The Role of Political Parties in Accession to the EU
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Bulgaria Political Briefing: Bulgarian President Rumen Radev Will Run for a Second Term Evgeniy Kandilarov
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 37, No. 1 (BG) February 2021 Bulgaria political briefing: Bulgarian President Rumen Radev will run for a Second Term Evgeniy Kandilarov 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: CHen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Bulgarian President Rumen Radev will run for a Second Term One of the most significant political events in the last few weeks in Bulgaria was the announcement of the President Roumen Radev, on Februaty 1st, that he and the Vice President Iliana Yotova will run for a second term in office at the presidential elections scheduled for this fall. This became clear during a press conference at which the head of state reported on what had been done over the past four years. “Our candidacy at this time is an honest move for citizens and political figures,” he said in an hour-long speech, hailing his own presidency as a voice of reason during the last few years. President Rumen Radev took the office after winning a second round of voting in 2016 – against GERB candidate Tsetska Tsacheva. Radev and Iliana Yotova took the oath as president and vice president in the parliament on January 19, 2017.Three days later, on January 22, they officially took the office. Under the constitution, the presidential couple's term expires in January 2022. Elections for a new head of state will be in the fall but it is not yet clear whether they will be in October or November. -
Bulgaria – the Difficult “Return to Europe”
European Democracy in Action BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT “RETURN TO EUROPE” TAMARA BUSCHEK Against the background of the EU accession of Bulgaria on 1st January 2007 and the first Bulgarian elections for the European Parliament on 20th May 2007, Tamara Buschek takes a closer look at Bulgaria’s uneven political and economic transition – at its difficult “return to Europe”. Graduated from Graz University (Austria) in 2003 with a Masters in Law [magistra juris] after finishing her studies in European and international law. After gaining a grant from the Chamber of Commerce in 2000 to complete an internship at the Austrian Embassy in London, she carried out research for her dissertation in criminal law – “The Prevention of Sexual Child Abuse – Austria/Great Britain” - in 2001 at the London School of Economics. She studied European and administrative law in Paris from 2001 to 2002 as part of an Erasmus year. She is quadrilingual (German, Bulgarian, English and French). « BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT RETURN TO EUROPE » MAY 2007 Table of Contents Introduction P. 1 2.3 The current governmental coalition, 2005-2007 and the P. 21 presidential election in 2006 I – Background Information P. 3 III - The first European Parliament elections, 20 May 2007 P. 25 1.1 Hopes and Fears P. 3 Conclusion P. 30 1.2 Ethnic Minorities P. 5 1.3 Economic Facts P. 7 Annex P. 32 II – Political Situation- a difficult path towards stability P. 9 Annex 1: Key facts P. 32 2.1 The transition from 1989 till 2001 P. 9 Annex 2: Economic Profile P. 33 2.1.1 The legislative elections of 1990 and the first P. -
There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included. -
THE 2016 REFERENDUM in BULGARIA Stoycho P. Stoychev
East European Quarterly Vol. 45, No. 3-4 pp. 187-194, September-December 2017 © Central European University 2017 ISSN: 0012-8449 (print) 2469-4827 (online) THE 2016 REFERENDUM IN BULGARIA Stoycho P. Stoychev Department of Political Science Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski” Outline The 2016 referendum was the first successful bottom-up initiative for a national referendum in Bulgaria since 1989. It was initiated by Slavi Trofonov, a popular TV showman, broadcasting in the primetime of one of the three national TV stations, bTV. Six questions were proposed, but the National Assembly reduced them to only three. The turnout did not meet the normatively required threshold for binding force of the result, but the referendum produced politically legitimate result and the legislature was obliged to consider the issue. A bill implementing the decisions of the referendum was introduced, but failed. Background Stanislav (Slavi) Trifonof started his career in television back in 1992. He quickly gained popularity and in 1996 was already a co-producer of the first and, by that time, only comedian show called “Canaleto”, which reflected upon sensitive societal and political issues in the transforming country. In 1997, Trifonov actively used the show to participate in the mass protests against the government of the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), led by Zhan Videnov. In 1998, a scandal between the co-producers of Canaleto led to the breakdown of the team and Trifonov started a show on his own, called “Hashove”. It was abolished by the Bulgarian National Television (BNT) immediately after its first broadcast because of political satire on the Ivan Kostov government (bitelevision.com 2017; dnevnik.bg 1998) and continued weekly on “7 dni” a small cable television, but was broadcasted by other cable televisions as well. -
Bulgaria's Lessons and Policy Options
Conditions for Long-term Growth and Prosperity in the Balkans In Search of Growth: Bulgaria’s Lessons and Policy Options A Report by the Institute for Market Economics October 1999 Assenka Yonkova Svetlana Alexandrova Georgy Stoev Diana Kopeva Yordanka Gancheva Latchezar Bogdanov Tzveta Dimitrova Georgy Ganev Krassen Stanchev Zora Blagoeva This report was made possible with support from Freedom House, under the auspices of the Regional Networking Project, which is funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development. CONTENTS I. TRANSITION AND RECESSION II. FOREIGN TRADE LIBERALIZATION III. EXCHANGE RATE REGIME: DOES IT CONTRIBUTE TO GROWTH, OR NOT? IV. DEVELOPMENT OF FINANCIAL MARKETS V. PUBLIC DEBT DYNAMICS VI. DEVELOPMENT OF THE PRIVATIZATION PROCESS VII. BUSINESS ENVIRONMENT VIII. SOME INSTITUTIONAL ISSUES • PROPERTY REGISTERS IN BULGARIA: PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES • PUBLIC PROCUREMENT • BANKRUPTCY PROCEDURES • COMMODITIES EXCHANGES AND WHOLESALE MARKETS IX. WHERE THE PROSPERITY COMES FROM? THE MARSHALL PLAN AND THE STABILITY PACT 2 INTRODUCTION 1999 is a year displaying the end of a decade of economic transition experienced in former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe. In a broad sense, the first phase of transition implies liberalization of economic activities, macroeconomic stabilization, structural reform, privatization, improvement of enterprise management and efficiency, establishment of new institutional and legal framework, imposition of clear and transparent market-entry regulations, etc. The economic performance of Bulgaria during last decade of transition, similar to the other post-communist countries in the Balkans, has been worse that in Central European countries. The major factors contributing to such a performance were lack of political consensus and weak (or undermined) institutions. -
BULGARIAN REVIVAL INTELLIGENTSIA Natural
BULGARIAN REVIVAL INTELLIGENTSIA Natural Philosophy System of Dr. Petar Beron Petar Beron was born at year 1800 in the town Kotel, “a miniature of Nuremberg”, in a rich family of handcrafts and merchants. In Kotel he received his primary education at the cell school of Stoiko Vladislavov and Raino Popovich. He went further to Bucharest where he entered the school of Greek educator Konstantin Vardalach. The latter, a famous for his time pedagogue and encyclopedist, had influenced a lot for the formation of Beron as scientist and philosopher. In 1824 Beron is compelled to leave Bucharest, because he participated in a “Greek plot”, and goes to Brashov, another Rumanian town, where he compiled “The Fish Primer”. This book was fundamental for the Reformation in Bulgaria and an achievement for the young scholar. In 1825 Beron enrolled as a student in Heidelberg University, Germany, where he proceeded philosophy until two years later when he transferred to Munich to study medicine. On the 9 July 1831, after successfully defending a doctoral dissertation, Beron was promoted Doctor in Medicine. Dissertation was in Latin and concerned an operation technique in Obstetrics and Gynecology. The young physician worked in Bucharest and Craiova, but after several years of general practice he quit his job and started merchandise. After fifteen years he made a fortune and went to Paris where he lived as a renter. Here he started a real scientific career. His scope was to entail all the human knowledge by that time and to make a natural philosophy evaluation by creating a new “Panepisteme”. His encyclopedic skills were remarkable. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The European Parliament Elections in Bulgaria Are Likely to Reinforce the Country's Political Stalemate Between Left and Right
The European Parliament elections in Bulgaria are likely to reinforce the country’s political stalemate between left and right blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/04/14/the-european-parliament-elections-in-bulgaria-are-likely-to-reinforce- the-countrys-political-stalemate-between-left-and-right/ 14/04/2014 The Bulgarian government currently lacks a majority in the country’s national parliament, with the governing coalition counting on support from 120 out of 240 MPs. Kyril Drezov writes that the upcoming European elections will likely be fought on the basis of this domestic situation, with European issues playing only a minor role, and the majority of seats being distributed between the two largest parties: the Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB). European Parliament Elections are still fairly new for Bulgaria – the 2014 elections will be only the third since accession. Like previous EP elections in 2007 and 2009, their function is purely as a test for changes in national politics. The present election campaign is overwhelmingly dominated by domestic concerns and is notable for the absence of EU-related issues. As a leftover from the accession days, the European Union is still considered ‘a good thing’ in Bulgaria and does not generate much passion. There is consensus amongst Bulgarians that key European policies are shaped somewhere else, and that Sofia’s role is to adapt to these policies whatever shape they may take. The big traditional players in Bulgarian politics gravitate towards particular European party families – Socialist, Christian Democratic and Liberal – and in their election manifestoes mostly parrot whatever line these party families take on the big European issues. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
IDENTITY CONFLICT in BULGARIA: the DYNAMICS of NON-VIOLENCE By
IDENTITY CONFLICT IN BULGARIA: THE DYNAMICS OF NON-VIOLENCE by Osman Koray Ertaş A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of George Mason University in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Conflict Analysis and Resolution Committee: Committee Chair Graduate Program Director Dean, School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution Date: Fall Semester 2016 George Mason University Fairfax, VA Identity Conflict in Bulgaria: The Dynamics of Non-Violence A Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at George Mason University by Osman Koray Ertaş Master of Arts University of Sussex, 1997 Director: Karina Korostelina, Professor Department of Conflict Analysis and Resolution Fall Semester 2016 George Mason University Fairfax, VA This work is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noderivs 3.0 unported license. ii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to my dear sons Burak, Alp, and Kagan. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank many friends and supporters who have made this happen. The biggest credit should go to my advisor, Prof. Karina Korostelina, who patiently assisted me during this long and difficult period. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page List of Tables ................................................................................................................... vii List of Figures ................................................................................................................. viii List of Abbreviations