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Ruling Elites and Decision-Making in Fascist-Era Dictatorships

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Ruling Elites and Decision-Making in Fascist-Era Dictatorships António Costa Pinto is a professor Dictators do not rule alone, and a governing elite stratum is always ANTÓNIO COSTA PINTO After the so-called ‘third wave’ of de- of politics and contemporary Euro- formed below them. This book explores an underdeveloped area in the study ANTÓNIO COSTA PINTO mocratisation at the end of the 20th pean history at the Institute of Social of fascism: the structure of power. The old and rich tradition of elite studies Edited by century had significantly increased the Sciences, University of Lisbon. He has can tell us much about the structure and operation of political power in the number of democracies in the world, been a visiting professor at Stanford dictatorships associated with fascism, whether through the characterisation of the survival of many dictatorships has University (1993) Georgetown Uni- had an important impact. Taking as the modes of political elite recruitment, or by the type of leadership, and the versity (2004), a senior associate mem- starting point the dictatorships that ber at St Antony’s College, Oxford relative power of the political institutions in the new dictatorial system. emerged since the beginning of the University (1995) and a senior visiting Analyzing four dictatorships associated with fascism (Fascist Italy, Nazi 20th century, but mainly those that fellow at Princeton University (1996) Germany, Salazar’s Portugal and Franco’s Spain), the book investigates the were institutionalised after 1945, the and at the University of California, dictator-cabinet-single party triad from a comparative perspective. social science literature has retur- Berkeley (2000). His research interests ned to the big question concerning include fascism and authoritarianism, factors that led to the survival and democratisation and transitional justi- Contributors: downfall of the dictatorships and dic- ce in new democracies, the European Goffredo Adinolfi, Lisbon University Institute – ISCTE tators, and which the fascist regimes Union and the comparative study of Rita Almeida de Carvalho, New University of Lisbon RULING ELITES AND DECISION-MAKING did not escape: the regimes’ capacity political change in Europe. He is the to distribute resources; divisions wi- Nuno Estevão Ferreira, University of Lisbon IN FASCIST-ERA DICTATORSHIPS author of The Blue Shirts: Portuguese thin the power coalitions; the political Fascism in Inter-war Europe (2000), and Ana Mónica Fonseca, Lisbon University Institute – ISCTE institutions of the dictatorships, and co-editor of Who Governs Southern Aristotle Kallis, Lancaster University the cost-benefit analysis of rebellion. Europe? Regime Change and Ministe- Miguel Jerez Mir, University of Granada rial Recruitment (London: Routledge, Didier Musiedlak, University of Paris Oest, Nanterre This book explores an underdevelo- 2003) (edited with Pedro Tavares de António Costa Pinto, University of Lisbon ped area in the study of fascism: the Almeida and Nancy Bermeo); and Filipa Raimundo, European University Institute, Florence structure of power. The old and rich Charisma and Fascism in Inter-war Eu- tradition of elite studies can tell us rope (London: Routledge, 2006) (edi- much about the structure and opera- ted with Roger Eatwell and Stein U. tion of political power in the dictator- Larsen). ships associated with fascism, whether through the characterisation of the ISBN 978-0-88033-656-7 modes of political elite recruitment, or by the type of leadership, and the relative power of the political institu- RULING ELITES tions in the new dictatorial system. For information on books of related interest, or for a catalogue, 9 780880 336567 please write to: Order Department AND DECISION-MAKING Columbia University Press, For a note on the editor, 136 South Broadway, Irvington, Please see the back flap. New York 10533. SOCIAL SCIENCE MONOGRAPHS IN FASCIST-ERA To order by phone call: (800) 944-8648 or (914) 591-9111. Distributed by Columbia University Press Jacket illustration: Monica Correia SSM www.cup.columbia.edu/ www.cup.columbia.edu/ DICTATORSHIPS SOCIAL SCIENCE MONOGRAPHS Design by Joaquim António Silva Capa.indd 1 09/10/04 18:14:58 António Costa Pinto Edited by RULING ELITES AND DECISION-MAKING IN FASCIST-ERA DICTATORSHIPS SOCIAL SCIENCE MONOGRAPHS, BOULDER DISTRIBUTED BY COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, NEW YORK 2009 Copyright by António Costa Pinto ISBN 978-0-88033-656-7 Library of Congress Control Number 2009927610 Printed in the United States of America Contents Acknowledgements ix List of Tables and Figures xi Introduction: Political elites and decision-making in fascist-era dictatorships xv António Costa Pinto 1. Mussolini, charisma and decision-making 1 Didier Musiedlak 2. Political elite and decision-making in Mussolini’s Italy 19 Goffredo Adinolfi 3. Ministers and centres of power in Nazi Germany 55 Ana Mónica Fonseca 4. Nazi propaganda decision-making: the hybrid of ‘modernity’ and ‘neo-feudalism’ in Nazi wartime propaganda 83 Aristotle Kallis 5. The ‘empire of the professor’: Salazar’s ministerial elite, 1932–44 119 Nuno Estêvão Ferreira, Rita Almeida de Carvalho, António Costa Pinto 6. Political decision-making in the Portuguese New State (1933–9): The dictator, the council of ministers and the inner-circle 137 Filipa Raimundo, Nuno Estêvão Ferreira, Rita Almeida de Carvalho 7. Executive, single party and ministers in Franco’s regime, 1936–45 165 Miguel Jerez Mir 8. Single party, cabinet and political decision-making in fascist era dictatorships: Comparative perspectives 215 António Costa Pinto Contributors 253 Index 257 Mussolini, charisma 1 and decision-making Didier Musiedlak The notion of charisma is a useful, although insufficient, instru- ment for the study of dictatorial regimes and the role of dictators. In fact, charismatic leadership is just one aspect in the bigger puzzle of political decision-making. This is particularly striking in the case of Mussolini. We believe that reducing the issue to a matter of the cult of personality leaves little space for understanding the originality of Mussolini’s rule (Overy 2004: 98-131). Very often, the analysis is lim- ited to the exercise of power. According to the pioneering works of Alberto Aquarone and Renzo de Felice, it was Mussolini’s charisma that brought him the possibility of building a personal dictatorship (Aquarone 1965; Milza 1999). Recent historiography, mainly repre- sented by Emilio Gentile, emphasises the relationship between the Duce and the revolutionary project (Gentile 2004: 228). This debate is important for the use of the concept of totalitarianism in the Ital- ian case. Understanding decision-making under Mussolini is no easy task due to the overwhelming myth associated with ‘Mussolinism’. Indeed, there is a risk of recalling our image of the Fascist period and of being blinded to the actual role played by the dictator in this case (Musiedlak 2005). The aim of this chapter is to better understand the process of de- cision-making within the Fascist political system in all its complexity. Mussolini’s authority was indeed strictly dependent control of the decision-making apparatus. Before analysing the originality of Mus- 2 Ruling Elites solini’s monocracy and its limits, it is both useful and necessary to begin by examining how Mussolini was able to seize the necessary instruments for the creation of the structure of decision-making. The control of the decision-making apparatus This issue remained a constant concern for Mussolini for more than 20 years. In fact, it took him until 1943 to implement his sub- version strategy. This can be explained by the emergence of several problems, particularly those associated with the preservation of the constitutional and legal framework inherited from the liberal pe- riod. After achieving power, Mussolini had to bargain with pre- -existing institutions in order to carry out his so-called legal revo- lution. On this particular matter he was misunderstood, both by his contemporaries and by historians. The concept of legal revolution meant that the revolution had to be made within the existing insti- tutions and without provoking any clear-cut breach with the past. These institutions allowed for such re-configurations—something Mussolini understood. At the time Italy was governed according to the Piedmont con- stitution of 1848. Following the introduction of the Albertine Statute, the constitution was easily modified. The strength of Mussolini lay precisely in his understanding that, as ‘master of the executive’, he had the power to change institutions, provided that a certain image of continuity was maintained. For these reasons, the seizure of pow- er provoked no reaction. When he was appointed prime minister in 1922, Mussolini obtained full powers in both chambers in November and December, while the House of Savoy remained untouched. Thus, the only possible way for the new regime to grow was through the collaboration of old and new elites. In his 1941 book, The dual state, Ernst Fraenkel elaborated on this perspective ([1941] 1969: 13; Pombeni 1984: 447-9). The task implied the gradual trans- formation of the ruling class in the context of the ‘normative state’, operating within the double state under a dictatorial regime. Hence, behind the façade of the traditional state, a new partisan one was Mussolini, charisma and decision-making 3 formed to act as a phagocyte of the old structure. However, this pro- gramme required time. As in Germany, the Italian state was subject to a continuing revolution, but in this case the system preserved a part of the existing legality until 1943. Not only was the parliamentary system formally preserved, as all the laws were approved by parlia- ment—including the status of Jews in November 1938 (Musiedlak 2003). At the same time, parliament was used to subvert the former legal order, particularly during the period 1925-6, when the regime transformed into an undisguised dictatorship (Soddu 2008: 121-36). Throughout this process, the success of the Fascist revolution was dependent upon the parliamentary majority, which soon became a central objective. In fact, the absence of a majority in parliament, at least until 1928, became a source of significant fragility and of perma- nent concern to Mussolini.
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