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VIRGILIU BÎRLĂDEANU the Annexation Of VIRGILIU BÎRLĂDEANU The Annexation of Crimea and the Secessionist War in Eastern Ukraine: A View from the Republic of Moldova1 Abstract. The paper examines the official reactions in the Republic of Moldova to the annexation of Crimea by Russia and the secessionist war in eastern Ukraine. It also analyses the impact of these events on the interaction between the authorities in Chișinău and Tiraspol in the period between February and June 2014. The strong pro-Russian direction of Transdniestria and the pro-European reforms initiated by Moldova, led to opposing interpretations of the Ukrainian crisis as well as to a distancing in the negotiations on the resolution of the Transdniestrian conflict itself. The high expectations provoked by the triumphalist slogans after Crimea’s annexation, the suggestions made by Russia about the rehabilitation of the territorial identities from the time of the Russian Empire (such as Novorossiya), allowed the Transdniestrian authorities to bring back the previous political agendas, in which the East- West divisions are centre-stage. Virgiliu Bîrlădeanu is an Associate Professor at the Moldova State University. Introduction The annexation of Crimea at the beginning of 2014 and the secessionist war that followed in Eastern Ukraine generated a wave of political discussions and initiatives in Chișinău and in the separatist region of Transdniestria. Shortly after the disputed Moscow-backed referendum was carried out on 16 March 2014 in Crimea, through which the region expressed its desire to become a part of the Russian Federation, the separatist authorities in Tiraspol followed suit. The Transdniestrian Speaker, Mikhail Burla was delegated to Moscow to present to the Russian authorities the region’s desire to join the Federation. To back this request, the Supreme Council adopted an official declaration addressed to the Vice President of Russian State Duma, Ivan Melnikov. The document, adopted on 16 April 2014, was asking the Russian authorities “to recognise the Transdniestrian Moldovan Republic as a sovereign independent state”2. At the time, the mass-media reported that during the meeting between Burla and the Russian representatives, a legislative proposal was made that would facilitate the annexation of new territories to the Russian Federation without the agreement of the countries to which these territories are a part of. Burla argued that according to the results of a previous referendum held in Transdniestria in 2006, 97.2 percent of voters made their choice in favour of the region’s 1 The paper is elaborated with the support of the research project “Possibilities and limits, challenges and obstacles of transferring CEE EU pre-accession best practices and experience to Moldova’s and Georgia’s pre-accession process”, Acronym: EU-PREACC (2013-2017). 2 Обращения Верховного Совета ПМР к Президенту, Госдуме, Совету Федерации РФ, ООН, ОБСЕ, Президенту ПМР [The Appeal of the Supreme Council of the TMR toward President, State Duma, Federation Soviet, OUN, OSCE, President of the TMR], Сайт Верховного Совета Приднестровской Молдавской Республики, 16.04.2014, available at <http://www.vspmr.org/News/?ID=8843>. All websites were accessed on 15.07.2014. 1 independence and its unification with the Russian Federation. He further pointed out that for the 200.000 residents living in Transdniestria the living conditions might worsen as the result of Moldova signing the Association Agreement with the European Union and the introduction of restrictive economic measures by the Moldovan authorities. According to the results of 2006 referendum, Burla argued that the next step should be the accession of the region to the Russian Federation. In his speech to the Russian officials, Burla noted that “[t]hese steps should be implemented consistently following not only the logic, but also the legal mechanisms. For the beginning, the recognition of the republic should take place; only then we can address the Russian government with the demand of accession.”3 On 22 April 2014, in support of this initiative the non-governmental organization “Союз русских общин” (Union of Russian Communities) from Transdniestria initiated a campaign to collect signatures for a petition addressed to Vladimir Putin. The Russian president was asked “to initiate the procedure for the official recognition of Transdniestria.” 4 The petition argued that “the developments in neighbouring Ukraine, and the rise of the political and economic crisis led violations of the rights of our citizens and increased the pressure on Transdniestria. In the context of security threats Transdniestria, of a particular importance to us is the question of our state’s status and Russia’s position”5. Viorica Kohtarjova, the president of the organization, claimed that during the two weeks of campaigning more than 185.000 signatures had been collected in support of the petition. The pro-governmental media in Russia interpreted this petition as a univocal demand of Transdniestria’s population to join Russian Federation. Transdniestria was referred to as a region of Novorossiya. The lists with the signatures were submitted to the Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, Dmitrij Rogozin, during his visit to Tiraspol for the Victory Day celebrations on 9 May. On 10 May, on the way back from Tiraspol to Moscow, Rogozin’s aircraft was grounded at the airport in Chișinău and the lists were confiscated by the Moldovan authorities after a control on-board the aircraft. Furthermore, the Romanian and Ukrainian authorities denied access of Rogizin’s plane through their airspaces. Upon his return to Moscow, Rogozin declared that the 3 Народ ждет признания, Новости Верховного Совета [The People waits for recognition, Supreme Council News], Сайт Верховного Совета Приднестровской Молдавской Республики, 21.04. 2014, available at <http://vspmr.org/News/?ID=8861>. 4 Вслед за Верховным Советом обращение к Путину для признания Приднестровья готовит Союз русских общин [Following the Supreme Soviet, the Council of Russian Communities elaborates the appeal to Putin on recognising Transdniestria], Infotag. News Agency, 23.04.2014, available at <http://www.infotag.md/rebellion/187559/>. 5 Союз русских общин начинает сбор подписей в поддержку признания Приднестровья [Council of Russian Communities begins collecting signatures to support the recognising of Transdniestria], Информационное Агентство Новости Приднестровья, 22.04.2014, available at <http://novostipmr.com/ru/news/14-04-22/soyuz-russkih-obshchin-nachinaet-sbor-podpisey-v-podderzhku>. 2 Moldovan special services, which detained and raided the plane in Chișinău, confiscated only a small part of the lists: “[…] we took care of the main load. The Russian delegation also brought home the Transdniestrians’ appeal to the Russian leadership. It might have a symbolic rather than a legal meaning, but for us this is of importance now. Anyway, Chișinău’s provocation will have serious consequences for our bilateral relations”6.He further declared that “Romania closed their airspace for my plane at the request of the United States. Ukraine did not allow it [the access], again. Next time I will flight by TU-160.” 7 This could be regarded as a random episode, if the attitudes that were dominating the Russian society at the time would not be taken into consideration. However, Rogozin’s declaration triggered a firm reaction from the Romanian Foreign Ministry, which requested an official explanation. In his reaction, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Iurie Leancă declared: “It is time for Mr. Rogozin to understand that the Republic of Moldova should be treated with respect, as are treated other countries which are subject of international law, based on these principles, based on our sincere and strong desire to have the best possible relationship with the Russian Federation.” 8 Leancă said that the relevant institutions will investigate the issue and will decide on the character of these signatures and on Moscow’s attempt to remove them out of the Republic of Moldova: “I do not see how they [the lists with collected signatures] fit with the official position of the Russian Federation, which always supported the principle of territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova.”9 More broadly, in Chișinău this episode brought back the discussion about whether Russian Federation respects its role as a mediator and guarantor in Transdniestrian conflict or, whether it is in fact a guarantor of this secessionist region’s existence. In Chișinău the most widely accepted interpretation of the events in Ukraine was that for the Russian Federation, Ukraine is “the last redoubt” in front of NATO enlargement. The recent signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union and the European vector of Ukraine’s new administration would lead to Ukraine’s integration into Euro-Atlantic organizations. In order to counteract these projects Russia triggered actions of territorial dismemberment and political destabilization of Ukraine. The same pressures - primarily, to stop 6 Рогозин: Подписи приднестровцев о признании республики находятся в Москве [Rogozin: Transdniestrians’ signatures on recognising the republic are in Moscow], Взгляд. Деловая Газета, 11.05.2014, available at <http://vz.ru/news/2014/5/11/686132.html> . 7 МИД Румынии считает угрозой обещание Рогозина прилететь на Ту-160 [Romania’s MFA considers that Rogozin’s declaration to arrive by a TU-160 is a threat], РИА Новости, 10.05.2014, available at <http://ria.ru/world/20140510/1007291400.html>
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