Bulgaria – the Difficult “Return to Europe”
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Call from Members of the Nizami Ganjavi International Centre to the United Nations Security Council to Support the UN Secretary
Call from Members of the Nizami Ganjavi International Centre to the United Nations Security Council to Support the UN Secretary-General’s Urgent Call for an Immediate Global Ceasefire amid the COVID-19 Pandemic We are deeply alarmed that the United Nations Security Council has not been able to reach agreement on a draft resolution put before it on COVID-19. This draft resolution called for an end to hostilities worldwide so that there could be a full focus on fighting the Covid-19 pandemic. If passed it would have given powerful backing to the call made earlier by the Secretary-General. Yet, agreement could not be reached on the resolution in the Security Council because of its reference to “the urgent need to support…. all relevant entities of the United Nations system, including specialized health agencies” in the fight against the pandemic. The failure to reach agreement saddens us at this time when our world is in crisis. The Covid-19 pandemic has brought about immense human suffering and is having a devastating impact on economies and societies. It is exactly at times like this that the leadership of the Security Council is needed. It should not be silent in the face of the serious threat to global peace and security which Covid-19 represents. Global action and partnership are vital now to deal with the global pandemic and its aftermath. This is the time for the premier institution responsible for leading on global security to show strength, not weakness. We support UN Secretary-General António Guterres in his call for an immediate global ceasefire, in all corners of the world, amid the COVID-19 pandemic. -
There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included. -
Bulgaria Urgent Interim Opinion on the Draft New
Strasbourg, 20 November 2020 CDL-PI(2020)016 Opinion No. 1002 / 2020 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) BULGARIA URGENT INTERIM OPINION ON THE DRAFT NEW CONSTITUTION Issued pursuant to Article 14a of the Venice Commission’s Rules of Procedure on the basis of comments by Mr Michael FRENDO (Member, Malta) Mr James HAMILTON (Former member, Ireland) Mr Eirik HOLMØYVIK (Substitute Member, Norway) Ms Regina KIENER (Member, Switzerland) Mr Martin KUIJER, (Substitute Member, the Netherlands) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-PI(2020)016 - 2 - Contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 3 II. Background ................................................................................................................... 3 1. Scope of the Opinion ........................................................................................... 3 2. Amendment process ........................................................................................... 4 III. Analysis ......................................................................................................................... 6 1. Preamble and Chapters I and II (fundamental principles and human rights) ........ 6 2. Chapter III (National Assembly) ........................................................................... 9 3. Chapter VI (Judiciary) ....................................................................................... -
THE 2016 REFERENDUM in BULGARIA Stoycho P. Stoychev
East European Quarterly Vol. 45, No. 3-4 pp. 187-194, September-December 2017 © Central European University 2017 ISSN: 0012-8449 (print) 2469-4827 (online) THE 2016 REFERENDUM IN BULGARIA Stoycho P. Stoychev Department of Political Science Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski” Outline The 2016 referendum was the first successful bottom-up initiative for a national referendum in Bulgaria since 1989. It was initiated by Slavi Trofonov, a popular TV showman, broadcasting in the primetime of one of the three national TV stations, bTV. Six questions were proposed, but the National Assembly reduced them to only three. The turnout did not meet the normatively required threshold for binding force of the result, but the referendum produced politically legitimate result and the legislature was obliged to consider the issue. A bill implementing the decisions of the referendum was introduced, but failed. Background Stanislav (Slavi) Trifonof started his career in television back in 1992. He quickly gained popularity and in 1996 was already a co-producer of the first and, by that time, only comedian show called “Canaleto”, which reflected upon sensitive societal and political issues in the transforming country. In 1997, Trifonov actively used the show to participate in the mass protests against the government of the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), led by Zhan Videnov. In 1998, a scandal between the co-producers of Canaleto led to the breakdown of the team and Trifonov started a show on his own, called “Hashove”. It was abolished by the Bulgarian National Television (BNT) immediately after its first broadcast because of political satire on the Ivan Kostov government (bitelevision.com 2017; dnevnik.bg 1998) and continued weekly on “7 dni” a small cable television, but was broadcasted by other cable televisions as well. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Bulgaria's Lessons and Policy Options
Conditions for Long-term Growth and Prosperity in the Balkans In Search of Growth: Bulgaria’s Lessons and Policy Options A Report by the Institute for Market Economics October 1999 Assenka Yonkova Svetlana Alexandrova Georgy Stoev Diana Kopeva Yordanka Gancheva Latchezar Bogdanov Tzveta Dimitrova Georgy Ganev Krassen Stanchev Zora Blagoeva This report was made possible with support from Freedom House, under the auspices of the Regional Networking Project, which is funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development. CONTENTS I. TRANSITION AND RECESSION II. FOREIGN TRADE LIBERALIZATION III. EXCHANGE RATE REGIME: DOES IT CONTRIBUTE TO GROWTH, OR NOT? IV. DEVELOPMENT OF FINANCIAL MARKETS V. PUBLIC DEBT DYNAMICS VI. DEVELOPMENT OF THE PRIVATIZATION PROCESS VII. BUSINESS ENVIRONMENT VIII. SOME INSTITUTIONAL ISSUES • PROPERTY REGISTERS IN BULGARIA: PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES • PUBLIC PROCUREMENT • BANKRUPTCY PROCEDURES • COMMODITIES EXCHANGES AND WHOLESALE MARKETS IX. WHERE THE PROSPERITY COMES FROM? THE MARSHALL PLAN AND THE STABILITY PACT 2 INTRODUCTION 1999 is a year displaying the end of a decade of economic transition experienced in former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe. In a broad sense, the first phase of transition implies liberalization of economic activities, macroeconomic stabilization, structural reform, privatization, improvement of enterprise management and efficiency, establishment of new institutional and legal framework, imposition of clear and transparent market-entry regulations, etc. The economic performance of Bulgaria during last decade of transition, similar to the other post-communist countries in the Balkans, has been worse that in Central European countries. The major factors contributing to such a performance were lack of political consensus and weak (or undermined) institutions. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
Bulgaria About This Guide
Expeditionary Culture Field Guide Varna Veliko Tarnovo Sofia Plovdiv Bulgaria About this Guide This guide is designed to prepare you to deploy to culturally complex environments and achieve mission objectives. The fundamental information contained within will help you understand the cultural dimension of your assigned location and gain skills necessary for success (Photo: Souvenir vendor in the old part of Plovdiv, Bulgaria courtesy of CultureGrams, ProQuest). The guide consists of 2 parts: ECFG Part 1 is the “Culture General” section, which provides the foundational knowledge you need to operate effectively in any global environment with a focus on Eastern Europe. Bulgaria Part 2 is the “Culture Specific” section, which describes unique cultural features of Bulgarian society. It applies culture- general concepts to help increase your knowledge of your assigned deployment location. This section is designed to complement other pre- deployment training (Photo: US and Bulgarian senior NCOs discuss enlisted force development concerns). For further information, visit the Air Force Culture and Language Center (AFCLC) website at https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/AFCLC or contact the AFCLC Region Team at [email protected]. Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be reproduced in its current format with the express permission of the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the US government, Wikimedia, and other sources. GENERAL CULTURE PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL What is Culture? Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to adapt to our social and physical environments. -
Politics of Balance
CENTRE INTERNATIONAL DE FORMATION EUROPEENNE INSTITUT EUROPEEN DES HAUTES ETUDES INTERNATIONALES Academic Year 2005 – 2006 Politics of Balance The Conjuncture of Ethnic Party Formation and Development in Romania and Bulgaria Lilla Balázs M.A. Thesis in Advanced European and International Studies Academic Supervisor MATTHIAS WAECHTER Director of the DHEEI Nice, June 2006 1 Contents 1. Introduction 2. The Emergence of the Two Ethnic Parties 2.1. The Birth of New Nation States 2.2. Romania: Revolution and the “Morning After” 2.2.1. Timisoara and the Fall of Ceausescu 2.2.2. The “Morning After” and Formation of the DAHR 2.3. Bulgaria: Revolution and the “Morning After” 2.3.1. The Fall of Zhivkov 2.3.2. The “Morning After” and Formation of the MRF 3. Politics of Balance: the Two Parties at a Closer Look 3.1. The DAHR and the MRF: Two Ethnic Parties in Context 3.1.1. Ethnic Parties 3.1.2. The Context of Minority Ethnic Parties 3.2. The DAHR and its Context 3.2.1. The DAHR—Ethnic Organization in National Politics 3.2.2. The DAHR in Context 3.3. The MRF and its Context 2 3.3.1. The MRF—Ethnic Party of a National Type 3.3.2. The MRF in Context 3.4. Ethnic Party Politics: Politics of Balance 4. The Dynamic of Ethnic Party Politics in Romania and Bulgaria 4.1. The DAHR and Political Developments in Romania 4.1.1. Radicalism and Isolation: 1992-1996 4.1.2. Electoral Revolution and Participation: 1996-2000 4.1.3. -
Zornitsa Markova the KTB STATE
Zornitsa Markova THE KTB STATE Sofia, 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or express written consent from Iztok-Zapad Publishing House. transmitted in any form or by any means without first obtaining © Zornitsa Markova, 2017 © Iztok-Zapad Publishing House, 2017 ISBN 978-619-01-0094-2 zornitsa markova THE KTB STATE CHRONICLE OF THE LARGEST BANK FAILURE IN BULGARIA — THE WORKINGS OF A CAPTURED STATE THAT SOLD OUT THE PUBLIC INTEREST FOR PRIVATE EXPEDIENCY CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS / 12 EDITOR’S FOREWORD / 13 SUMMARY / 15 READER’S GUIDE TO THE INVESTIGATION / 21 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND / 23 DEVELOPMENTS IN THE BULGARIAN BANKING SECTOR THAT PRE-DATE KTB ..........................................................25 Headed for a Banking Crisis .................................................................................................. 26 Scores of Banks Close Their Doors................................................................................... 29 First Private Bank — Backed by the Powerful, Favoured by the Government ......................................................... 33 Criminal Syndicates and Their Banks — the Birth of a State within the State ...........................................................................35 A Post-Crisis Change of Players ..........................................................................................37 A FRESH START FOR THE FLEDGLING KTB ..................................................... 40 KTB SALE ..........................................................................................................................................42 -
Bulgaria Political Party '. Development Assistance Assessment & Program Design
BULGARIA POLITICAL PARTY '. DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE ASSESSMENT & PROGRAM DESIGN Preparedfor: U.S. Agency For International Development/Bulgaria Democracy & Local Governance Office Prepared by: Mark Hopkins, M.A. Sarah Birch, Ph.D. & John Mason, Ph.D. (Team Leader) Consultants for: Developmeut Associates, Inc. 1730 N. Lynn Street Arlington, VA 22209-2023 (703) 276-0677 April 29, 2002 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acronyms 1lI Executive Summary iv Chapter 1: Introduction I A. Purpose I B. Background I C. Methodology and Research Perspective 2 D. Organization ofthe Report 4 Chapter 2: Constraints to Enhanced Party Electoral Competitiveness 5 A. The Setting 5 B. Cultural and Social Attitudes towards Political Parties 5 C. Legal Framework ofParties, Voting Systems and Elections 7 D. Impact ofLocal Elections on Party Behavior 8 E. Party Election Campaign Capacity 9 Chapter 3: Challenges to Formation of Effective Party Structures 12 A. Overall Organizational Status ofParties 12 B. Internal Organizational Development 13 C. Institutionalization ofParty Structure 15 D. Prospects for Party Reform IS E. The Needs ofWomen in Politics 16 F. Youth Needs 18 Chapter 4: Potential for Effective Party Governance 21 A. Outreach Capacity 21 B. Links to Advocacy Groups and the Media 27 C. Coalition-Building Experience 29 D. Role ofthe Opposition 29 Chapter 5: An Overview ofDonor Experience in Assisting Party Development 31 A. u.S. Experience in Direct Support ofParty Development 31 B. Other Donor Experience in Direct Support ofthe Political Party Process 34 C. USAID Experience in Indirect Support ofParty System Development.. 35 • D. Future Plans and Potential Donor Cooperation 38 PoliJical Party Deve1JJpment April 2002 in Bulgaria ....' Development Associates, Inc. -
Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov
Post-Socialist Blues Within Real Existing Capitalism: Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Alberta © Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov, 2020 Abstract This project draws on Alex William’s (2020) contribution to Gramscian studies with the concept of complex hegemony as an emergent, dynamic and fragile process of acquiring power in socio- political economic systems. It examines anti-communism as an ideological element of neoliberal complex hegemony in Bulgaria. By employing a Gramcian politico-historical analysis I explore examples of material and discursive ideological practices of anti-communism. I show that in Bulgaria, anti-communism strives to operate as hegemonic, common-sensual ideology through legislative acts, production of historiography, cultural and educational texts, and newly invented traditions. The project examines the process of rehabilitation of fascist figures and rise of extreme nationalism, together with discrediting of the anti-fascist struggle and demonizing of the welfare state within the totalitarian framework of anti-communism. Historians Enzo Traverso (2016, 2019), Domenico Losurdo (2011) and Ishay Landa (2010, 2016) have traced the undemocratic roots of economic liberalism and its (now silenced) support of fascism against the “Bolshevik threat.” They have shown that, whether enunciated by fascist regimes or by (neo)liberal intellectuals, anti-communism is deeply undemocratic and shares deep mass-phobic disdain for political organizing of the majority. In this dissertation I argue that, in Bulgaria, anti- communism has not only opened the ideological space for extreme right and fascist politics, it has demoralized left political organizing by attacking any attempts for a politics of socio- economic justice as tyrannical.