 Tent building then put up later— destroyed in summer of 1917 by high wind.
1935 People of village request another school.
1936 In January temporary building and teachers ‘ quarters built and school opened.
1936- 1937 Building reported to be inadequate for needs.
1937- 1938 New rock building constructed— consisted of one class room, dining room, kitchen, teachers * quarters, laundry, and toilets.
School personnel do much community work, people evidence much interest.
1938-1939 Planting of school garden to interest people in small gardens, teacher visits cotton fields to see how people live— large enrollment particularly of older girls. Child care classes by health nurse instituted.
1940-1941 Curriculum organized to meet changing needs of people— cotton field work, cattle sales, reservation resources-- adult work included Mother's Club, home nursing, sewing and cooking club, F.T.A., men's group.
1941-1942 Extension of community activities.
August, 1946— school burned— two employees and school and truck destroyed.
School activities in the community discontinued. 1?2
CHUICHU CCMMUKITY SCHOOL
1915 School established under Pima Agency, located at White Horse Pass— a little distance from present Chuichu, destroyed by flood.
(1913— flood inundated village of Chuichu— driving people to refuge on mountains. People of Casa Grande completely flooded--row-boats--all area between Chuichu and Casa Grande completely flooded. The old river channel changed so from then, water flowed on through Chuichu area as it still does.)
1931 Temporary building and quarters for teacher to be built for ten pupils.
1933 School administration taken over by Papa go Agency.
1936 To this point attendance very poor— one teacher on staff, thirty children enrolled— garden planted in attempt to interest people in this source of food.
1937- 1938 One hundred twenty-two children enrolled--garden for adult women planted in an attempt to interest them in planting for their families.
1938- 1939 District council sets aside land for school— only tent and a temporary building in use.
1940- 1941 School farm, was injured by flood.
Teacher reports on conditions in village and school: Much moving about by people— disinterest of people in school.
Large school garden planned.
People meet to plan cooperative ranch and farm work, and the rodeo.
1941- 1942 Canning equipment purchased and project started to pro cess produce from school garden--to be used in other schools on reservation.
1945-1946 Old teachers1 quarters were moved from Hickiwan— there is much over -crowding in .the school. An attempt is being made to care for over-flow by negotiating with Casa Grande school authorities to care for twenty-five or thirty pupils in that system. Casa Grande agreed— planned for lower grades only. 173
Supervisor's Ideas concerning future plans for Chuichu:
1. Probably to locate secoad school in this village. 2. Make provision work experience in irrigation farm ing for the students. 3* Board thirteen grade students in this school and send them to Caea Grande High School for schooling— upon graduation then provide opportunity for them to go to college.
1948 Survey for new grade school building.
1950 New school and teachers1 quarters put into use.
KERWO SCHOOL
1935 Established— January 1935:
1. Began with an adult project to persuade parents and young folks to accept school in the community. 2. Teacher lived in A jo and drove back and forth every day. 3* January, 1935# classes started in rented Ik' by Ik' Papa go house. k. Beginning enrollment thirty-three pupils— tent school built and enrollment forty-seven.
1936- 1937 Second teacher added— quarters for teachers— new well drilled and pipe line put into building. Work at A jo in creased and attendance dropped.
1937- 1938 Moved into new permanent school— stone building- -school away from the village of Kohatk because people didn't want it too close.
1939-19k0 Bus route extended thirty-five miles. Few parents speak English, but have begun to show interest in school.
Attendance poor because of epidemics (whooping cough, measles, mumps, trachoma). Trachoma treatments reduce incidence finally to two cases which were hospitalized.
Wall's Well people refuse to allow children to attend school. The papagos claim new building doesn't belong to the Indians, however, they come to do their laundry, bathe, attend shows, and entertainments, and to get water at the new school.
19k3 Attendance very poor.
19k5 Closed— no bus available. 1947-1952 Difficulty with buses.
Attendance levels off at about forty children, requiring staff of one or two teachers.
Attendance greatly affected by parents moving back and forth to Ajo to work in the mine.
SANTA ROSA RANCH COMMUNITY SCHOOL
1935-1936 Established with an enrollment of twenty-seven pupils.
School consisted to two frame building classrooms and tent house, a shop building with a dispensary, a three room frame teachers' quarters, adobe showers and a laundry.
1936- 1937 Enrollment increased to thirty-two.
1937- 1938 Enrollment started with two and increased to forty-nine when bus route extended to Sllnakya village.
1939-1940 Council sets aside land for school.
1941-1942 Enrollment increases to the extent that second teacher is added to staff.
Student club, Young Ranchers Club started. This group operated a store which sold small articles to people in the village and children in the school. The money was used by children to purchase articles for use.
1942-1943 One teacher and bus driver removed because of decrease in enrollment. The decrease was caused by demand for Indian workers in the cotton fields.
Bus route discontinued.
In December, one bus driver returned to duty, atten dance slowly increased.
1943- 1944 Attendance up to thirty-four.
1944- 1952 Attendance up to one teacher— cotton field work in terrupts school work very greatly.
Old temporary tent building still in use. 175
CHOULIC COMMUNITY SCHOOL
1935-1936 Location of school at Choulic considered, contingent upon finding water— a well was developed--so plans for school went forward.
1936-1937 School established— building consisted of:
1. Two-room frame tent building. 2. Old shop and school building from Sells School. 3. Teachers' quarters, lavatory, storage room. 4. Enrollment, sixteen pupils.
1938-1939 Adult night classes instituted— three times weekly for two hours each night. The adult attendance began with eith and increased to sixteen.
1940-19%! Bo lea project produces thirty sacks of wheat, 900 pounds of beans, 100 pounds of green squash.
Bo Isa farming a method of using flash flood water caught in a large basin where it spreads out and sinks into the ground. After and during rainy season this basin is planted to utilize stored water.
194l-19%2 This year held steadily an enrollment of fourteen and the school was painted and remodeled. Bo lea produces: 1,000 pounds of beans, twenty-five to thirty sacks of wheat.
The health and sanitation program has progressed until the school is completely free of trachoma infection.
19%% December, 1944:
The school was closed because attendance was so small didn't warrant cost of operation— the children were transported to Sells each day.
ERESNAL CANYON COMMUNITY SCHOOL
1932-1936 Children transported to Sells school in order to get them in attendance somewhere.
1936-1937 School established in old Department of Agriculture experimental buildings. The school was opened in order to do away with long bus route to Sells and to save transportation costs. School attendance was small only fourteen--a11 from nearby families.
1937-1938 Enrollment fourteen— A .D .A. thirteen 176
1938- 1939 School maintains status quo— no increase.
1939- 1940 Census showed twenty children in district— all hut one in school somewhere. Health teaching emphasized in cur riculum. Garden ruined because of drouth.
1940- 1941 Community health club for women organized. Public health nurse visits and instructs— new piano bought for school.
1941- 194? Attendance low— no increase anticipated— coat rise. School closed in 1947--children in the area attend Sells School or boarding school in Phoenix.
y m m u A c o m m u n i t y s c h o o l
1932-1933 Established in old McKinney Banch buildings— old houses used as schoolrooms, teachers' quarters, dining room, kitchen. Extremely old buildings and two teachers on the staff.
1934 Enrollment: increased to fifty.
1935- 1936 Enrollment dwindles due to cotton field work— staff re duced to one teacher— buildings reported very bad.
1936- 1937 A schoolroom built from some old buildings and a few new materials. Grades taught m e thru four. The age group, ranged from six to eighteen. Total fifty-two pupils.
1937- 1938 Attendance drops again because people migrate to cotton fields. Buildings again reported in very bad con dition.
1938- 1939 Enrollment fifty-two, A.D.A. twenty-eight -
1939- 1940 Buildings bad, new toilet needed. Garden dies from drouth— educational program initiated for pre-school children and adults— bus used eighteen barrels of gas, traveled 5»891 miles during the year. Teacher reports chief problems of the area consist of lack of food, clothing, and building inadequacies.
1944 High wind wrecked classroom structure which was replaced by another temporary building.
1945-1946 School closed and children transported to Vaya chin and Hickiwan school contemplated. V
177
POSO EEDCTTOO CCMMUNHT SCHOOL
1933 Eatabliehed in Peso Bedondo village because of availa bility of water. Started as semi-boarding with seme of the people in the village taking pupils to sleep and feed at government expense.
Discontinued for lack of facilities in 1935•
1936-1937 School serves community of twenty families— bus route twenty-five miles— people camp near well and school during dry season— people move away to Hickivan village because of village disturbance— school moves to Hickivan.
HICHWAN COMMUNITY SCHOOL
1937-1938 Poso Bedondo school moved to Hickivan village. En rollment begins with twenty-seven--increasing to eighty- one. This was considered low as many people were working in cotton fields. April, 1938, setting aside land for school was discussed. One leader wrote a letter to the reservation principal agreeing to locating school across the wash in order to have it away from the corral dust. Building was temporary frame and tent structure. People reported by teacher as industrious, self-supporting, and independent though very primitive.
1938-1939 The school staff was increased to two— and the frame structure was still used for classroom and quarters.
19%3 Attendance drops because of cotton field work.
1944 November of this year saw almost all children in the area in attendance because of urging and influence of famous old leader; Piamatchita.
1945 Hickivan burns — faulty stove flue. Meetings held in February to relocate school at South Wells, Taya Chin in order to have a more abundant water supply and to centralize the school for availability to pupils. School land was set aside March, 1945 • Washington t allocated money for a new school building and moving of the old frame, living quarters to a new location. No dormitory was planned. Construction started in August at Taya Chin.
TAYA CHIN
1950 New building sufficiently completed to be used. These were framed earth construction, two classrooms, kitchen. 178
dining room, and a permanent building consisting of quarters for two teachers.
1951-1952 Enrollment was high and the work was continued on build ings. The dining room and kitchen were turned into another classroom and new kitchen dining room built. The new teacher lived in temporary frame structure moved from Hickiwan. The moving of trailer units from Santa Rosa school when the new dormitory completed— Vaya Chin was planned to provide facilities to care for children whose parents go off to cotton fields for work .3°
The enrollment figures of government schools on the Papago
Reservation indicate less growth than actually is occurring. The young sters are going through school at present with normal grade level progress. Also the mine in A jo employes from 150 to 250 Papagos, and
their children attend the Ajo public schools.
Santa Rosa day and boarding school was founded to keep reser vation children in school while their parents left the reservation to work in the cotton fields twice a year. The youngsters are housed and
fed while their parents are away. This school has four teachers and a
teaching principal. Santa Rosa is the only school except Sells that at
present offers work in all elementary grades, first through eighth.
Vamori school was closed in the spring of 1953 due to lack of
enrollment. In this school the average daily attendance was 918 for the
years 1952 through 1956. One bud was added and the youngsters were
transported to Sells when it was no longer feasible to keep Vamori
school open.
3°Report obtained from Mr. Carson Ryan, Jr., Superintendent of Education, Papago Reservation, Sells, Arizona, March 14, 1953. 179
D m Sells consolidated school is one of the most interesting of recent experiments. The white employees were afraid their youngsters were not getting as many advantages as the Indian school pupils. They had only one teacher in the Pima county public school provided for them.
In the Indian school at Sells at this time, there were five teachers.
The question arose about consolidating the two schools and thus pro viding six teachers and an adequate plant. Mrs. Reese, Pima County
School Superintendent, and Myron H a l b e r t , A r i z o n a State Department of
Education consultant, were called in for discussion. The Agency administrators planned to start the consolidated school in September,
1953# but Mr. Holdert, then State Director of Indian Education, said,
"Why not now?" So an informal agreement was reached and the consoli dation occurred.
Die Indian school principal was appointed administrative head of the school and delegated to keep records for the public school board and act as their principal as well. Die reservation principal,
M r . Fred A Dimler, has a very involved task concerning the financing of this consolidated school. Die budget for the public school district is kept separate from the budget of the Bureau school. The funds of these budgets, however, are spent to facilitate instruction in one school for both Bureau and public school children. This consolidated school at
Sells offers work through the ninth grade level. In 19^4 and 1955# there were sixteen in ninth grade attendance; in 1955 and 1956, there were
^Predecessor of Mr. Delbert Jerome. iso nine; and about twenty students are expected in the ninth grade in the school year of 1956 and 1957*^2
The curriculum of the one year secondary school was based on the course of study in the Tucson high school. The entire ninth grade
is a public school as the Bureau does not organize high schools, but draws funds under the Johnson-0 'Malley Act, which provides money for secondary education.33
The school draws federal funds on civil service employees1 children. In order to secure these funds Mr. Dialer, the Sells pinci- pal, must make a re-survey of enrollment each semester.
The following are the figures submitted on Papa go school en rollments from 1952 to 1956:
Information obtained in interview with Louis Monical, Superin tendent of Federal Schools, Papago Indian Reservation, February 2, 1955•
33ihe only other school consolidation of this kind on an Indian reservation is at Kearns Canyon Boarding School. in general, the plan of the previously organized Sells School was used. iBl
PAPAGO IKDIAH AGUfCY
From Annual School Attendance Beport 1952-1956
Enrollments
1952-53 1953-54 1954-55 Sells 172 124 Federal 132 Federal 64 State 70 State I9& Total 202 Total
Santa Rosa Day and Boarding 140 145 130
Santa Rosa Ranch 40 ' 32 34
Chuichu 66 72 82
Kerwo 73 66 55
Vaya Chin 114 102 105
Vamori 12 Closed Spring 1953 34
The Papa go Agency has a special program for retarded students who are three or more years behind their grade level. Sherman Insti- tue, in Pasadena, California, takes the "Special Program" students from the Papa go Reservation. The program offered the "Special” students em phasizes vocational, linguistic, and sociological skills and attitudes and offers vocational training geared to prepare them for entering the world-of-work both on the reservation and in outside industrial and agricultural communities. The "Special Programs" seem to be working
3%onical, op. cit., February 12, 1956. 182 very effectively. Counseling and follow-up work aids the Indian in making a permanent, satisfactory adjustment to off-reservation economic and social life. The lack of a steady income has long been one of the strongest reasons for the reservation lag.
A new experiment in adult education on the Papa go Reservation is in its infancy and according to Mr. Monical, it is proving of great value. The Sells Agency is the only adult educational experimental reservation in Arizona, there being five agencies involved in the ex periment over the entire nation. The adult school is to be a traveling school. The station wagon which the teacher uses is equipped with books, blackboards, pencils, paper, and various visual aids. A e teacher will visit each village and make arrangements for a building to be used for adult classes. The interests and needs of the adults will indicate what is to be taught. In some cases it will be to read and write the English language. If a more advanced class is organized the teacher will offer academic, vocational, and agricultural instruction at the level desired.
The older people on the reservation have requested instruction in politics and the voting procedure. The secret ballot has been used for seme time in tribal council and other elections, but a color has been used for Mich candidate and the older Indians wish to read so they can use the regular ballot. There will be no set number of students required to start a class in any locality* The idea is based on the policy that sent the day school to the youngsters, at the beginning of this century, rather than sending the children away to boarding school as had been done in the nineteenth century. Die traveling school is to 183 be sent to the adults and the curriculum is to be based on their
immediate needs. On occasion film strips and special programs will be shown at Sells and other older Indians will be transported to Sells.
The adult education experiment will be run for fifteen months, with no break for summer vacation. Only those who are "out of school" or have never been to school can participate. Chidren, now in attendance at schools provided for them, cannot take part.35
Many of the Papa go youngsters go on to higher education after their graduation from off-reservation secondary schools. There are fifteen youngsters from the Papago Reservation in colleges and univer sities , and three girls in nurses' training at St. Mary's Hospital in
Tucson. Each year there is marked increase in the number of Papago young people entering all types of institutions of higher learning. In
1956 and 1957, twenty-eight Papa go students were in off-reservation
colleges and universities. One was at the University of Chicago; three at the University of California, in Berkeley, California; one at the
University of Oklahoma, in Norman, Oklahoma; seven in Phoenix College,
Phoenix, Arizona; two attending Northeastern Arizona Junior College,
Thatcher, Arizona; one at Morningside College, Sioux City, Iowa; two are
enrolled in the University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona; two in Palo
Verde Junior College, Blythe, California; (me in San Diego State College,
San Diego, California; two at New Mexico A and M, Lae Cruces, New
Mexico; one at New Mexico State Teacher's College, Silver City, New
35m t . Louis Monical, Superintendent of Federal Schools, Papa go Indian Reservation, interview February 7, 1956. Mexico; and one at the University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Nebraska.^
There are eleven Papa go girls in all attending nurses1 training
institutions (1958). St. Mary's in Tucson has three; Good Samaritan,
Phoenix, Arizona, has two; Memorial Hospital in Phoenix has four; and
Saint Joseph's Hospital in Phoenix has two. No exact count of young
Papa go men taking post high school vocational training was kept at the
Sells' Office of the Papa go Agency, and no record of girls taking beautician and other semi-professional post high school courses was kept.
Without question more rapid progress is needed than has yet been evident in the over-all papa go educational program, but consider
ing the many faceted problem, it is amazing how much has been accomplished. The most encouraging factor is the pronounced accel
eration of the total program since the end of World War II. No single
individual or specific agency appears to be responsible for the im proved educational conditions, but a policy of cooperation among all
agencies and individuals is obviously responsible. CHAPTER H
THE BISTORT OF BOARDING SCHOOIS ATTENDED
BY PIMA AND PAPAGO STUDENTS CHAPTER IX
THE HISTORY 07 BOARD IMG SCHOOLS ATTENDED
BY PIMA AMD PAPAGO STUDENTS
Until the Pima and Papa go tribes came under the auspices of the
United States Government, Indian education was carred on almost en tirely by missionary groups. In 1819> Congress appropriated the sum of
$10,000 annually for Indian industrial and academic education, but no federal administrative machinery existed for either founding or super vising Indian schools so the money was paid to missionary organizations.
The old Spanish mission schools could scarcely he regarded as boarding schools as they were located in the midst of clusters of Indian dwellings. The neophytes were sometimes kept in the Spanish mission com pounds. Education for both sexes in boarding schools was an innovation in United States Indian Educational Policy. The off-reservation board ing school pattern for Indian schools was established by Captain
B. H. Pratt, who opened Carlisle in 1879. Pratt's work had impressed both the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Interior. These two officials used their influence in helping him secure the buildings of an old military post located in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, for use as an Indian school. The school grew by leaps and bounds. For many years Carlisle had
186 187
approximately a thousand students enrolled. ^ A few Papago and Pima
attended, but fram the southwestern area the Sqpi, Apache, and Navajo were more frequently in attendance. The importance of Carlisle was that it set the pattern for schools that were to follow. Captain Pratt was a military man first, last and always, and super imposed his rigid training on all subsequent boarding school planning. He felt the off-reservation boarding school would, remove the Indians from their primitive environ ment and accelerate their acculturation.
As an Indian education administrator Captain Pratt followed his own slogan which was: "To civilize the Indian, put him in the midst of civilization and keep him there." Captain Pratt, to instrument bis theory, devised the so-called "outing system" which received the commen dation of Commissioner Leupp, and other Indian Bureau officials. Biis was simply placing the students with white families during the summer vacation instead of allowing them to return to their homes on the reser vations . .
The purpose of this vacation work severed the Indian from any reservation or tribal contact for a period of years. Oliver LaFarge in a chapter entitled "Higher Education", tells of a Navajo girl who re turned to her parents after six years of attending off-reservation boarding schools.
Wind Singer stopped a few yards from his daughter, and her mother went on alone. The girl stood still, her head hanging. The old woman moved slowly and we could see that her half-
^Carlisle was closed in 1918 and converted into a Rehabilitation Center for World War I veterans. 188
outstretched hands were trembling. Now they were close to each other, and Wind Singer's wife was touching her shoulder. There was an agony of longing in her face. She said something and the girl's head bowed yet lower . . . She touched the girl's face lightly, fleetingly with her hands, and the girl shrank.
Of course, the picture just drawn is a dark one, and many young Indians did not return disillusioned to the lands of their birth, but made good non-reeervation adjustments.
Boarding schools sprang up all over the southwest on the gen eral pattern of Carlisle. There was Fisk Institute at Albuquerque, New
Mexico, first opened as a church institution and in 1884, was turned over to the Federal Government. In 1890, boarding schools were opened at Santa Fe, Fort Mojave, in Arizona, and Carson School in Carson City*
Nevada. Phoenix Indian School opened in 1891. In 1892, Perris School at Perris, California, was founded. Sherman Institute near Riverside,
California, was opened in 1902 to replace Perris Indian School. In
1884, Haskell Institute opened in Laurence, Kansas, and Chilocco Indian
School was founded at Chilocco, Oklahoma.3
The report of T. J. Morgan, the Superintendent of Indian Schools for 1892, gives the following Pima, Papago, and Maricopa Indians attend ing United States Indian Bureau and Presbyterian boarding schools in
1892:
^Gren Arnold, Boundup, Banks Upshaw & Co., Dallas, Texas, 1937, p. 109.
3u.S., Congress, Senate, Subcommittee on Indian Affairs, Report, Survey of Indian Conditions in the United States, United States Govern ment Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1931* p. 8055. 189
Pima Government School in Sacaton has an enrollment of 142, Tucson Presbyterial has 171 in attendance, and Phoenix Indian School 48. In schools outside Arizona, Albuquerque Government School has 1 0 % Genoa, Nebraska, has, 19 and there are quite a number in Catholic boarding schools.
The non-reservation boarding schools above mentioned received students from any tribe or agency as long as space was available. Each school was an independent jurisdiction, not under the control of any agency, but reporting directly to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.
Funds for the operation of each were provided by Congress, usually as a separate item in the Indian Capital Appropriation Act budget. All youngsters residing outside the states in which the institutions were located had to have the written consent of their parents. Carlisle was always an elementary school, but the others after first receiving pupils of all grades, later limited their enrollment to the sixth grade or above. After a time most of them offered some high school work, and
later a full four year secondary program was enriched with extensive vocational preparation.
The present program of the Phoenix Indian School not only does a fine job of preparing the students academically for further education or trade education but places the individual in institutions of higher
learning or in jobs whenever possible. It also conducts a consistent
follow-up that, in moat cases, makes for well-adjusted off-reservation
living.
^Whittemore, Isaac T., Among the pimas or the Mission to the pimas and Maricopa Indians, printed for "The Ladies1 Union Mission School Association," Albany Press, Albany, New York, 1893, p. 111. 190
The methods employed in the peat were essentially the same in all boarding schools whether they were located on or off the reser vation. Mr. A. E. (Bert) Robinson, long time employee and supervisor of many projects on the Pima Reservation, says they all lived by the bugle call.
During the late nineteenth century Indian boarding schools, all over United States, were established so rapidly that great difficulty was experienced in filling them. Parents were reluctant to send their children away and children were unwilling to leave the freedom of re servation life for rigid regimentation. Frequently it was difficult to keep the school in operation because money was allotted on the basis of pupils in attendance. In 1892, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs was authorized to enforce regulations to secure the attendance of Indian children of suitable age. The next year to aid in enforcement of com pulsory attendance rations were withheld from families who refused to send their children to school. According to personnel, who worked for the Indian Bureau at the time and later, this attempt at coercion was partially ineffective. It was easy to pose compulsory attendance laws, but enforcing them in the southwest was very difficult. A number of tribes such as the Papa go and Navajo were receiving such a small amount of rations, there were really none to withhold. Attempts were made to keep the children in school by locking the run-aways up when they were caught, but this too was rather ineffective. Sever end Upplegger, the elder, tells of his experiences at San Carlos on the Apache Reservation in 1918 s MA sort of jail was built at San Carlos to keep the wandering boy students from returning to their homes, but they dug their way out, 191 and returned to their homes even in the most remote areas of the reservation.
The youngsters and parents who agreed that school was good, and consented to ccaae often didn’t appear until later in the school year.
The enrollment always showed a marked jump in the month of November.
After 1920, enrollment conditions Improved and have been constantly on the up-grade.
The curriculum of boarding schools was rigidly divided into one- half day of vocational work and one-half day of academic instructions.
The large schools provided the students with recreation and entertain ment. The Phoenix Indian School band for example, has long been a joy to students and audiences alike. All types of sports were offered.
Practicing for athletic and musical events gave welcome relief frost the routine vocational and academic work.
The uniformity of dress in boarding schools was a trial to the girls. Mrs. A. E. (Bert) Robinson, formerly of the Pima Reservation, tells how both she and the girls enjoyed making the girls' uniforms fit.
They had little selection of government issue material at the Sacaton schools, but they were able to secure different patterns from teachers and friends and although the blue checked gingham was all the same, the style of each dress was different.
The mission schools of the various denominations were often sub sidized by federal government funds. In about 1870, the practice of
^Personal interview with Reverend Dr. Dpplegger, Lutheran Minister, San Carlos, Arizona, February 10, 1955. 192 making formal contracts with these schools was begun. There were a number of mission schools in the southwest, however, that were not on a contract basis. In 1901, these formal contracts ceased but in 1905 the
Indians were permitted to subsidise chosen schools with tribal funds.
Public schools also could receive funds for educating Indian children, but until recently, few reservation Indians in the southwest attended public schools.^
Four examples of boarding schools enrolling Papa go and Pima students will be discussed in detail, to serve as examples of four types: the Phoenix Indian School serving to exemplify a federal off- reservation boarding school, the Pima on-reservation boarding school at Sacaton, St. John's Catholic Boarding School located near Laveen,
Arizona, and Esquela, the Presbyterian boarding school in Tucson.
Phoenix Indian School was founded in 1891# but actually was only operated on a minimum scale until the plant was in functional con dition in 1892. Phoenix Indian School has always been an independent jurisdiction. The plant is operated on a property bounded on the south by Indian School Boad, on the north by the Grand Canal, and on the east by Seventh street, and on the west by Central Avenue. The plot has be come somewhat smaller recently due to the construction of a large veteran's hospital with employee housing, and the Phoenix Central High
School on the Indian School property.
^Edward Everett Dale, The Indians of the Southwest, University of Oklahoma Press, Herman, Oklahoma, 19^-9, P P • 24-27• " 193
In the early days the pattern of operation for the Phoenix
Indian School was much the same as that established by Captain Pratt at
Carlisle. Every activity was under military discipline. The youngsters were marched from class to class and to and from field and shop. Extra
curricular activities were introduced almost immediately to offer suit able amusement for the youngsters. Placement was made for week-end jobs
for those who knew some English. The girls were able to secure part-
time domestic jobs under the supervision of the local field matron. The boys mowed lawns, planted gardens, and worked at unskilled labor.
The growth of enrollment was constant with a slight drop-off after day schools became prevalent on all reservations. When the day
schools began, the early training offered by government boarding schools was curtailed and emphasis was placed upon upper elementary and secon
dary training.
Mr. Brown, Superintendent of the Phoenix Indian School for many years, describes the transition to the Subcommittee on Indian Affairs of
the United States Senate in 1931:
In answer to your questions. Senator Frazier, I have been Super intendent for phoenix Indian School for sixteen years. We have 900 enrolled for next year, at one time we bad 975 pupils enrolled. At present they are placed in grades fourth through twelfth inclusive. For the first four years of my administration we had from first through eighth only. In 1916 we added two grades, making it from the first through the tenth. Then about five years ago we dropped the first three grades and added the two upper high school grades. Since the opening of so many reservation day schools the first three grades are offered on most reservations.'
^U.S., Congress, Senate, Subcommittee on Indian Affairs, Report, Survey of Indian Conditions in the United States, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1931, p. 8058. 19*
At the time of the Senatorial Subcommittee Report, the Phoenix
Indian School had under its control 188 acres at the school proper and
80 acres at the Indian Sanitarium located on Indian School Bead and
Sixteenth Street. SQaey raised all the garden produce used at the school and managed a large dairy herd. They had 115 milk cows that were pro ducing 200 gallons of milk per day. All the milk and butter produced was consumed. Senator Wheeler became somewhat concerned when Mr. Brown told him it cost $295 per pupil in addition to the farm and dairy pro ducts . Mr. Brown explained that the Indian school was attempting to give the students academic training similar to that offered in the public schools, and an extensive industrial program in addition. The industrial areas emphasized were carpentry, painting, plumbing, steam engineering, electric wiring, shoe and harness making, printing, black- smithing, and auto mechanics.
The academic subjects were well taught, but the Indian youngsters on the whole were not preparing for college training. The vocational subjects were emphasized and seemed always to have stimulated greater interest. Senator Wheeler, during the Subcommittee hearings in 1931, was concerned as to why boys so carefully trained rarely took permanent places in the local-industries. Mr. Brown emphasized the need of a placement officer, explaining the lack of confidence of most of the young Indians in seeking and remaining on jobs. Die youngs ter a at this time started the one-half day pre-vocational training at the sixth grade level and the last three years of training from grades ten through twelve were spent in direct training for a specific trade. 195
Dr. Carson Ryan, Sr., pointed out some significant needs to the
Subcommittee that have proved of lasting interest and value.
Perhaps I ought to say a word. There are s m e specific needs apparent in our present program. The thing Mr. Brown is asking for and going to get is a definite placement person, a person who makes the employment contact. However, the school should have much more than that. As a matter of fact, the 1932 budget includes a position for a head of the vocational guidance department. It is this head of the vocational guidance department for whom the tech nical requirements are set up. Hie job is to study this whole school population, and then we will know what these children are, what their next stop ought to be, how many of them ought to go out, and get certain kinds of jobs and so forth. It is for him to find out from the placement outside what kind of occupations there are for which training can be given. That kind of a man ought to be a man who can head a real department. We are putting in these larger schools such heads, a head of the industrial training de partment, a head of the agricultural training department, and a head of the economic department, and a head of the vocational guidance department. The vocational guidance man is supposed to coordinate these activities, but as Mr. Brown says, there has to be a practical man on the outside who makes the actual employment contacts. Both of those are set up for next year . . .
May I add one more word because it is fundamental to the whole thing? These schools have had for years seme pretty good practical people on the job. The weakness is, there has not been anyone to organize their activity as practical workmen . . . That is why they do not know where their people are. These schools are not the best schools from our point of view; they do not know where their grad uates are; they have no record, as no one has been assigned to that job, which is the essential job if they are going to realize their program.8
The depression years from 1932 until 1939 were poor years for
Indian placement in vocational work. Only about one-eighth of the stu dent body was placed in jobs reliable enough to maintain them permanently in off-reservation life. Since 19W, the number making permanent place ments has increased rapidly. The increase in permanent job and off- reservation home placement has been due to the sociological and
8Ibid., p. 8067. 196 vocational program instituted by the Phoenix Indian School and to an increased demand for semi-skilled labor.
During the war years the Indian males joined the armed services in great numbers. The war records of these boys reflect glory on their fine training in all areas of instruction. Their bravery and ingenuity are a credit to the American Indians as a group. The oft-told tale of the Navajo boys who used their own language to send messages in a code which the German Intelligence found impossible to penetrate. Is only one example. Fortitude on the march and patience in nerve wracking situations made them invaluable in all war theaters.
The War, tragic as it was, aided the sociological and economic adjustment of the returning Indian veteran. He had seen life as it exists in the outside world. He had been accepted as a soldier and a person. The idea of being an Indian was not the foremost consideration.
Oils had a very healthy effect upon the Indian youth. Few of the young men, who returned from the services, were content to return to the blanket, but sought jobs and higher education in the off-reservation world.
Phoenix Indian School recognized the effects produced by the influence of the veterans of their reservation associates and enlarged and modernized their program to meet the needs, not only of the return ing soldiers, but Indian young people as a whole.
The Navajo problem was so tremendous that as a result the
Navajo "Special program" was instituted. Die Navajo older youngsters who cannot read and write are accepted for academic and vocational in struction in an accelerated program geared to make them vocationally 197
Independent in from three to five years. Students from other reser vations including the Pima and Papago were provided with similar special accelerated programs. The Pima attended Phoenix Indian School almost exclusively, but the Papago for the most part attended Sherman Institute in Biverside, California. This division is not accidental, but when the so-called "Special Programs” were put into force different reservation youngsters were assigned to various institutions.
The "Special Program" based on carefully organized vocational guidance have experienced an unusual measure of success in Indian accul turation and permanent off-reservation vocational placement.
The results of the Navajo "Special Program" shews promise of gratification, but movement in the program is slower due to the primi tive background of the students involved.
, The Pima on-reservation boarding school at Sacaton serves as a good example of a full-fledged boarding school located on tribal land amidst one tribe of Indians. The Pima boarding school at Sacaton was established in lS8l. The boarding school opened with few pupils, but the ground work laid by Reverend Cook in the original schools was firm, and progress was continuous. In 1892, the Pima Government School had a steady enrollment of l42 pupils according to the superintendent's official report.
The Pima Reservation boarding school was under the control of the Pima Agency. A principal administered the school and was respon sible to the agent. Funds came from the Appropriation Act and in the case of the Pima boarding school, the Board of Home Missions of the
Presbyterian Church. 198
In the early years of Cook's schools he had used the Pima and
Maricopa language in teaching hie Indians religion and English, but the
United States Government preferred the English language be used exclu sively.
The methods of operation were essentially the same in all board ing schools whether off-reservation or on-reservation. All were organized on the military basis recommended by Captain Pratt. Die pupils were dressed in uniforms and placed in pin toons and companies under the command of student officers appointed by the principal or superintendent. The children devoted one-half of the day to academic school work and the other half to so-called vocational training. In the early boarding schools this vocational training was manual, furnishing productive labor to sustain the school operation. The girls washed dishes, scrubbed floors, and ironed. Die boys worked in the fields, gardens, shoe repair shops, and kept up the school grounds.
Mr. A. E. (Bert) Robinson, former superintendent of the Pima
Agency states:
In 1921, we had three buildings at Sacaton. A two story mess hall with housing for employees on the first floor, the hospital and the school. The school housed the youngsters and there were school rooms for six grades.
In 1921, there ware around 350 students. These students un fortunately in some cases had to be brought to school forcibly. If they ran away Indian policemen selected for the job brought them back.
In 1921, the average age of upper grade boys was nineteen years. Many Indian women hoping to avoid sending their youngsters to school nursed six year olds.
The Pimas often said they just wanted to be Indians and not march around all the time. Die military methodology was over 199
emphasized. The youngsters were even marched to church.9
In 1931, when Principal Frank M. Smith, of the Pima Boarding
School, made his report to the Senate Subcommittee on Indian Affairs, conditions had somewhat changed. He makes no mention of rigid military regimentation. The number of students enrolled were fewer,.but the establishment of day schools scattered over the reservation explained the enrollment drop. There was a large day school at Maricopa located forty-five miles northwest of Sacaton and another at Gila Crossing about thirty miles northwest of Sacaton.
Mr. Smith’s report to the Subcommittee is comprehensive and worthy of detailed treatment: ,
The Pima Boarding School has a capacity of 200. This is based on regulations which require that each pupil shall have $00 cubic feet of air space and 12 square feet of dining room space. Also schoolroom air space of not less than 212 cubic feet per pupil.
Since this climate permits the use of sleeping porches during all of the year, we may exceed the number as based on those regu lations without imperiling the health of our pupils. Therefore, this number is slightly exceeded in the Pima Boarding School. We have an attendance this year of 237. We have ample schoolroom space here as well as in each of our day schools.
There may be Indian reservations from which it is beet to send pupils to non-reservation schools. I have never been of the opinion that it is best to semi pupils from this reservation to non-reservation schools. Very few of our pupils have reached attainment much beyond the eighth grade and the work up to and in cluding the eighth grade could well be carried on hare, or in the good public schools in close proximity to the reservation. Should any of our pupils choose to go through high school they could do so from here the same as our own children do. I have a boy just finishing high school and he and other children from Sacaton make the trip daily to and from Casa Grande without much inconvenience.
^A. B. (Bert) Bobinson, former Superintendent of the Pima Beser vation, Sacaton, Arizona, in an interview on February 4, 1955. 200
We have six very good reservation day schools. These are carried on much the same as the county public schools off the re servation. The attendance in these schools is usually good. I have returned from a day school having an enrollment of twenty- seven, and all were present and were doing good work. This is generally the case where we have good teachers. Our present teaching personnel is much superior to that of previous years.
We have a number of Indian pupils in the public schools at Coolidge, Casa Grande, Phoenix. These are a little behind the white children of their grades in those schools. This is due in part at least to their lack of knowledge of English. .
Just last week I visited two public schools which were attended by seme of our Indian children and found these children doing reasonably well, but by no means outstanding work. We have at present seventy-eight Indian children attending public schools.
I am frankly not in sympathy with the government school where its use can be avoided. I am more than out of sympathy with dormitory life as carried on in most boarding schools. Biat is why three years ago, I recommended the establishment of con solidated day schools. I acceded readily to the idea of sending pupils to public schools, wherever possible, for this would be another step toward eliminating the boarding schools, and would give our pupils their own home life and also make their parents more responsible for their care. Furthermore, attendance at public schools would place them in an environment which would enable them to perfect their English and to become familiar with every-day life among the white people, with whom they will eventually have to compete while earning their livings.
The following is a list of the various schools attended by children under the Pima jurisdiction in 1931: 201
Pima Boarding School 237 Reservation Day Schools 129 Church Day Schools 84 St. John's Mission School 109 Phoenix Indian School 231 Sherman Institute 29 Haskell Institute 11 Esquela 92 Turns 1 Mojave 1 East Farm 10 Public Schools 78
Children under 6 and over 19 91 Children attending school who are of school age 921
Total 2,024
Children who are of school age, but not in school
The Pima on-reservation boarding school was successfully
operated from 1881 to 1928, when it began the process of closing.
When the Pima boarding school opened, the first problem faced
was securing sufficient attendance. In many cases children did not
wish to attend and their parents did not wish them to leave home. The
next problem was quite different also very surprising; the parents were
too willing to turn over the entire responsibility of child raising to
the churches and the Federal Government. In connection with the pro
blem Mr. Robinson told of founding local Indian school boards, and
developing Pima P.T.A. groups to re-educate the parents to their respon
sibility for their own off-spring. The Government had done rather too
.8 ., Congress, Senate, Subcommittee on Indian Affairs, Report, Survey of Indian Conditions in the United States, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1931, p p . 8069-7 0 .
. 202 good a job of feeding and clothing the boarding school children and the parents were most reluctant to assume responsibility for children when day schools were emphasized in 1928.
For a long time the Pima Boarding School offered only grade one through six, then late in the boarding school era grades seven and eight were offered. The youngsters could choose any off-reservation boarding school until after 1928. When zone areas were established, all
Pima s going to off-reservation federal high schools, had to attend
Phoenix Indian School. The Catholic youngsters were permitted to go on to St. John's and the Presbyterians to Eaquela in Tucson.
Mr. Kneale, who was superintendent of the Gila River (Pima)
Reservation from 1930 until 1935; was amazed on assuming hie duties, that the use of an interpreter was not necessary.
It has been my custom, when speaking to a group of Indians to use an interpreter. Here, no interpreter was provided. Turning to the chairman, I inquired, 'Do these people all understand English or should an interpreter be used? 1 With a trace of a smile, the chairman replied, 'Well, suppose you ask them.'
It seemed rather unusual but, in as much as it bad been sug gested, I turned to the audience and said, 'Heretofore, I have always found it necessary to use an interpreter when addressing a group of Indians. I have a suspicion that this audience is dif ferent, so the matter of an interpreter is up to you.'
This brought a general smile and one elderly gentleman, getting to his feet, replied, 'I guess, Mr. Kneale, I am the only person in the room who has never been to school. But don't let that bother you for I think I will have no difficulty in getting your meaning. Just go ahead.'
Thereupon an old lady arose and countered, 'Mr. Pablo needn't think he is the only person here that never enjoyed the privileges of an education, for I never attended school for a single day. But I understand English pretty well, Mr. Kneale, and like Mr. Pablo I shall be able to follow you.' 203
So for the first time in ay experience I addressed a group of Indians without the use of an Interpreter.H
The Pima educational situation cannot be regarded as typical of other Arizona reservations because of its location and the long ex perience of the inhabitants with the white man’s schools. True, there are parts of the reservation hard to reach, but from the time of
Reverend Cook, concerted efforts have been made to bring the best pos sible education to every individual Pima child. The large on-reservation boarding school that grew out of Cook's early schools was always supple mented by day schools. Eight Pima day schools were provided for children in the early nineteen hundreds. These supplemented by the Pima boarding school at Sacaton, Esquela in Tucson, Phoenix Indian School, and
St. John's Boarding School near Laveen, gave the Pima tribe a definite advantage over other Arizona Indiana.
The Papa go educational pattern developed somewhat later due to the remoteness of their vast reservation. Ho formal boarding school was located in their midst. They attended sporodically and in fewer num bers the off-reservation boarding schools. The papagos were eligible to attend the "Training School", in Tucson, which was established in 1888.
The Presbyterian group operated the Tucson Training School from
1888 until 189^ under a formal arrangement with the United States Indian
Bureau. This school was a perfect example of the so-called "Contract
School". It was built and supported by the Federal Government, but operated under contract by the Presbyterian Missionary Society. In
^Albert H. Kheale, Indian Agent. The Caxton Printers, Limited, Caldwell, Idaho, 1950, pp. 3&9-90. 204
1894, the Presbyterians took over both financial and operational respon sibility.
Before 1897 the Indian Bureau, in a reflection of Grant's policy, frequently contracted with sectarian groups or non-denominational missionary societies to provide Indian schools. Some federal help was forthcoming until 1908 in these schools.
St. John's Boarding School was founded in 1897, but was in itially intended to be a day school according to Franciscan policy:
St. John's was founded by Father Sever in Weethoff, O.F.M., in 1897. In its beginning it accomodated lower grade youngsters as well as carrying on an adult educational program.
In 1901 Father Justin Deutsch arrived and took over St. John's. Father Justin developed it into a boarding school. The first boarding facilities were rather crude. The late Mr. John Kelly was its first disciplinarian and the dormitories consisted of one brush hut for the boys, and one brush hut for the girls, and a small hut between the two occupied by Mr. Kelly.12
At present, St. John's Boarding School is the largest Catholic
Indian boarding school in southern Arizona. It is a full four year secondary school with pre-high school training provided for youngsters who have not been able to obtain sufficient pre-secondary training to pursue the regular high school curriculum.
Boarding schools have played and will continue to play an im portant part in Indian education. The present realistic philosphy based upon the needs of the Indians is very significant for acculturation and assimilation. The administrators and faculties of existing boarding
^Fr o m an interview with Father Bonaventure 0 'Blaseer, St. John's, Laveen, Arizona, October 6, 1957. 205 schools feel they are on the right tract in planning and instrumenting programs which will lead to permanent social and economic placement in the white man's society. It is recognized by all that intensive adjustment programs at present reach only too few of the total number of young Indians who could profit from offerings geared to make them secure members of a highly complex society. It is realized also, that these youngsters should be endoctrinated in the ways of the dominant society at an earlier age.
Ho honest plea could be given for a return of Captain Pratt's philosophy of removing the young from their homelands. It is now hoped that by various types of educational patterns the greatest good can he offered to the greatest number in the interests of the social and economic off-reservation adjustment of the Indians. CHAPTER X
THE HISTORY OF UNITED STATES BUREAU AND PAROCHIAL
DAY SCHOOLS AMONG THE PIMA AND PAPAGO CHAPTER X
THE HISTORY OF UNITED STATES BUREAU AND PAROCHIAL
DAY SCHOOLS AMONG THE PIMA AND PAPAGO
The first schools, founded for the Piman peoples by Father Kino
and his followers, were day schools sans boarding facilities. Each full mission established had provision for schooling, formal or informal.
The padres taught the young Indians religious concepts in a formal set
ting. The elders were given religious, agricultural, and vocational
education on a somewhat less formal basis. To say that Kino founded
schools in the sense we know them today would be a gross exaggeration,
but day schools were offered by the early Jesuits.
The Franciscans who followed the Jesuit Order built rooms for
the specific purposes of education. The dark little room next to the
stables at Tumacacori mission is mute evidence of this statement.
Certainly, catechism classes were held at San Xavier and it is
reasonable to assume that specified areas were set aside for the
purposes of formal day school education even before the coming of the
first Franciscan builders.
Always it is to be borne in mind the nature of education in
the days of these ancient padres. Only the select few in Europe were
taught their letters. Education in Spain was the responsibility of the
clergy. In fact, fear of what the educational influence of the
207 208
Jesuits might be on the young was one of the reasons for the expulsion of the Order from all Spanish dominions in 1767.
The Two Orders of the Catholic priesthood, the Jesuits and the
Franciscans, both felt that educational work needed to be done with aboriginal adults as well as children. Thus, schooling was provided for all ages. The Franciscans were equally devout, but more humble in their demeanor. The Indians found them easy to understand and approached them with multitudinous problems, educational and otherwise, and will ingly worked with them to build the beautiful mission structures found in Timerla Alta.
Little schooling of any kind took place between the expulsion of
the Franciscan Order by the Mexican Government, and the coming of the
Americans. Mexican education was declared free, non-sectarian, and obli gatory, but none of it reached northern Sonora, or for that matter much of
the rest of Mexico with the exception of the large centers of population.
When the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo mad the Gadsden Purchase were completed, Anglo-Americans came into the acquired territory in
greater numbers, but little was done education-wise until a much later
date. The children of the settlers received little more education
locally than did their Indian bretheran.
The first Pima day schools were opened by Mr. C. H. Cook under
the auspices of the Federal Government and with the aid of the "Ladies1
Union Mission School Association of New York', in 1871. One of these
schools for Pimas was located close to the present site of the
reservation town of Sacaton. Shortly after this another school was
opened near San Xavier Mission. For years boarding school education 209 became the vogue on the Pima Reservation. The on-reservation boarding school grew out of Reverend Cook's first schools and was supported by the
Federal Government, but again in 1928 the day school pattern was re instated.
A training and industrial school was maintained in Tucson under the supervision of the Reverend Howard Billman. This school had as its objectives to either prepare Pioans to take a permanent place in the white man's society, or to return to their reservations to become leaders of their own people. In 1893, there were more than 150 Fimas and Papagos in attendance.
St. John's school was started in 1897 as a day school, but had become a full-fledged boarding school by 1901. The day school was always favored by Franciscan missionaries, however, so they founded in
1911 at Santan a Pima Catholic day school. In succeeding years they founded: St. Michael's Mission, Sacaton Flats; St. Peter's Mission,
Bapchule; St. Francis' Mission, Sacate; St. Francis* Mission, Akchin
(near Maricopa).
After these schools were closed the Catholic youngsters, who did not attend boarding schools, were transported by bus to St. Peter's at
Bapchule. St. Peter's, at present, is the only parochial day school on the Pima Reservation.
The United States Government opened two day schools on the Pima
Reservation in 1917, one at Gila Crossing, and one at Maricopa. When
the boarding school closed in 1928, enrollment increased at the Gila
Crossing and the Maricopa schools. In 1931, the Government opened the
Federal schools at Santan and Casa Blanca. The Blackwater School was 210 established in 1936.
The day schools were first established to accommodate grades one through six. Later it became appareat that grades one through eight were needed to prepare the youngsters for regular secondary, education. In the last twenty-two years progress in curriculum develop ment and age-level placement has been constantly improved. At this time the curriculum parallels the courses of study instrumented in the public schools of Arizona
At the present time there are four Federal Indian Bureau day schools on the main Pima Reservation, and one on the Salt River section of the reservation. There is at Bapchule a large Catholic day school.
Pima Central, located at Sacaton, has always had the largest enrollment on the reservation proper, but the one day school on the Salt River Re servation is larger. Casa Blanca had an enrollment of 149 children in
1955, and 145 in 1957. Santan has dropped from 120 in 1950 to 98 in
1957; Gila Crossing has dropped from 106 in 1950 to 89 in 1957. Ft.
McDowell and Blackwater have been closed mid the youngsters now attend the Mesa public schools. The drop-outs shown by decreasing numbers in the other four Bureau schools are explained by the transfer enrollment of the Pima youngsters from these schools to public schools in the sur rounding area.
The Pimas have been moving off the reservation in large numbers for many years and it is coneivable that the time will be short when there are no more Pima youngsters attending Federal Indian Bureau Schools.
It has been the objective of this reservation to gradually relocate all youngsters to off-reservation public schools. 211
The Papago day school situation has been quite different than that of the Pima. In 1917 the Papago Reservation came officially into existence by Executive Order.^ The headquarters for the new reser vation was established at Indian Oasis, currently known as Sells. Prior to the establishment of the Papago Reservation the headquarters for the total Pima and Papago population was the agency headquarters at Sacaton.
In 1911, Father Mathias, O.F.M., with the permission of the Very
Reverend Benedict Schmidt, the Provincial of this area, asked the Bishop of Tucson for the privilege of taking over Papagueria with headquarters at Casa Grande. Father Mathias died soon after arrangements were com pleted, and Father Bonaventure O'Blasser began the actual work in
October of 1911.
Father Bonaventure O'Blasser decided the first step in Chris tianizing the Papago was the establishment of schools. Father Bonaventure had spent several years working on what is now the Pima Reservation, and while there, had learned the Pima language. The dialects vary somewhat, but the two tribes speak a language that can be understood by anyone versed in either.
The discussions with elders of the tribe indicated to Father
Bonaventure that they would be agreeable to an educational program.
Father Bonaventure began his schooling program at Lourdes. The school at Lourdes was housed.in the first stone building constructed on the
Papago Reservation. A young Indian woman, Maggie Norris, was the
^■President Woodrow Wilson signed the Order on recommendation of his advisors in the Indian Bureau. 212 teacher. She had experienced a long association with Anglo-Americans while attending off-reservation boarding schools. Father Bonaventure decided that the use of boarding school pupils as teachers was feasible until nuns could be assigned to the area. The Indians liked the idea of using these boarding school pupils as teachers.
Missions and schools had been planned and built at San Solono and Topawa, according to the early plans devised by the priests who cane before Father Bonaventure. The Indians state in their “Calendar Stick” , which I have previously quoted in an earlier chapter of this work en
titled “Papago Background and Education", that the early priests had 2 founded schools and missions at San Solono and Topawa as early as 1904.
These schools, however, were not regularly serviced until Father
Bonaventure took over active management in 1911. Topawa was Father
Bonaventure1s headquarters and from here he began to spread his schools
all over the extensive reservation.
Meanwhile, the Federal Government was making surveys. They de
cided among other things to found an Agency school at Sells. This was
in its beginning a peculiar institution in the sense that the intentions
of the government were apparently to make a boarding school of it. This
was not the actual case, as the Papagos liked the day school plan and
there were only four families living in Sells proper. The attendance
was small although Mr. Wilson, the excellent government teacher, tried
to keep up enrollment. The school continued, however, until bus service
^Papago Calendar Stick, translated under the auspices of the Papago Tribal Council, 1953. 213 at a later date swelled the student membership.
In 1916, a Catholic school was founded at Gila Bend. The school was taught by a young Indian man who had graduated from St. John's.
Priests came once a week from San Xavier to supervise the school and attend to the offices of the church. This institution soon closed due to the opening of a United States Indian Bureau school in the area.
A Catholic school was also founded at Anegam in 1916. This is near Santa Rosa, an area occupied by Indian people, who work in the cotton fields. Father Bonaventure experienced great difficulty at
Anegam in keeping the youngsters from being exploited by cotton farmers.
The need for education was only one of Father Bonaventure's reasons for desiring to keep the youngsters in school. The filth of early day cotton camps was another. When the youngsters were taken by the plan ters off the reservation, they were housed with their parents in crowded and unsanitary hovels and were subjected to a completely immoral environ ment.
Pisinimo, a Catholic school, a few miles from Ajo, was founded in 1920. Frank Vasquez, a native teacher, had twenty pupils and the school was a triumph of erudition in the backward western section of the reservation. There was also an Indian school in Ajo, which was discon tinued when the Ajo public schools made provision for the education of the Indian youngsters residing in town. The Covered Wells school was operated by Father Bonaventure from 1922 until 1924, with the actual teaching being conducted by native instructors.
In 1920, the Catholic schools on the Papago Reservation were turned over to the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart, who in turn were 21k replaced by the Sisters of St. Francis
The Presbyterians had been ten years ahead of the Catholics in arriving on what was to become the Papago Reservation. Their edu cational work was not so well accepted by the Papagos, however, because
they sent the Indians away from home to the Presbyterian boarding school
in Tucson. They did operate a small day school at San Miguel, near
Topawa, for several years, but felt the boarding school to be better for
their purposes, so the day school was abandoned.4 Unfortunately, a
thorough search of the records at Cook's Bible Institute failed to
establish either the founding or the closing dates of the San Miguel
school.
The government day schools began with the founding of the Sells
school in 1915. Santa Rosa School, and Vamori were also founded in
1915, Poso Redondo in 1933, Kerwo Santa Rosa Ranch School, Choulic, in
1935, Fresno Canyon in 1936, Hickiwan in 1937, and Vaya Chin in 1950.^
In the beginning the curriculum of mission schools and United
States Indian Bureau Schools was geared to prepare the child to make a
living on the reservation. Since the so-called Long Range Plan has been
in force, and in view of recent developments, the emphasis has been
changed, and is presently geared toward assimilation into the white man's 3
3 Information received from Sister Mary Mark during an interview at Topawa, Arizona, April 7, 1953.
^Information received from Cook's Bible School personnel, Indian School Road at Second Street, Phoenix, Arizona, January 8, 1956.
^Information received from Carson Ryan, Jr., Principal of Schools on the Papago Reservation, Sells, Arizona, January 8, 1952. 215 off-reservation culture.
Mr. Thomas Segundo, one-time Chairman of the Papago Tribal
Council, together with Burton Ladd, J. C. Krug, and John H. Nichols, wrote a pamphlet concerning the recent Papago development program and in this book expressed their thoughts on Papago education:
The Papago program succeeds or fails directly as the education level of the Papago people rises or falls. The full value of the exploitation of the Papago resources and the complete benefits of the material improvements to be made to the Papago economy are of little worth if the members of the tribe do not have the education to make proper use of them. The large numbers of Papagos who must, because local resources cannot support them, leave the re servations to make their living elsewhere cannot do so without an education that will enable them to compete on equal terms in the non-reservation world.
The record is unmistakable. Less than forty percent of the Papago people speak English, less than twenty percent can read or write, and a negligible number do so habitually. Less than two- thirds of the Papago children of school age were enrolled in school last year (1948), less than one-third attended school with regu larity, and less than one-sixth were in the proper grade. Tests by the Indian Service prove that Papago children who attend school regularly make normal educational progress.
Papago education did not really begin until 1915, when the Indian Service, and the Catholic and Presbyterian churches began building day schools on the reservation, although for the pre- ceeding twenty-five years a very small number of children had attended off-reservation boarding schools and public schools. By 1932 there were sixteen classrooms available in six local day schools . . . accomodations for 480 of the then approximately 1,600 children. By 1938 there were thirty classrooms at fifteen schools . . . Accommodations for 1,020 children, with perhaps 300 more students being taken care of in off-reservation boarding and public schools. During these depression years all of the Papago people were home on the reservation. In 1947-1948 the Indian Bureau operated sixteen day school classrooms and the Catholic mission schools had fourteen; accomnodations for 900 children with an enrollment of 983, but with an average daily attendance of only 651. Three hundred and two were enrolled in public schools and 117 in boarding schools for a total Papago enrollment of 1,417 in all types of schools. Meanwhile, population growth had raised the number of school-age children to 2,127. Last year (1948) 725 Papago children were not enrolled in any school. The average daily attendance of those enrolled was only sixty-five percent, and 216
eighty-one percent of those enrolled were behind the proper grade for their age by one to nine years. Little wonder that the Papago literacy rate is so low!
The retardation of the pupils is, of course, a direct reflection of the poor enrollment and equally poor attendance of those who are enrolled. These two obstacles to adequate education are caused by six chief factors:
1. Lack of classroom facilities (It would take double the number of local day school classrooms to take care of 100% enrollment and attendance.)
2. Lack of transportation (The present twelve day-schools and their buses reach only forty-five of the seventy-three scattered villages.)
3. Not entering school at the proper age (Only forty-six percent of the six year olds were enrolled last year.)
4. Dropping out of the older children (Only thirty-eight percent of the children of high school age were enrolled and only four percent of these had high school attain ments.)
5. Absence from the reservation during the cotton picking season (During five of the nine months of the school year, while the families are in the cotton fields, few of the children attend the public schools, due both to poor enforcement of the state compulsory attendance law and to the inability of the public school systems to absorb the part year increased enrollment.)
6. Irregular attendance when the children are home and en rolled in school (Fiestas, trips to cactus camps, funerals, visits to relatives, or even taking care of the baby are excellent reasons for keeping a child out of school.)°
The following graphs indicated the status of the Papago Edu cational Program for 1948 and 1949:
Thomas Segundo, et al.. The Papago Development Program, U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, U.S. Bulletin, Haskell Institute Printing Shop, Laurence, Kansas, 1949. NUMBER OF CHILDREN Tib id AGE-GRADE REIATIONSHIP AGE-GRADE PAPAGO CHILDREN PAPAGO 1948 -1948 BY BY AGES AGES 1949 7
217 PERCENT OF TOTAL ENROLLMENT 20 25* 15 % % 8Ibid. L ID PAPAGO CHILDREN VS PIMA COUNT? CHILDREN COUNT? PIMA VS CHILDREN PAPAGO p m i— 1 k GRADE ACHIEVEMENT GRADE 1948 - 1949 8 6 Over 2 Year Retarded Year 2 Over 6 8 £ 2 1-2 Tears Retarded Tears 1-2 2 £ Grade In Normal I ] GRADE8 All Children All PIMA CHILDREN PIMA PAPAGO CHILDREN PAPAGO
216 219
Conditions concerning enrollment of Papago youngsters have changed since Thomas Segundo and his colleagues made their survey eight and one-half years ago. The attendance in each of the reservation day schools and the public schools has increased sharply. The mine in Ajo is employing more men, and their children are entering first grade at the normal age of six years. Mrs. Maud Houston reported in the fall of
1957 that each year a greater percentage of her pupils enter the first grade Indian room knowing English and are better prepared to follow the regular curriculum. After the year of Americanization provided by the
Ajo elementary school, segregation ceases and the youngsters take their places among their Anglo-American fellow pupils. The holding power in creases every year in both reservation and off-reservation schools.
Thus, the dreary pattern for education has vastly improved since Thomas
Segundo made his survey in 1948. There is, of course, still a long way
to go.
The off-reservation day schools have played a very important
part in the education of the Pima and Papago youngsters since the
beginning of formal education on both reservations. The Pima tribe,
since the closing of the old boarding school has made tremendous strides
in day school education and presently is developing good working rela
tionships with Arizona public schools in the surrounding area.
The Papago on-reservation situation is excellent, due not only
to the increased enrollment in the existing Federal Indian Bureau and
Catholic day schools, but particularly, it has been enhanced by the
combination Pima County and Indian Bureau School at Sells. The young
sters are able at present to study through the ninth grade in this school. 220
Students in increasing numbers from the Pima and Papago Reser vations are seeking secondary education under special programs provided by the Bureau, parochial off-reservation secondary boarding school or in public high schools near their homelands.
The sweeping statement that on-reservation day school education solved the problem of Indian education in the first eight grades would be a dangerous one, but very definitely it has made a telling contri bution from the days of the Jesuit and Franciscan Fathers up to the present time. CHAPTER XI
THE EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES OF PIMA AND
PAPAGO STUDENTS IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS CHAPTER XI
THE EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES OF PIMA AND
PAPAGO STUDENTS IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS
Pima and Papago children have always attended public schools in towns and cities in Arizona if their parents were employed in the area.
The cotton workers' children for example, were never denied admittance to public schools if they desired to attend. The public school atten dance officers, however, rarely insisted upon attendance for the brief periods the parents were working off the reservation on the cotton farms. In some cases the Indian youngsters worked in the fields with their parents to augment earnings for the family's off-the-reservation stay.
As early as 1890 T. J. Morgan, then Cosssissloner of Indian
Affairs, broached the project of permitting Indian children to attend public schools near reservations. His belief was that by attending regular public schools they would much more rapidly acquire the ways and the language of the white men. To meet the objection that Indians paid no taxes toward the support of the public schools, Commissioner Morgan proposed a tuition fee to be paid by the Federal Government for each
Indian boy and girl attending.
The response of most states toward Commissioner Morgan's pro posal was favorable. Oregon, California, Washington, North and South
222 223
Dakota, and Minnesota promised their support of his program. Arizona was reluctant to go along with the idea because trouble with the Apache tribes was not yet at an end. It was only four years since Geronimo and his band had been put under lock and key, and the Apache groups were still menacing settlers and travelers. Actually, trouble continued until the capture of the so-called "Apache Kid", in 1894.
Because the language of the pioneer in relation to this question is unprintable it will be necessary to make reference to a secondary source supplied by Flora Warren Seymour in her story of the red man:
It was but four years since the last surrender of Geronimo when the Superintendent of Public Instruction from the territory of Arizona sent Commissioner Morgan's letter to all his school districts, 'assuming1, as he said, 'that the proposition was made in all seriousness'. The response in Arizona was a various one.
Many of the districts contented themselves with pointing out that there were no Indian families within their limits. A dis trict in Cochise County added to this information 'and we hope never to come in contact with them or their parents'. Remembering Cochise, Geronimo, Natchez, and Vittorio, this was not an unnatural desire. Another district in the same county made the rather cryptic promise: 'Should any come into our district we will en deavor to take care of then'.
Tuba City reported itself as willing to make arrangements but added: 'The main difficulty seems to be that the parents of the white children cannot afford to let their children go with the Indians, unless the Indian children are cleaned up. They are very low in their habits; they wear little or no clothing; except a gee string, and all are very filthy and lousy. They would have to be provided a change of clothing and their dinners when they come to school!.
^U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Significant Dates in the History of the Indian Service. U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1949, Section III, Item e. 22b
The Superintendent of Public Instruction himself echoed the sentiments of Maricopa County: 'We have more respect for our children than to think of educating them in such a mixed school1. He told Commissioner Morgan that it was time to dispel the 'mists of hysteria and maudlin sentimentalism1 with which the Indian question was surrounded and that justice to the white settler was the first necessity. He quoted with burning indignation an article by the Commissioner which said that 'the Indians will not go to war except for just reasons . . . An Indian war is very often the ex pression of the highest manhood'.
'Can it be possible,' the Superintendent exclaimed with biting sarcasm, 'that you would permit the budding infant minds of these poor victims of the white man's avarice and barbarity to mingle with the cubs of their oppressors? Would there not be danger of our instilling into them some of our own proclivities? We might teach them how to steal, lie, debauch, and murder, or even to like fire-water and the noxious weed, accomplishments that, according to the same article, are now confined to the villainous white pioneer.'
These fulminations serve to show what developments fewer than forty years have brought about among both whites and Indians. The peace of Arizona has been long unbroken. The shadow of Geronimo and his band no longer broods on the trails. Indian children attend the public schools, there as elsewhere. Today (1939) more than one half of the 70,000 children of Indian blood who are receiving school training are side by side with white children in public schools. In some sections, where Indian non-taxable lands make up a great deal of the school district, tuition fees are paid by the Federal government. In others the Indians are by agreement or by virtue of their status as taxpayers, as welcome in the public schools as children of any other race.2
Arizona and New Mexico have lagged behind the other states in
Indian adjustment. They are states in which much land is United States
Government held. Not only Indian reservation land, but forestry and grazing land as well. There is also much land that is still barren due
to lack of water and the rugged nature of the terrain. Arizona and
New Mexico have many more Indians also in relation to white tax-paying
2Flora Warren Seymour, The Story of the Red Man. Longmans, Green and Company, New York, New York, 1929, pp. 357-58. 225 population. These two states have had a source of Mexican labor to use in jobs that might have been filled by Indians if the Mexican labor groups had not been regarded as more easily trained due to linguistic and other factors. The various Indian dialects have been well-night an
insurmountable barrier to planters and builders, who were seeking a source of unskilled, semi-skilled, or skilled labor.
Definitely, the so-called reservation lag has contributed to the retardation in public school attendance even though relocation of young
Indians into the public schools has usually been encouraged by the United
States Bureau and parochial school personnel alike.
The really big step toward public school education for all
Indians in the western states was instrumented by the Johnson-0 'Halley
Act passed in 1934. "The Johnson-0'Halley Act, passed in April of 1934,
authorized contracts with States for the education of Indian children.
The first state contract to be executed covering reimbursement for ex
penditures for Indian Children attending public schools was with Cali
fornia in 1935.
In the United States management of education under the Johnson-
0 'Halley Act is left to the several states, and has been administered
according to provisions made by the educational laws of that state.
In Arizona, the Enabling Act allows the Arizona public schools
to accept such monies on a distribution by district basis.^ *4
^U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Significant Dates in the History of Indian Service. U.S. Bulletin, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1949.
4Ibid.. Article IV, Section 15-1161. 226
In any given year a budget is prepared for eligible Indian stu dents. This budget is submitted to the area office of the Indian Bureau and if approved is sent to the Bureau fiscal office and then sent to
Congress. If the requests for such schooling is approved by Congress,
then the money allocated is placed with the Department of the Interior.
The Department of the Interior then makes the money available to the
Indian Bureau and distribution is made according to approved budgetary requests by States and districts.
The United States has no true legal responsibility for the
education of Indians, but on this widespread educational problem the
United States Government has assumed the moral obligation.
In Arizona public schools are supported by an ad valorem tax.
This tax money is allotted to each school on the basis of average daily
attendance calculated on the attendance of the previous year. Thus it
is impossible to force Indians into any one existing school without
federal funds that can be obtained on an emergency basis. If special
capital outlay is needed in addition to part or all of the .Average daily
attendance money then the Indian Bureau will pay $1,000 per student in
capital outlay. For example: Winslow, Arizona, with 300 Indian pupils
has received $300,000 for buildings and other items listed by the Arizona
State code under the budgetary item of capital outlay.
The State of Arizona has set up six criteria for the Johnson-
0'Mailey Contract funds.
•’An interview with Mr. Delbert Jerome, Supervisor, Arizona State Indian Education, Capitol Building Annex, Phoenix, Arizona, March 8, 1958. 227
CRITERIA FOR THE STATE OF ARIZONA
JOHNSON-O'HALLEY CONTRACT FUNDS
I. The Bureau of Indian Affairs will pay the full cost for children of one-fourth or more degree Indian blood living with parents on tax-exempt lands not in a school district.
II. The Bureau will pay full per capita costs to the school attended for those children who will be boarded by the Bureau in towns for the purpose of attending public schools.
III. The Bureau will pay the share of the per capita cost of edu cation of children of one-fourth or more degree Indian blood residing on tax-exempt Indian land within organized public school districts, which would ordinarily be paid for by local and county taxes.
IV. The Bureau will pay for special services provided for Indian pupils such as opportunity rooms, school lunches for needy pupils, and similar expenses required to assure the education of the Indian children.
V. The Bureau will pay the full cost of education for the Indian children who are enrolled in public schools for the first time and for whom the district cannot claim entitled state aid.
VI. Where an approved amalgamation of a federal and public school is in operation, the Bureau of Indian Affairs will pay the share of the cost of operating the public school that is administratively determined by State and Bureau represen tatives.*
The above listed criteria make a workable basis for the distri bution of funds. Under Criterion VI the Sells combination school is operated on the Papago Reservation.
There are only a few Pima and Papago youngsters boarded off the reservation to enable them to attend public schools.
^Bulletin on the Criteria for the State of Arizona regarding Johnson-0'Halley Funds, Division of Indian Education, Arizona Department of Public Instruction, Capitol Annex, Phoenix, Arizona. 228
At present there are 2,500 Papago youngsters between the ages of six and eighteen. There are 133 under six and over eighteen in school which to some extent makes the figures given in certain classifications seem out of proportion.^
There were 879 youngsters in public schools in 1957. There were 199 attending non-reservation boarding schools and 93 in reservation boarding schools. There are 479 in reservation Federal days schools and
399 in Mission day schools, making a total of 878 attending non-public day schools. There is one Papago student attending school in the
Phoenix Sanitarium. One hundred and fourteen are in Mission boarding schools. Nine Papago students are in special schools and colleges.
In all there are 2,173 Papago young people in school. This falls short even of the 2,500 of school age from six to eighteen years of age, but the over and underage group in school should be added to this making the key figure not 2,500, but 2,633.* 8
In partial explanation of the non-attendance of the following, the census made by the Phoenix Area Office states that: Six Papago youngsters are physically unfit for school attendance, one is mentally unfit, seventeen are married, seventeen more have valid reasons such as, needed at home. There are eighteen without valid reasons not in atten dance, and ninety-one with reasons unknown. This leaves a non-attendance of school-age children of 453. It is realized this is too many out of
^U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, United States Census School Report. Phoenix Area Office, Phoenix, Arizona, June 8, 1958.
8Ibid. 229
school, who should be receiving an education. Some of these may be re
ceiving education, out of state, on a migrant basis, however, if their
parents are working sporadically or permanently in other states. How many, it would be next to impossible to compute, as it would be equally
impossible to compute the actual number of days such migrant youngsters
spend in school per year.
The Pima educational picture in 1957 is somewhat similar al
though, it is to be noted that proportionately there are slightly less
Pima youngsters in public schools compared to Papago figures despite the
intensive drive among the Pima Educational Personnel to increase this
proportion. There are 2,635 Pima youngsters of school age in the Pima
tribe. In addition to the school age group there are 124 in school
attendance under the age of six and above the age of eighteen. There
are 940 in public schools, 39 in non-reservation boarding schools, 17 in
reservation boarding schools and 970 in on-reservation federal Pima day
schools, three taking instruction in Sanitariums. Sixty-three Pima
youngsters attend non-reservation boarding schools, and 281 attend
Mission day schools. There are 23 Pima, who attend institutions of
higher learning; altogether this makes a total of 2,333 Pima youngsters
attending some type of educational institution. According to the 1957
census there should be in attendance 2,759 Pima students.^
There was a discrepancy check made by the Phoenix Area Office
concerning Pima youngsters. It was discovered that five Pima school
9Ibid. 230 age youngsters were not fitted for school attendance due to physical inabilities. Six Pima youngsters were mentally unfit and forty-three of school age were married. Under the category of acceptable other reasons thirty-nine Pima young people were listed and there were twenty- one without valid reasons for non-attendance and the reason for the non-attendance of eleven was not known. On the other 175 Pima students there was no definite information concerning their non-attendance
The statistics developed on Papago and Pima school enrollments are apparently inconsistent. The United States Government for example cites a difference in the number of Pima in public school attendance and the Indian Division of the Arizona State Department of Public
Instruction gives a somewhat different picture. Actually, there is no real statistical inconsistency, but merely a difference in classification.
The following Maricopa-Pima alliances and Pima-Papago combinations are the explanation for the discrepancy. There are 2,474 Pima-Maricopa listed under the previously stated 2,635 Pima total. Of this number 116
Pima-Maricopa under 6 and over 18 years of age are in school attendance.
Eight hundred and fourteen are in Arizona Public Schools, thirty-eight are attending Federal non-reservation boarding schools, fifteen are in
Federal boarding schools on the reservation. Nine hundred and seventy are in Federal Bureau reservation day schools, three are in the Sana- tarium. Fifty-four Pima-Maricopa are attending Mission boarding schools and 281 are in Mission day schools, 19 are enrolled in special schools 231 and colleges. Please note that the Pima-Haricopa classification is not a separate one, the lines between children of Haricopas and Pimas are not drawn distinctly, therefore, it is impossible to arrive at an accurate total Pima attendance figure or for that matter a total en rollment figure on the mixed Pima-Maricopa students. The same is true
concerning the so-called Pima-Fapago.
There are only eighty-seven under this category of school age,
seventy-two of this number are attending Arizona public schools, one
student is enrolled in a non-reservation Federal boarding school, and one student attends an off-reservation Federal boarding school and four
Pima-Papago attend St. John’s Boarding School on the Pima Reservation.
It must be realized that these figures are further confused by seventy-
four Mahave-Apache school age youngsters and eight over-age young people who are under Pima Reservation jurisdiction. The Pima of pure blood would total far less than the Papago for school census purposes if it were possible to delineate the tribe without the inter-tribal mixture
that inter-marriage and long association have brought about. As far as
schooling is concerned, however, such accuracy in tribal lines is of
little significance.
The following is a school census which serves to show education
progress from 1945 to 1957: . SCSOOL OHSOS or INDIAN CHILDUH
ALL IMDIA* CMILDM* INDIA* CNIUNUDI 6 - 18 KNOWN TO 1* IN SCHOOLS
MAT: 4 1# 1m %d#r 6 mSLIC XTOMESAL mssiom Scheol & & Over Special Total Out *f 1#1* Noa-Ra#. Ra#. Sama- School# & ia All Year School School Total Rd*. Rd#. Day toria Total Rdg. Day Total Colleges School# Other#
r w ISA) 1,517 5 1,4*7 144 124 0 1,053 4 1,183 30* 24 1.705 #4 1.334 12# *2 0 57# 12 682 441 1 riM 1*4* 1,941 * 1,744 305 128 0 1,035 4 1,167 265 tNCMN... 1.765 40 1.158 1*1 114 0 363 1 478 429 Pima 1$4# 1,*#4 13 1,702 255 10* 0 988 0 1,4#* 337 Papaie 2.117 37 1 .43* 302 44 0 521 4 5#* 511 Pima 1*4# 2,021 32 1,702 257 104 0 0*1 7 1,104 30* Paoaae 2.201 50 1.811 568 ## 0 500 5 593 400 Pima 1*31 2,150 *7 1,928 41* in 14 953 5 1,083 32* 1,831 Paoaae 2.559 #* 2.150 431 226 56 634 1 917 513 2.061 Pima 1*5* 1 ,20# *1 2,300 517 102 15 964 3 1,084 #4 223 311 14 1,926 Paoaao 2.433 11# 2.751 4#4 336 43 689 2 1.092 350 #5 435 4 2.215 Pima 1*53 2,329 *3 2,422 4#4 45 13 ##0 3 *41 88 244 332 9 2,048 Paoaao 2.490 115 2.605 4#4 244 40 50* 4 *1* 123 374 4*7 4 2.104 Pima 1*54 2 ,2*3 ## 2.361 733 4* 24 #*1 3 961 74 237 311 10 2,057 Paoaao 2.230 133 2.345 4#4 203 #3 4*4 0 782 43 175 240 1 1.787 Pis* 1*53 2,423 105 2,528 845 47 1# *14 2 961 ## 250 33# 14 2,180 Paoaao 2.188 104 2.294 612 1*4 43 454 2 717 72 367 43* 3 1.771 Pima 1*54 2,514 102 2,414 903 3# 1# *3* 2 **7 53 282 335 17 2,252 Paoaao 2.540 122 2 4#2 1.012 203 #* 507 1 #00 S3 437 522 7 2.341 Pima 1*37 2,433 124 2,759 *40 3* 17 *70 3 1,029 43 2#1 344 23 2,336 Paoaao 2.500 133 2.633 #7* 1** *3 47* 1 772 114 3** 513 * 2.173 11 233
A comparison of Indian youngsters attending public schools was made by James E. Officer in his study of the Development of Educational
Facilities for Arizona Indians. Mr. Officer has made a careful com parative compilation at ten year intervals on Indian public school attendance in Arizona from 1925 to 1955. These figures clarify the public school picture over a span of thirty years and reveal the tre mendous percentage-wise progress that has been made as well as giving a
tribal comparison. . '
The concern up to this point in this chapter has been with en
rollment. The question now arises as to the reaction of the taxpayers
of Arizona and the Indians toward public school education. The tax for
public schooling in Arizona would place a well nigh impossible burden
on taxpayers in certain areas if the Indians were placed in public
schools without the aid of Johnson-0'Halley funds. An ad valorum tax
places a burden on the property owner that is presently, extremely heavy
due to the rapid growth of the State of Arizona and also due to its
ever-increasing winter tourist influx. It is definitely an important
issue that will be the concern of property owners for many years to
come, and may lead to the necessity of changing the present tax base
for public schools, the Indian education question notwithstanding. The
Johnson-0'Halley money which has followed Indian youngsters into the
public schools has helped the total school financial situation in many
areas. Little prejudice against Indians attending already established
public schools has been encountered. In a few areas such prejudices
have been known to exist, but if federal financial support is assured and
where there is no question of their cleanliness, the prejudice has been HTROLWENT OF INDIAN CHILDREN IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS
1925 1935 19^5 1955 Agency or Tribe All Public * All Public * All Public * All Public *
Colorado River 204 27 13 261 168 64 409 239 58 593 460 78
Fort Apache 523 12 2 759 5 •7 877 96 11 1,142 202 18
Hop! 899 19 2 659 27 4 1,092 97 9 1,307 316 24
Kaibab 20* 6* 30 24 1 4 21 10 48 20 18 90
Navajo 3,105 4 .1 2,898 272 9 3,593 308 9 14,650 2,773 19
Papa go 963 18 2 1,063 57 5 1,252 128 10 1,771 612 35
Pima 1,636 17 1 1,547 95 6 1,682 166 10 2,100 845 39
San Carlos 515 76 15 579 14 2 1,037 122 12 1,434 419 29
TTuxton Canyon 215 15 7 249 47 19 308 95. 31 264 192 73
Arizona Totals 8 ,080* 194* 2.4 8,039 686 8.5 10,271 1,261 12.3 23,361 5,837 25
♦Estimated J ■^Jamee K . Officer, Department of Ethnology, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, Information for 1925 and 1935 la taken free Annual Report of the Ccmmisaloner of Indian Affairs. Figures for these years are all Indians enrolled In school. Information for 19^5 Is taken free Pamphlet III - Tables op Hospitals, Schools, Population, and School Census (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1952) and for 1955 free Statistics Con cerning Indian Education, 1945-1955. Figures for 19^5 and 1955 are only for school-age Indian children.
t v % 235 minimized. The attitude of the natives of Arizona has not been an en tirely healthy one from the standpoint of the Indians, but it has not taken a malicious form in any sense of the word. The native Arizonan has always regarded the Indian as a source of comedy (since the end of the Indian wars), which is most unfortunate, but does not imply that acceptance of the young Indian in public school is threatened, except from the standpoint of an excessive tax burden. Public school teachers are not trained to teach the Indian child, and provision has been made for this by securing the services of Mrs. Mamie Sizemore as a super visor to assist public school teachers in coping with the instruction of their Indian pupils. As the public school program increases more people trained to assist in the Indian youngsters' total public school adjustment will be needed until the presently existing need de creases as it will by logic, as public schooling for Indians becomes more prevalent and less a novelty.
The Indians of Arizona in tribal council meetings have indicated that they favor public schooling for their children. There are ex ceptions to this statement, but rarely do organized tribal councils resist the idea. Parents have the privilege of sending their children where they choose so family resistance is rarely encountered.
Federal and parochial day schools, and the remoteness of certain areas of the Papago and Pima Reservations from already organized school districts has to some extent caused fewer of then to attend public schools than would be normally expected due to their willingness to attend. The curricula of public, Indian Bureau and parochial schools
that are engaged in educating Papago and Pima youngsters are parallel 236 and in many cases identical. The parochial schools have in addition to the usual course of study, courses and other provisions for religious education.
Observation based on present trends in Indian education in dicate that gradually all Indian youngsters in Arizona will be placed in either public or parochial schools, if the present rate of transfer from
Federal Indian Bureau to Arizona State public schools continues. Such a prediction, however, is dependent on so many sociological and economic factors, that it would be extremely unwise to regard any set number of years as an invariable measure of time for the accomplishment of the transition. CHAPTER XII
SUMMARY CHAPTER XII
SUMMARY
The direct experience with European culture was introduced in „n f / 1687 into Pimeria Alta by Father Eusebio Kino. In this summary we are
concerned with the total experience of the two present tribes in Arizona / occupying a portion of the old Spanish territory of Pimeria Alta. A
span of 27I years of development has been carefully considered point by point.
The first concern is the state in which the pioneer Kino found
the aborigines. The Indians of the present Pima and Papa go Reservations were in a state of neolithic culture. Farming# harvesting of wild foods and the hunt supplied the basis of their economy. The difference be
tween these two subsections of the Piman people was discernible even at
this early date due to environment. The Papa go were found on rougher
terrain# for the most part, and had little accessibility to water for
purposes of irrigation. For this reason the economy of the Papago was
based more on the gathering of wild vegetation than on primitive culti
vation. The Pimas# on the other hand, had a dependable source of water
in the Gila River# making it possible for them to be productive farmers.
Father Kino was summoned by the Sobaipuri, a now extinct branch
of Piman peoples, into the area in which we find the mission of
Tumacacori. The Sobaipuri, although of the same basic Piman stock, were
238 239 a more -war-like people due to their location on the Apache frontier.
From 1687 until 1711 Father Kino thoroughly explored Pimeria Alta and made sojourn beyond its borders. Die culture of the Sobaipuri was similar to that of other Pimae, but their cultivation, like that of the
Papa go, was on a relatively minor scale as compared to those occupying what is now the Pima Reservation.
Father Kino made entrada after entrada, establishing mission sites and, with the help of his assistants, carrying out the offices of the Church. He had two purposes in mind as he pursued his work.
Firstly, dissemination of Christianity to the Indian people and secondly, improving their economic way of life. Certainly he was suc cessful in achieving both. He founded his mission compounds in clusters z of Indian villages referred to as rancherias. Although, he explored as far west as the Colorado River and north to the Hop! country, his basic operations were to be found in what is presently the Mexican State of
Sonora and the extreme southern area of Arizona in the United States.
One of the privileges secured for the Piman peoples by Father
Kino was the passing of a cedula which made it illegal for the Spanish
Conquistadores to exploit the natives under his charge. He worked with both adults and children, teaching them in a formal fashion the basic concepts of Christianity and informally instructing them in the care of their farms. Father Kino imported from South America, Mexico, and Spain domestic flora and fauna which he introduced into each of the newly founded mission compounds, thus enlarging the economic life of the aborigines. 2kO
In the more than twenty-four years of his devotion to the North
Sonoran natives it is evident that he more than fulfilled his two original objectives. The mission buildings constructed by Kino were made of rough material obtained at the site of the structure. He was always short of personnel and this made difficult the dissemination of
Christianity by direct priestly contact in the outlying portions of his district. He died in 1711 at Magdalena, Sonora, bringing to a close the career of a great scholar and a fearless pioneer.
Other Jesuit priests followed him one after another into the area further developing his work step by step. Probably the most notable Jesuit to follow Father Kino was Father Jacobo Sedelmayr who was as restless an explorer as Kino himself. In assessing the con tribution of the Jesuits as compared to the Franciscans who followed them, it is believed that they placed Christianity on a firm basis in all the principal centers of population. Bie fine relationship between the Jesuits and their converts made it possible for the Franciscans to work with the Indians on the construction of the magnificent mission buildings which was their great contribution to a more formalized type of Indian education.
The Jesuits were expelled from all Spanish dominions in 1767 as a result of quarrels between the Crown and the Order. There had been an / occasional flury in Pimeria Alta during the eighty years of Jesuit in fluence, but actually the trouble between the Jesuit Order and Spanish
Crown in Spain and throughout her vast dominions was based on fear of
excess power. 2kl
In 1768, Father Garcea, the first Franciscan, came into Pimeria
Alta. A more remarkable man would be difficult to find in any century or under any circumstances. He was a psychologist, a strategist, and an explorer, but withal a fearless, humble companion of the Piman peoples.
He did not regard them as savages, but as beloved coworkers in the dissemination of Christianity. He went often alone into the far reaches of the district and beyond its borders, living with the Indians as a brother and carrying always with him hie psychological square of linen.
This piece of linen has. become one of the most amusing and amazing stories rising out of the Spanish Colonial period. On one side of this square there was a beautiful picture of the Virgin Mary, and on the other a hideous picture of Satan. When traveling through the Indian country Father Garces, after talking to the Indians for some time, pre sented his square of linen and asked them to make a choice, and if they chose the Virgin Mary, which they invar lb ly did, he considered them to be Christians.
As amusing as this psychologies 1 trick with the linen was, the main contribution of Garces lay in his understending of the aboriginal peoples. His explorations cannot be discounted either as they contri buted much valuable cultural and geographical knowledge concerning / / Pimeria Alta and the surrounding area. Father Garces cannot be given credit for the extraordinarily beautiful mission compounds built by the
Franciscans who followed him into the field. Father Garces * career was brought to an abrupt end by the massacre at Yuma in 1781.
There was an upsurge of Spanish Colonial development during the time of the Franciscans, stimulated not so much from wealth gained in 2k2 the new world, as from a reflection of the old desire to revive the temporal and spiritual power of Spain and the Church. During this be fore mentioned period architects, builders, artists, and artisans were imported from Spain, South America, and Mexico to construct and decorate the massive churches and compounds for which the Franciscan Colonial period was famous.
The Apache scourge was increasing, and unfortunately, at the same time, it became obvious that the vast Spanish Colonial Empire was weakening percepitably. Finally, in 1821, Mexico secured her indepen dence and all education became free, lay and obligatory. The
Franciscans stayed on a few years, but finally left their far northern posts in 1827, thus, causing a discontinuance of any type of education superimposed upon the Indians from European sources. The Indians naturally reverted to some extent to their old aboriginal patterns of training their young. However, vestiges of iko years of European in fluence remained as a part of their culture for all time.
The contributions of the Jesuit Order lay in pioneering the / field in Pimeria Alta. Their educational objectives were both vocational and academic. The Jesuits were regarded as being probably the strongest educational Order of the Catholic priesthood. Their cur riculum was geared toward instruction in religion basically, but in their colonial projects they felt obligated to teach vocational subjects to develop a less primitive and more sedentary way of life for their charges.
The Franciscans, although not regarded as primarily an Order established for the education and enlightenment of students either in 243
Europe or in the Spanish Colonies, made a great many extensive contri butions to the aboriginal way of life in Pimeria Alta.* They extended the agricultural projects initiated by Father Kino; the Franciscans who followed the pioneer Jesuits imported individuals who were able to
teach the Indians the building trades on a higher level. Academic in struction was much the same under the supervision of both orders.
Formal education was geared primarily toward converting the Indians to
Christianity. Neophytes were trained by both Orders and in acme cases were sent to schools and colleges established by the Orders in South
America, Mexico, and Spain.
The education offered under the Republic of Mexico had no effect / on the Indians of Pimeria Alta. In fact the new education recommended following the independence of Mexico had little effect anywhere except
in the larger centers of population and then only the wealthy and in fluential were able to secure more than the rudiments.
The section of Mexico which is now Arizona was secured by the
United States in two ways. The northern section encompassing part of
the present Papago Reservation and all of the present Pima Reservation was acquired by the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hldalgo, which ended the Mexican
War. The Papa go section was secured by the signing of the Gadsden
Purchase Treaty in 1054.
^Observations indicate that the strength of the Jesuit program lay in their agricultural contribution, whereby the strength of the Franciscan lay in their building program. 2Hk
In the next twenty-five years little provision was made by the
United States for education for the Indians acquired by the two
treaties. It was natural when the territory had been fully explored and
some understanding was reached on its value and inhabitants that the pattern for aboriginal education and acculturation established in the
eastern part of the United States should be used in the education of the
Indians in the far west. Die Civil War to some extent delayed settle ment of this area; so not until the late eighteen sixties and early
eighteen seventies was constructive action taken. The Apaches were on
the warpath for many years, thus deterring further the activities of any
educational attempts among the peaceful sedentary Indians.
The first steps toward creating an environment conducive to
education were taken prior to the Civil War in the northern part of the
State. Die Indians were placed on reservations supervised by both the
military and Indian agents. This organization of large groups of abori
gines indicated that if anything were ever to be done about the
acculturation of the western Indians, that the policies already estab
lished by the War Department and the Department of the Interior had to
be put into play on the newly formed reservation. In southern Arizona
the principal difficulty lay in the subjection of the raiding Apaches.
Step after step was taken by the military toward this end. Military men
soon found they could use Papa go and Pima scouts and warriors in sup
pressing the wily Athapacasane. The military men became well
acquainted with their brown-skinned allies and came to feel that the
Piman peoples would be most receptive to the schools of the white men. 2*5
Captain Alexander wrote his wife in the east, who, in turn, made arrangements with the Ladies' Missionary Society of Hew York City to assist in obtaining a teacher for the Pinas at Sacaton. Charles H. Cook was encouraged to come west and begin the operation of the first school near Sacaton. Soon after an Industrial Training School was founded by the Presbyterian Church in Tucson, and in 1897 St. John's day school was established by the Franciscan Order of the Catholic Church at
St. John's near Laveen, Arizona. A short time after the founding of the first school at Sacaton, Charles Cook, who later became a minister in the Presbyterian Church, established another day school some distance up the river for both Pima and Maricopa youngsters. Hie school at Sacaton became a boarding school in less than ten years and so remained until
1928 when it was abolished in favor of day schools scattered over the reservation. St. John's became a boarding school in 1901, when it was obvious that the distance to be covered was too great for the Pima living in the remote sections of the reservation, and for Papa go young sters who lived much further to the south. The Papagos were also permitted to attend the Presbyterian Training School in Tucson. In
1892, the Phoenix Indian School was opened to give educational oppor tunities for all Indians found within the borders of Arizona.
The pattern of schooling was changing from the individual paro chial or federal day school to the larger parochial or government boarding school. The Phoenix Indian School was from its beginning a project of the Federal Government. The one in Tucson, while receiving some money on a contract basis from the Federal Government, was prin cipally supported by Presbyterian Missionary Society funds. The 246 boarding school at Sacaton, while founded on the site of the first school sponsored by the ladies * Missionary Society of New York City, was a federal boarding school. St. John's boarding school was entirely supported by the Franciscan Order of the Catholic Church during the time it was a day school as well as after it became a boarding school.
To this point emphasis has been placed on education for the
Pima tribe occupying the present Pima Reservation, with some mention of attendance in certain institutions on the part of the Papago youngsters.
The Papa go never took full advantage of even the limited opportunities offered by the off-reservation boarding schools for their youngsters, due to hesitation in sending their young people so far away from home.
In 1911, Father Mathias and Father Wund explored the area thoroughly with Christianization and acculturation in mind. However,
the actual instrumentation of the Papa go educational program was brought about by Father Bonaventure O'Blasser. Father Bonaventure, following in
the footsteps of hie predecessors, made a careful survey of Papa go area and decided that schools must be provided for the youngsters. There had been some initial work on the part of early Franciscan priests in 1905, but the work was not effective. Father Bonaventure founded hie first
school at Lourdes, or Little Tucson, in 1911, and in the same year
established another at Topawa. To this great man the Fapagos owe much,
not only in regard to formal education but in relation to vocational
training and acculturation. Not enough can be said about the contri- •*
buttons made during the forty years he spent among his beloved Papa go
people. School after school was founded until the present parochial
schools were all in existence and staffed by either priests, nuns, or Indian students from the boarding schools. In 1917> the government founded a school at Indian Oasis (Sells). This school was first in
tended to be a boarding school, but met with the seme fate that always
occurred in relation to boarding schools in regard to the Papa go The
school, within a few months, became another day school servicing the
Indians in the area with few Papagos interested in remaining on a boarding and rooming basis. Other day schools were founded for Papagos by the Catholics and prevail to this day.
After the advent of better means of transportation and more roads on the reservation, the government school at Sells became the nucleus of the federal Bureau educational program. ®ie idea of trans portation has always been of great significance to the Papa go students because of the close family and clan ties.
The process of deactivating the Pima on-reservation boarding
school was begun in 1928 and federal and parochial day schools took
over the job of educating the Pima youngsters on the reservations. The
schools at first were geared to teach grades one through six, but
gradually have taken on the obligation of educating youngsters in grades
one through nine. An appreciable number of Pima and a few Papa go con
tinue to attend the off-reservation boarding schools, but the pattern of boarding schools for the elementary level was breaking.
Pima and Papa go youngsters seeking secondary education were
forced, until recently, to attend either public high schools in the area,
p St. John's is one exception to this statement. 2kQ
St. John's boarding school, or off-reservation boarding schools. Un fortunately, only a small percentage of Indian youngsters attended or even at present attend secondary schools of any type. Many attempts have been made to stimulate an interest in secondary and in higher edu cation, but to date high school education is definitely for the few not the many.
The curriculum of the day schools on the elementary level has for a generation paralleled that of the public schools. The question arises whether this has been sufficient to aid the aborigines in the great transition necessary for them to make in order to find their places in the off-reservation white man's world. The boarding schools, perhaps, did a somewhat better job even at the elementary level in training for civilization and acculturizetion as they deliberately taught for this purpose. One half of the day was devoted to academic education and the other half to vocational training.
In 1934, the Johnson-0 'Halley Act was passed which enabled the
Pima and Papago youngsters living near public schools to have their education financed by the Federal Government whether it be elementary or secondary. There are six criteria under this act as follows:
CRITERIA FOR THE STATE OF ARIZONA
JOHNSCN-0'HALLEY CONTRACT FUNDS
I. The Bureau of Indian Affairs will pay the full cost for children of one-fourth or more degree Indian blood living with parents on tax-exempt lands not in a school district.
II. The Bureau will pay full per capita costs to the school attended for those children who will be boarded by the Bureau in towns for the purpose of attending public schools. 249
III. The Bureau, will pay the share of the per capita cost of edu cation of children of one-fourth or more degree Indian blood residing on tax-exempt Indian land within organized public school districts, which would ordinarily be paid for by local and county taxes.
IV. The Bureau will pay for special services provided for Indian pupils such as opportunity rooms, school lunches for needy pupils, and similar expenses required to assure the education of the Indian children.
V. The Bureau will pay the full cost of education for the Indian children who are enrolled in public schools for the first time and for whom the district cannot claim entitled state aid.
VI. Where an approved amalgamation of a federal and public school is in operation, the Bureau of Indian Affaire will pay the share of the cost of operating the public school that is administratively determined by State and Bureau represen tatives.3
Under the above listed criteria it is possible for the Indian
youngster to be educated together with all other races in the public
schools of Arizona without placing the financial burden upon the State,
County, or local tax payer.
The following charts based on figures released by the Phoenix
Area Office of the United States Indian Bureau will indicate relative
attendance by tribe and comparison in types of schools attended.
3Bulletin on the Criteria for the State of Arizona regarding Johnson-0 'Halley Funds, Division of Indian Education, Arizona Depart ment of Public Instruction, Capitol Annex,, Phoenix, Arizona. 1945
TABLE 1. INDIAN SCHOOL POPULATION AND ENROLLMENT FISCAL YEAR
Number Enrolled in School
Children 6 to 18
Number of Federal State Children Total Under 6 Enumerated (All or Re# Non- Sana Agency (6 to 18) Agee) Over 18 Total Public Total Day Bdg. Re# toria Mission Other#
Arizooa 6.458 5.699 134 5.565 846 3.603 2.942 181 455 25 1.086 30
Colorado River 471 413 4 409 239 154 107 0 43 4 16 0
Fort Apache 955 892 15 877 96 637 443 161 10 3 144 0
Pima 1.917 1.687 5 1.682 166 1.163 1.053 0 ' 126 4 309 24
San Carlo# 1.050 1.062 25 1.037 122 737 654 0 81 2 176 2
Sell# 1.705 1.336 84 1.252 128 662 578 0 92 12 441 1
Truxtoo Canon 360 309 1 306 95 210 107 0 103 0 0 3
Totals 6,458 5,699 134 5,565 846 3,603 2,942 181 455 25 1,066 30
O 251
1945 TABLE 2. FEDERAL SCHOOLS: KINDS, ENROLLMENTS, AND ATTENDANCE
State Kind Grades No. Days Number Average Dropped Number Agency of Taught School in Pupils Daily During Enrolled School School Session Ekirolled Attendance Tear Late
Arizona 3.922 3.037.71 501 796 Colorado River Colorado River D PP-10 175 136 97.98 1A 21 Fort Anache 793 667.75 136 225 D PP-3 180 25 20.75 A _ 1 Cibecue D PP-8 179 1A8 130.A0 19 11 Theo. Roosevelt D-B PP-11 180 A53 393.20 7A 160 Villi te river D PP-6 178 167 123.A0 39 53 Phoenix (Non-rea) B PP-12 181 616 519.20 115 136 Piaa 1.033 849.67 95 82 Rlackvater D PP-6 175 96 8A.97 5 1 Casa Blanca D PP-6 175 119 110.50 1A 3 P't. McDowell D PP-A 175 29 19.10 8 2 Gila Crossing D PP-6 175 53 45.80 3 7 Mari com D PP-A 15A 29 25.50 A 2 Pima Central D PP-11 175 30A 235.80 A1 a __ Salt River D PP-12 175 273 220.00 10 17__ Santan D PP-S 175 130 108.00 10 8
San Carlos 65A A31.20 53 66 Bvlas D PP-10 180 157 115.20 18 A3 San Carlos D PP-12 180 A97 316.00 35 23 Truxton Canon 107 8A.90 10 55 Camo Verde D PP-6 180 16 15. AO 1 0 Havasvm i n PP-S 16A AO 33.20 7 10 Peach Srrinrs n PP-7 150 51 36.30 2 & Sells 583 387.01 78 211___ Choulic D PP-6 180 13 12.20 0 1 Chulchu D PP-S 180 70 A8.A0 3 3A Fresnal Canvon D PP-6 _ 180 13 11.60 0 5 Hickiwan I) PP-6 83 A1 23.70 10 3 Kerwo D PP-5 180 31 23.AO 0 27 hchatk D PP-5 52 23 13.AO 0 0 Santa Rosa D PP-8 180 176 103.71 26 A5 Santa Rosa Ranch D PP-7 180 35 26.20 3 16 Sells n PP-7 180 126 83.60 31 56 Vamori D PP-6 180 18 13.80 5 A Ventana D PP-6 78 37 27.00 0 20 252
1945 TABLE 3. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS FISCAL YEAR
State Agency Number in Grades School
PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Spec Total
Arizona 593 528 469 459 347 314 352 315 182 187 80 55 14 27 3,922
Colorado Elver 17 11 25 11 16 10 13 8 14 8 2 1 136 Fort Apache 131 77 66 105 59 94 75 97 45 26 12 6 793 Cedar Creak 10 6 6 3 25 Clbecue 27 16 13 14 13 21 14 16 14 148 Then Rooaevelt 63 31 33 61 24 46 39 81 31 26 12 6 453 Whlterlver 31 24 14 27 22 27 22 167 Phoenix (Non-real 33 45 38 47 34 41 84 88 45 70 33 34 9 15 616 Pima 158 152 122 148 106 90 79 64 32 37 17 12 4 12 1.033 Blacken ter 17 7 19 16 16 16 5 96 Casa Bianca 20 20 13 23 15 16 12 • . 119 Ft. McDowell 4 15 1 6 3 29 Gila Cross inis 7 15 2 8 8 8 5 53 Maricopa 5 7 7 5 5 29 Pima Central 41 34 28 25 19 12 30 45 24' 21 9 4 12 304 Salt River 35 36 32 28 26 26 27 19 8 16 8 8 4 273 Santan 29 18 20 37 14 12 130 San Carlos 95 73 104 63 55 59 51 44 45 46 16 2 1 654 By las 26 35 22 20 16 13 10 6 • f 2 2 157 San Carlos 69 38 82 43 39 46 41 38 40 44 14 2 1 497 Truxton Canon 14 10 25 15 16 4 17 6 107 Came Verde 3 1 2 0 6 0 4 16 Bavasupai 7 3 12 8 4 0 6 . 40 Peach Springs 4 6 11 7 6 4 7 6 51 Sells 145 160 89 70 61 16 33 8 1 583 Choulie 2 2 4 0 2 1 2 13 Chulchu 15 18 22 6 5 2 1 1 70 Fresnel Canyon 0 3 2 4 2 0 2 13 Hickiwan 10 20 5 1 4 0 1 41 Kcrvo 4 14 1 11 0 1 31 Kohatk ? 6 1 1 4 2 23 Santa Rosa 52 38 2? 19 6 11 0 1 176 Santa Rosa Ranch 8 9 3 7 4 2 0 2 35 Sells 24 32 23 13 17 1 11 5 126 Vaswrl 7 0 0 3 4 1 3 18 Ventana 14 18 3 0 0 0 2 37 253
1945 TABLE 4. ENROLLMENT BY TRIBES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS ON RESERVATIONS AND IN HUENIX INDIAN SCHOOL „ fe c ais 1 1 1 r40 Tribes s. X c 5 n § II z § s c l 4 8 £ s w H
Anecne 1 i/ zy Chemehuevl 16 16 Chickasaw 7 7 Havasumi 11 18 29 Hod! 98 2 100 Mari com 12 21 55 Mission 2 2 Mohave 95 28 123
Mavaio 12 ______u Panago 99 2 580 683 PH mm. 107 915 1 1 .045 Pueblo L L Sioux 2 2 Ute 1 1 Va 1 n m i 5 62 51 120 Vann Snri ncrs l L Yavanais 22 5 27 Yuma 2 2 Others 2 20 22
Grand Totals 116 791 616 1 .011 652 581 107 1.922 25%
1945 TABLE 5. INDIAN CHILDREN ATTENDING HJBLIC SCHOOLS IN ARIZONA ENROLLMENT, ATTENDANCE, AND FINANCIAL AID
County Average District Enrollment Daily Days Total Attendance Attendance Amount Paid
Apache Bonita Canvon A3 28.57 A.856.5 * 1.500.00 Chi Hi e 9 8.36 1.A30 A60.00 Gsnado 12 10.85 1.812 500.00 Klazetoh 8 6.36 999 325.00 McNarv 51 36.50 6.059 - Puareo (S^pders) 128 91.91 15.165 7.115.60 Window Rook 18 14.28 2.398.5 600.00 Sanders Hizh School 6 A.OA 676 8A0.00 Sawmill Accommodation 13 8.39 1.292 750.00 Coconino Fl^pataff 25 17.05 2.967.5 - Fredonia 25 17.71 3.062 1.817.50 LeUDD 8 6.91 1.120 258.77 Tuba Citv 17 9.20 1.508 781.28 Gila Globe 5 3.68 652.5 611.25 Live Oak (Miamii 21 13.00 2.353 500.00 Lower Miami 25 15.67 2.836 500.00 Rice 3 2.79 A93.5 150.00 Globe Hizh School 7 2.55 A52.5 - Greenlee Morend 31 10.79 1.910.5 200.00 Maricopa Gila Bend 1 .90 156.5 60.CO Gilbert 3 2.25 128 - Lehl 7 5.70 957 250.00 Theba 11 8.17 1.306.5 50.00 Hioenix Union Hizh 38 29.32 5.219 AGO.CO Navajo Cibecue 7 6.09 902 A96.ll Kearns Canvon 1 .96 160.5 310.00 Whiteriver 23 21.29 3.576.5 366.00 Winslow 129 109.16 19.212 A.100.00 Pima Aio 86 65.92 10.9A3 2.522.68 Amnhitheater 2 1.93 323 - Manana 8 3.93 A26 - Tucson 17 19.60 3.390.5 1.900.00 Pinal Cool idre 17 12.65 2.125 737.00 Florence 9 8.28 1.416 670.00 Maricom 5 A.09 687 195.00 McDowell 17 9.A3 1.056 Sacaton 10 9.^7 1.656 59A.63 Stanfield 20 12.17 2.021 750.00 Sunerior 17 13.09 2.173 200.00 Coolidee Union Hizh 2 1.2A 219.5 50.00 255
1945
TABLE 5. INDIAN CHILDREN ATTENDING PUBLIC SCHOOLS IN ARIZONA ENROLLMENT, ATTENDANCE, AND FINANCIAL AID (CONT'D)
County Average District Enrollment Daily Days Total Attendance Attendance Amount Paid
Tavapal Beaver Creek A 3.31 5X9 1 360.00 Cano Varda 7 A.79 82X 570.00 marled* la 32 29.12 5.18A 1.125.25 Cottonwood 13 11. A9 2.023 609.00 The Fkrma 2 1.95 318 - Nelson 8 5.63 935 250.00 Prescott IS IX.37 2.573 725.00 Sal 1 man S 3.13 518 199.01 T a m a n 1 .92 152.5 _ Clarkdala Hi 3 1.83 325 _ 3 2.01 Yi? 130.00 Yuma Barker 3Q 31.7A 5.300 2.150.00 Somerton 8 3.71 621 300.00 No. Tuna Co. Union Hioh 6 5.20 88A. 5 525.00
Grand Total (19Z.S) 1.051 763.55 130.712.5 A37.80A.11 Grand Total (19U) 839 601.1 102,117.5 $36,398.00 1946
TABLE 1. INDIAN SCHOOL POPULATION AMD EKROLUCHI FISCAL TSAR
mber Enrolled in School
Children 6 to 18
Number of Federal Number State Children Total Odder 6 Mission Not Enroll#* Enumerated (All or Mae Non- Sana- and in School Agency (6 to 18) Agee) Over 18 Total Public Total Day Mg. Re# toria Other# (6 to 18)
Arl%@a# 6,575 5.650 109 5.541 919 3.527 2.779 205 526 17 1.095 870
Colorado Rivor 483 430 5 425 121 284 223 0 56 5 20 58
Fort Apmch# 956 918 9 909 89 659 438 205 12 4 161 45
Pimm 1.941 1.746 9 1.737 305 1.167 1.035 0 128 4 265 117
Sam Carlo# 1.056 1.033 19 1.014 85 710 600 0 107 3 219 42
Sell# 1.765 1.158 60 1.098 191 478 363 0 114 1 429 592
Truxton Canon 374 365 7 358 128 229 120 0 109 0 11 16
Totals 6,575 5,650 109 5,541 919 3,527 2,779 205 526 17 1,095 870
ro % 257
1*4*
TABLE 2. EMLOLUmn AMD AIT%mA#C* IB FmOLAL SCBOOLS
State Kind Grades No. Days Bhmber No. Enrolled Number Average Agency of Taught School in Pupils That Did Enrolled Dally School School Session Enrollad Mot Attend Late Attendance
Arleone -- • 3.7*7 138 883 2.885 Colorado River Colorado River D* PP-10 175 146 5 10 114 Port Aoacha --. 862 35 223 617 Cedar Creak D PP-2 173 22 0 0 21 Cibecue D PP 8 171 133 1 16 117 Thao. Roosevelt B PP-12 241 238 11 7 1*2 . D PP-11 170 216 23 37 120 Wbltarlvar D PP 6 171 253 0 163 167 Phoenix (Non-res) B PP-12 260 644 0 172 516
Pima 1.018 40 151 815 Blackmatar D PP-5 174 *3 4 4 6* Casa Blanca D PP-6 170 115 0 23 101 Ft. MdDcmell D PP-3 174 25 0 1 22 Gila Crossing D PP-6 174 86 0 18 75 Pima Central D PP-10 174 330 30 88 231 Salt River D FP-10 174 252 6 14 210 Santan D PP-5 174 117 0 3 107
San Carlos 581 51 106 462 Bv las D PP-9 180 163 0 42 140 San Carlos D PP-11 180 418 51 64 322
Trueton Canon . 131 0 40 *8 Cam* Varda D PP-7 180 20 0 4 17 Havaaupal D PP-5 180 46 0 14 34 Peach Springs D PP-8 180 65 0 22 47
Sells 415 7 181 263 Chuichu D PP-5 178 53 7 8 30 Fresnel Canyon D PP-6 178 13 0 0 12 Santa Rosa D PP-7 128 157 0 74 88 Santa Rosa Ranch D PP-5 176 32 0 18 21 Sails D PP-8 178 143 0 7* *6 Vamori D PP-7 171 17 0 2 16
Total 3,7*7 138 883 2,885
D* Indicates Day School; B, Boarding School; PP, Pre-primary 2 5 8
1946
TABU 3. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS FISCAL YEAN 1946
Stats A&sncy Wtsmbar In Grades School
PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Spec Total
Arlmeoa 509 475 430 433 405 332 339 330 216 125 79 40 25 49 3.787
Colorado liver 17 16 22 17 16 15 12 10 11 6 4 146 Port Apache 112 118 80 89 92 85 78 97 51 36 18 5 1 862 Cedar Creek 9 8 5 22 Clbecue 11 27 10 15 10 8 17 22 13 133 Theo. Roosevelt 48 42 32 45 41 40 33 75 38 36 ? 1 454 Whlterlver 44 41 33 29 41 37 28 253 Phoenix (Mon-res) 41 25 55 30 75 33 96 85 45 23 33 30 24 49 644 Pima 144 142 120 136 104 102 88 76 58 33 i; 1.018 Blackwater 13 15 10 2) 14 16 93 Casa Blanca 17 19 13 17 19 15 15 115 Ft. McDowell 6 4 12 3 25 Gila Crossing 16 8 23 11 7 13 8 86 Pies Central 36 32 25 19 26 24 43 51 41 22 ii 330 Salt River 25 34 34 27 27 26 22 25 17 11 4 252 San tan 31 30 3 34 11 8 117 San Carlos 63 72 58 88 65 49 ?2 48 45 27 9 5 581 Bv las 26 35 20 18 22 15 11 10 3 3 163 San Carlos 37 37 38 70 43 34 41 38 42 24 9 5 418 Sails 103 89 79 52 38 30 8 14 2 415 Chulchu 14 10 15 10 2 2 53 fresnal 1 4 3 3 2 13 Santa Rosa 39 38 25 21 16 9 1 8 157 Santa Rosa Ranch 6 7 5 5 5 4 32 Sella 40 26 31 13 12 11 3 5 2 143 Vaswri 3 4 3 4 2 1 17 Truxton Canon 29 13 16 21 15 18 5 10 4 131 Camp Verde 4 2 1 3 2 5 3 20 Bavasupal 12 8 6 8 5 7 46 Peach Serines 13 3 9 10 8 6 5 7 4 65
Total 509 475 430 433 405 332 339 330 216 125 79 40 25 49 3,787 259
1944
t a b u 4. raomser by decree or i h d u b blood
State Agency Full Three One One Lem# Than School Blood Quarter# Balf Quarter One Quarter Total
Arlmooa 3.66S 77 37 6 9 3.797 Colorado Stiver Colorado Slvar 116 14 7 0 9 146
Port Aoacha 861 1 0 0 0 862 Cedar Creek 21 1 0 0 0 22 Cibecue 133 0 0 0 0 m Thao, Roosevelt 454 0 0 0 0 454 S<eriver 253 0 0 0 0 M3 -
Phoenix (mon-re#) 603 19 16 6 0 644
Plata 989 20 9 0 0 1,01*___ Blacknater . 84 6 3 0 0 93 Ceae Slenca 113 0 2 0 0 115 Ft. MdDoMll 23 0 0 0 0 25 Gila Creaming 83 2 1 0 0 86 Pla* Central 319 11 0 0 0 330 Salt klvar 248 1 3 0 0 252 Santan 117 0 0 0 0 117
Sam Carlo# 572 9 0 0 0 581 Bv las __ 154 9 0 0 0 163 San Carlos 418 0 0 0 0 418
Sells 411 0 4 0 0 415 Chuichu 53 0 0 0 0 53 Preamal Canyon 13 0 0 0 0 13 Santa Stoma 155 0 2 0 0 Santa Stoma Stanch 32 0 0 0 0 32 Sella 141 0 2 0 0 143 Vamorl 17 0 0 6- 0 17
Truxton Canon 116 14 1 0 0 131 Cano Verde 17 3 6 0 0 20 Bavaauoai 45 0 i 0 0 46 Peach Snrinam 54 11 0 0 0 65
Total 3.668 77 37 6 9 3.797 260 GRAPH I
CCNPAHI80E OP TOTAL ENBOLIMENTS BT GRADES
IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS, 19^5 AND 1946
Total Enrollment# (Schools In this Report) 1945: 4,695 - 1946: 4,607
Legend: 1945 _____ - 1946 ------
Grades PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 6 9 10 11 12 Spe- clal
Number of Pupils
750______.______
700 \ 650 \ 600 \\ \ \
550 YL \\< \ 500
450 \ k — A too \\ N / V \ V 350 A 300 \ 250
200
150 \- 100 \ \ 50
0 ' y
NOTE: This graph should be read as follows: In 1945, there were 743 pupils enrolled In pre-primary groups, 621 in the first grade, 552 in the'second, etc. 261
GRAPH I I
COMPARISOF OF KKROLDOQfT IK GRAMS 0» A POtCEinXGK BASIS
ITOBIAL SCHOOL 19^6 - ARIZOEA PUBLIC SCHOOLS 19&
Lege mi! Federal School* _____ - Public . . .
3 * 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 8pe
H O B : Thie graph ehould be read aa follows: Of the k,6fff jnqjile enrolled In eehoele listed in this report, lA# were in the pre-prInary group, 12.8% in the first grade, 11.7% la the eeeond erade, eta.; of the 112,328 pup He enrolled la the public school* in Arisons (last figures available in 19hk), 2.1% were in the pre- prinary group, 16.2% in the first erode, etc. 1*47
TA*1* 1. INDIA* SCSKXXL KmmLATIC* AMD Sm O L i a m T FISCAL n w &
Bomber Emrolled 1m School
Children 6 to 1#
Dmshor of Federal *ssd»er Mot State Chlldrom Total Dodor 6 Mission Emrolled Emmaratad (All or Km . and la School
Agency (* to 1#) Agee) Over 1# Total POhllc Day M g . F? teria Other#Total (6 to 1#)
Arlsco# 32.745 15 J75 _ 233 15.044 1.899 11.073 6.265 3.273 1.428 107 2.072 17.701
ColoraAo *lv#r 4*1 43# 6 432 261 16# 102 64 2 23 39
Fort Apoch* 1.012 *3# 10 *4# 93 685 466 202 17 16# 64
Hop! 1.72# 1.211 11 1.200 13# **# 635 248 114 1 44 52#
Hava lo 24.324 #2## 106 #.1#2 760 6.613 2.947 2.804 767 93 #0* 16.142
Pima l.*12 1.712 3* 1.673 143 1.222 1.056 160 6 30# 23*
Sam Carlo# 1.041 1.01# 25 993 *4 6#2 59# #1 3 217 4#
Sail# 1.838 1.264 34 1.230 24# 4#2 343 _ 13* _ 300 60#
Trwxtoa Canon 3** 36# 2 366 140 223 11# 19 #6 . 3 33
Totals 32,745 15,275 233 15,044 1,#99 11,073 6,265 3,273 1,428 107 2,072 17,701
ro © 263
1*47
TABLE 2. MBOLLMOPT AMD AIT%*DAmcm I# POEmAL BCmDOLB
State Kind Grades No. Days Shaker Mo. Enrolled Number Average Agency of Taught School in fwpils That Did Enrolled Dolly School School Session Enrolled Mot Attend Late Attendance
Arlsona -. . *.*57 18* 1.31* 8.826 Colorado Elver Colorado River D* PP-10* 171 149 0 21 -133- Fort Aoacbe - . - 721 10 131 626 Cedar Creek D FF 2 176 2* 0 1 24 Clbecue D PP 8 176 136 2 60 124 Thao. Roosevelt B PP-10 259 224 0 22 202 D PP-10 176 82 7 4 74 Whlteriver D PP-6 176 250 1 44 202
Hool 821 15 82 725 ChisBooaw D PP-5 165 54 0 4 47 Hocevilla D PP-6 165 99 0 14 88 Kearns Canyon B PP-7 231 190 0 27 171 D PP-6 165 96 15 12 85 Oralbl Hlah B 6-10 165 107 0 7 26 Polacca D PP-7 165 107 0 11 *8 Toreva D PP-6 165 82 0 2 70
Nava 1o . 5.428 0 728 4.317 Baca D PP-5 169 83 0 21 44 Beclabito D PP-1 55 27 0 6 24 Bellemont D PP-4 152 100 0 58 42 ChaechilReetho D PP-3 106 43 0 7 24 Chinle B PP 5 252 184 0 2 182 D PP-3 173 11 0 7 10 Church Rock D PP-5 177 115 0 28 68 Cornfields D PP-4 174 50 0 21 31 Covote Canvon D PP-3 155 68 0 7 4* Crownpoint B PP-8 252 326 0 6 310 D PP-7 176 28 0 1 24 Crystal D PP-5 174 67 0 2 4* Dennehotso B PP-4 203 140 0 18 124 D PP 95 5 0 0 2 Ft. Defiance B FP-8 238 330 0 15 300 D PP-8 166 63 0 5 50 Ganado D PP-4 174 74 _ 0 0 64 Greaseoood D PP-5 175 71 0 5 56 Muarfano D PP-3 175 80 0 21 46 Hunter's Point D PP-4 168 61 0 18 44 lyanbito D PP-3 174 42 0 6 20 Kaibeto D PP-2 127 40 0 1* 26 Kayante D PP-2 90 35 0 22 2* Kinlichee D PP-5 173 . *4 0 25 68 Klaaetoh D PP-4 162 83 0 42 44 Lake Valley D PP-5 163 51 0 18 36 Lukachukal D PP-2 169 120 0 14 84
D* Indicates Day School; B, Boarding School; PP, Pre-primary
L 264
1947
t a b u 2. ratOLuenir a h d a t t e h s a m c b u pedcxal s c t o o l s (corr'D)
Stmt* Kind Grades Wo. Day# Wumhar Wo. Enrollad Wuhhor Average A##mcy of Taught School In Pupils That Did Enrolled Daily School School Session Enrollad Wot Attend Late Attendance
Wemv Farms D PP-4 162 21 0 4 17 Mexican Soring# D FP5 174 91 0 16 68 NascblCl D FP 3 176 82 0 0 72 Wave D FP3 176 92 0 9 68 WaveJo Mountain B FF-2 133 44 0 9 39 D FF 93 3 0 2 2 Wenahnaaad B FF-3 232 80 0 17 60 D FF-2 176 80 0 24 40 Flnedala D PP-4 170 33 0 3 24 Fine Soring# D FF-4 14B 43 0 0 26 Pinon B FF-3 248 136 0 16 101 Ead Each D FF-4 176 72 0 0 62 Each Faint D FF-4 173 82 0 13 74 Waugh Each D FF-3 132 41 0 6 35 Sana#tee D FF-2 102 86 0 4 68 Sawmill D FF-3 171 70 0 4 48 Saha Baikal D FF-4 176 63 0 4 51 Shiprock B PP-6 232 181 0 2 179 D FP-4 172 133 0 5 108 Standing Each D FF-4 133 32 0 6 23 Steamboat D FF-3 170 61 0 0 45 Teacnaeoo# D FF-4 177 63 0 19 47 Toadlena B FF-7 232 236 0 13 225 Tolanl Lake D FF-3 143 63 0 18 52 torreon D FF-3 177 43 0 4 37 Tuba City B FF-B 232 369 0 28 334 D FF-4 179 33 0 2 28 Twin Lake# D FF-4 102 89 0 34 61 White Worae D FF-4 169 39 0 13 29 Wide Euln# D FF-3 161 40 0 14 18 Wingate B FP-12 232 326 0 39 426
Phoenix (Won-re#) B PP-12 249 663 71 83 566
Fima . 1.090 72 79 837 Blackwater D FF-4 163 100 7 . 7 84 Ca#a Blanca D PP-6 170 115 1 2 n o Ft. McDowell D PP-4 167 30 0 0 28 Gila Crossing D PP-6 163 94 0 9 79 Pima Central D PP-10 170 323 33 36 223 Salt River D PP-10 170 302 30 23 210 San tan D FF-3 167 126 1 2 103
San Carlo# 613 99 488 Bvla# D FF-9 180 164 0 55 133 San Carlo# D PP-12 180 449 0 44 355 265
1947
TABLE 2. ENROLLMENT AND ATTENDANCE IH FEDERAL SCHOOLS (COST'D)
State Kind Grades No. Days Number No. Enrolled Number Average Agency of Taught School in Pupils That Did Enrolled Dally School School Session Enrolled Not Attend Late Attendance
Sells -- 353 21 85 231 Chulchu D PP-4 178 45 0 3 24 Fresnel Canyon D PP-4 179 15 0 0 13 Santa Rosa D PP-7 180 125 0 29 63 Santa Rosa Ranch D PP-5 171 30 21 0 19 Sella D PP-S 179 119 0 47 96 t i D PP-8 179 19 0 6 16
Truxton Canon 119 0 11 103 Cmep Verde D PP-8 166 12 0 1 11 Kavasupal D PP-6 173 40 0 5 33 Peach Springs D PP-8 180 67 6 5 59
Total • _ 9,957 189 1,319 8,026 266
1947
TABLZ 3. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS FISCAL YEAR
State Ageocy Number In Grade# School
PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Spec Total
Arizona 2.524 1.833 1.251 L.034 861 654 517 504 363 167 126 60 33 30 9.957 Colorado River Colorado River 18 15 16 13 16 21 If 10 12 9 4 149
Fort Apache 88 87 88 63 71 71 79 89 48 16 21 721 Cedar Creek i; 8 6 29 Cibecue 14 20 21 16 If 13 12 12 13 m Theo. Roomevelt 17 25 28 11 19 34 77 35 16 21 306 Whiterlver 42 34 33 36 33 39 33 230
Hopl 122 142 115 92 85 74 69 39 39 23 17 3 1 821 Chlmonaw 12 11 11 10 f } 34 Hotevllla 1 32 22 8 14 9 13 99 faeu# Canvon 42 26 35 19 27 19 19 3 190 Moencool 23 16 10 15 13 11 8 * Oraibi 10 18 15 11 5 15 7 29 39 23 17 3 1 ______m Polacca 22 16 13 15 15 10 9 7 107 Toreva 12 23 9 14 6 5 13 82
Navaio 1.936 1.235 715 554 346 223 138 132 77 30 17 15 10 5.428 Baca 37 19 11 9 3 4 83 Beclabito 20 7 27 Bellemont 66 22 5 6 1 100 Cheechll&eetho 23 12 5 3 43 Chinle 36 38 31 30 29 31 195 Church Rock 27 32 28 20 7 1 115 Pine Springe 17 9 13 5 1 45 Pinofi 112 16 6 2 136 Red Rock 50 14 3 3 2 72 Rock Point 31 9 17 12 13 82 Rough Rock 27 4 0 5 4 1 41 Sanomtee 44 33 9 86 Sawmill 29 9 13 10 7 2 70 Seba Dalkal 40 24 1 65 Shiprock 135 50 48 41 24 14 2 314 Standing Rock 13 8 6 2 3 32 Steamboat 19 14 8 20 61 Teecnospos 22 11 7 19 4 63 Toadlena 53 53 44 26 22 21 12 5 236 Tolanl Lake 34 14 9 5 1 63 Torreon 30 9 12 4 45 Tuba City 102 126 64 59 30 13 4 5 1 404 Twin Lakes 38 29 14 5 3 89 26?
1947
TABLE 3. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS FISCAL YEAR (COST'D)
State Agency Niaeber In Gradee School
1 PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Spec Total
White Korea 18 11 6 3 1______21 Wld# Ruin# 14 18 4 4 40 Wingate 15 64 59 58 31 48 84 39 30 30 17 13 10 526
Phoanlx (Non-re#) 7 29 49 67 66 71 41 102 74 43 31 36 18 29 663
Pima 178 135 130 127 124 100 94 75 64 41 22 1.090 Blackwater 14 11 14 11 18 20 12 100 Casa Blanca 16 15 12 14 15 13 115 Ft. McDowell 6 7 3 10 4 30 Glia Crossing 16 19 9 23 9 6 12 94 Pima Central 34 29 34 21 29 22 32 4# 39 24 11 323 Salt River 45 28 38 30 28 28 2? 27 25 17 11 _3.02- Santan 33 25 17 20 22 9 126
San Carlos 94 77 60 52 95 64 58 46 37 5 14 6 4 1 613 Bvla# 21 37 20 16 18 23 14 6 , 7 2 164 San Carlos 73 40 40 36 77 41 44 40 30 3 14 6 4 . 1 449
sail# 68 90 66 52 41 16 10 5 5 353 Chu Ictus 9 13 11 10 2 45 Fraanal 3 3 3 3 3 15 Santa Roaa 24 32 20 23 16 6 1 3 125 Santa Rosa Ranch12 6 7 3 2 30 Sell# 16 33 25 13 13 7 8 4 119 4 3 3 4 1 1 2 1 19
Truxton Canon 13 23 12 14 17 14 13 6 7 119 Camn Verde 1 3 2 2 2 1 1 12 Havaaupal 6 10 5 5 6 5 3 40 Peach Springs 6 13 4 9 9 7 8 5 6 67
Total 2.524 1,833 1,251 1,034 861 654 517 504 363 167 126 60 33 30 9,957
I 268
1947
TABLE 4. ENROLLMENT BY DECREE OF INDIAN BLOOD
State Agency Full Three One (be Laaa Than School Blood Quarters Half Quarter Oee Quarter Total
Arimena 9.745 132 34 14 12 9.957 Colorado River Colorado River 110 22 6 3 6 149
Port Apache 717 2 2 721 Cedar Creek 29 29 Cibecue 132 2 2 136 Ttieo. Roosevelt 306 306 Whlteriver 230 230
#ooi 817 1 2 1 821 Chimopsw 33 1 34 aotevilla 97 2 99 Kegg# Canyon 190 190 Hosncopl 96 96 Oralb1 HI ah 192 1 193 Polacca 107 107 Toreva 82 82
Mavalo 3.396 23 3 4 5.428 Baca 83 83 Seclahito 27 27 Seilemont 98 2 l66 Cheechllaeetho 43 43 Chinle 193 2 195 Church Rock 113 115 Cormfielda 30 50 Covote Canvoa 68 ' 68 Crosmeoint 334 354 Crystal 67 67 Denaehotso 143 145 Ft. Defiance 383 8 393 Canado 74 74 Creaaewood 71 71 Buerfano 80 80 61 61 Ivaahlto 42 . 42 Kaiheto 40 40 Raventa 33 35 Klnllchaa 94 M Klaaatoh 83 83 Lake Veliev 31 51 Luka chu Veal 120 • 120 Hanv Farm# 21 21 Mexican Sorinae 91 91 269
1947
TABLE 4. ENROLLMENT BY DEGREE OF INDIAN BLOOD (CONT'D)
State A#*acy Full Three One One Less Than School Blood Quarters Half Quarter One Quarter Total
Haschiti 82 82 Hava 92 92 Hava to Mountain 44 5 49 Henahnesad 160 160 Plnedale 32 1 33 Pine Sarlnaa 45 45 Plooa 136 136 Red Rock 72 72 Rock Point 82 82 Rouah Rock 41 41 Samoatea 86 86 Sawmill 66 4 70 Saba Dalkai 65 65 Shiorock 310 4 314 Stamdina Rock 32 32 Steamboat 61 61 Toacnosoos 63 63 Toadlama 236 236 Tolanl Lake 63 63 Torreon 45 45 Tuba Citv 404 404 Twin laakas 87 2 89 White Horse 39 39 Wide Ruins 40 40 Wineata 522 4 526
Phoenix (Mon-res) 621 17 20 5 663
Pima 1.040 32 15 3 1.090 Blackenter 85 11 4 100 Casa Blanca 112 3 115 Ft. McDowell 30 30 Gila Crossing 89 2 3 94 Pima Central 306 12 5 323 Salt River 292 9 1 302 Santan 126 126
San Carlos 589 39 5 613 By las 155 9 164 San Carlos 414 30 5 449 Sells 351 1 1 353 Chuichu 45 45 Fresnel Canyon 15 15 Santa Rosa 125 125 Santa Rosa Ranch 30 30 Sells 117 1 1 119 Vtaori 19 19 270
1947
TABLB 4. ENROLLMENT BY DECREE OF INDIAN BLOOD (CONI'D)
State Agency Full Three One One Lee# Than School Blood Quarters &alf Quarter Oaa Quarter Total
Truxton Canon 104 15 119 Camp Verde 9 3 12 Havaeupai 39 1 40 Peach Spring# 56 11 67
Total 9,745 152 54 14 12 9,957 Tabl# 1. Indian Population and Enrollment Fiscal Year 194&
Rmlber Airolled in School State #Wber of Children 6 to 18 Tears of Age Number Mot Children Total Dbder 6 Federal Mission Enrolled or Anmerated (All or Res. Mon- S a m - sad Uncertain (6 to IS) ton) O^fi* JM _ Total Total Dm* Bd*. Res. torlm Others (6-18) Sv»4 *OIV1 32.15? 16.193 207 16.086 2.218 11.720 2.007 5.020 1.750 25 _ 2.098 _ 36.367
1*1 17 127 266 157 121 0 35 1 22 32
Port inachm 902 020 16 021 107 675 270 186 2 6 122 68
Honl 1.110 1.051 28 1.023 176 819 657 70 70 2 28 87
hern jo 21.166 9.196 251 0.215 870 7.521 1.202 1.761 1.32* 27 832 _ _ 15.121 % Finuio 2.127 1.130 37 1.202 302 580 521 0 62 2 _ 511 725
M m m 1.986 1.702 13 1.689 255 1.007 988 ____ CL 100 0 337 207
Carlo# 1.015 1.037 35 1.002 110 671 626 0 22 3 ??T 13
Cmwmm 376 362 10 352 162 101 113 0 78 0 1 22
.. 32053.™ 16.193 ...607™ 16.086 2.218 .13.760...—6*202_ 4.029 1^.750 25 2^008 I6rl67
PO T2 Table 2. Enrollment and Attendance in Federal School# Flecal Tear 194*
State Kind Grade# Bo. Day# Bomber Bmber A. Agency of Taught School in Pupil# Enrolled D. St^iool School Late A. Arizona 10.592 1.783 8.651. Colorado River Colorado River D* PP-10* 167 158 16__ 131 F9rt AlHKrh® 711 194__ 5A5 Cedar Creek D PP-2 58 21 _1__ 20 D PP-8 171 166 10 1/Z P99§«valt B PP-11 236 206 71 190 D PP-11 171 87 50 72 Whlteflyey D PP-6 171 231 60 191
872. 118 779 dll wim|Yy D PP-5 169 57 _0 55 lotii Rieh D 7-11 169 27 5 21 B pp-n 169 171 11 152 D PP-6 169 Ifp 29 88 Wmmmm Camvnm B PP-7 218 200 22 179 Maaammni D PP-6 169 95 A 88 Rolammm D PP-7 169 126 19 113 Toreva D PP-6 169 88 6 81
5.850 816 2.823 Baca B PP-5 168 TO 11 17 D PP-5 160 17 12 2A Beclabito B PP-1 17A 18 A 35 Bellemont D PP-1 161 89 35 65 B 19 11 21 D PP-2 lAf 1/ 1 9 B PP-S 218 185 1 181 D PP-^ 161 111 16 _82 CornPlelda B PP-1 151 ------22 19 9 D PP-A 152 6 9 25 Covote Canvon B PP-S 172 TO 0 64 Crovnnoint B PP-B 216 146__ 21__ 320 D PP-7 169 2A A 21 Crvatal B PP-1 166 19 28 10 D PP-6 168 16 0 28 Daaaahntao B PP-1 218 152 20 141 F t. Dafiaaoa B PP-8 ^ 8 318 6 _295 D PP-8 172 76 16 62 CimnHrk D PP-A 165 71 2 _ ____^ 9 1 B PP-5 167 60 1 D PP-2 151 22 0 1A B Pf^5 179 82 1A 66 Him te r 1 ^ Point B PP-5 180 71 19 A? Ivanbito B PP-1 1 % 1% 7 8 D PP-1 167 A9 26 27 B PP-2 68 A 61
D* indicates Day School; B, Boarding School; PP, Pre-primary Table 2. Enrollment and Attendance In Federal School# Fiscal Tear 1948 ______"______(Coat'd)
S tate Kind Grade# Mo. Day# Amher HWber Average Agency of Taught School In Npila Enrolled Bally School Venonad la te Xrisona Navajo (co a t'd ) B PM 172 27 6 22 D PM 170 17 2 11 B PM 179 101 11 77 Kll Wfcfrfl B PM 172 49 22 zi D PM 167 '.■.'.'"aT " 2 19 B P M 179 46 1 27 B PM 180 72 19 46____ D PPL] ISO 42 2 31 Maav Farm# D PM 164 a t 2 21 MtKlCftB SprliMMi BPM 170 49 2 /ft D PM 160 20 9 14 B PM 179 77 1 70 D PP-2 170 ____13 _ CL _ 1 4 ____ Mava D PM 161 72 7 60 Mavaio Mountain B PM 179 42 9 41____ B PM 216 111 41 64 b p p-i 161 _ 42 0 14 Mnadala B PM 171 11 0 10 D PM 16# 29 6 20 Fine Soring* B PP-2 142 14 6 6 D PP-2 146 21 1 1% PlnnTi B PP-2 176 161 14 no___ i i B PM 111 in 20 29 Had Rfi«lr B PM 179 70 0 __ 58 ___ D PM 176 21 U 16 Rock Point B PM 176 41 1 27 D PM 176 14 1 13 _ jp^ck B PM 160 21 7 2 L ___ B PM 174 61 21 62 D PM 142 12 0 6 Sawmill D PP-6 166 5 2 44 5 ^ ^ p* 1 km 4 B PP-2 160 7 7 __ 0...... _ 7 4 ____ B PM 216 1S6___ 6 ____ D PM 160 120 26 109 Standin* Rook B PM 147 21 D PM 126 20 0 9 B PM 116 41 6 26 Taaenomnoa B PM 160 60___ 12 77 Toadlana B PM 216 2&L 10 220 Tolani TaVm B PM ]60 7 1 . 24 49 Torrmon B 5 176 61 2 41 B PP-8 161 2 5 __ _ 142. _ D PP-2 27 _ 6 21 Twin B PP-l 61 11 12 D PP-l __ 11 46 White Horae B PP-2 176 17 6 11 J) PM 124 _ .....7... 1 4 Wi de Rill ns DPM 164 16 2 ___22 Wingate B PP-2 216 427 6 260 Table 2. Barollaent and Attendance In Federal Schools Fiscal Tear 1948 ______(Cont'd)
State Kind Grades No. Dsya Number Ntmber Average Agency of Taught School in Pupils Enrolled Dally School Session Enrolled Late Attendance AMmonA Pwr^trn 582 332 359 f!hti1 rhn D PP-7 157 55 25 39 D PP-S 160 13 2 11 Karwo D PP-8 122 68 60 16 D PH-8 167 159 80 79 D PP-1 171 25 23 16 Sella D PP-9 178 HA 72 106 Yaaorl D PP-6 179 17 1 13 Vaim Ch i a D PP-6 105 101 89 51
Fhoanlx fnon-res.^ B PP-12 260 627 66 559
21a 993 113 816 D PP-6 162 96 16 69 D PP-6 162 115 18 106 Ft. McDowell D PP-1 168 26 1 25 Cl la Crowelt^ D PP-6 161 92 8 73____ Pima Central D PP-10 162 278 21 219 Salt River D PP-10 167 261 62 _ 221 Re ate a D pp-s 161 125 7 105
Sam Carloa 68A 120 526 _ Brlaa D PP-8 180 186 66 169 San Carlos D PP-12 180 500 76 375 Tnrrf.on 113 28 98 Revaaune1 D PP-8 162 39 15 36 Peach Snrlava D PP-8 180 76 13 66
Total 10.592 1.783 8.65Z Table 3. Enrollment by Grades In Federal Schools Fiscal Tear 1948
State Ageacy Number in Grades
PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 6 9 10 ii 12 Spec Total
Arisons 2706 1939 1467 1115 761 651 531 453 343 216 64 66 39 215 10,592
Colorado River wii Oeleiwln H * 17 16 19 1& 16 16 20 9 6 1 156
61 69 69 76 61 50 71 91 25 6 12 711 6 11 2 2*1
1? 19 10 17 15 16 9/ 75 19 25 6 12 291 19 11 16 11 11 22 3; 211
&>nl 157 125 122 101 92 77 57 58 12 22 12 9 5 87Z. l/i 16 5 7 10 5 57 27 11 21 16 9 12 g 5> 108 69 11 12 11 18 19 11 7 200 Moeneoni 16 19 10 17 15 11 7 95 p«iih4 u 10 17 11 11 6 11 21 12 99 12 9 200 Rrklmmmm 21 20 20 10 20 IP 11 ' 10 126 Toreva 16 16 17 9 I] 10 9 66
Mavaio 2090 1120 905 107 221 116 121 62 17 16 16 11 5.850 65 28 12 11 1 6 107 ?? 12 0 2 16 Bellamont u 19 __ 5 1 89 flheefih 1 leeetho PI 18 12 51 17 Z.5 71 15 g 9 185 fUmw^h Rock 65 22 12 15 11 2 111 Omfmflalda %6 19 10 1 2 60 Coeota Oamrom 16 12 6 19 6 11 70 fhmiMinol % 10/ 17 19 % 18 39 12 9 170 29 22 12 11 o 0 i _75_ fo 69 29 1 152 ff, 57 71 56 10 28 29 21 ii 395_ 18 16 11 21 5 71 Greeewood 11 21 _ 16 7 2 1 82 14 17 29 12 9 1 82 1 m Rn4 n± pi 12 12 9 11 2 71 27 1A 9 11 1 1 61 IT m 4 Km* n 56 10 2 68 Wm-wmmiia 11 6 1 2 22 17 . 25 19 12 6 101 VI *|wtr4'll 39 11 16 10 5 81 Tmtm VrnlT** 9/ 19 2 8 1 56 71 12 11 8 126 Manv Parma 15 1 1 2 2 1 26 fiO 21 9 7 79 15 21 15 2 1 92 Nava 29 25 10 8 72 Navmlo Mountain 10 10 7 1 2 52 276
Table ]. Enrollment by Grade# in Federal School# Fi#oal Tear 194* (Comb'd) State Agency Member in Grade# School ...... _ PP 1 2 3456789 10 1112 Spec Total
Arisona Navajo (Coat'd)
Pueblo Pintado IQ
5 z _ _ £ Standing Sock 17
Q 17
Wido Riiina Wlmrnta toe. HS SL__ZL 92 40 28
47 48 22
1/fl 1/2 12A 1/1 120 BltfJmntflr AMMLjBlSEA Pt. MBDawmll G4Ta Rymaaim# i t -12__ 2L Pi— Cantml Salt M w £ « - - » a a t jblLJrifadBS— t * kk 4fl- £ofld^9Lafiufi&. Ha— unai Pa*ch Snrimm# ± = i Table 4* Enrollment by Tribes Fiscal Tear 1948
ShWillf thf TIW^**1* nr children of each tribe enrolled in schools imdar aach Indlun A y nqr
H
Tribes and Non-Indians 1 i Colorado River Colorado Agencies Apache Fort Navajo Hop! San Carlos San Truxton Canon Truxton & I i Total
Apache 711 % 1 0 6 1 Chemehuevi 29 2 • _ 31 Coconah 2 2 Five Civilised Tribes _ 3 3 _____ 5 Havamunal 7 39 46 Hooi 38 731 . 2 5
IASLS 1. O D U E 8CEXH. POPDLmOB AMD XM O L i m t FISCAL TSAK
Xkmhor Earollod In School
Children * to 18 Bhmher Mot W b e r of Federal Mnrollad State Chlldram Total aaaion Mo Information ii (All or Em . Sana- and Available (6 to 1$) Agee) Ooar 18 Total Public Total 0*7 M g . tori# Other# (* to IS)
Arlwom 32.549 17.375 3*4 17.011 2.778 11.912 3.994 5.642 2.2B* 30 2.321 13.33S
Colorado Klvor 4#6 4 W 17 482 294 144 130 b 33 1 24 14
Fort loach# 1.054 ##7 24 963 113 *42 471 183 2 * 18$ 91
Wept 1.256 1.229 31 -1.191 13* 1.004 676 218 110 0 3S 38
Mavaio 23.997 3.723 17* 9.5*7 1.00* 7.516 481 5.241 1.7*3 29 943 14.450
2.201 1.011 50 ' 1.761 3*8 393 300 0 88 3 *00 440
Flaw 2.021___ 1.702 32 1.670 237 1.104 991 0 106 7 309 331
Sea Carlo* 1.123 1.0*7 20 1.047 104 726 *73 0 49 2 217 78
Tnixton Canon 3## 337 14 343 200 143 70 0 73 0 0 36
Total# 32,549 17,375 364 17,011 2,776 11.912 3,994 5,642 2,226 30 2,321 15,538
fO 0& 279
1949
TABU 2. ERROUMHI AMD ATTENDANCE IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS
Kiad Grade# Bo. Day# Number Duuher Average of Taught School lo fupll# Barolled Dally School School Sea#loo Barolled Late Atteodaace
10.325 2.403 6.777
1 i 236 67 17# Colorado Klvor D* fP*S 167 172 36 126 Bo#too D FP-4 123 64 31 51 fort Aoocho . 677 232 530 Cedar Creak D ff2 ISO 31 13 16 Clhecee D ffS ISO 131 32 111 Thao. Rooaevelt 1 FP 12 233 200 63 177 D PP-12 ISO 77 34 56 Whltorlver D ff-6 ISO 23S 66 166
Moot #23 117 644 Chlisopavy D PP-6 177 60 3 55 Bopl High B ff-12 17S 20S 16 1#4 S S-ll 17S 2# 0 26 Botevllla D ff-6 173 116 32 10# Kemm# Caovoo m ff-7 247 1#0 17 170 Heencopl D ff-6 17S 102 6 #7 toUcca B ff-7 17S 132 17 112 Torova D ff-6 17S S# 6 60 iavaio ...... 5.405 1.3## 4.725 death S D ff-1 ISO 67 61 4# Baca B D ff 5 170 114 42 112 Baclahlto B-D ff-3 170 3# 16 35 mallaaeat B ff-2 16# 66 17 53 Cheechllgeetho B-D ff-3 163 43 24 36 Chicle B ff 3 236 198 0 167 Church Bock D ff 5 16S 112 31 65 ZrSlald# B-D ff-4 130 3S 10 36 Corote ComMNL B ff-2 84 66 11 66 Crowaoolot B PP-8 243 32# 16 317 Crystal B D ff 5 170 S3 24 66 Denehotio B-D ff-3 23S 160 # 153 it. Defiasce B D ff S 243 3#7 11 362 Oenado... B D ff-4 #0 66 13 66 Crossooood BD ff-6 164 62 37 51 ■narfaao B ff-4 23S 37 24 ...: ~ huatar s folmt B D ff-4 170 32 10 44 Irmhlto BD PP4 162 60 34 37 Kalhato B PP-4 234 66 17 56 Kayaat# B D ff-2 170 34 12 2# Klmllcha B D ff 3 163 76 31 62 KUiJtSh B D PP-6 170 64 66 64
D* indicate Day School; B, Boarding School; PF, Pra-prUary. On the Navajo Reservation some children were In hoarding school five deye each week; others, seven days. 280
1949
TABLE 2. KHROmeHT AMD ATTENDANCE IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS (COHT'D)
State Kind Grades No. Day# Number NWber Average Agency of T#u#bt School in Pupils Enrolled Dally School School Session Enrolled Lets Attendance
Lake Valiev B FP 3 163 40 3 40 Lukachukai B-D PF 3 16S 123______31 SI Many Farms D PP 3 147 23 3 16 Mexican Sorlnas B-D FP-5 130 34 42 44 Kaachltl B-D FF3 164 B7 20 B7 Nava D FP-4 161 B2 27 63 Navalo Mountain B-D FF3 160 61 21 . 53 Nenahnesad B FF 5 236 126 30 94 Flnedale B D PP 3 136 ____ 3 0 _____ 13 22 B-D FF 3 140 41 21 23 Flnon B FF 2 163 143 4 m Fnahle Fiatado B FF^l 16S 37 11____ 33 led lock B-D PF-3 170 72 30 61 lock Feint B PP-4 73 43 23 42 louib lock B FF-4 170 3B IS 37 Senoatee 1 FF-3 233 ____ 63 23 32 SawU.ll D FF 3 170 63 40 48 Seba Baikal B FF 3 170 64 5 63 Shiorock B-D FP-6 243 303 77 230 Shonto B FF-1 36 60 S s Stand inn lock B-D FF-3 163 37 17 35 Steesiboat B-D FF 6 170 73 43 48 Tetcnospos B FF 3 236 63 3 64 Toad1ana B FF-6 243 263____ 27 233 Telanl Lake B FF 2 133 31 31 . 30 Torreon B-D FF 2 163 33 3 31 Tkba Cltv B D FF S 243 3SS 38 36S Twin Lakes B-D FF 2 133 74 47 36 White Horse B-D PP 2 170 33 13 38 Wide Inins B-D PP-6 110 31 31 50 Wingate B FF-12 243 463 40 432
Papago _ 373 230 329 Chulchu D FP-6 167 74 42 48 lermo D FF-7 170 66 27 31 Santa loan Cons. D FF 7 136 137 81 71 Santa losa lanch D FP-6 174 27 10 17 Sells D ' FF S 173 142 68 102 Vaseorl D FF 6 172 16 • 16 Vava Chin D FF-6 1S1 111 62 44
Phoenix (Non-res) B FP-12 231 734 31 636
Pin# . 332 71 889 llackenter D FF-6 163 —ML. 10 73 Casa Blanca D FF-6 133 117 1 103 Ft. McDowell D FF-4 162 22 1 21 Gila Crossing D FF-6 133 33 - 84 !
281
1949
TABLE 2. ENROLLMENT AND ATTENDANCE IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS (CONI'D)
State Kind Grades No. Days *s*er Eumher Average Agency of Taught School In Pupil# Enrolled Dally School School Session Enrolled Late Atteal— ce
Pima Central D PP-10 163 278 38 242 Salt River D PP-10 165 274 9 255 Santan D PP-5 161 123 12 107
San Carlos 693 117 501 By las D PP-8 179 180 53 142 San Carlos D PP-12 179 5 U 64 359
Truxton Canon _. 70 19 64 Peach Springs D PP-8 180 70 19 64
Total - - - 10,325 2,403 8,777
r 2 8 2
1949
TABLE 3. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS FISCAL YEAR
State Agency Number In Grades School
PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Spec Total
Arlaoaa 2.381 2.012 1.396 996 800 619 560 477 291 244 149 64 59 277 10.325
Colorado River 80 33 25 27 26 19 19 15 12 236 Colorado River 31 19 19 18 20 19 15 12 172 Boston 29 14 6 9 6 64
Fort Apache 73 76 70 73 83 62 53 89 49 29 14 6 677 Cedar Creek 13 9 9 31 Clbecea 12 18 18 17 20 16 14 12 4 131 Thao. Roosevelt: f 13 16 14 28 16 14 77 45 29 14 6 277 Whiter Ivor 43 36 27 42 35 30 25 238
meal 137 111 117 102 82 76 58 41 32 14 9 1 925 Chlmoeaw 9 12 7 7 11 11 3 60 Hotevllla 1? 29 12 22 16 9 11 116 Rome Canvon 40 39 33 32 14 11 12 7 190 Hoancopl 18 21 11 17 11 11 13 102 Noel Rlah 24 8 10 17 13 17 7 41 41 32 14 9 1 234 Folacca 24 19 19 10 22 12 18 10 134 Toreva 13 9 17 12 13 11 12 89
Navajo 1,744 1.425 843 459 319 194 140 90 83 53 27 15 13 5.405 Aneth 34 33 67 Baca 39 28 7 18 10 12 114 Baclablto 16 12 7 4 39 Bellemomt 18 43 7 68 Cheechllaeetho 20 11 9 3 43 Chlale 72 39 53 11 2 198 Church Rock 29 17 29 16 10 11 112 Cornfields 18 7 6 4 3 38 Covote Canvon 17 38 11 66 Crowneolnt 31 90 32 34 34 38 34 21 15 329 Crystal 42 10 15 11 4 1 83 Denehoteo 81 67 10 2 160 Ft. Defiance 60 83 56 49 43 25 41 29 11 397 Canado 21 12 16 15 4 68 Creaeeeood 23 13 11 9 4 0 2 62 Nuerfano 4 23 16 9 5 57 Bunter'e Point 21 10 12 3 6 * 52 Ivaahlto 37 10 4 4 5 60 Ealheto 22 * 21 25 68 Raven ta 13 18 3 34 Rlnllchee 20 22 15 13 6 2 78 Klastetoh 29 33 15 3 2 1 1 84 Lake Veliev 13 22 4 1 40 Lukachnkal 52 42 17 14 125 283
1949
TABLE 3. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS FISCAL YEAR (COW'D)
State Agency Number in Grades School
PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Spac Total
Many Farms 5 7 4 2 3 2 23 Maxlcaa Spring# 20 11 11 6 4 2 54 Ifaschiti 21 27 26 13 67 *#va 43 9 10 12 8 82 Havato Mountain 21 13 19 8 61 Nenahnezad 62 35 16 11 1 1 126 Fimadala 10 10 5 5 30 Flo# Spring# 24 6 7 2 41 Plnon 65 48 10 143 Pueblo Pintado 11 7 16 0 1 37 Red Rock 32 14 16 10 72 Sock Point 9 19 8 6 3 45 Souah Sock 14 13 5 3 3 38 Sano#ta# 19 26 11 9 65 Sam&lll 29 11 8 9 3 5 65 Saha Baikal 12 34 12 6 64 Shlprock 112 113 41 9 18 6 4 303 Shooto 54 6 60 Standing Rock 16 9 6 4 37 Staamboat 18 14 16 11 12 1 1 73 Teacno#po# 34 27 3 1 65 Toadl#na 53 55 51 46 30 17 13 265 Tolanl Laka 25 12 14 51 Torraon 21 24 10 55 Ttba City 178 76 66 25 24 8 6 4 1 386 Twin Laka# 22 36 14 74 Whit# Bor## 24 11 4 39 Wlda Ruin# 22 19 5 1 3 0 1 51 Wlnsata 16 25 43 29 59 60 37 36 56 53 27 15 13 369
Papago 114 95 112 96 58 43 42 8 0 0 5 573 Cbulchu 10 9 15 16 6 5 4 74 Sarwo 12 20 16 7 4 4 2 l • 66 Santa So#a 13 11 28 25 20 17 14 4 5 137 Santa Soma Ranch 6 7 5 3 3 1 27 Sail# 29 22 22 26 16 11 13 3 142 Vamorl 4 2 0 3 0 4 3 16 fay# Chin 33 24 26 14 7 2 5 111
Pboanlx (Mon-ra#) 7 6 20 25 24 52 45 71 37 70 52 40 31 272 754
Pina 153 136 129 124 119 103 83 55 35 29 26 992 Slackwatar 21 13 10 9 13 10 9 85 Ca#a Blanca 22 13 22 16 17 15 12 117 Ft. McDowell 6 4 9 1 2 22 28k
1949
TABLE 3. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS FISCAL YEAR (CONT’D)-
State Agency Number in Grade# School
ft 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Spec Total
Gila Creaa&a* 17 9 18 11 9 21 8 93 Mma Central 32 2S 23 23 33 17 40 29 22 17 14 278 Salt River 35 37 34 30 33 28 14 26 13 12 12 274 Samtan 20 32 13 34 12 12 123
San Carlo# 72 95 82 62 64 57 94 83 29 31 16 0 8 693 By la# 25 37 16 20 21 16 17 18 10 180 San Carlo# 47 58 66 42 43 41 77 65 19 31 16 0 8 513
Tnutton Canon Peach Serine# 13 7 4 13 5 7 8 8 5 70
Total 2,381 2,012 1,396 996 800 619 560 477 291 244 149 64 59 277 10,325 285
1949
TABLE 4. EHROLLtENT BY TRIBES IE FE1XRAL SCHOOLS UNDER EACH AGENCY
Agendas Tribes Colorado Fort Phoenix San T m x t o n River Apache Hop! Navajo Papago School Pima Carlos Canon Total
Apach# 675 1 58 693 1.427
Chsmehuevi 27 3 30
Cocopah 3 3
Five Civilized Tribes 4 4
Bavaaupai 16 2 18
H o p ! 51 781 1 51 884
Maricopa 21 40 61
Mission 1 1
Mohave 96 42 22 160
Mavalo 49 2 144 5.364 5 284 2 5.850
Otoe 1 1
Paiuta 6 6
Papaao 563 104 11 678
Fima 3 3 1 64 914 1 986
Pwablo# 36 1 37
Qwachao 1 1
Shoshone 1 1
Uta 12 12
Walapal 5 58 67 130
Warm Spring# 4 4
Yavapai 15 15
Tamil 3 3
Yiaaa 2 1 7 3 13
Totals 236 677 925 5,405 573 754 992 693 70 10,325 2 6 6
1949
TABLE 5. COMPAEISG* CP EBEKNUUMOfTS I* CBAIEG
Considering: All Children Enrolled in Arizone Public Schools (152,25$); Indian Children Enrolled in Arizona Public Schools (2,161); All Children Enrolled in Indian Service Schools in Southwest Region (14,733).
Public Schools in Arizona * Indian Service Scboola a A» #» A.U8 »*VU^ 1-iiWGO L. All Children Indian Children Grades
Number Percent Nimber Percent Number Percent
Pre- 3,747 2.5 0 0 2,898 19.7 Drlmary
First 22.606 14.8 547 25.4 2.540 17.2
Second 16.911 11.1 373 17.3 1.843 12.5
Third 15.802 10.4 303 14.0 1.429 9 8
Fourth 14.857 9.7 237 10.9 1.233 8.4
Fifth 14.016 9.2 209 9.6 991 6.7 _
Sixth 12.894 8.5 158 7.3 851 5.7
Seventh 11.439 7.5 111 5.1 713 4.9
Eighth 10.428 6.9 86 4.0 552 3.7
Ninth 9.328 6.1 45 2.1 445 3.0
Tenth 7.718 5.1 43 2.0 300 2.1
Eleventh 6.235 4.0 26 1.2 194 1.3
Twelfth 5.565 3.7 23 1.1 173 1.2
Special 712 .5 0 0 571 3 8
Total 152,258 100. 2,161 100. 14,733 100.
* Public School figures furnished by M. L. Brooks, Superintendent of Public Instruction, State of Arizona.
This table is read: Of the 152,258 children enrolled in public schools in Arizona in 1949, there were 3,747, or 2.51 in the pre-primary, or kindergarten group, 22,406, or 14.81 in the first grade, etc; of the 2,161 Indian children enrolled in public schools in Arizona, there were 547, or 25.4% in the first grade, etc.; of the 14,733 children enrolled in Indian Service schools in Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico and Utah, there were 2,898, or 19.71 in the pre-primary group, 2,540, or 17.2% in the first grade, etc. 1950
TABU 1. nOIAH SCHOOL POPOLATIOH AND w w o t tmtiw FISCAL TU B
Oaakar of Childraa 6 t€> 10 Years of A#a
Im All Im FWkllc Im Fadaral Oakaala Im S d a r % Total #ssker Agencies Fnsmaratad Sckoala Oohaola maoism or Osar 1# All Ages im Kse. Ren- S w . OaWaela im Oahool Oekool Total D*y M# Bsr.> . terte
Arlmaaa 8.2*6 7.1*9 2.023 3.832 2,972 395 4*5 20 1.294 2*8 7.397
Colorado Rlvor 527 516 527 167 128 . 39 _ 22 1# 554
Fort Apocha 1.000 564 114 640 4*7 100 5 11 201 24 000
Faiisfto 2.500 1.8*4 639 690 515 24 15# 1 507 50 1.894 _ Fima 2.150 1.075 39* 1.137 1,0*4 10# 5 522 00 1.065 - Sam Carloa 1.142 1.002 05 757 701 56 242 51 1.143
Tromtoo Caooa 461 541 106 155 100 55 .• . 6 547
Totals 8,2*6 7,1*9 2,023 3,832 2,972 393 4*5 20 1,294 248 7,397 2 8 8
1950
TABLE 2. nmOT.TMKWT AMD ATTKMDAmC: I* FKDUL&L aCBOOL*
State Kind Grades Mo. Days Number Average Agency of Taught School ia Pupils Enrolled Daily School School Session Enrolled Late Attend*
Ariaoaa - .• 4.307 645 3.445
Colorado Elver . 224 7 ' 176 Colorado Elver D* FF*-8 169 137 7 119 Postoa D PP-4 169 S7 • 59
Fort Aoeche . 665 219 547 Cedar Creak D PP2 ISO 1# 5 20 Cibecue D PPS ISO 123 10 113 Thao. Eooeevalt E FF-ll 252 205 100 172 D PP-11 17S 64 53 57 Ehltarlvar D PP-6 17S 225 51 185
Paoaao . _ 624 237 361 Chaichu D PP 6 175 64 • 59 Karoo D PP8 162 66 42 _ 42 Santa Eoea EPPS 96 24 24 11 Coaaelldatad D PPS 167 US 101 M Santa Eoea Sanch D PP-6 174 39 9 _ 21 Sell# Consolidated D PPS 169 177 94 130 Vanori D PP-6 164 15 - 14 Vava Chin D PP 6 167 69 67 36
Phoenix (Moa-rea) E FF-12 253 720 57 641 _._ Pin* 1.044 84 909 llackoater D PP-6 163 ss 7 64 Casa Elaaca D PP-6 163 117 1 111 Ft. HeDowell D PP-4 164 21 1 20 Gila Croaslax D PP-6 163 106 9 93 Pie# Central D PP-10 163 297 26 246 Salt Elver D FP-10 166 293 27 257 Santea D PP-4 163 122 13 96
Saa Carlos . 705 193 507 Bvlae D PPS 17S 171 33 145 Saa Carlos D PP-11 176 534 160 362
Trustee Canon 103 IS 91 Suiiai D PP-4 179 32 3 29 Peach Soriaas D PP-8 ISO 71 13 62
Total 4,307 645 3,445
D* Indicates Day School; 1, Boarding School; Pf, Prs-primary 289
19)0
TABLK3. KM10LU«*TBTGmAD*a nFmMmALBQKMMFDKaLnWk
State Agency Number la @r#d#a School
PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Spec Total
Arleoaa !^44 488 444 461 412 358 3?2 344 274 133 107 73 32 2SS 4.307
Colorado River 49 40 22 26 25 14 18 19 11 224 Poatoa 27 21 14 14 11 87
Fort Apache SI 72 71 71 ?7 69 64 76 38 36 19 11 MS Coder Croak 10 8 10 M Clhocue 13 Ij 12 18 17 17 14 1? 4 123 Ihoo. Rooeovalt 10 11 27 18 14 23 23 34 36 19 11 M* Whiter Ivor 4$ 38 22 3) 26 2f 27 %%5
Fapaao 117 101 100 89 77 54 34 36 16 Chalchu 13 14 21 7 120 7 2 Korvo 20 9 13 14 2 3 1 4 2 w Santa Roaa Cone 1? 16 22 12 22 17 17 24 7 132 - Santa Roea Rch 14 4 2 8 4 5 2 39 Sella 29 36 19 31 20 17 10 8 7 177 Vanorl 2 3 1 2 4 2 1 15 Fava Chin 24 19 22 15 5 3 1 «*
Phoenix (Non-re#) 5 4 11 20 20 21 49 33 73 60 53 54 32 285 720
Pima 157 159 121 132 114 114 96 59 f4 18 20 1.0*4 Blackwater 17 19 13 10 9 12 8 88 Casa Blanca 21 20 11 21 13 16 13 U7 Ft. McDowell 4 4 7 5 1 21 Gila Crossing 13 19 10 21 10 9 24 106 Pima Central 30 29 25 27 24 36 32 45 26 12 11 297 Salt River 43 40 35 30 28 41 19 14 28 6 9 293 Santan 29 28 20 16 29 122 San Carlos 75 87 80 77 68 61 62 92 67 16 13 7 705 Bvlaa 20 34 20 16 If 18 16 16 12 171 San Carlo* 55 53 60 61 49 43 46 76 5? 16 13 7 534
Truxton Canon 18 15 10 12 20 6 8 7 7 103 Sunai 6 6 4 8 8 32 Peach Sprlnxe 12 9 6 4 12 6 8 7 7 71
Total 544 488 444 461 412 358 352 344 274 133 107 73 32 285 4,307 290
1950 TABLE A. BHKOLLMOrr BT TRIBES IB nOEBAL SCHOOLS UNDER EACH ACENCT ! 3 amd Moaraaarvatlom School ¥
Tribes Colorado Port n Sam Trmmtom River Apache P*P*#o Pima Carloe Camom Arlmoma
Aeeche 635 46 705 1.408
Cbemhuevi 21 4 25
Beveseeel 10 32
Hoei 21 53 74
Mericooe 13 44 57 - Mohave 107 43 21 171
Mavaio 70 2 306 1 361
Paluta 6 6
Paaaao 616 67 7 712
Pima 4 5 66 667 1 1.066
Pueblos 1 1 • Sboahona 1 1 2
Uta 17 17
Walaoai 1 36 1 70 110
Tavaaai 11 11 • Y%a#a 2 5 2 6
Mlscellaaeous 5 2 6 13
Totals 224 665 624 720 1,044 705 103 4,307 1951
TABLE 1. INDIAN SCHOOL POPULATION AND ENROLLMENT FISCAL YEAR
Number of Children 6 to 18 Year# of Age Number of Total Federal School# Children Number State Under 6 or of Children Public Re# Non- Sana- Mlaaion All Over 18 of All Age# Agency Schools Mg. Re# torla Total School# School#Day In School In SchoolPmmaratad
Arizona 7.888 1.776 2.947 257 507 20 3.731 1.320 6.827 300 7.127
Colorado Alvar 571 359 125 0 46 1 172 30 561 27 588
Port Apache 1.060 119 445 181 20 11 617 224 1.000 27 1.027
Papaao 2.559 631 634 56 226 1 917 513 2.1*1 89 2.150
Pirn# 2.150 419 953 14 111 5 1.083 329 1.831 97 1.928
Sao Carlo# 1.228 122 681 6 44 2 733 224 1.079 49 1.128
Truxto* Canon 320 126 109 0 60 0 169 0 295 11 306
Totals 7,888 1,776 2,9*7 257 507 20 3,731 1,320 6,827 300 7,127 291 292
1951
TABLE 2. ENROLLMENT AHD ATTENDANCE IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS
State Kind Grodo# No. Day# Number Average Agency of Tought School in Pupil# Dally School School Semolon Enrolled Attendance
Ariaona ■ •- 3.984 3 235.92
Colorado Elver .. 136 117.34 Colorado Elver D pp a* 169 136 117.34
Port Anache ._ 737 596:7 Cedar Creak D PP 2 iai 19 15.7 Clbecue D pp a 180 129 108.1 Thao. Eooaevelt B FP-12 iao 265 214.8 D PP-12 180 85 64.5 i<erlver D PP6 iao 239 192.6
Panaao 638 418.6 Chulchu D re-6 iao 81 50.8 Kervo D pp-a iai 62 40.0 Santa Eoea B p?a 269 56 34.4 D pp-a iao 106 64.9 Santa Eoea Eanch D PP-6 iai 33 17.4 Sell# D pp^ iao 183 140.2 !eeerl D PP-6 165 16 13.2 Vava Chin D PP 6 174 101 57.7
Phoenix (Non-re#) B 5-12 254 694 626.59
Pima . 953 855.89 Slacken ter D PP 6 174 81 78.06 Caea Blanca D PP-6 174 114 102.3 Ft. McDoeell D PP-6 169 24 23.0 Gila Croaalna D PP-6 174 93 81.6 Fima Central D pp a 174 263 232.2 Salt Elver D pp-a 177 268 250.03 Santa# D PP-6 174 110 88 7
San Carlo# 681 504.6 It la# D pp a 176 176 151.6 San Carlo# D PP-12 iao 505 353.0
Tmxton Canon _ 109 86.2 Peach Borina# D pp a iao ?2 59.0 Suoai D PP 5 iao 37 27.2
Total# ••• 3.984 3,235.92
D* IndlcatM Day School; 1, Boarding School; PP, Pre-prUaary 293
1951 TABLE 3. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS FISCAL YEAR
State Agency Number in Grade# School
PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Spec Total
Arizona 411 512 399 416 366 338 306 280 243 164 106 79 63 266 3 948
Colorado River 17 21 19 11 9 16 14 14 15 136 Colorado River 17 21 19 11 9 16 14 14 15 136
Fort Apache 102 67 75 84 78 68 64 70 48 28 29 13 12 737 Cedar Creek 8 4 7 19 Cibecue 15 9 13 16 19 15 18 14 10 129 Thao. Roosevelt 33 12 16 45 23 24 22 55 38 28 29 13 12 350 Whiteriver 46 42 39 23 36 29 24 239
Paoa&o 75 164 82 95 71 56 45 20 30 638 Chuichu 8 22 13 15 4 12 7 81 Kerwo 15 11 7 12 12 1 3 1 62 Santa Rosa 14 29 21 17 18 21 16 9 17 162 Santa Rosa Ranch 8 8 6 2 6 3 33 Sells 50 26 27 25 15 17 11, 12 183 Vamori 2 3 4 2 3 2 16 Vaya Chin 28 41 5 22 4 1 101
Phoenix (Non-res) 7 17 24 15 63 40 107 61 50 44 266 694
Pima 133 157 138 121 113 95 98 59 39 953 Blackwater 17 17 10 13 6 9 9 81 Casa Blanca 18 20 20 13 18 11 14 114 Ft. McDowell 4 6 3 6 5 24 Gila Crossing 11 17 15 15 17 9 9 93 Pima Central 28 31 29 23 26 21 31 41 33 263 Salt River 34 43 39 35 30 28 35 18 6 268 Santan 21 23 22 16 11 17 110
San Carlos 67 85 72 88 62 63 62 51 63 29 16 16 7 681 Bylas 19 35 20 21 17 17 19 17 11 176 San Carlos 48 50 52 67 45 46 43 34 52 29 16 16 7 505
Truxton Canon 17 18 13 10 16 16 8 3 8 109 Peach Springs 11 13 7 5 10 7 8 3 8 72 Supal 6 5 6 5 6 9 37
Total 411 512 399 416 366 338 306 280 243 164 106 79 63 266 3.948 294
1951 TABLE 4. ENROLLMENT BY TRIBES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS UNDER EACH AGENCY
Agencies and Honreservation School Tribes Colorado Fort Phoenix San Truxton River Apache Fapago School Pima Carlos Canon Arizona
A»#che 699 39 681 1.419 Chamebuevl 31 3 34 BmvameDel 17 37 54
BODl 4 58 1 63 Mericooe 17 34 51 Mohave 94 2 43 24 163 Neva1o 1 4 284 289 Faiute 5 1 6
Pepaeo 1 12 629 85 10 737
Pima 12 66 880 958
Shoahome 2 2 Ut* 19 19 Welepai 3 30 71 104 YavaDai 7 7 Yuma 3 7 . 10
Miscellaneous 2 8 6 12 4 32
Totals 136 737 638 694 953 681' 109 4,390 TABLE 1 - PART 1 SCHOOL CENSUS OF INDIAN CHILDREN, PHOENIX AREA, (ENUMERATION AND ENROLLMENT)
ALL INDIAN CHILDREN INDIAN CHILDREN 6 - 18 KNOWN TO BE IN SCHOOLS
6-18 In Under 6 PUBLIC FEDERAL MISSION AGENCY School & & Over Special Total Out of 18 in Non-Rea. Rea. Sana- Schools & in All TRIBE School School Total Bdg. Bdg. Day toria Total Bdg. Day Total Colleges Schools
ARIZONA 7.838 269 8.107 1.792 584 247 2.996 25 3.852 604 651 1.255 28 ' 6,927 COLORADO RIVER 303 9 312 101 35 2 135 0 172 7 0 7 0 280 Navajo (Adopted) 7 0 7 6 - 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 Hop! (Adopted) 26 0 26 23 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 25 Mohave 212 8 220 59 31 0 98 0 129 7 0 7 0 195 Chemehuevl 58 1 59 13 4 0 37 0 41 0 0 0 0 54 FORT APACHE (Apache) 1.080 15 1.095 179 20 150 419 13 602 71 153 230 4 1.015 PAPAGO (PMMUto) 2.633 118 2.751 684 338 63 689 2 1.092 350 85 435 4 2.215 PIMA . 2,209 91 2,300 517 102 15 964 3 1,084 86 225 311 14 1,926 Pima-Maricopa 2,087 90 2,177 473 90 14 942 3 1,049 79 225 304 14 1,840 Papago 51 0 51 28 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 6 0 34 Yavapai 71 1 72 16 12 1 22 0 35 1 0 1 0 52 SAN CARLOS (Apache) 1.260 34 1.294 130 35 17 704 7 763 90 182 272 6 1.171 TRUXTON CANON 353 2 355 181 54 0 85 0 139 0 0 0 0 320 Apache (Verde) 86 0 86 78 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 78 Bavaaupai 61 0 61 12 16 0 23 0 39 0 0 0 0 51 WeImpel 154 2 156 47 37 0 62 0 99 0 0 0 0 146 Yevepei 52 0 52 44 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 45 1952
TABLE 1 - PART 2 CENSUS OF INDIAN CHILDREN, PHOENIX AREA (OUT OF SCHOOL)
INDIAN CHILDREN 6-18 KNOWN NOT TO BE IN SCHOOL
FOR VALID REASONS
Agency Definite Physically Mentally Other Without Reaaon# Information Tribe Unfit Unfit Married Reaaon# Total Valid Raaaoa* Unknown Total Not Available
ARIZONA 34 15 98 69 216 89 33 338 491 COLORADO RIVER 2 0 8 1 11 0 9 20 2 Navajo (Adopted) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Hopl (Adopted) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Mohave 2 0 7 0 9 0 7 16 0 Chemehuevl 0 0 1 1 2 0 2 4 0 FORT APACHE (Apache) 10 3 3 0 16 5 24 45 20 PAPAGO (Papaxo) 13 3 48 29 93 29 6 122 296 PIMA 4 2 27 63 96 33 0 129 154 Pima-Maricopa 2 2 20 45 69 33 0 102 145 Papago 0 0 4 8 12 0 0 12 5 Yavapai 2 0 3 10 15 0 0 15 4 SAN CARLOS (Apache) 11 7 30 0 48 22 0 70 19 TRUXTON CANON 0 0 3 30 33 0 0 33 0 Apache (Verde) 0 0 0 8 8 0 0 8 0 Havaaupai 0 0 2 8 10 0 0 10 0 Walapel 0 0 1 7 8 0 0 8 0
to % 297
1952 TABLE 2. ENROLLMENT AND ATTENDANCE IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS
State Kind Grades No. Day# *mbar Average Agency of Taught School In Pupil# Dally School School Session Enrolled Attend#*
Arizona --- 3.958 3.057.1
Colorado River 144 116.6 Colorado River D* PP-8 169 144 116.6
Fort Apache .. 728 591.0 Cedar Creek D PP-3 179 29 23.5 Cibecue D ^-8 178 129 119.6 Thao. Roosevelt B PP-12 178 267 216.3 D PP-2 178 67 44.3 Whlteriver D PP-6 178 246 187.1
Papaao . 634 297.8 Chuichu D PP-6 177 73 52.9 Kerwo D PP-8 171 66 37.8 Santa Rosa B PP-8 257 63 42.6 D PP-8 176 110 33.6 Santa Rosa Ranch D PP-6 178 41 21.7 Sells D PP 8 178 167 39.1 Vaoori b PP-6 174 15 11.9 Vaya Chin D PP-6 176 102 56.2
Phoenix (Non-Res) B 5-12 249 758 690.7
Pima 937 806.4 Blackwater D PP-6 174 74 61.3 Casa Blanca D PP-6 173 111 99.7 Ft. McDowell D PP-6 169 22 17.0 Gila Crossing D PP-6 172 102 87.2 Pima Central . D PP-8 ^ 173 250 206.5 Salt River D PP-8 176 287 235 1 Santan D PP-6 173 91 79.6
San Carlos . 671 486.8 By las b PP-8 174 174 137.8 San Carlos D PP-12 176 497 349.0
Truxton Canon __ 83 67.8 Peach Springs D PP-8 180 59 48 3 Suoai D PP-5 164 24 19.3
Totals 3,956 3,057.1
D* Indicates Day School; B, Boarding School; PP, Pre-primary 1952
TABLE 3. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS FISCAL YEAR
State Agency Number In Grades School
PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Spec Total Kav
Arizona 429 463 383 407 379 336 293 292 258 182 132 80 39 224 3.958
Colorado River 16 20 21 23 13 9 17 16 9 144 Colorado River 16 20 21 23 13 9 17 16 9 144
Fort Apache 80 106 53 85 83 83 57 ^8 48 28 19 22 6 72t Cedar Creek 9 7 6 7 29 Cibecue 17 18 9 14 21 15 15 12 8 129 Whiteriver 39 46 27 33 33 37 18 236 Theo. Roosevelt 15 35 11 28 29 31 24 46 40 28 19 22 6 334
Papa&o 116 105 92 75 85 64 48 32 20 637 Chuichu 23 5 4 15 11 11 4 73 Kerwo 12 10 11 7 14 10 2 66 Santa Rosa 22 25 22 15 23 17 23 14 12 173. Santa Rosa Rch 11 9 6 5 3 5 2 41 Sella 26 29 20 22 15 18 13 16 8 167 Vamori 3 3 5 2 2 15 Vaya Chin 19 27 26 6 19 1 4 102
Phoenix (Non-Res) 16 25 71 81 106 83 58 33 285 758
Pima 126 132 133 139 114 96 90 59 48 937 Blackwater 12 14 12 12 11 8 74 Caaa Blanca 10 19 20 19 15 16 12 i n - Ft. McDowell 2 5 4 5 6 22 Gila Crossing 16 16 16 16 15 15 8 102 Pima Central 24 26 26 26 19 23 37 40 29 250 Salt River 42 39 41 41 30 31 25 19 19 287 Santa# 20 13 14 20 18 6 91
San Carlos 76 84 67 77 71 59 ?1 56 48 30 6 71 Bvlae 20 30 21 15 20 16 15 18 19 174 San Carlos 56 54 46 62 51 43 36 38 33 48 30 497 Truxton Canon 15 16 17 8 13 9 5 83 Peach Spring# 11 11 12 6 8 6 5 59 Supal 4 5 5 2 5 3 24
Total 429 463 383 407 379 336 293 292 258 182 132 80 39 224 3,938 299
1952
TABLE 4. ENROLLMENT BY TRIBES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS UNDER EACH AGENCY
Agencies and Nonreservation School
Tribes Colorado Fort Phoenix San Truxton River Apache Papago School Pima Carlos Canon Arizona
Apache 670 1 37 1 671 • 1.380
Chsmehuevl 25 3 28
B#v##upai 8 22 30
Hopl 1 1 76 78
Maricopa 19 26 45
Mohave 110 3 30 143
Mohave-Apache 12 12
Mavaio 326 326
Papaao 1 19 630 99 3 752
Ha* 17 64 874 1 957
Palute 1 6 7
Ouahaa* 6 6
Shoshones 2 2
S$!Pal 8 8
Uta 19 19
Walapal 2 11 27 60 100
Yavapai 7 7
X l M 2 1 9 12
Mlscallanaous 3 3 8 33 47
Totals 144 728 637 758 937 671 83 3,958
h. 1953
TABLE 1 - PART 1 SCHOOL CENSUS OF INDIAN CHILDREN, PHOENIX AREA, (ENUMERATION AND ENROLLMENT)
ALL INDIAN CHILDREN INDIAN CHILDREN 6 - 18 KNOWN TO BE IN SCHOOLS
6-18 in Under 6 PUBLIC FEDERAL MISSION AGENCY School & & Over Special Total Out of 18 in Non-Re#. Re#. Sana Schools & in All TRIBE School School Total Bdg. Bdg. Day toria Total Bdg. Day Total Colleges Schools
ARIZONA 7.235 312 8.179 2.197 435 232 2 .750 30 3.447 361 951 1.312 26 6.982
COLORADO RIVER 409 29 438 217 20 9 132 0 161 6 0 6 0 384 Cocopah 12 0 12 11 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 12 Navajo (Adopted) 5 1 6 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 Hop! (Adopted) 24 2 26 24 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 24 Mohave 226 17 243 70 13 9 106 0 128 6 0 6 0 204 Chemehuevi 65 2 67 37 0 0 26 0 26 0 0 0 0 63 7 7 14 2 4 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 6 FORT APACHE 1.106 24 1.130 164 10 133 4 6 4 11 618 62 168 239 11 1.023 PAPAGO (Papa&o) 2.490 115 2.605 684 264 60 589 6 919 123 374 497 4 2.104 PIMA 2,329 93 2,422 746 65 13 880 3 961 88 244 332 9 2,048 Pima-Maricopa 2,202 88 2,290 699 52 10 859 3 924 82 243 325 9 1,957 Papago 48 2 50 25 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 6 0 31 Yavapai 79 3 82 22 13 3 21 0 37 0 1 1 0 60 SAN CARLOS (Apache) 1.237 52 1.289 224 38 16 610 10 674 82 165 247 2 1.147 TRUXTON CANON 364 1 365 230 40 1 75 0 116 0 0 0 0 346 Apache (Verde) 48 0 48 42 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 42 Havasupai 54 0 54 23 5 0 20 0 25 0 0 0 0 48 Hualapai 184 1 185 93 34 0 55 0 89 0 0 0 0 182 Yava p a i 78 0 78 72 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 74
U> 8 1953
TABLE 1 - PART 2 CENSUS OF INDIAN CHILDREN, PHOENIX AREA (OUT OF SCHOOL)
INDIAN CHILDREN 6-18 KNOWN NOT TO BE IN SCHOOL
FOR VALID REASONS
Agency Definite Physically Mentally Other Without Reasons Information Tribe Unfit Unfit Married Reaaone Total Valid Reasons Unknown Total Not Available
ARIZONA 39 20 108 91 258 93 54 405 476 COLORADO RIVER 1 1 11 9 22 2 1 25 0 Chamehuevi (Arizona) 0 0 2 0 2 0 0 2 0 Cocopah 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hopl (Adopted) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mohave 1 1 8 9 19 2 1 22 0 Navajo (Adopted) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Yuma 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 FORT APACHE (Apache) 9 4 6 0 19 16 28 63 20 PAPAGO (Papaao) 10 2 25 10 47 36 0 83 303 PIMA 4 2 32 64 102 24 0 126 155 Pima-Maricopa 2 2 24 47 75 24 0 99 146 Papago 0 0 5 7 12 0 0 12 5 Yavapai 2 0 3 10 15 0 0 15 4 SAN CARLOS (Apache) 15 11 34 0 60 15 15 90 0 TRUXTON CANON 0 0 0 8 8 0 10 18 0 Apache (Verde) 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 6 0 Havaeupal 0 0 0 6 6 0 0 6 0 Hualapal 0 0 0 2 2 0 0 2 0 Yavapai 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 4 0 302
1953
TABLE 2. ENROLLMENT AND ATTENDANCE IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS
State Kind Grades No. Days Number Average Agency of Taught School in Pupils Daily School School Session Enrolled Attendance
Arizona 4.631 4.016.3
Colorado River . 140 129.9 Colorado River D* PP-8 166 140 129.9
Truxton Canon .. 75 60.7 Peach Springs D FP-6 180 55 47.4 Suoai D FF-4 176 20 13.3 Fort Apache 765 644.44 Gadgr Creak D FP-3 ISO 30 26.4 Cibacua D FF 8 180 130 122.3 Thao. Roosevelt B PP-12 254 282 227.94 D PP-12 180 65 55.9 Wbitarivar D FF-6 180 258 211.9
Fapaao 651 423.9 Cbuichu D FF 6 180 66 50.4 Karwo D FF 8 173 73 42.8 Santa Rosa B FF 8 255 61 44.5 D FF-8 178 113 63.2 Santa Rosa Ranch D FF-6 177 40 24.4 Sella D FF-8 177 172 126.6 Vamori D FF-6 174 12 9.8 Vava Chin D FF-7 175 114 62.2
Fhoanix (Non-ras) B 7-12 255 714 664.63 Fima . 926 809.03 Blaakwatar D FF-1 171 28 26.5 Blackwatar# D 2-6 20 46 44.5 Caaa Blanca D FF-6 171 117 110.1 Ft. McDowell D FF-6 157 21 17.09 Gila Crossing D FF-6 170 98 81.54 Fima Central D FF-8 171 237 194.2 Salt River D FF-8 172 289 255. San tan D FF-6 171 90 80.1
San Carlo# ._ 622 553.9 By lag D FF-8 177 156 128.9 San Carlo# D PP-12 177 466 423.
Sherman (Non-re#) B Spec. 259 738 729.8 5-vr.
Total -- - 4,631 4,016.3 D* Indicates Day School; 1, Boarding ‘School; FF, Fra-prl*ary
# Tranafarrod to public school 10/3/52 whan building was partially dastroyad by fire. 303
1953 TABLE 3. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS FISCAL YEAR
State Agency Number In Grades School
PP 123456789 10 11 12 Spec Total ______Nay______
Arizona______494 393 403 360 381 316 296 270 262 155 146 87 58 984 4.631
Colorado River 25 10 14 22 13 19 8 17 12 140 Colorado River 25 10 14 22 13 19 8 17 12 140
Tmxton Canon 10 15 16 13 10 6 5 75 Peach Snrlnas 7 10 11 9 7 6 5 55 Suomi 3 5 5 4 3 20
Fort Anache 90 80 89 7? 84 66 93 54 53 33 23 12 13 765 Cedar Creak 7 10 6 7 30 Clbecue 13 16 15 15 19 15 19 11 7 130 Theo. Roosevelt 19 11 31 27 23 34 32 43 46 33 23 12 13 347 Whlterlver 51 43 37 26 42 17 42 258
Pana&o 128 92 99 80 75 63 60 33 21 651 Chulchu 21 9 6 3 10 7 10 66 Kerwo 16 9 10 14 8 6 9 1 73 Santa Rosa 29 22 25 20 16 18 13 20 11 174 Santa Rosa Ranch 8 6 7 7 5 3 4 40 Sells 30 25 26 15 20 18 17 12 9 172 Vamori 1 3 2 0 5 0 1 12 Vava Chin 23 18 23 21 11 11 6 1 114
Phoenix (Non-res) (Special Off-campus 26) 59 72 104 87 75 45 246 714
Pima 149 115 125 106 130 100 79 67 55 926 Blackwater 15 13 9 13 10 9 5 74 Casa Blanca 24 10 17 17 20 14 15 117 Ft. McDowell 9 0 5 3 4 21 Gila Crossing 13 16 14 13 17 19 6 98 Pima Central 29 22 27 15 27 16 24 45 32 237 Salt River 43 36 39 34 36 27 29 22 23 289 Santan 16 18 14 11 16 15 90
San Carlos 92 81 60 64 69 *2 ;i 40 &9 18 622 By las 16 31 15 21 14 18 15 9 17 156 San Carlos 76 50 45 43 55 44 36 31 32 18 36 466
Sherman (Non-res)______738 738
Total 494 . 393 403 360 381 316 296 270 262 155 146 87 58 984 4,631 3<*
1953 TABLE 4. ENROLLMENT BY TRIBES IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS UNDER EACH AGENCY
Agencies and Nonreservation School Tribes Colorado Fort Phoenix San Truxton River Apache Papago School Pima Carlos Sherman Canon Arizona
Apache 3 681 41 622 9 1.356 Chaswhuevl 16 16
Bavasueai 12 5 20 37
Hopl 1 1 72 74
Maricopa 13 26 39
Mohave 113 4 24 141
Nava1o 329 552 881
Paiute 9 9
Papaao 1 35 645 90 8 177 956
Pima 17 4 72 870 1 964 Ouehan# 3 3
Shoshones 1 1
Vte 16 16
Walapal 2 12 20 54 88
Yavapai 3 12 21 36
Ywsa 1 7 8
Miscellaneous 3 2 1 6
Total 140 765 651 714 926 622 738 75 4,631 T A B U 1 - PAKT 1 school cntsus or did la* oiildu*, n K m x a r j u , (mwiuiio* a*d kkrollmeut)
ALLimiA*CmWUD#E# INDIA* CHILDREN 6 - 10 KNOWN TO 02 IN SCMOOLS
6-16 1m Dadar 6 POSLIC MDSmAL MISSION Acmmcr Schoal A & Over Special Total Out of IS la Nao-Sao. 2a# Sana Schools & la All TKIM School School Total Sdg Sd*. Day toria Total Sdg. Day Total Colleges Schools
u i i m u 9,953 351 10,306 4.103 676 251 2,617 26 3.560 311 071 1.102 32 0 005 cormAmo mivm 305 13 390 223 0 0 126 0 136 3 0 3 0 360 Mmvmjo (Adeyted) 5 0 5 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 ##pl (AdeptW) 19 1 20 19 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 19 Mmkmv# 232 10 262 96 0 0 106 0 116 3 0 3 0 211 Chmmehvevl 33 0 53 29 0 0 20 0 20 0 0 0 0 69 rorr a p a o b c^w*e) 1.135 30 1.165 109 6 142 669 9 606 65 105 230 7 1.632 PApaco (P«mo) 2.210 135 2.345 606 203 05 494 0 702 65 175 260 1 1.707 pirn 2,293 00 2,381 755 63 26 091 3 901 76 237 311 10 2,057 2,177 06 2,263 696 62 19 076 3 960 60 237 297 10 1,961 AW 50 2 52 22 0 3 0 0 3 11 0 11 0 36 lfc**ve-A»sel»e 66 0 M 39 1 2 15 0 10 3 0 3 0 60 SAB CAKLOS {Ap«ch«) 1.473 31 1.506 621 07 0 501 11 599 110 276 392 5 1.417 TMXTO# CANO# 369 6 353 220 22 0 S3 0 105 6 6 6 0 329 Apach# (V#rAe) 60 0 60 66 2 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 60 m#va#wp#l 65 0 65 33 5 0 10 0 23 6 0 6 0 60 maalrnpa^ 162 6 166 71 16 0 65 0 79 0 0 0 0 150 Yavapai (Yard#) 55 0 55 51 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 52 Yavapai (Prea. Caleay) 19 0 19 19 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 19 1954
TABLE 1 - PART 2 CENSUS OF INDIAN CHILDREN, PHOENIX AREA (OUT OF SCHOOL)
INDIAN CHILDREN 6-18 KNOWN NOT TO BE IN SCHOOL*
FOB VALID mmSCNS
A**mcy Definite Physically Mentally Other Without Reasons Information Tribe Bnfit Unfit Married Reasons Total Valid Reasons Unknown Total Not Available
Arniam 5* 15 124 77 275 64 56 395 602
COLOBADO Kivm 4 3 7 8 22 3 0 25 0 Chmeebuevi 0 0 1 2 3 1 0 4 0 Moheve 4 3 6 6 19 2 0 21 0 POET APACHE (Am c Im ) 13 3 0 0 24 20 33 77 26 PAPAOO CPeeeeo) 11 1 17 21 50 0 0 50 373 n m 3 a 22 5 32 36 10 78 158 Firne-mricopa 2 i 14 2 19 32 10 61 155 Fepago 0 0 6 3 9 2 0 11 3 Mshavs-Apache 1 1 2 0 4 2 0 6 0 SAN CARLOS (Apecbe) 17 2 20 12 51 0 0 SI _ 7 TMKTOB CABO# 0 1 # 11 20 0 0 20 0 Bavasupai 0 1 0 4 5 0 0 5 0 Bualapai 0 0 5 7 12 0 0 12 0 Yavepai (Yards) 0 0 3 9 3 0 0 3 0
* Bote: Only Tribe* reporting positive figures are shown in this table
U> & 1155
TABU 1 - PABT 1 SCBOOLCmBBS OF IMDIA* CmiLDBEM, MKWMIX ABBA, (TMm«UTIO* AMD EMBOLLMMMT)
ALL IMDIA* CHIUHIDl IMDIAM CaiUMUH# 6 - IS XBOm TO M II SOKOLS
6-1* la Ooder 6 TOLIC TOtlAL MISSIOM ACMMCY School it it Over Spocial Total Out of 18 In Hoo-Res. Res. Sana- School# it la All TBimm School School Total Bdf. Mg. Day toria Total Big. Day Total Collogos Schools
ABIZOMA 11.537 387 11.92* *.739 819 282 3. *03 29 *.*33 372 1.099 1.471 3* 10.677
COUXADO RIVKR 5*3 12 605 460 10 4 119 0 133 0 0 0 0 593 levaJo (Adopted) *5 1 86 85 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 85 Bopt (Adopted) 3* 0 38 38 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 38 Mohave (Arts. & Calif.) 313 6 319 209 10 4 90 0 104 0 0 0 0 313 rhsmahusvl (Arl*. & Calif) 56 2 58 27 0 0 29 0 29 0 0 0 0 56 Others 101 3 104 101 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 101 ran apacsk 1.18* 28 1.212 202 18 152 507 8 685 58 192 250 5 1.142 MDPI 1.329 41 1.370 316 145 19 760 2 926 20 43 63 2 1.307 FAPAOO 2.18# 106 2.294 612 196 63 456 2 717 72 367 439 3 1.771 ri m 2,423 105 2,528 845 47 18 914 2 981 88 250 338 16 2,180 Pis*-Maricopa 2 288 105 2,393 770 42 15 900 2 959 72 250 322 12 2,063 PlsNS-Papago 67 0 67 41 0 3 0 0 3 11 0 11 0 55 Msheve-Aeacho 68 0 68 34 5 0 14 0 19 5 0 5 4 62 SAM CARLOS 1.477 47 1.52* 419 38 0 523 9 630 134 247 381 4 1.494 TBMXTOM CAMQM 264 13 277 192 4 9 59 0 72 0 0 0 0 264 Supal 8 0 8 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 Mualapal 110 8 118 62 4 9 35 0 48 0 0 0 0 n o Yavapai 22 1 23 22 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 22 Others 124 4 128 100 0 0 24 0 24 0 0 0 0 124
W 5 1955
TABLE 1 - PART 2 CEHSUS OP INDIAN CHILDREN, PHOENIX AREA (OUT OP SCHOOL)
INDIAN CHILDREN 6 - 18 KNOWN NOT TO BE IN SCHOOL*
FMt VALID REASONS
Agency Definite Physically Mentally Other Without i J Information Tribe Unfit Befit Merrled Reasons Total Valid Reasons Total Not Available
ARIZONA 42 14 131 33 220 212 32 464 396
FORT AfACM: 9 3 7 0 19 9 5 33 9
m>Fi 4 0 6 0 10 4 4 18 4
PAP&0O 12 2 16 15 45 144 0 189 228
F i m 3 4 22 10 39 41 8 88 155 Flsm-Warlcope 3 1 16 10 30 32 8 70 155 Flme^Fepege 0 2 4 0 6 6 0 12 0 Mebave-Aeacbe 0 1 2 0 3 3 0 6 0 SAB CARLOS 7 2 34 0 43 0 0 43 0
* Bob#: Only Tribe# reporting positive figure# ere shewn on this table 1** TABLE 1 PABT 1 SOBOL Of n*IA* )
ALL n m u M om j r n m ______%B#iAmc*iu*B#6. lanKamTom: ascmooLS
6-18 ia Obder 6 r o u e FEDERAL MISSION School & 6 Over Special Total Oat of 18 1m ■ob-Bm . Roe Sana Schools & la All School School Total Me. Bdg Dgy toria Total Mg., Bay Total Colleges School!
AXIZ0B4 11.962 548 12.510 739 358 3.110 20 4.227 367 1.299 1.666 57 11.283 OOLOBADO BIVKB 618 5 623 450 2 7 125 0 134 2 15 17 7 608 Chmmmhuevl 68 0 68 38 1 0 28 0 29 0 1 1 0 68 m»pl (Adopted) 46 0 46 38 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 38 mricopa 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Mohav# 273 5 278 156 1 7 97 0 105 2 2 4 6 271 Navajo (Adopted) 3 0 3 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3
Ft. Y%ame Sob-Ageocy Y%ama 219 0 219 206 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 12 1 219 Other# 8 0 8 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 FONT AFACNB 1.237 48 1.285 517 15 192 203 5 415 58 197 255 2 1.189 BOFI 1.384 150 1.534 383 102 22 785 2 911 19 46 65 6 1.365 FAFACO 2.3*0 122 2.682 1.012 203 89 507 1 800 85 437 522 7 2.341 FIMA 2,514 102 2,616 903 38 18 939 2 . 997 53 282 335 17 2,252 Plma-Maricopa 2,369 94 2,463 793 38 17 939 2 996 43 282 325 13 2,127 Pima-Fapago 74 0 74 58 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 5 0 63 Mahave-Aoeche 71 8 79 52 0 1 0 0 1 5 0 5 4 62 SAB CARLOS 1.672 88 1.760 501 163 0 477 7 647 150 290 440 12 1.600 TROITOM CANON 378 3 381 305 8 30 1 0 39 0 32 32 2 378 Hualapai 166 0 166 131 5 4 1 0 10 0 23 23 2 166 Supai 67 0 67 29 3 26 0 0 29 0 9 9 0 67 Toaco Apache 43 2 45 43 0 .0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 43 Yavapai 36 1 37 36 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 96 Yavapal-Apache 65 0 65 65 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 65
w s 1956
TABLE 1 - PART 2 CENSUS OF INDIAN CHILDREN, PHOENIX AREA (OUT OF SCHOOL)
INDIAN CHILDREN 6-18 KNOWN NOT TO BE IN SCHOOL*
FOB VALID REASONS
Agency Definite Physically Mentally Other Without Information Tribe Unfit Unfit Married Reason# Total Valid Reason# Unknown Total Not Available
ARIZONA 34 14 142 46 236 80 19 335 344
COLORADO RIVER 0 1 1 0 2 0 0 2 8 Mohave 0 1 1 0 2 0 0 2 0 Bool (Adopted) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8
FONT APACHE 9 3 11 0 23 17 8 48 0
BOPI 0 1 7 0 8 8 3 19 0
PAPACO 10 0 IS 15 4 0 19 0 59 160
PIMA 4 5 32 20 61 23 8 92 170 Pime-Mericopa 4 2 26 15 47 17 8 72 170 Plme-Papego 0 2 4 2 8 3 0 11 0 Mobave-Apache 0 1 2 3 6 3 0 9 0
SAB CA&LOS 8 4 52 8 72 0 0 72 0
* Note: Only Tribes reporting positive figures are shown on this table 310 1*57
tails i . pier i soma, casus or uoum c s x u b e h , rwaanx a h a , ( s m o A n o r ao Bmouimm)
ALL amiAr ca m w c i ______m p i a m canaasi 6 - is m m t o u a s o m o l s
6-18 la Under 6 PUBLIC RDBXAL M88I0E AommcY #eh#ol & 6 Over Special Total Oat of 10 1m Bom-*##. lee. Sana Schools 6 la All mimg School School Total Mg. M g Amy toria Total M g M y total College# School#
AAIZOBA 13.0*1 777 13 060 6.250 674 327 3.064 10 4.003 511 1.17* 1.6*0 76 12.0*9
o w m A M mivmm 1,0*9 4* 1,148 011 30 34 12# 0 201 00 0 00 7 1,0*9 Cel#r#4o Wktotml 452 26 478 271 16 4 223 0 143 33 0 33 5 452 Bepl - Adopted 14 4 18 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 14 CheMimeTi 65 0 65 51 0 0 12 0 12 1 0 1 1 65 Navajo - Adopted 20 2 30 1 6 3 0 0 * 10 0 10 0 20 Mohave 341 20 361 20* 10 1 111 0 122 6 0 6 4 341 Others 4 0 4 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4
Ft. Ym m Subtotal 310 13 331 300 0 0 0 0 0 10 0 10 0 310 Ceeepeh 70 0 70 70 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70 Qoechaa 2 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 246 13 25* 236 0 0 0 0 0 10 0 10 0 246
Truxtoe Subegeney 32* 10 33* 232 22 30 6 0 50 37 0 37 2 32* Buelapai 15* 4 163 113 14 0 4 0 10 26 0 26 2 15* Bevasupel 73 2 75 24 0 30 .0 0 30 11 0 11 0 73 Toato Apache 40 0 40 40 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 40 Yavapai 30 2 40 36 0 0 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 30 Yavaoai-Aoacba 1* 2 21 _ 19 ____0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1* F O H APACTt L.289 63 _1*352_ 594 17 134 177 2 330 38 1*3 231 5 1*166 aopi 105 1.M3 463 113 2* 763 1 *06 47 54 101 4 1.476 PAPAOO 2*300 _ 13! 1*633 879 1*9 93 47* 1 772 114 3*9 513 * 2.173 PIMA 2,635 124 2,75* *40 3* 17 *70 3 1,02* 63 201 344 23 2,336 Mohave-Apache 74 0 02 54 0 1 0 0 1 5 0 5 4 64 Plea-Marlcopa 2,474 116 2,590 014 30 15 *70 3 1,026 54 201 335 1* 2,1*4 PlaM-PapaKo 87 0 07 72 1 1 0 0 2 4 0 4 0 70 SAB CARLOS 1,661 15* 1,820 537 75 6 522 6 603 169 252 421 7 1,568 H 3 1957
TABLE 1 - PUT 2 CKHSUS OF U D I U CHILMBE, AKIZOHA AREA (OOF OF SCHOOL)
IKDIA* CHILDMH 6-16 XBOWI HOT TO BE W SCHOOL*
FOE VALID REASONS
Agency Deflmlta Physically Mmatmlly Other Without Eeeaoe# Information Tribe Unfit Oaflt Married Eeeeem# Tetel Valid Reason* Tetel Rot Available
ARIZONA AREA 34 15 211 82 342 104 91 539 453
POET APACMK 4 1 25 0 30 29 70 129 0
«)PI 0 1 1 3 5 17 0 22 0
PAPAOO 6 1 17 17 41 18 11 70 257 pn#& 5 6 43 39 93 21 10 124 175
MDhmvm-Apach# 0 1 3 2 6 4 0 10 0 Pimm-Mmrlcopm 5 5 38 33 81 14 10 105 175 Plaa-Papago 0 0 ? 4 6 3 0 9 0
SA* CARLOS 11 5 63 14 93 ...... 0 ... ______a.__ 93 O
* Hot*: Only Tribe* reporting positive figures ere shown on this table
fo 313
1957
TABLE 2. UKOLlMOrr AMD ATTENDANCE IN FEDERAL SCHOOLS
State Kind Grades Mo. Deye *mb#r Average Agency of Taught School In Pupil# Dally School School See#Ion Enrolled Attendance
Arlmonm --- 6.704 5.948.0
Colorado Elver . 194 174.0 Colorado Elver D 1-8 189 129 112.0
Truxton Canon Peach Serine# D 1-6 171 65 62.0
Port Anache 499 419.6 Cedar Creak D PP-3 179 17 13.4 Clhecue D PP8 178 138 127.2 theo. Eooeevelt D PP-12 178 37 27.8 B FP-12 252 307 251.2
Hoel __ 1.040 921.1 Hoel Mleh D FP-10 180 235 194.4 Hotevllla D PP-6 180 113 62.1 Eaam# Canvon B PP 8 180 236 233.8 Moencoel D PP-6 180 102 94.4 Polacca D PP-7 175 183 170.8 Shuneonevl D PP-6 180 80 69.9 Toreva D PP-6 180 91 75.7
Paeaeo 683 501.7 Chuichu D PP-6 178 60 51.0 Kerwo D PP-6 178 62 38.5 Santa Rosa D PP-8 178 109 57.8 B PP-8 252 94 63.8 Santa Eo#a Eanch D 1-7 178 33 25.3 Sells: Federal D 1-8 178 133 105.3 Public D 1-9 177 112 97.2 Vava Chin D PP-6 178 80 62.8
Phoenix (Mon-re#1 1.065 1.006.6 Regular B 7-12 263 644 602.8 Special B 1-5 vrs 263 421 403.8 Pima . 970 844.9 Rlackwater D PP-1 179 30 28.1 Ca#a Blanca D PP-4 180 128 115.3 Clla Croaalna D PP-6 180 116 103.2 Pima Central D PP-8 179 279 250.2 Salt River D PP 8 178 311 253.9 Santan D PP-5 180 104 94.2
San Carlos . 542 437.2 Bv las D PP-6 178 158 120.4 San Carlos D PP-6 178 384 316.8 TABLE 3. ZBROLUBOrT BY GRADES I* PRIMAL SCDOOLS FISCAL TEAR
Stats Agsocy *mb#r in Grads# School
PP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 S 9 10 11 12 Spec Total
Arison# ?01 603 590 493 452 346 37S 342 302 290 226 ISO 132 1.S46 6.704
Colorado Elver 24 34 31 27 18 13 22 15 10 194 Colorado Elver IS 13 22 15 13 8 15 15 10 129 Truxton Canon Peach Soring# 6 21 9 12 5 5 7 Total !*01 603 590 1W3 4 ^ 346 37S 342 302 290 226 1SS 132 1.S46 6.704 Mots: In the Phoenix Area total, there Is a discrepancy of IS when one reads across. This Is accounted for by the 15 special college students at Phoenix Indian School. 31$ 1*37 INKS 4. maOLLMOPT BY TKI*** I* FKDg*AL SOBOLS UNDER EAC* ACSBCY Aeaaclaa and Somreaervatloa School Tribe# Colorado Port !l Sam Treats# Siver Apache ■opt P w , Pima Carlo# Caaea Arlmeaa Apache 422 49 1 341 1.039 Cheaehuevi 10 10 Cheoehuevi-Hohave If 19 Hmveeoe#! 30 7 43 #eel #29 111 990 Merlcoee 4 2# 32 Mohave 73 2 11 91 Mevalo 207 436 2 2.153 Palate 11 97 Papasto 22 443 132 936 Pirn# IS 36 • 560 64# Pima-Marlcooa 2 310 312 Pima-Pepeao 22 22 Ute 7 12 Valapel 2 5 3 34 72 Miecelleoeou# 23 4 3 49 1 2 #3 White#* 20 20 Total# 129 499 1,040 4S3 1,1*3 970 342 63 6,70* 4 * Tb# report on the Sell# Coaeelldeted School (Pohllc) ehowe 20 white etwdeet#. Theee ere Hated here la order to balance out with Tables 2 end 3. ^eeroUjwnt flgvree from 19^5 to 1957, Indue Its, obtained free the phoenix Area Office of the United States Indian Bureau. \ 316 Die statistics indicate that the public schools, while growing increasingly more popular with Papa go and Pima youngsters, have not re placed federal or parochial boarding schools nor as yet appreciably reduced the enrollment of on-reservation parochial or day schools. The public schools have, with the aid of Johnson-0 'Malley Act, added another and very important educational possibility to increasing numbers of young Papago and Pima youngsters. Gradually it is hoped that public schools will take the place of all federal Bureau schools within the state. It is also predicted that youngsters will attend the parochial schools of their choice attended not only by Indians, but by all young sters of every race, who share their particular faith. Boarding schools today operate not only good high schools, but accelerated programs for older youngsters at both the upper elementary and secondary levels. These boarding schools offer a fine academic, social, and vocational program geared to help the young people, find a social and economic place in off-reservation life. The guidance and follow-up done by Indian Bureau and parochial secondary schools is to be commended highly. Few secondary schools in the state have as extensive guidance programs as does the Phoenix Indian School; St. John's board ing school, Laveen, Arizona, or Esq.uela in Tucson. It is to be noted by the foregoing statistics that each and every type of school has made, and is continuing to cake great progress in the education and acculturation of the Pima and papago young pe°ple. True, many do return to the reservation after graduation; but these b e come less each year. Die institutions within the state have been more successful in off-reservation placement on a permanent basis. The 317 Papago youngsters, who attend Riverside Indian Institute at Riverside, California, tend to a greater extent to return to their arid reservation lands, but this is probably because they do not wish to stay so far away from home to make permanent off-reservation adjustments. Down the long and many years from. 1687 to 1958, the educational and social development of Pisan aborigines has been fairly constant. There have been interruptions in educational development, but it is nothing short of amazing considering the tremendous difficulties en countered, that so much has been accomplished. BIBLIOGMPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Adams, Evelyn, American Indian Education. King’s Grown Press, Morningale Heights, New York, 1946. Adams, Ward R. and Richard E. Sloan, History of Arizona, Arizona Press, Phoenix, Arizona, 1930. Arnold, Oren, Roundup, Banks Upshaw and Co., Dallas, Texas, 1937. Bancroft, Herbert Howe, History of the Northern Mexican States and Mexico. A. L. Bancroft and Co., Berkeley, California, 1884, Vol. I. Beard, Charles A. and Mary E., A Basic History of the United States. Doubleday, Doran and Co., New York, New York, 1944. Billington, Ray Allen, Westward Expansion. Macmillan Co., New York, New York, 1949. Boas, Frank, Dixon, Roland B., and Goddard, Pliny E ., Anthropology in North America. G. E. Strechert and Co., Boston, Massachusetts, 1915. Bolton, Herbert Eugene, Kino's Historical Memoirs of Piperla Alta. University of California Press, Berkeley, California, 1948. . Rim of Christendom. Macmillan Co., New York, New York, 1936. Castetter, E ., and Bell, W., Pima and Papago Agriculture. University of New Mexico Press, Roswell, New Mexico, 1948. Coues, Dr. Elliott, On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer. "The Diary and Itinerary of Francisco Garces in His Travels Through Sonora, Arizona, and California, 1775-1776," translation of Father Garces’ diary, Francis P. Harper, New York, New York, 1900, Vol. I. Dale, Edward Everett, The Indians of the Southwest. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma, 1949. Decorae, Gerard, Obra de los Jesuitas Mexicanos. University of Mexico Press, Mexico City, Mexico, 1930. 319 3 2 0 de Madariaga, Salvador, The Fall of the Spanish American Bapire, Macmillan Co., New York, New York, 1948. ______, The Rise of the Spanish American Empire, Macmillan Co., New York, New York, 19ul. Embry, Carlos B., America's Concentration Camps, David McKay Co., Inc., New York, New York, 1956. Forrest, Earl R., Missions and Pueblo in the Old Southwest, World Publishing Co., Cleveland, Ohio, 1929. Funk and Wagnalls Company, New Practical Standard Dictionary, Britannica World Language Edition, New York, Mew York, 1955 ed., Vol. I, Part I. Hallenbeck, Cleve, Land of the Conquistadores, Caxton Printers, Limited, Caldwell, Idaho, 1^0. Haring, C. H., The Spanish Bnpire in America, Oxford University Press, New York, 19%?. Kneale, Albert H., Indian Agent, Caxton Printers, Limited, Caldwell, Idaho, 1950. Lloyd, J. William, "Aw-Aw-Tam,n Indian Nights, The Llcyd Groups, Westfield, New Jeraey, 190li. Mace, William H., Mace's School History of the United States, Rand McNally and Co., Chicago, Illinois, 190k. Ogden, Dr. Adele et al., eds., Greater America, Essays in Honor of Herbert Eugene Bolton, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, 191*5. Schmeckebier, Laurence, The Office of Indian Affairs, Baltimore Press, Baltimore, Maryland, 1939. Seymour, Flora Warren, The Story of the Red Man, Longmans, Green, and Co., New York, New York, 1929. Simpson, Lesley Byrd, Many Mexicos. University of California Press, Berkeley, California, 1952. Whittemore, Isaac T., Among the Pimas or the Mission to the Pima and Maricopa Indians,printed for *The Ladies' Union kisslon School Association," Albany Press, Albany, New York, 1893. Wylls, Rufus K., Arizona, The History of a Frontier State. Hobson and Herr, Phoenix, Arizona, 1950. 321 Periodical Articles Lockwood, Frank C., "With Padre Kino on the Trail," Social Science Bulletin, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, 1934, No. 5. Newhall, Nancy, "The Shell of Tumacacori," Arizona Highways. Phoenix, Arizona, Vol. XXVIII, No. 11, November, 1952. "The Papago," Arizona State Teachers College Bulletin. Arizona state Teachers College Press, Flagstaff, Arizona, 1939, Vol. XX. Journals and Historical Reviews Covey, C. C., "Reservation Day School," The N.E.A. Journal of Address and Proceedings. Educational Publishers Association of America, Washington 6, D. C., 1900. Gallego, Hilario, "Reminiscences of an Arizona Pioneer," Arizen# Historical Review, University of Arizona and Arizona Pioneers Historical Society, Tucson, Arizona, January, 1935, Vol. VI, No. 1. O'Blasser, Father Bonaventure, "Papagueria, The Domain of the Papagos," Arizona Historical Review, published by University of Arizona and Arizona Pioneers Historical Society, Tucson, Arizona, April, 1936, Vol. VII, No. 2. Government Documents Criteria for the State of Arizona regarding Johnson-0'Halley Funds, Bulletin, Division of Indian Education, Arizona Department of Public Instruction, Capitol Annex, Phoenix, Ariz. Dorchester, Daniel, Comprehensive Field Report on Indian Education, U.S., Department of the Interior, U.S. Bulletin, Washington, D. C., 1893. Oberly, J. H., Recommendations for Indian Education. U.S., Department of the Interior, U.S. Bulletin, Washington, D. C., 1885. Segundo, Thomas, at al.. The Papago Development Program. U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, U.S. Bulletin, Haskell Institute Printing Shop, Laurence, Kansas, 1949. 3 2 2 U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affaire, Civil Rights, D.S. Bulletin, D.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1950, Category VI, Item a. U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Cede of Laws of the Papago Tribe and Annual Statistical Report, Sells Agency, Arizona, 1935. D.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Education. D.S. Bulletin, D.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1950, Category III, Item a. D.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Establishment-, D.S. Bulletin, D.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1950, Category I, Item f. D.S., Department of the Interior, Executive Orders Relating to Indian Reservations from May 14, 1855, to July 1, 1912, D.S. Bulletin, D.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1912. D.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Papago Reorganization. D.S. Bulletin, D.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1934. D.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Questions on Indian Culture. D.S. Bulletin, D.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1949, Pamphlet I. D.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Significant Dates in the History of the Indian Service. D.S. Bulletin, D.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1949. Wells, George C.. Orienting of New Employees. U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, D.S. Bulletin, D.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C., 1953. Anthropological, Governmental, and Religious Reports Alexander, Mrs. A. J., excerpts from a report to the ‘'Association of Ladies in the State of New York," December, 1868. Cook, Reverend C. H., teacher, report to "Albany Branch of the Board of Home and Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church," December 30, 1871. 323 Hackenberg, Robert A., A Brief History of the Gila River Reservation, a publication of the Bureau of Ethnic Research, Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, 1955. Kelly, William H., Indians of the Southwest. First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnic Research, tteiversity of Arizona Press, Tucson, Arizona, 1953. Monical, Louis, Superintendent of Federal Schools, Papago Indian Reservation, Sells, Arizona, report from Agency files, October 5, 1954. O'Blasser, Father Bonaventure, report taken from St. John's Indian High School records submitted September 10, 1955. Officer, James E., enrollment report of Indian children in public schools, Indians in School, University of Arizona Press, Tucson, Arizona, 1956. Papago Calendar Stick, translated under the auspices of the Papago Tribal Council, Sells, Arizona, March 1953. Ryan, Carson V., Reservation Principal, Pima Reservation, Pima Area Field Office Education, Sacaton, Arizona, enrollment report of Government schools on the Pima Reservation. Ryan, Carson, Jr., Superintendent of Education, Papago Reservation, historical report of individual Government schools on the Papago Reservation, March 14, 1953. St. Peter1s Mission School report, Bapchule, Arizona, February 5, 1956. Steward, Julian H., "Economics and Social Basis of Primitive Bands," Essays in Anthropology in Honor of A, L. Kroeber, University of California Press, Berkeley, California, 1936. U.S., Congress, Senate, Subcommittee on Indian Affairs, Report. Survey of Indian Conditions in the United States. U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1931. U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, United States Census School Report. Phoenix Area Office, Phoenix, Arizona, June 8, 1958. U.S., Statistical Supplement to the Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 1944. U.S., Department of the Interior. Annual Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Washington, D. C., 1870. U.S., Department of the Interior, The Meriam Report. Washington, D.C., 1928. 324 U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, reports of enrollment by tribes and grades, 1945-57, Phoenix Area Office, Phoenix, Arizona. Letters Alexander, General A. J., to his wife, October 18, 1868. Grossman, F. E., Captain, U.S. Army, United States Special Indian Agent at Sacaton, Arizona, to Mrs. A. J. Alexander, July 2?, 1870. O'Blasser, Father Bonaventure, O.F.M., Franciscan Historian, St. John's Mission, Laveen, Arizona, to the author, October 12, 1955 and January 31, 1956. O'Harra, H. E . , Administrative Officer, Pima Area Field Office, Sacaton, Arizona, to the author, January 19, 1956. Parker, E. S., Indian Commissioner, Washington, D. C., to "The Asso ciation of Ladies in the State of New York," June 17, 1869. Stout, J. H., to Mr. Bendell, Pima Agency, February 8, 1872. Unpublished Materials Hamilton, John, "A History of the Presbyterian Work Among the Pima and Papago Indians of Arizona," Master's thesis. University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, 1948. Heard, Marvin E., "Three Centuries of Formal and Informal Educational Influence and Development Among the Pima Indians," Master of Arts thesis, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, 1938. O'Blasser, Father Bonaventure, O.F.M., Franciscan Historian, St. John's Mission, Laveen, Arizona, unpublished book, "Cross Over the Desert." Wetzler, Lewis, "History of the Pima," Fh. D. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, California, 1949. Interviews Cook Bible School personnel, Indian School Road at Second Street Phoenix, Arizona, January 8, 1956. 325 Cunaaings, Dean, Professor Emeritus, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, July 6, 1950. Ewing, Dr. Russell, course. History of the West, summer term. University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, July, 1954. Francisco, Enos, Head of the Papago Tribal Council, Sells, Arizona, January 10, 1954; March, 1954; and June 8, 1955. Gray, Reverend E. Alexander, Pastor Bethel Methodist Church, Phoenix, Arizona, June 23, 1957. Hayden, Miss Sally, Tempe, Arizona, January 6, 1954. Jerome, Delbert, Supervisor, Arizona State Indian Education, Capitol Building Annex, Phoenix, Arizona, March 8, 1958. Leonard, Father, Pastor in charge of Covered Wells, Arizona, February 16, 1956. Mary Mark, Sister, Franciscan Sister Superior, at Topawa near Sells, Arizona, April 7, 1953 and May 8, 1954. McLean, John, Phelps Dodge Employment Office, Phelps Dodge General Office, Ajo, Arizona, October 6, 1955. McPherson, Dr. Orpha, Federal Supervisor of Indian Education in Arizona, lectures, March, 1944, and May 20, 1954. , Monical, Louis, Supervisor of Federal Schools, Papago Indian Reservation, Sells, Arizona, numerous interviews from October, 1954, to June, 1957. Moore, Thomas, Papago Indian, Ajo, Arizona, May 6, 1952. O'Blasser, Father Bonaventure, O.F.M., Franciscan Historian, St. John's Mission, Laveen, Arizona, numerous interviews from November, 1952, to October, 1957. Phieffer, Noel L . , Superintendent, retired, Phoenix, Arizona, School of Industrial Arts, Phoenix, Arizona, former member of Cook Bible School, June 8, 1953. Regis, Father, O.F.M. Topawa, Arizona, March, 1955. Rita Ann, Sister, head teacher at Covered Wells Mission School, Arizona, January 18, 1956. Robinson, A. E. (Bert), former Superintendent of the Pima Agency, Sacaton, Arizona, numerous interviews from February, 1954, to January, 1956. Ryan, Carson, Jr., Superintendent of Pima Reservation Schools, Sacaton, Arizona, January 26, 1958; and as Principal of Schools on the Papago Reservation, Sells, Arizona, January 8, 1952. Segundo, Thomas, Chairman, Papago Tribal Council, Sells, Arizona, numerous interviews from March, 1952, to July, 1954. Taylor, Mr., Agency Attendance Officer, Public Schools, Papago Agency, Sells, Arizona, June, 1955. Upplegger, Reverend Dr., Lutheran Minister, San Carlos, Arizona, February 10, 1955.