The New Eastern Europe: Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova
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ADEPT Political Commentaries
ADEPT Political Commentaries September-December 2004 Concerns on the eve of elections Igor Botan, 15 September 2004 Democracy and governing in Moldova e-journal, II year, no. 37, August 30 - September 12, 2004 With the launch of the fall political season analysts and media alike engaged in assessing preparations for parliamentary elections. According to their estimates, elections might be held late May or even June next year. The source for such predictions is the Constitution itself. Paragraph 3 Article 61 of the Constitution provides that "election of Parliament members will be started not later than 3 months from the end of the previous mandate or from the dissolution of the previous Parliament". Article 63 specifies that "the mandate of the current Parliament may be extended until the structure of the new Parliament has been completed and the latter can meet in full session" that according to the same article is held "within at most 30 days from election day". That is why it is considered that Parliament mandate commences on the day of its first session. Given that the last parliamentary elections were held on February 25, while the Parliament was convened on a first session via a Presidential Decree on March 20, 2001, it is expected that parliamentary elections would be held sometime during the three months March 21 - June 21, 2005. This estimation is logical and at the first glance seems accurate. Arguments cited by those who claim election date would be set for the end of May or even June cite, derive from the supposed interests of the ruling party. -
The EU and South Caucasus: Learning Lessons from Moldova and Ukraine
Nicu Popescu ________________________________________________________________________ IPF Policy Brief 2 (draft) The EU and South Caucasus: learning lessons from Moldova and Ukraine Nicu Popescu , [email protected] Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, included into the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2004, started recently their negotiations on Action Plans with the European Union. This will allow them to foster cooperation and integration with the EU in the framework of the ENP. In order to make the ENP Action Plans (AP) exercise more effective the countries of the South Caucasus can learn from the experience of first wave ENP countries such as Ukraine and Moldova, which have been at the implementation stage of the Action Plans for more than a year. The present paper discusses the ENP for the South Caucasus and makes a number of recommendations for the countries of the region on how to proceed with the negotiation and eventual implementation of the ENP Action Plans. The objective of the paper is rather limited. Its aim is not to describe all the actions that the countries of the South Caucasus have to undertake. The objective of the paper is to highlight a number of challenges that arise at the very start of the implementation period. Thus, the recommendations of the paper concern the negotiation phase, and the efforts of the governments of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia to start the process of ENP AP implementation, while keeping in mind the experiences of Moldova and Ukraine. Nicu Popescu is an International Policy Fellow at the Centre for European Policy Studies in Brussels and PhD candidate at the Central European University in Budapest. -
Painful Past, Fragile Future the Delicate Balance in the Western Balkans Jergović, Goldsworthy, Vučković, Reka, Sadiku Kolozova, Szczerek and Others
No 2(VII)/2013 Price 19 PLN (w tym 5% VAT) 10 EUR 12 USD 7 GBP ISSN: 2083-7372 quarterly April-June www.neweasterneurope.eu Painful Past, Fragile Future The delicate balance in the Western Balkans Jergović, Goldsworthy, Vučković, Reka, Sadiku Kolozova, Szczerek and others. Strange Bedfellows: A Question Ukraine’s oligarchs and the EU of Solidarity Paweï Kowal Zygmunt Bauman Books & Reviews: Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Mykola Riabchuk, Robert D. Kaplan and Jan Švankmajer Seversk: A New Direction A Siberian for Transnistria? Oasis Kamil Caïus Marcin Kalita Piotr Oleksy Azerbaijan ISSN 2083-7372 A Cause to Live For www.neweasterneurope.eu / 13 2(VII) Emin Milli Arzu Geybullayeva Nominated for the 2012 European Press Prize Dear Reader, In 1995, upon the declaration of the Dayton Peace Accords, which put an end to one of the bloodiest conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the Bosnian War, US President, Bill Clinton, announced that leaders of the region had chosen “to give their children and their grandchildren the chance to lead a normal life”. Today, after nearly 20 years, the wars are over, in most areas peace has set in, and stability has been achieved. And yet, in our interview with Blerim Reka, he echoes Clinton’s words saying: “It is the duty of our generation to tell our grandchildren the successful story of the Balkans, different from the bloody Balkans one which we were told about.” This and many more observations made by the authors of this issue of New Eastern Europe piece together a complex picture of a region marred by a painful past and facing a hopeful, yet fragile future. -
Republic of Belarus
August 1997 Vol. 9 No. 8 (D) REPUBLIC OF BELARUS CRUSHING CIVIL SOCIETY AWhat scares me most is to see how fragile our freedom turned out to be. I used to think that the freedom we had achieved would never be taken away from us again.@ Yury Drakokhurst, Belarusian journalist. SUMMARY.................................................................................................................................................................................3 RECOMMENDATIONS.............................................................................................................................................................4 A NOTE ON GEOGRAPHY AND DEMOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................6 BACKGROUND .........................................................................................................................................................................6 Weakening Parliament and the Judiciary.......................................................................................................................7 The Referendum..............................................................................................................................................7 Legislative Powers of the President.................................................................................................................8 The National Assembly (Parliament) ..............................................................................................................8 -
I États Membres Member States
I États membres Member States AFGHANISTAN Délégués / Delegates : S.Exc. M. Ghulam Farooq Wardak Ministre de l'Education nationale Chef de la délégation S.Exc. M. Mohammad Kacem Fazelly Ambassadeur, Délégué permanent Délégation permanente auprès de l’UNESCO Chef adjoint de la délégation M. Salem Shah Ibrahimi Coordinateur des programmes internationales pour l'éducation Ministère de l'Education nationale M. Abdul Qahar Abed Chef du Département de la culture Ministère des Affaires étrangères M. Ahmadullah Amiri Troisième secrétaire Délégation permanente auprès de l'UNESCO Suppléants / Alternates : M. Abdul Ahad Abassy Chef du Département de préservation du patrimoine historique Ministère de la Culture et d'information Mme Khadija Amiri Deuxième secrétaire Délégation permanente auprès de l'UNESCO M. Sifatullah Rahimee Assistant du Ministre Ministère de l'Education nationale AFRIQUE DU SUD / SOUTH AFRICA Délégués / Delegates : H.E Ms Angelina Motshekga Minister of Basic Education Head of Delegation H.E. Mr Bonginkosi Emmanuel Nzimande Minister of Higher Education and Training Mr Mohamed Enver Surty Deputy Minister of Basic Education H.E. Ms Dolana Msimang Ambassador to France, Permanent Delegate Permanent Delegation to UNESCO Deputy Head of Delegation Mr Marthinus Van Schalkwyk Director for Social Development Department of International Relations and Cooperation Suppléants / Alternates : Mr Thivhilaeli Eric Makatu Deputy Permenant Delegate Permanent Delegation to UNESCO Department of International Relations and Cooperation Mr Mvuyo Mhangwane -
The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
Kovalov Ou 0169D 10959.Pdf
UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE THE EFFECTS OF POPULISM ON DEMOCRATIC QUALITY IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC, POLAND, AND UKRAINE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By MAKSYM KOVALOV Norman, Oklahoma 2013 THE EFFECTS OF POPULISM ON DEMOCRATIC QUALITY IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC, POLAND, AND UKRAINE A DISSERTATION APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BY ______________________________ Dr. Mitchell P. Smith, Chair ______________________________ Dr. Charles D. Kenney ______________________________ Dr. Ronald K. Gaddie _____________________________ Dr. Suzette R. Grillot _____________________________ Dr. Daniel L. Hicks © Copyright by MAKSYM KOVALOV 2013 All Rights Reserved. Моим дорогим родителям за их безусловную поддержку, любовь и веру, что у меня все получится. Acknowledgements First and foremost, I am very grateful to my advisor, Dr. Mitchell Smith, for his help and guidance. During these long years of taking classes and writing papers he has been a tremendous source of inspiration, ideas and encouragement. I am thankful for his detailed feedback on numerous drafts of this dissertation. I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee – Dr. Charles Kenney, Dr. Suzette Grillot, Dr. Keith Gaddie and Dr. Daniel Hicks – for their valuable comments, discussions and suggestions. My six months of dissertation research would not have been possible without financial support from the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Oklahoma, the Robberson Research Grant awarded by the Graduate College and the John Halvor Leek Memorial Scholarship awarded by the Department of Political Science. These grants and scholarships provided travel funding for my fieldwork in the Czech Republic, Poland and Ukraine. -
Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
HIIA Papers T-2012/1 ZSUZSANNA VÉGH Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Publisher: Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Editor and typesetting: Andrea Tevelyné Kulcsár Editorial office: H-1016 Budapest, Bérc utca 13-15. Tel.: +36 1 279-5700 Fax: +36 1 279-5701 E-mail: [email protected] www.kulugyiintezet.hu www.hiia.hu © Zsuzsanna Végh, 2012 © Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, 2012 ISSN 2060-5013 Zsuzsanna Végh Winds of Change A RESOLV A BLE CONFLI C T A T THE BO R DE R S OF THE EU R OPE A N UNION he Transnistrian conflict is often referred to as the most easily resolvable territorial conflict in the neighbourhood of the European Union (EU). The reason is the Tnature of the conflict. For one, there has been no violence since the Transnistrian war in 1992 between the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria, the separatist entity and it is very unlikely that any violent clash would occur in the future. For two, as opposed to other territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria is not based on ethnic differences. Both Moldova and Transnistria are ethnically mixed, there is no ethnic violence between Moldovans, Russians and Ukrainians, and the inhabitants of both territories generally have multiple citizenships. The resolution, nonetheless, despite several attempts, is still only a distant goal. The EU became engaged in the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in 2005 through the so-called ‘5+2 talks’ which got to a halt in 2006. -
2021:Time to Upgrade Us-Moldova Relations
2021: TIME TO UPGRADE USPolicy – M BridgesOLDOVA with RELATIONS the EU: Securing Europeanisation process of the Republic of Moldova DEC 2020 NICU POPESCU AND CRISTINA GHERASIMOV 2021: TIME TO U PGRADE US -MOLDOVA RELAT IONS POLICY BRIEF Nicu Popescu and Cristina Gherasimov EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Considering the start of a new political cycle both in Washington and Chisinau, time is ripe for a major upgrade in US-Moldova relations . But partnerships are truly sustainable if they are a two-way street. Moldova can, of course, continue being a major beneficiary of US support, but it is important for it to bring more to this bilateral partnership as well. An upgraded US-Moldova partnership could rely on even stronger US support for the rule of law and anti-corruption efforts: the fight against money laundering, investigations of financial crimes, recovery of stolen assets, increase the efficiency and reform of the justice sector. The US and Moldova should deepen their cooperation in the field of security by seeking ways to intensify institutional partnerships between their respective security sectors on several policy fronts such as cyber security, defense cooperation and intelligence matters. Continued support for civil society and independent media, not least through medium and long-term institutional funding, will play a key role in defining the extent of success of reforms in the following years. Should Moldovan authorities be able to pursue several years of sustained anti-corruption reforms it is important for both parties to look into ways to open the possibility for Moldova to benefit from a second Millennium Challenge Corporation program. -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
Introduction 2 Setting up a State
Notes Introduction 1. Clement Dodd (1993) edited a volume on Turkish Cypriot affairs, cover- ing political, social, and economic areas. More recent research has been concerned with particular issues such as the dynamics of political econ- omy (Lacher and Kaymak, 2005; Sonan, 2007); the question of Turkish Cypriot identity building and social conflicts within Northern Cyprus (Kızılyürek and Gautier-Kızılyürek, 2004; Hatay, 2005, 2008; Ramm, 2006; Navaro-Yashin, 2006); as well as the analysis of the connection of Turkish Cypriot sovereignty with Turkey’s involvement from different perspec- tives (Navaro-Yashin, 2003; Bahcheli, 2004a). The case of Transdniestria, on the other hand, has been marked by a paucity of research. Whereas economic developments have been followed in detail by Moldova’s Center for Strategic Studies and Reforms (CISR), internal political dynamics have been explored in only a very few specialized articles (Büscher, 1996; Tröbst, 2003; Hanne, 2004; Korobov and Byanov, 2006; Protsyk, 2009). 2 Setting up a State 1. The metaphor is borrowed from Richmond (2002a) mentioned in Chapter 1. 2. Although it is widely believed that Denktas¸ was the founder and leader of the TMT, Denktas¸ himself described his role within the organization as a political advisor (Cavit, 1999, p. 512). For an alternative view of the TMT’s activities and Turkey’s role in the formation of this group see Ionnides (1991). 3. It should be noted, however, that although these armed clashes are often referred to as ‘inter-communal’ fighting, on closer examination this term is a misnomer. The two armed groups were highly nationalist in ideology. -
VIRGILIU BÎRLĂDEANU the Annexation Of
VIRGILIU BÎRLĂDEANU The Annexation of Crimea and the Secessionist War in Eastern Ukraine: A View from the Republic of Moldova1 Abstract. The paper examines the official reactions in the Republic of Moldova to the annexation of Crimea by Russia and the secessionist war in eastern Ukraine. It also analyses the impact of these events on the interaction between the authorities in Chișinău and Tiraspol in the period between February and June 2014. The strong pro-Russian direction of Transdniestria and the pro-European reforms initiated by Moldova, led to opposing interpretations of the Ukrainian crisis as well as to a distancing in the negotiations on the resolution of the Transdniestrian conflict itself. The high expectations provoked by the triumphalist slogans after Crimea’s annexation, the suggestions made by Russia about the rehabilitation of the territorial identities from the time of the Russian Empire (such as Novorossiya), allowed the Transdniestrian authorities to bring back the previous political agendas, in which the East- West divisions are centre-stage. Virgiliu Bîrlădeanu is an Associate Professor at the Moldova State University. Introduction The annexation of Crimea at the beginning of 2014 and the secessionist war that followed in Eastern Ukraine generated a wave of political discussions and initiatives in Chișinău and in the separatist region of Transdniestria. Shortly after the disputed Moscow-backed referendum was carried out on 16 March 2014 in Crimea, through which the region expressed its desire to become a part of the Russian Federation, the separatist authorities in Tiraspol followed suit. The Transdniestrian Speaker, Mikhail Burla was delegated to Moscow to present to the Russian authorities the region’s desire to join the Federation.