AN AFROCENTRIC RE-EXAMINATION OF THE HISTORIOGRAPHY AROUND THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI

A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

by Wilbert St.Hilaire August 2021

Examining Committee Members:

Ama Mazama, Advisory Chair, Africology & African American Studies Molefi Kete Asante, Africology & African American Studies Kimani Nehusi, Africology & African American Studies Adisa A. Alkebulan, External Member, Africana Studies at San Diego State University

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ABSTRACT

Throughout the history of western academia, there have been scholars who have interpreted and examined various aspects of human history. Within their “objectivity,” European historians and other Eurocentric scholars make it a point to universalize their own interpretations of different people’s histories and cultures. This type of scholarship tends to ignore or omit the contributions and historical realities of Afrikan people. This case is especially true of the scholars who have interpreted the historiography around the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti

(Haiti/Hayti). The purpose of this study is to provide an Afrocentric re-examination and interpretation around the historiography of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. As a result, this study seeks to highlight several essential Afrikan aspects and their overall impact on the Afrikan revolutionary war's totality in Ayiti. How can Ayisyen Vodou/Vodun and the more extensive system of Afrikan spirituality help better shape the interpretation and the historiography around the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti? Secondly, how have Eurocentric historiographies about different

Afrikan histories been used to minimize Afrikan agency? Specifically, how did Afrikan people's dislocation caused by the European plantation play into the minimization of Afrikan agency in

Ayiti during and after the revolution? Other relevant questions posed include: what is the relevance of utilizing Afrocentric historiography to teach young black children the stories and victories of Afrikan people in Ayiti? Furthermore, how can Afrocentric historiography be used as an analytical tool to discuss the theoretical issue of agency reduction formation and cognitive hiatus in Ayiti? These are the major research questions this study will attempt to answer, with the hope that this work may potentially raise the consciousness of young Afrikan people in Ayiti and abroad.

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Marie W. St.Hilaire, Latibonit (Artibonite), Ayiti

DEDICATION This work is dedicated to the Afrikan ancestors who trusted me to tell Ourstory. Specifically, to

the Afrikan ancestors of Ayiti, whose revolutionary spirits still resonate with us today!

To my mother, Marie Willide Maude St.Hilaire, may your spirit continue to rest with the

ancestors and live forever!

To my biological father, Jean Walter Jean Francois, thank you for helping bring me into this

world.

Finally, to my parents, Donald A. Cordon and Cloraine Cordon (Anelle Cloraine Philomen

St.Hilaire), thank you for raising me with love and instilling me with pride for my people.

Specifically, to my father, Donald Cordon, who believed in my path up into his transition, please

continue to guide me in the work I produce for our people's liberation!

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I must first acknowledge the Afrikan ancestors and lwa of Ayiti, whose spirits are within me, and my Afrikan consciousness, which has facilitated this rigorous process. My sister

Nahomie Gray (Pierre), my brother-in-law Jon Kingsley Gray, and my three-year-old nephew

Jonah Gray (aka Jojo), and my unborn niece Jonica (aka Joni) have been my instrumental support system during this process. Thank you for believing in my path and supporting my path.

To my cousins, Zaheir Clay, Richard and Derby St.Hilaire, thank you for always checking up on me and reminding me how proud our family is of the work I will continue to produce!

Most importantly, I must also thank my extended Afrikan family (relatives, friends, cohorts). I thank you for your support, patience, and feedback. To the discipline of Africology

(black studies, Africana, etc.) I thank you for giving me the tools necessary to liberate my consciousness. I must also acknowledge my many teachers beginning with my original mentors at SUNY Oswego, Dr. Kenneth Marshall and Dr. Patricia E. Clark, for lightning the initial match for my path and destiny. To Dr. Marcia Sutherland and the department of Africana Studies at

SUNY Albany, thank you for developing my growth as a first-time graduate student and directing me to the Department of Africology at Temple University.

To my TUAFAM! The Temple University, Department of Africology, faculty, students, and alumni, I love you all with all my heart and thank you for assisting me in my transformation.

Specifically, to my spiritual mother, mentor, master teacher, and graduate advisor, Dr. Ama

Mazama, I love and thank you with all my heart for choosing me and saving my life! Mazama

iv not only brought me back home to Ayiti for the first time in 2017. In 2018, she would also pay for my ticket to Benin to present my work. Mazama set the foundation for my dissertation and foresaw the path that I needed to follow!

Dr. Molefi Kete Asante, thank you for your instruction and for being a spiritual father figure, especially after my father, Donald Cordon, passing in August 2017. You not only encouraged me to move forward but have continuously given me both emotional and professional support. To my master teacher, Dr. Kimani Nehusi, thank you for setting the foundation for my research topic. In the fall of 2017, you encouraged me to produce a research paper on Afrikan women warrior's contributions to Ayiti’s war for independence. Under your instruction, I was able to see a vast improvement in my writing and analysis.

Finally, this work would not have been possible without the Afrikan ancestors' power and assistance. The ancestors have taught me that the roots of study are erected through ethics and duties. In other words, to realize and act out the ancestors' true meanings and words is the true essence of being a scholar. I have dedicated my life to the subject and history of our people and will continue to work to stay true to my destiny!

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ABSTRACT...... ii

DEDICATION………………………………………………………………………...... iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... iv LIST OF TABLES…………………………………………………………………………..vii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS...... viii CHAPTERS

1. INTRODUCTION …………...... 1

PART 1: THE HISTORIOGRAPHY & INTERPRETATIONS AROUND THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI…………………………………………....29

2. EUROPEAN SCHOLARS INTERPRETATION OF THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI...... 37

3. AFRIKAN SCHOLARS INTERPRETATION OF THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI…………………………………………………………………………..78

PART 2: TOWARD AN AFROCENTRIC INTERPRETATION OF THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI………………………………………………………...106

4. SURVEY OF AFRIKAN WAR & RESISTANCE IN THE AFRIKAN WORLD..106

5. AFRIKAN PERSONALITIES OF THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI...... 139

6. THE MAINTENANCE OF AFRIKAN IDENTITY AND SPIRITUALITY IN AYITI……………………………………………………………………………...178

7. AFRIKAN MALE-FEMALE COMPLEMENTARY FORCES IN AYITI……………………………………………………………………………...211

8. AFRIKAN COMBAT ARTS & WARFARE IN AYITI…………………………..253

9. CONCLUSION: BIRTH OF THE AFRIKAN NATION OF AYITI AND ITS UNFINISHED REVOLUTION…………………………………………………...288 BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 321

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LIST OF TABLES

1. Table 1. Chronology of Afrikan War & Resistance Against Foreign Imposition…….133

2. Table 2. Timeline/chronology of Initial Afrikan Wars & Rebellions in Ayiti before 1791…………………………………………………………………………………...173

3. Table 3. Illustration of the Cosmic/Divine Hierarchy and Order in the Circle of Life……………………………………………………………………………………187

4. Table 4. Dimensions of the Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity theory………..226

5. Table 5. Illustration of several Afrikan lwa (loa) nanchons/families within Ayisyen Vodou………………………………………………………………………………....231

6. Table 6. Kouzen Zaka song & lyrics by Boukmann Eksperyans …………………….236

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Illustration 1. Vèvè of Maman Brijit……………………………………………….....147

2. Illustration 2. Vèvè of Ezilí Dantòr…………………………………………………...151

3. Illustration 3. One of many Vèvè of Ogou Feray……………………………………..155

4. Illustration 4. Vèvè of Legba Atibon………………………………………………….167

5. Illustration 5. One of many Vèvè of Danbala and Ayida-Wedo……………………...185

6. Illustration 6. One of many Veve of Loko…………………………………………....190

7. Illustration 7. One of many Vèvè for Gede…………………………………………...193

8. Illustration 8. Ayisyen Tambour Drum used in Vodou Ceremonies…………………205

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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION “Bondye ki te kreye tè a, ki te kreye solèy la ki ban nou limyè. Bondye ki kenbe moute oseyan an, ki moun ki fè loraj la gwonde. Bondye nou an ki gen zòrèy pou tande. Ou menm ki kache nan nyaj yo, ki gade nou kote ou ye a. Ou wè tout sa blan an te fè nou soufri. Blan Bondye nonm lan mande pou li komèt krim. Men, Bondye nan nou vle fè byen. Bondye nou an, ki moun ki tèlman bon, se konsa jis, Li lòd nou pou regle zafè move nou yo. Li se Li ki moun ki pral dirije bra nou yo ak pote nou viktwa a. Se li menm ki pral ede nou. Nou tout ta dwe jete imaj la nan bondye a blan nonm lan ki se konsa mizè. Koute vwa libète k ap chante nan tout kè nou.”1 (The God who created the earth, who created the sun that gives us light. The God who holds up the ocean, who makes the thunder roar. Our God who has ears to hear. You who are hidden in the clouds, who watch us from where you are. You see all that the white man has made us suffer. The white man’s god asks him to commit crimes. But the God within us wants to do good. Our God, who is so good, so just, He orders us to avenge our wrongs. It's He who will direct our arms and bring us the victory. It's He who will assist us. We all should throw away the image of the white man's god who is so pitiless. Listen to the voice for liberty that sings in all our hearts.) - Houngan Dutty Boukman

The Problematic Situation

The Afrikan revolution in Ayiti2 (Haiti/Hayti) is by far the most cited and significant revolution in history. But many are confused with Ayiti's constant struggle with political government corruption and exploitation. It is an exploitation of Ayiti people, land, and resources that has been accelerating to this day under the corrupt administration of Ayisyen

(Ayitian/Haitian) President Jovenel Moïse. Al Jazeera's Charlotte Bellis reports that President

1 Known today as the Boukman's prayer, this prayer, from the ceremony at Bwa Kayiman, has been traditionally been ascribed to the Houngan (male Vodou priest) Boukman who along with Mambo (female priest) Cécile Fatiman conducted the prayer on August 14, 1791. According to Celucien Joseph, the first Creole text was first transcribed by Haitian writer Herard Dumesle and later in the 1824 text, Voyage dans le nord d’Hayiti, ou revelations des lieux et des monuments (1824). There are various versions, as well as, minor variations in different readings, of the prayer in Ayitian Kreyol but the underpinning ideas remain the same. 2 Ayiti was the original name for the Island by the Taino people. Columbus attempted to change the name of the island to Hispaniola (little Spain). 1

Moïse, who claims to be a savior sent by Jesus to save the nation, is under increasing pressure from the Ayisyen citizens to step down as violent protests continue throughout the nation.3 In her article for the Miami Herald, Jacqueline Charles sheds more light on the situation by pointing out the comments made by Ayisyen senator Kedlaire Augustin. Sen. Augustin recently admitted that the Ayisyen government, which he is a part of, runs on corruption with the money distributed to ratify a prime minister.4

Charles specifically points out the specific causes for the current uprisings in Ayiti. For instance, one reason stems from crippling fuel shortages, a free-falling currency, soaring inflation, and allegations of graft involving public officials from the highest levels from the

Ayisyen executive branch to the Parliament.5 The people of Ayiti and Afrikan people globally are no strangers to European corruption and the Afrikan puppets they put in control.

Furthermore, throughout its history, Ayiti has always dealt with this legacy of crime since the assassination of the nation's father, Anpere (Emperor) Jan-Jak Desalin (Jean-Jacques

Dessalines).

As a result of this legacy of betrayal, whatever shred of public trust the Ayisyen people had in the government has evaporated. Charles goes on to quote Etzer Emile, an economist in the city of Port-au-Prince, who states:

3 Charlotte Bellis, “Haiti protests: President Moise under pressure to resign,” Al Jazeera, October 21, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/haiti-protests-president-moise-pressure-resign- 191021163506089.html, (October 24, 2019). 4 Jacqueline Charles, “That there is corruption in Haiti isn’t a surprise. But then a senator admitted it openly,” Miami Herald, October 4, 2019, https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation- world/world/americas/haiti/article235434697.html, (October 19, 2019). 5 Ibid. 2

Being poor and miserable is already bad and unacceptable, but add to that the feeling that the authorities, either Parliament or the executive branch, are getting rich at the expense of your interest, it’s the worst.6

As a result, Ayisyen citizens have set police stations and businesses ablaze. They also have targeted lawmakers and Politian who they recognize as thieves and one of the problem's roots. To make matters worse, the European puppeteers, specifically the United States, continue to impose and provoke destabilization and violence in the nation while protecting President

Moïse. Samuel Maxime, a writer for the Haiti Sentinel, states:

It was the U.S.-led group of diplomats in Haiti, that call themselves the Core Group, that seven weeks ago interjected themselves into meetings with opposition leaders, and brought a president in hiding and possibly ready to resign, out into the public and emboldened by US support. It is a ‘racist behavior’ the manner in which the US Embassy and a small faction of diplomats in the country meddle in the people's affairs, said Senator Nenel Cassy (Fanmi Lavalas - Nippes). If they had any respect for the Haitian people, they would leave the territory and not return until the crisis was resolved.7

The imposition of the United States in Ayiti is no surprise to the Afrikan people of Ayiti.

For instance, one must recall the United States occupation of Ayiti from 1915 to 1934 and the

Afrikan resistance fighters labeled Cacos,8 who resisted American control in Ayiti. Specifically, the Afrikan Ayisyen resistance fighter Charlemagne Peralte, leader of the Caco fighters who organized the people to resist the United States occupation of Ayiti, was assassinated by a U.S.

Marine named Herman Hanneken in 1919. According to John C. Fredriksen, Hanneken

6 Ibid. 7 Samuel Maxime, “U.S. Again Provokes Violence, Gridlock in Haiti with its 'Racist Behavior',” The Haiti Sentinel, October 29, 2019, https://sentinel.ht/post/politics/international/11467-u-s-again-provokes-violence-gridlock-with- racist-behaviors-in-haiti, (October 31, 2019). 8 This was the name given to the Ayisyen rebels. According to Encyclopedia Britannica and other sources, In 1920 U.S. marines put down an insurrection by the cacos, peasant guerrillas from the north who were resisting forced labor and the expropriation of their lands. More than 2,000 Haitian lives were lost, and about 100 U.S. marines and Haitian gendarmes were killed in the conflict. 3 ambushed Peralte by disguising himself in blackface, and months later, Peralte’s successor,

Osiris Joseph, was killed by Hanneken in the same manner.9

For many Afrikan people, the question that comes to mind is, why does Ayiti continue to be plagued with corruption, European imposition, and poverty? To answer such a question, one must go back to the beginning and re-examine the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti from Afrikan people's standpoint and perspective. It is then that one will begin to recognize that the revolutionary process was incomplete. The current climate in Ayiti is a cry by the ancestors for the revolution to start once again.

The Purpose of Study

As Africologists, the scholars who utilize the Afrocentric paradigm and perspective to examine all Afrikan phenomenon, the purpose of Afrocentric study is to raise the consciousness of Afrikan people across the globe who are in a state of dislocation and powerlessness. An

Afrocentric interpretation of the history of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. As an Afrocentric re- examination of the past, this study is written from the perspective of Afrikan people.

Furthermore, this study highlights several significant Afrikan aspects and their overall impact on the revolutionary war's totality in Ayiti. As stated previously, these Afrikan aspects include, but are not limited to, 1) the persistence of Afrikan complementary forces in Ayiti, 2) Vodou/Vodun and Afrikan cosmology, 3) Afrikan combat arts such as Tire Machèt, 4) The numerous Afrikan

9 John C. Fredriksen, “1919,” The United States Marine Corps: A Chronology, 1775 to the Present, (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2011), pp. 87. 4 languages, personalities, and roles that emerged from the growing numbers of Afrikans brought to Ayiti as a result of the European slave trade.

The central research question asks: how can Ayisyen Vodou/Vodun and the more extensive system of Afrikan spirituality help better shape the interpretation and the historiography around the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti? Secondly, how have Eurocentric historiographies about different Afrikan histories been used to minimize Afrikan agency?

Specifically, how did Afrikan people's dislocation caused by the European plantation play into the minimization of Afrikan agency in Ayiti during and after the revolution? Other relevant questions posed include: what is the relevance of utilizing Afrocentric historiography to teach young black children the stories and victories of Afrikan people in Ayiti? Furthermore, how can

Afrocentric historiography be used as an analytical tool to discuss the theoretical issue of agency reduction formation and cognitive hiatus in Ayiti?

As a result, this study argues that Afrikan’s who renounce and diminish Ayisyen Vodou's importance, or other critical contributions developed by Afrikan people, are inflicted with the white validation syndrome. As a result, this study will label this condition the “pwòp tèt ou rayi”

(self-hatred) infliction. The concept helps to unravel the self-hatred that has infected many

Afrikan people due to Eurocentrism and white validation.

This approach is necessary because, time after time, Eurocentric scholars tend to ignore or omit aspects, contributions, and Afrikan people's historical realities. Within their European arrogance, they claim to write “objective” histories of different groups of people. The irony is that they can never truly be objective because they still insert and impose aspects and

5 perspectives from their own European culture. Molefi Kete Asante points out that European ideals and concepts are linear, while the Afrikan view is cyclical. Specifically, Eurocentric scholars who utilize the notion of “objectivity” reinforce European culture's collective subjectivity.10 These scholars are Eurocentric fabricators who continue to study European people in Afrika while diminishing Afrikan people's presence and agency.

For example, Eurocentric fabricators of history such as Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel

(1982)11 and Arnold J. Toynbee (1987)12 would wrongfully and foolishly claim that Africans have no civilization. Asante asserts that this Eurocentric racist practice persisted in the historiography of old. Within the ancient world's historiography, a few scholars continue to take ancient Kemet (Egypt) out of Afrika, just as Hegel, Breasted, and Maspero attempted to do in the

19th and early 20th century.13 Ama Mazama further elaborates on the mechanisms utilized by

Eurocentric historical fabricators such as Hegel. For instance, she states:

Hegel’s theory of Africa’s ahistoricalness was also generated by the diffusionist metatheory paradigm. Since one of the central pillars of this metatheory is that Africans are deprived of agency, it was a foregone conclusion that African history could not exist.14

10 Molefi Kete Asante, “Introduction: Dancing between Circles and Lines,” The Afrocentric Idea, (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), p. 1. 11 Hegel was a German philosopher and an important figure of German idealism. Hegel regards history as an intelligible process moving towards a specific condition—the realization of human freedom. But he does not view African people as full human beings who have realized civilization or human freedom. For further reading check out The Logic of Hegel's Logic: An Introduction by John Burbidge. 12 Toynbee was a British historian and philosopher 13 Molefi Kete Asante, “Locating the Eurocentric Assumptions about African History,” in Egypt Vs. Greece and the American Academy: The Debate over the birth of civilization, Ed. Ama Mazama, Molefi Kete Asante, (Chicago: African American Images, 2002), p. 7. 14 Ama Mazama, “Afrocentricity and the Critical Question of African Agency,” Imhotep Graduate Student Journal 1, no. 1 (2014): 8. 6

In the case of Ayiti, these Eurocentric fabricators have also attempted to undermine and bury the significance of the Afrikan revolutionary war in Ayiti to maintain Afrikan people's dislocation. Specifically, when one examines Hegel, they will discover what influenced him to write on Ayiti's history and lead him to create his passage known as the “master-slave dialectic.”

For instance, in her text titled Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History (2005), Susan Buck-Morss points out that Hegel was influenced by articles about the major phase of the revolution. These articles detailed the early Afrikan insurrections on European plantations in Ayiti during the late

1700s. It is important to note that Minerva was a European history and political magazine founded and edited by a German historian named Johann Wilhelm Archenholz. His magazine was considered one of the most significant historical and political magazines during the 1790s.

But a stated in Buck-Morss title, Archenhholz magazine would continue promoting what

Europeans saw as universal history. As a result, this notion of European “universal history” would be projected on all other groups of people in the world.

John Henrik Clarke also reinforces this point by highlighting that there were not enough soldiers in Europe to take over Africa, India, the Caribbean Islands, and the Americas in the 15th and 16th centuries. Instead, Europeans’ most significant achievement was that they could conquer their victims' minds through a series of myths that reinforced the more profound significance and horror of the Christopher Columbus Era and the resulting ramifications that exist in African

7 nations, such as Ayiti, today.15 Clarke details four myths developed by Europeans to dislocate

African people and other groups, listed as such:

1. “The myth of a people waiting in darkness for another people to bring them light.”16

Clarke explains in most countries that Europeans invaded/influenced, they would put out

the “light,” or rather the “essence” of the local civilizations/societies and culture, leading

to their destruction. They attempted to destroy them even though those civilizations

existed before Europeans.

2. “The myth of a people without a legitimate God.”17 In other words, Europeans did not

bother or attempt to understand the religious/spiritual cultures/systems of different groups

of people wherever they went in the world. If their concept of God were not in agreement

with the Europeans, they would diminish or attempt to persuade African people and other

groups that they had no valid god or spiritual system worthy of worship.

3. “The myth of the primitive and the aborigine.”18 Here Clarke explains that one must

carefully interrogate the misinterpretation of the two words, “primitive” and “aborigine.”

For one, both terms originally meant “first” or “original.” However, the European

interpretation was intended to be derogatory and downgrading, which is still the case

today. In other words, what Europeans are really saying to Afrikan people is that they

were uncivilized. They reinforce that Afrikan people and other groups did not have a

right to choose a god or a culture different from the Europeans.

15 John Henrik Clarke, “The Nature of the Gathering Storm,” Christopher Columbus and the Afrikan Holocaust: Slavery and the Rise of European Capitalism, (New York: EWORLD Inc., 1993), p.34. 16 Ibid. 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid, 34-35. 8

4. Finally, there is “the myth of the invader and conqueror as civilizer.”19 Dr. Clarke

emphasizes that historically speaking, no group of people has ever spread any civilization

through invasion and conquest.

The myths Dr. Clarke highlights demonstrate that Europeans did not only colonize history during the initial expansion, but they colonized information about history.20 As a result,

Europeans first found it necessary to occupy Afrikan people’s image of God. By denying people the right to see God through their own image or even addressing God in their own tongue,

Europeans could effectively dislocate Afrikan people's minds.

Today, one will see that the doctrines expressed by Eurocentric scholars, such as Edward

Said’s notion of orientalism, still exist and are accepted. Such is the case with many of the histories written about the African victories in the Caribbean. The most relevant issue is the incomplete and problematic Eurocentric histories written on the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti. The revolution illustrates one of the most successful enslaved Afrikan revolts and wars in human history. Despite this, European fabricators of history, in their desperate attempts to maintain control and power, will diminish Afrikan history by any means! Perhaps the most apparent practice of this is by the Eurocentric fabricator Mary R. Lefkowitz in her text titled Not Out of

Africa: How "Afrocentrism" Became an Excuse to Teach Myth as History. Lefkowitz’s intention can be gleaned based on her work title, which must be recognized as an apparent attack on the

Afrikan perspective of viewing history.

19 Ibid, 35. 20 Ibid. 9

As stated before, Eurocentric fabricators of history in the academy continue to either completely ignore or make passing references to the essential Afrikan aspects of the Afrikan

Revolution in Ayiti. Examples of critical Afrikan elements within the Afrikan revolutionary war in Ayiti include, but are not limited to, the: 1.) Contribution of Afrikan women in Ayiti and the importance of African complementarity, 2.) Afrikan combat art traditions, such as Tire Machèt, and finally 3.) The importance of African spiritual systems such as Ayisyen Vodou/Vodun as an organizing force to resist and overthrow European enslavement and establish a sovereign Afrikan nation within the western hemisphere.

Overall, this approach and study's significance is that, whether at home or in an educational institution/environment, the stories of Afrikan victories from the Afrikan perspective have the potential to empower future generations of Afrikan people across the globe. The hope for this study is to point out the levels of agency reduction that seem to be present within much of the Eurocentric historiographies about Afrikan people. Michael Tillotson defines agency reduction formation as “any system of thought that distracts, neutralizes or reduces the need and desire for an assertive collective agency by African Americans.”21 This study expands the theory and argues that agency reduction formation is also any thought system that neutralizes or reduces assertive collective agency by all Afrikan people.

This study also attempts to expose the historiographies around Ayiti written by

Eurocentric fabricators of history. As mentioned earlier, many of these Eurocentric fabricators

21 Karanja Keita Carroll, “Invisible Jim Crow: An Interview with Michael Tillotson,” Journal of black Studies 5, no. 9 (2013): 192. 10 intend to bury the significance of the Afrikan victories, such as the Afrikan revolutionary war in

Ayiti. They choose to attack histories such as the revolutionary war in Ayiti, one of the most relevant historical cases of assertive collective Afrikan agency in the western hemisphere.

Another significance of this study is that it may help dismantle what Ama Mazama terms cognitive hiatus. Cognitive hiatus has infected and dislocated many Afrikan people across the globe. Mazama defines cognitive hiatus as the discursive and behavioral contradictions among

Afrikans who seem and claim to be conscious of the need for Afrikans to protect themselves from the ill effects of white racism and white supremacy.

Finally, this text's significance is that it calls for a re-examination and correction, not just of the historiography around the Afrikan revolutionary war in Ayiti but also about Afrikan phenomena. For this reason, this study refuses to refer to the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti as the

“Haitian Revolution.” As an Afrocentric corrective in history, it must be understood that there was no Ayisyen national identity during the revolution. Instead, it was a fight for Afrikan freedom and identity, which was very much at stake. Only after establishing Ayiti as an independent/sovereign black nation in the western hemisphere does one begin to see the formation of an Ayisyen (Haitian) national identity.

This point is critical, and European fabricators of history have taken advantage of this confusion to prevent Ayisyen citizens in Ayiti from embracing their Afrikan identity. There are some Ayisyen people today who still do not call or recognize themselves as Afrikan people.

Some continental Afrikan people do not realize or acknowledge Afrikan people living across the globe as Afrikans! This case is evident in the African Union’s refusal to accept Ayiti into the

11 union in 2016. In an article published by PBS, Kenya Downs highlights the hypocrisy of this decision. She states that a member of the AU said that only African states could join the African

Union.22 Burns also highlights that statement made by Jacques Junior Baril, who was Ayiti’s high commissioner to South Africa. Baril argues that Ayiti had paved the way for every other

African nation to be free today, so historically speaking, Ayiti should have been admitted into the AU already.23

Both Downs and Baril understand that Ayiti is unique from the rest of the Caribbean.

Much of Ayiti’s and the Caribbean culture and history are still directly linked to countries in

West Africa such as Benin, Sierra Leone, and Togo. Toussaint Louverture, one of the men who led Ayiti’s rebellion against the French in 1791, was of Beninese descent. Benin's Afrikan people have erected a statue honoring Toussaint in his hometown of Allada for his sacrifice. Ayiti has established itself as a symbol of Afrikan/black independence. Ayiti advocated for the liberation of all Afrikan nations under colonial rule after becoming one of the first

Afrikan/black nations in the Caribbean to join the United Nations in 1945.

Methodological Approach and Theoretical Foundations

This study utilizes the Afrocentric paradigm and the theories and methods that it entails.

In other words, Afrocentricity will be one of the theoretical foundations that will ground and guide this study. As a paradigmatic intellectual perspective, Afrocentricity privileges and centers

Afrikan Agency in one’s examination of Afrikan phenomena. Asante, when he first developed

22 Kenya Downs, “Despite reports, Haiti not joining the African Union,” PBS News Hour, May 20, 2016, https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/despite-reports-haiti-not-joining-the-african-union, (August 26, 2019). 23 Ibid. 12 the theory of Afrocentricity, reinforces this point by explaining that Afrocentricity establishes itself as a frame of reference where phenomena are viewed from the perspective of Afrikan people.24 Furthermore, Afrocentricity is focused on placing people of Afrikan descent into a position and place where they are in control of their lives and attitudes about the world.

The Afrocentric paradigm's functional aspect is reflected even within this study's title, as briefly explained before. Mazama emphasizes that, from an Afrocentric perspective, knowledge can never be produced simply for the sake of creating knowledge! Knowledge should be produced:

Always for the sake of our liberation, a paradigm must activate our consciousness to be any use to us. This requirement is reminiscent of the tradition that existed in Ancient Kemet when the priests opened the mouth of the statues of the gods, in order to insufflate life and consciousness in them, thus allowing them to serve the people who served them.25

As a result, one of the methods employed is the use of Afrocentric historiography. As an alternative to Eurocentric historiography, Afrocentric historiography can be best defined as the

Afrocentric method of historical analysis of African phenomena. The concept was coined by

Molefi Kete Asante, who explains that this new type of historiography is not a false or artificial contrivance.26 For instance, Asante states:

It is a legitimate approach to the place of Africa in the world. It is, therefore, a rational activity dedicated to the understanding of history. What it allows is the explanation of the flow of African history without external mediation. One can no longer speak confidently of Portuguese

24 Molefi Asante, “The Afrocentric Idea in Education,” Journal of Negro Education, 60 (1991): 172. 25 Ama Mazama, “Introduction: The Afrocentric Paradigm,” The Afrocentric Paradigm, Ed. Ama Mazama, (New Jersey: Africa world Press, Inc., 2003), pp. 8. 26 Molefi Kete Asante, “Chapter 4: Toward an Afrocentric Historiography,” An Afrocentric Manifesto: Toward an African Renaissance, (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007), pp. 64. 13

African history or British African history. One is obligated to write African history with African agency assuming the lead role in the story.27

Africologists who utilize the method of Afrocentric historiography acknowledge, as well as credit Cheikh Anta Diop.28 Asante explains that much credit is given to Diop because he was able to construct a realistic approach to Afrikan history that challenged and unsettled the vast circles of traditional European thought that are also even embraced by some Afrikan scholars today.29 Diop boldly articulated an Afrikan perspective within his unique historiography, based on extensive research/scholarship in various scientific and linguistic fields to threaten the dominative European imperial narrative of history. For example, Diop maintained that the

Afrikan people of ancient Kemet were black-skinned people with wooly hair.30 His statement and the evidence he provided for it threatened European scholarship because, at the time, it had been maintained by the powers that be in Europe that African people had produced no significant civilization.31

Thus, Afrocentric historiography, within the Afrocentric paradigm, is a relevant and needed tool when examining or analyzing the stories, perspectives, and events that occur within an Afrikan worldview. Of course, the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti is not the only case in which this historical methodology becomes necessary. But the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti is vital

27 Ibid, “Chapter 4: Toward an Afrocentric Historiography,” An Afrocentric Manifesto: Toward an African Renaissance, (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007). 28 Cheikh Anta Diop was a Senegalese scientist and historian who is noted by many African intellectuals as one of the greatest African thinkers of the twentieth century. His two major achievements include the publications of his books, The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality (1974) and Civilization or Barbarism (1981). 29 Ibid, “Chapter 4: Toward an Afrocentric Historiography,” An Afrocentric Manifesto: Toward an African Renaissance, (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007) p. 65. 30 Cheikh Anta Diop, “Chapter 4: Latest Discoveries on the Origin of Egyptian Civilization,” Civilization or Barbarism: An Authentic Anthropology, (New York: Lawrence Hill Books, 1991), p. 103-105. 31 Ibid. 14 because, as previously stated, many young Ayisyen children and other people of Afrikan descent are still in a state of miseducation/confusion. After all, they are not told or taught the most accurate essential aspects of their history. Nevertheless, Afrikan people's stories and experiences have value and are not less than any other perspective in the world. Therefore, this study will be a pivotal step in articulating the power and uniqueness of Afrocentric historiography.

Specifically, within the Afrocentric paradigm's metaphysical dimension, Afrocentric historiography will highlight the core cultural Afrikan characteristics identified by Dr. Maulana

Karenga and his theory/philosophy, Kawaida.32 The following information details some of the core cultural Afrikan characteristics utilized in this study when re-examining the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti. These shared Afrikan orientations include: 1) the centrality of the Afrikan community, 2) deep respect & utilization of Afrikan traditions, 3) a high level of Afrikan spirituality and ethical concern, 4) harmony with nature, 5) the sociality of Afrikan selfhood, 6) deep veneration of ancestors and finally 7) the Afrikan unity of being.33

Another method that shall be utilized is one developed and coined by Molefi Asante, known as Afronography. Ethnography is the European systematic method used to study other people and cultures. Afronography, as an alternative to Ethnography, is defined by Asante as the

Afrocentric systematic study/approach to Afrikan people and cultures utilizing the descriptions

32 This was a philosophy of cultural nationalist theory developed by Karenga and is a Swahili word meaning “tradition/reason.” Kawaida is essentially the ongoing synthesis of the best of Black Nationalist, Pan-Africanist and socialist thought and practice. Kawaida contains five core concepts which inform and inspire its development as social theory and practice. Of particular interests for this study the seven basic areas of culture (mythology, history, social org, economic org, political org, creative motif, and ethos is of great importance. For further reading on this topic can be found in Kawaida Theory: An Introductory Outline by Maulana Karenga. 33 Ibid, “Introduction: The Afrocentric Paradigm,” The Afrocentric Paradigm, Ed. Ama Mazama, (New Jersey: Africa world Press, Inc., 2003), pp. 9. 15 and terms produced by those Afrikan people under scrutiny. Asante provides a more concrete definition and defines Afronography as:

A method of recording and writing the African experience from an Afrocentric perspective. As a method of ascertaining the condition or state of an event, person, or text related to African people, Afronography projects both an ethical and an evaluative dimension. In its ethical dimension, it is concerned with the nature of what is in the best interest of the African community specifically and the world community generally. The evaluative dimension allows the Afronographer to discern the usefulness of an event, person, or text in the search for truth.34

Dr. Asante explains that Afronography seeks to understand the characteristics of certain positions within both the ethical and evaluative dimensions. Asante also argues that all positions carry certain obvious and not so obvious characteristics that allow a viewer, reader, or locator to determine the extent of the influence of those characteristics on the position. Furthermore, he states that, in one sense, this is a utilitarian (useful or practical) function. For example, in an epistemological sense, the utility is related to the character of the proof discovered in a qualitative environment.35 In other words, from an Afrocentric perspective, there is value in finding the meanings, concepts, definitions, characteristics, metaphors, symbols, and descriptions of things related to Afrikan phenomena.

It is for this reason that Afronography should not be confused with the Eurocentric method of

Ethnography. Afronography, as explained by Asante, “begins from a different place and has objectives that are often at variance with those of ethnography.”36 Furthermore, European

34 Molefi Kete Asante, “Afronography,” Encyclopedia of Black Studies, (California: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2005), pp. 76. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid, pp. 77. 16 ethnography deserves much interrogation by Afrocologists. For instance, as a field, Ethnography was initially developed by a Russian named Gerhard Friedrich Müller, who participated in the

Second Kamchatka expedition.37 Müller would describe and categorize clothing, religions, and rituals of the Siberian ethnic groups, and as a result, would be considered the father of ethnography.38 Several issues arrive upon further examination of the history of the field.

The first is the fact that many European scholars label Müller as the father of Ethnography.

This notion assumes that no other people or cultures had attempted to create a method that sought to explain their cultural phenomenon. The second is that the field aims to examine what is seen as “other” non-European people and cultural phenomena. In other words, these different groups and societies are studied to collect data and reinforce dominant white power structures.

Furthermore, although the researcher observes society from the perspective of the study's subject, the researcher is incarcerated by the European methodology and ethnography tools.

Afronography as an alternative will assist in illuminating the conceptual apparatus of the discipline and the Afrocentric paradigm. For instance, Afrocologists rely on the key concepts of center/location/place, dislocation, and relocation. The idea of the center (location or place) holds a critical place within the Afrocentric conceptual apparatus and the tools that will need to be further developed for Afronographical inquiry. It is crucial because one’s history, culture, and biology determine one’s identity.

37 Was an expedition which reported on the life and nature of the further (eastern) side of the Ural mountain range in Siberia. From 1733 till 1743, nineteen European scientists and artists traveled through Siberia to study the people and cultures in order to collect data for the creation of their own European maps. 38 Han F. Vermeulen, Early History of Ethnography and Ethnology in the German Enlightenment, ed. Leiden, (Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2008), p. 199. 17

Specifically, this study shall rely on four Afronographic approaches when re-examining the

Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. The four methods utilized are: historical, experiential, textual, and social. As emphasized by Dr. Asante, these approaches aim to engage Afrikan phenomena so that it becomes possible to determine the location of the agent, creator, operator, or subject.39

Afronography as a methodological approach thus becomes essential for this paper because it is a method that seeks to dispel false myths/stereotypes, construct valid identities, as well as readjust definitions and terms. This approach's strength and value allow Afrocologists to utilize real concrete knowledge to raise consciousness on a face-to-face, empathetic, and holistic level. The following sections will be highlighting the specific Afrocentric theories that shall be utilized alongside the methods of Afrocentric historiography and Afronography.

• Location Theory & Beneficial Extraction

Location theory within Africology should not be confused with the location theory that

Johann Heinrich von Thünen developed40 for geography and economics. Within the field of

Africology, Dr. Molefi Asante originally developed location theory in 1992 to assist

Africologists and other scholars who desired to critique the scholarly discourse of Afrikan

American and non-Afrikan American writers and critics from an Afrocentric perspective.41 The theory has grown and has now been utilized by Afrocologists to critique all Afrikan and Non-

Afrikan writers' scholarly discourse from the Afrocentric perspective. According to Asante,

39 Ibid, “Afronography,” Encyclopedia of Black Studies, (California: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2005), p. 77-78. 40 Thünen was a Prussian landowner and his version of location theory is a branch of his early theory called agricultural location. For Economics and geography his theory is concerned with the geographic location of economic activity; it has become an integral part of economic geography, regional science, and spatial economics. 41 Serie McDougal, “Chapter 2: Methodology in Africana Studies Research,” Research Methods in Africana Studies/Revised Edition, (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 2017), pp. 91. 18 authors leave their insignia on their written products through the expression of their writing. As a result, researchers can locate a text through the signposts, and signals writers leave in their work.

This theory will be specifically utilized and applied in the second chapter of this study, titled

Interpretations of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. Location theory has proven useful when examining the numerous European and other Eurocentric scholars’ interpretations of the Afrikan

Revolution in Ayiti. Many of these interpretations will not even label or acknowledge what is commonly referred to as the “Haitian Revolution” as really an Afrikan revolution. It was an

Afrikan revolution on an island that the Taino people called Ayiti before they were tricked and massacred by the European explorer Christopher Columbus and his savage crew.

• Cognitive Hiatus & Agency Reduction Formation

Cognitive hiatus42 is a theory and concept developed by Ama Mazama. The purpose of the idea is to account for the discursive and behavioral contradictions among Afrikans who seem or claim to be conscious of the need for Afrikans to protect themselves from the ill effects of white racial supremacy.43 Mazama utilizes the late psychiatrist and Afrikan intellectual Frances Cress

Welsing’s definition and understanding of white supremacy. Both Welsing and Mazama understood this was a global, terroristic power system that rested on white racism and fueled white fears of genetic annihilation.

42 Cognitive Hiatus is defined by Ama Mazama as a break in the continuity of logical reasoning, a missing logical step in one’s thinking. Cognitive Hiatus is easily recognizable because it produces discursive and behavioral incoherence. 43 Ama Mazama, “Cognitive Hiatus and the White Validation Syndrome: An Afrocentric Analysis,” Black/Africana Communication Theory, ed. Kehbuma Langmia, (Washington, DC: Palgrave Macmillan Imprint, 2018), pp. 25-26. 19

But Mazama would come to realize that when faced with this evil, some Afrikan people tend to display three different types of reaction: denial, resistance, and rationalization.44 Mazama sees that the latter is relatively rare because few Afrikans would openly argue that Black/Afrikan people are inferior to whites/Europeans who deserve all their self-granted privileges. She later sees that these individuals' most common response is the denial of white racial supremacy.

This concept and theory will be utilized and applied in this study when examining the Black

Eurocentric interpretations of the Afrikan Revolution in the second half of the second chapter.

The theory is also used in the latter half of the concluding chapter titled Birth of the Afrikan

Nation Ayiti and Its Unfinished Revolution! This chapter will discuss the White Validation

Syndrome present in the traitors who assassinated Dessalines and betrayed the real vision for the nation of Ayiti. Furthermore, the theory will reveal the ramifications of this event and the dislocation caused by the white validation syndrome present in Ayiti today.

This study shall also utilize and apply Tillotson’s Agency Reduction Formation along with the theory of Cognitive Hiatus. As stated briefly before, this study hopes to point out the agency reduction present within Eurocentric historiographies around Afrikan phenomena related to the

Revolution in Ayiti. For this study, Agency reduction will be used to locate the systems of thought that distract, neutralizes, or reduces the need and desire for an assertive collective agency by Afrikans living in Ayiti during the revolution and the present day.

• Africana Womanism & African Womanist Theory

44 Ibid, 26. 20

As Dr. Mazama emphasized in the Afrocentric Paradigm (2003), both Dr. Clenora Hudson

Weems and Dr. Nah Dove have made significant contributions through their theories on the

Afrocentric discourse of Afrikan women and men. This thesis shall apply Clenora Hudson-

Weem's theory of Africana Womanism and Nah Dove’s African Womanist theory in the latter half of chapter VII. This particular chapter is providing an Afrocentric interpretation of the

Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. One of the sections within this chapter explores the Afrikan male- female complementary forces operating in Ayiti during the revolution. As an alternative to

Eurocentric theories like feminism, Africana Womanism will help illuminate the Afrikan women who fought and contributed to the Afrikan revolutionary war in Ayiti. As stated by Dr. Hudson-

Weems:

Africana Womanism is an ideology created and designed for all women of African descent. It is grounded in African culture, and, therefore, it necessarily focuses on the unique experiences, struggles, needs, and desires of Africana women.45

When the theory is applied to the history of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti, Afrikan women in Ayiti had a collective struggle with the entire community. They were complements to the

Afrikan men who fought alongside them. Within a similar vein, Nah Dove’s African Womanist

Theory argues that the fate encountered by Afrikan women who live in western societies/environments can only be understood within the context of white racial supremacy and its cultural underpinnings.46 Dr. Dove’s approach is useful when examining Afrikan personalities

45 Clenora Hudson-Weems, “Africana Womanism,” The Afrocentric Paradigm, Ed. Ama Mazama, (New Jersey: Africa world Press, Inc., 2003), pp. 157-158. 46 Nah Dove, “Defining African Womanist Theory,” The Afrocentric Paradigm, Ed. Ama Mazama, (New Jersey: Africa world Press, Inc., 2003), pp. 165-166.

21 such as Cécile Fatiman, Toya Mantou, and others. These figures are essential because Afrikan women held important leadership roles or positions throughout Afrikan resistance in Ayiti.

Along with Dove’s and Weem’s theories, this study shall also utilize two concepts developed by

Dr. Oba T’shaka as part of a new theory discussed below.

• Oba T’Shaka: “Parallel Complementary Empowerment” & “Twinlineal” Concept

T’shaka provides two interesting concepts that will be explored and critiqued in the section titled “Male-Female Complementary Forces in Ayiti.” T’shaka has written various works discussing Afrikan male and female equality. He created a concept known as “Parallel

Complementary Empowerment,” which he states is:

An ancient and traditional African family system where the vision of the just society was expressed through male and female lines of responsibility and power. These male-female lines were lines where men sometimes inherited from their male relatives and female sometimes inherited from their female relatives.47

Central to this system was the family economic practice, split between male and female familial lines. T’Shaka explains that these male-female lines were parallel as well as complimentary. For instance, he illustrates that in certain Afrikan societies, women often controlled agriculture while the men often controlled hunting and cattle rearing.48 Overall, parallel complementarity is an inheritance system for a just society where all proper males and females are equally empowered to govern every phase of society.49

47 Oba T’Shaka, “Definition of Concepts,” Return to the African Mother Principle of Male and Female Equality Vol. I, (Oakland, CA: Pan Afrikan Publishers and Distributors, 1995), pp. X 48 Ibid, “Chapter 6: Male-Female Equality and Parallel Complementary Empowerment: A Paradigm for the Black and Dysfunctional Family,” Return to the African Mother Principle of Male and Female Equality Vol. I, (Oakland, CA: Pan Afrikan Publishers and Distributors, 1995), pp. 197. 49 Ibid, pp. 200. 22

As a result, parallel complementarity will be used to examine free Afrikan societies

(mawon/maroon societies) present in Ayiti that resisted European enslavement and oppression before the Bwa Kayiman (Bois Caïman) ceremony in 1791. Furthermore, the concept is useful for examining how the Afrikan people in Ayiti organized themselves and their shared vision for a just society after removing the French and achieving victory.

To further illuminate Afrikan families' structures and how they function in society,

T’Shaka also developed a term and concept called Twinlineal. As a new term for explaining

Afrikan families' structure, the Twinlineal concept sounds like a great concept but is a confusing term that needs clarification. A more in-depth critique of T’Shaka’s notion of Twinlineal shall be given later in chapter 7. At first glance, this concept's value is that it is an alternative to the

Eurocentric notions of Matriarchy and Patriarchy. Cheikh Anta Diop's definition of matriarchy in his text, The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of Matriarchy & of Patriarchy in

Classical Antiquity, shall prove useful in a deeper analysis of these terms. T’Shaka also provides an alternative when he states:

Twinlineal is preferable to matrilineal or patrilineal, or matriarchy or patriarchy, because these terms are singular and do not reflect the twin nature of African families. Twinlineal means that African family lineages come from the mother and the father, rather than only the mother or the father as in matrilineal and patrilineal family systems. Just as we are descended from twin male- female parents, so we are also descended from twin male-female ancestors.50

This study, as a result, critiques T’shaka’s notion of “Twinlineal” and proposes an alternative theory for examining Afrikan male-female complementarity as well as Afrikan family

50 “Definition of Concepts,” Return to the African Mother Principle of Male and Female Equality Vol. I, (Oakland, CA: Pan Afrikan Publishers and Distributors, 1995), pp. XII 23 structures. As a tool for reviewing Afrikan gender complementarity and family structures in

Ayiti during the revolution, the “Aysymetrical Afrikan Complementarity Theory” has been developed for this study. This proposed tentative theory is the Afrocentric engagement and examination of Aysymetrical Afrikan male-female forces in nature, family lineage, spirituality, and social roles.

As also emphasized by T’Shaka, every scientific system, whether astronomy or physics, had a spiritual element/side within ancient and traditional Afrikan societies.51 This spiritual element enabled the person to utilize science for spiritual growth and development, which benefited society and the community. Overall “Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity” as a concept can be defined as the asymmetrical dual nature and function of Afrikan family lines and

Afrikan complementary forces utilized in society.

The Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity Theory shall be utilized to explore the different roles performed by Afrikan men and women who worked together during the fight for

Afrikan freedom in Ayiti. Particularly in chapter VII, the theory will be applied to flesh out important Afrikan male and female figures and personalities who contributed to the Afrikan

Revolution in Ayiti. For example, the Asymmetrical relationship between the initial leaders of the revolution, Cécile Fatiman (Vodou Mambo/Initiator of Bwa Kaimen) and Dutty Boukman

(Vodou Hougan/Maroon Leader) or Marie-Claire Heureuse Félicité (Healer/The 1st Military

Nurse/Empress of Ayiti) and her husband Jan-Jak (Jean-Jacques) Dessalines

(Warrior/Commander of the Revolution/Emperor of Ayiti). These sorts of examples illuminate

51 Ibid, pp. XII. 24 the Afrocentric interpretation of the revolution and help to show how Afrikan Asymmetrical complementarity was utilized to maintain Afrikan identity and resist the system of European enslavement. Finally, the theory also helps illuminate the Afrikan male-female complementary forces within Ayisyen Vodou and other Afrikan spiritual systems that will also be discussed in chapter VI.

Chapter Overviews

Part I titled, The Historiography & Interpretations around the Afrikan Revolution in

Ayiti, begins with chapter two, which provides an in-depth critique of European interpretations of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti and other aspects of Afrikan phenomenon. Some scholars whose works will be critiqued include Carolyn Fick, Laurent DuBois, Terry Rey, Noam Chomsky,

Maya Deren, Jeremy D. Popkin, John D. Garrigus, Philippe R. Girard, David Geggus, and others. Chapter three shall critique black scholars, some of whom have adopted or utilized

European methodologies, to offer more accurate interpretations around the Afrikan revolution in

Ayiti. The scholars discussed shall include renowned authors such as C.L.R. James, Jean

Fouchard, Thomas Madiou, and others.

Part II, titled, Toward An Afrocentric Interpretation of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti, begins with Chapter four. The chapter is titled, Survey of Afrikan Resistance & Warfare in the

Afrikan World and focuses on providing a timeline/trajectory of Pan-Afrikan revolts and wars occurring consecutively, at different times throughout the world. This point is vital because some scholars deem the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti the only successful Afrikan revolt against foreign enslavement. However, the fact remains that Ayiti is only one component of a long tradition of

25

Afrikan resistance and warfare against those powers who would rob Afrikan people of their freedom and humanity. As a result, the chapter begins by framing Afrikan resistance and warfare history by briefly discussing the Zanj Rebellion52 from 869-83 (ca.). Another significant period that is also discussed is in 1486. During this time, enslaved Afrikans rebelled against their enslavers in Bengal (India) and installed their leader after achieving victory. A significant component of this chapter is the discussion of the first enslaved Afrikans who arrived in Ayiti

(named Hispaniola at the time due to Spanish control) in 1518 and the central Afrikan rebellions and wars that took place soon after they arrived in 1522. This period is considered the first enslaved Afrikan rebellion in the Americas or what the Europeans refer to as “the New World.”

Furthermore, this thesis shall argue that it should be considered the starting point of the Afrikan

Revolution in Ayiti. Other Afrikan revolts include the Afrikan Quilombo people's establishment of the Palmares maroon nation during the 1600s in Brazil and Queen Nzinga's 1627 war against the Portuguese army, which shall also be discussed.

Chapter five, Afrikan Personalities of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti, illuminates the different influential Afrikan personalities who were major influences during the fight for Afrikan freedom in Ayiti. Some of the personalities discussed include but are not limited to François

Makandal, Cécile Fatiman, Dutty Boukman, Agabaraya Toya Montou, and Jan-Jak Desalin. It must be made clear that this chapter will not provide an in-depth biography of each of these

52 This was an event in which thousands of enslaved Afrikans, in what is now southern Iraq, took up arms against their Arab enslavers and declared their independence from the Abbasid Caliphate. They will control the region and operate as an independent state for fourteen years until troops from Baghdad finally conquered the region. For further reading check out The Revolt of African Slaves in Iraq in the 3rd / 9th Century by Alexandre Popović. 26 figures’ lives. Instead, an emphasis on these figures' significant contributions to Afrikan freedom in Ayiti will be made.

Chapter six, The Maintenance of Afrikan Identity and Spirituality in Ayiti, describes the different ways Afrikan’s in Ayiti maintained/preserved and developed their Afrikan identity and culture in the face of European imposition and enslavement. Specifically, Afrikan aspects, such as Ayisyen Vodou's formation, shall be illuminated and discussed. Furthermore, this section shall demystify and critique the notion of “syncretism.” Many assume that Ayisyen Vodou was a fusion of both the Afrikan spiritual system of Vodun and the Roman Catholic religion forced upon enslaved Afrikans. This assumption is dangerous, and as a result, this chapter will argue that Ayitian Vodou is inherently an Afrikan spiritual system, or rather, way of life. Due to

Catholicism's imposition and the banning of Afrikan spiritual practices, the Afrikan people of

Ayiti were forced to be strategic and practice their system under a guise.

The seventh chapter, Afrikan Male-Female Complementary Forces in Ayiti, examines the

Afrikan male-female complementary forces that operated within Afrikan families, spirituality

(Ayitian Vodou), and the leaders/personalities who fought throughout the revolution in Ayiti.

The chapter begins by first discussing Cheikh Anta Diop's understanding of matriarchy. Due to the popular theories of European feminism, many scholars assume that the Afrikan men in Ayiti did not operate alongside their women and children in the fight for Afrikan freedom. Such notions are false, and evidence shows that both the Afrikan physical and spiritual male-female forces operated in tandem. The proposed theory of “Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity” will be used to reinforce this argument. Both Africana Womanism and Afrikan Womanist theory will also be utilized during this chapter. 27

Chapter eight, Afrikan Combat Arts & Warfare in Ayiti, shall then illuminate Afrikan combat arts and warfare traditions that the Afrikan people of Ayiti utilized. Afrikan combat arts and warfare were crucial elements in regaining Afrikan freedom in the fight against European enslavement. One of the combat arts discussed in depth is the Afrikan combat art in Ayiti, known as Tire machèt (pulling machete/pull [the] machete). Others include stick fighting forms such as mousondi, described as a war dance within the Vodun Kongo nations.

The final chapter, Birth of the Afrikan Nation of Ayiti and its Unfinished Revolution, begins the discussion on how the nation of Ayiti was formed and argues that Ayiti had an unfinished revolution due to Emperor Desalin's assassination. The two following sections within the last chapter are as follows:

Vodun (Vodou) in Ayiti: the Soul & Glue of a Forming Nation Unfinished Vision: The Formation of Ayisyen National Identity & the Traitors of Jan-Jak Desalin Vision

The first section argues that since the formation of free Afrikan communities (e.k.a mawon/maroon communities) in Ayiti, the Afrikan spiritual system of Ayisyen Vodou became the necessary “glue” for nation-building. In other words, Afrikan spirituality became an essential aspect that would eventually help dictate the formation of the Afrikan nation of Ayiti. The last component then discusses the specifics by looking at Emperor Desalin's vision for the country by examining the first constitution. Followed by this is a discussion on the formation of an Ayisyen national identity and the opponents who assassinated and betrayed Desalin's Afrikan vision for the new nation. Finally, as mentioned briefly before, this study shall also argue that the legacy of the dislocated opponents, who assassinated and betrayed Desalin's vision for Ayiti, still lives on even in the current administration of President Jovenel Moïse. 28

PART I: THE HISTORIOGRAPHY & INTERPRETATIONS AROUND THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI

“Pou moun ki te siviv travèse a, epi ki te pote Bondye Nwa yo avèk yo.” (To those who survived the crossing, and who carried their Black gods with them) -Phenderson Djèlí Clark

Human beings have continued to interpret and create stories that detail their everyday interaction with both physical and spiritual phenomena on earth throughout humanity's age. As a result, human beings began to create myths and stories on the origin of creation and aspects that would guide them and future generations through life. In this sense, scholars must begin to critique the etymology of the term “history.” The word comes from the Greek name “Historia,” which could mean inquiry of knowledge or judgment. As a result, scholars credit scholars such as Herodotus (who Europeans call the father of history) and Homer for giving humanity a branch of knowledge that records and deals with past events. However, such assumptions and statements are dangerous because they illuminate and reinforce Europeans arrogance and the universal notions that they attempt to impose on the rest of the world.

One cannot forget that the Greeks were but children at the feet of ancient Kemetic people.

Herodotus himself admits that Greece would not have advanced if not for the knowledge they attained when studying at the temples/universities in Kemet. Paul Obina Wilson-Eme, in his

Lineage Timeline, reinforces this when he further interrogates history's spelling and etymology.

For instance, Obina points out the Greek term history is also connected to the term

29

“hystéra/hyster,” which is the Greek term for the “uterus/womb.”53 The Greeks attained this knowledge from the Afrikan people of Kmt/Kemet because the word relates to the central truth of human life, which they understood was the “story from the womb.” As a result, the notion of

“history/history” is also a concept of lineage. It is a concept of heritage related to the scientific aspect of Mitochondrial DNA carried by the female and is both personified and symbolized by the Kemetic Neteru, Ast/Auset.54

Many intellectuals understand that what is commonly referred to as DNA is actually a person's ancestral memory database. Furthermore, within the Mdw Neter Auset symbol is that of a throne. The symbol of the throne and other representations, such as the Adinkra symbol of the

Sankofa egg, represent this notion of the womb's sacredness. The renowned Ayisyen historian and master teacher, Bayyinah Bello, also critiques the notion and etymology of history in her recent text, Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution. Bello begins by stating:

History or ‘his story’ is the story of the men existing on a land within a parenthesis of time. Ourstory captures the light from the stories created by the mingling of relations, decisions, vibrations, actions, inspirations of Ancestors, Elders, women, men, young and old, newborn and centenarians, as well as plants and animals, elements, and climatic behaviors existing on a particular space/time. Guided by the spirit of our ancestors, under the protection of the Divine Mother, this servant of the people wishes to share a bit of the ourstory of Ayiti (free from the imposed Eurochristian vision of what happened), with an emphasis on the contribution of women.55

Bello understands that Europeans have imposed their version of history on other groups of people from this statement alone. She is continuing the tradition of ancient Afrikan scholars

53 Paul Obinna Wilson-Eme, “Hystory Not Hstory,” Lineage Timeline: An Essential Tool for World Citizenship- 6000>1-1<3000 (Short Chronology), (United Kingdom: Book Publishing Academy, 2017). 54 Ibid. 55 Bayyinah Bello, “Author’s Note,” Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution, (Auburn: Thorobred Books, 2019), pp. 1. 30 who understood history as a lineage of a people. As a result, Bello has written a children's book which provides an Afrikan interpretation of the history of Ayiti with a specific focus on women that can empower the youth. J.M. Blaut, in his text, Eight Eurocentric Historians, breaks down the construction of Eurocentric history by first discussing four kinds of Eurocentric theories that have been advanced. These theories were advanced to push the western notion/assumption that

Europe, or the west, grew richer and more powerful than all other societies.56 The four doctrines made within Eurocentric History are:

1. Religion: Within this Eurocentric doctrine, “Europeans (Christians) worship the True

God, and he guides them forward through history.”57

2. Race: This aspect argues that Whites/Europeans “have an inherited superiority over the

people of other races.”58

3. Environment: This doctrine discusses the natural environment of Europe, which

Europeans feel is superior to all others.

4. Culture: This doctrine argues that Europeans invented a culture that is uniquely

progressive and innovative long ago.

Blaut points out that these four doctrines are used in various combinations and forms. For instance, he points out that early in the nineteenth century, the religious doctrine was very prominent. Nonetheless, this did not stop European historians' hesitation to invoke the doctrines of race, environment, and culture as “God's instruments.” Today Europeans continue this

56 J.M. Blaut, “Chapter 1: Eurocentric History,” Eight Eurocentric Historians, (New York: The Guilford Press, 2000), pp. 1. 57 Ibid. 58 Ibid. 31 arrogance by arguing that racism has been rejected within their historiography. Instead, European historians will state that Eurocentric history stands on the legs of just the environment and culture. As a result, these historians will write that Europe rose and conquered the world because of its environment and superior culture. They will argue that Europe developed faster and further than any other human society. As Afrocologists, one will see that they truly didn’t reject their racist doctrines. Instead, they universalized their false concepts and notions, such as objectivity, to maintain their control of Afrikan people, as well as other groups, across the globe. Blaut reinforces this sentiment of Eurocentric history being based on lies when he states:

All of this, I argue, is wrong: it is false history and bad geography. Europe’s environment is not better than the environments of other places-not more fruitful, more comfortable, more suitable for communication and trade, and the rest. Europe’s culture did not historically, have superior traits, traits that would lead to more rapid progress than that achieved by other societies: individual traits like inventiveness, innovativeness, ambitiousness, ethical behavior, etc.; collective traits like the family, the market, the city. The rise of Europe cannot be explained in this Eurocentric way.59

Blaut statement thus reinforces the importance of works produced by scholars such as

Cheikh Anta Diop. For instance, the development of Diop's “Two Cradle Theory,”60 which he utilized to discuss the critical underlying structures and foundations of Afrikan civilizations such as ancient Kemet. Diop then juxtaposed those characteristics against the similar systems and foundations of Indo-Aryan civilization which had a different environment. Diop argues that not only did nature and the environment fashion the instincts, habits, and ethical concepts of the two

59 Ibid, pp. 1-2. 60 The theory argues that the severe climate and environment of Europe and Asia caused biological and cultural changes in the original human type resulting in the loss of pigmentation biologically and the development of an individualistic, xenophobic, aggressive, nomadic culture among the white isolates, in contrast to the cooperative, peaceful, sedentary culture among the Afrikans/blacks who still inhabited the more benign climatic and environmental zones. For further reading check out The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality and The Cultural Unity of Black Africa by Cheikh Anta Diop. 32 cradles/subdivisions. But before they met after a long separation, these early conditions had permanent effects on the two cradles that have endured even until the present time.

Along with Diop, other Afrikan intellectuals such as Molefi Kete Asante, Ama Mazama,

Marimba Ani, Théophile Obenga, Frances Cress Welsing, and others hold importance because they challenged, critiqued, and push back against the dangerous falser notions of Eurocentrism.

To understand the dangers of modern Eurocentrism, scholars must first understand when it began. Blaut is correct when he points out that modern Eurocentricism began in 1492 when

Christopher Columbus returned to Spain to report what he found after accidentally landing in

Xaymaca61 (Jamaica) and Ayiti (later renamed Hispaniola after Spanish invasion) and encountering the Taino and Arawak people. Blaut states:

When Columbus returned from his first voyage to America, he described a people who were heathens, and who, he believed, could be conquered easily. Moreover, the conquest of their land would provide gold and other wealth to Europeans. It seemed clear that Europeans were superior to these Americans and would profit from this superiority. The conquest did indeed prove fairly rapid (mainly because the American populations were decimated by introduced Eastern Hemisphere disease), and the profits were indeed immense. Europeans could now, for the first time on a significantly large scale, make a clear distinction between themselves and a non- European people to whom they could really believe themselves to be superior.62

Blaut's statement is significant because he reveals that Eurocentrism is based on a paradigm of domination. From the travels of Early European Conquistadors and explorers,

Europeans were now able for the first time on a large scale to distinguish between themselves and non-European people to whom they felt superior. As a result, Blaut explains that the

61 Jamaica was previously referred to by its first inhabitants as Xaymaca meaning “land of wood and water” given because of its rich vegetation and majestic rivers and coastal waters. For further reading check out The History of the Maroons, from Their Origin to the Establishment of Their Chief Tribe at Sierra Leone Vol. I-II by Robert Charles Dallas. 62 Ibid, pp. 4. 33

Eurocentrism that emerged in the sixteenth century had two essential characteristics: 1) superiority confirmed by the success of European colonialism and 2) the European notion that superiority produced great wealth/profit. One can even argue that Columbus's revised recount and report of his experience in Ayiti was the first Eurocentric interpretation of the island and its people.

As European colonialism increased, so did Eurocentric beliefs that gradually evolved into the world model imposed by them today. The model would fully be developed in the nineteenth century when it began to impose its conception of geography and history on the entire world. As a result, Eurocentric historians such as Max Weber, Eric Jones, Robert Brenner, and Michael

Mann would present differing/variant forms of common arguments and theories. For example, these scholars would promote European rationality, orientalism, despotism, determinism,

Eurocentric diffusionism, and Marxism.

As with most European scholars, historians such as Max Weber and others during his time were racist. But as Blaut states, the notion of race is merely one of the many factors, and they did not bother or even know how to measure racial factors. For instance, scholars such as

Weber believed that Afrikan people were inferior to Europeans. Blaut reinforces this, stating that:

It is shown more clearly by Weber’s almost absolute unconcern, in his discussions of social evolution and the comparison of civilizations, for Africa and Africans (other than ancient Egyptians, whom he did not connect to Africa in cultural terms).63

63 “Chapter 2-Max Weber: Western Rationality,” Eight Eurocentric Historians, (New York: The Guilford Press, 2000), pp. 20.

34

European scholars such as Weber are not ignorant when making such ignorant and false statements about Afrikan civilization. Their intentions are clear, pushing for a plan/narrative that places Europeans above all others. Therefore, a re-examination of these Eurocentric historiographies and interpretations must be made. By utilizing location theory, the following chapters will be critiquing Eurocentric interpretations of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. The second chapter will first look at the texts produced by European scholars. This chapter will then examine texts produced by prominent Black=Afrikan scholars who have adopted Eurocentric methodologies or concepts to interpret Afrikan phenomenon and history. Molefi Kete Asante explains this step is critical because most contemporary scholars are trained to utilize Eurocentric methods and perspectives. As a result, they have only seen phenomena or events from a

Eurocentric viewpoint/lens.64 The Eurocentric view is very much different from that of Afrikan people. This note is important because Afrikan people continue to be victimized by the imposition of Eurocentric expression, perception, and concepts.65

Asante reminds us that the expressions/elements of these authors’ works will also be identified in this chapter by their language, attitude, and direction. Serie McDougal emphasizes that the concept of place is used within this theory to identify the cultural centrality/marginality of the authors.66 This process is imperative because these are texts produced by authors who have been removed or have removed themselves from cultural Africanity/Blackness and have

64 Molefi Kete Asante, “Part I-Interiors,” Kemet, Afrocentricity and Knowledge, (Trenton: Africa World Press, Inc., 1990), pp.38. 65 Ibid. 66 Serie McDougal, “Chapter 2: Methodology in Africana Studies Research,” Research Methods in Africana Studies/Revised Edition, (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 2017), pp. 91. 35 produced decapitated or lynched texts67 within their scholarship. The authors of decapitated texts tend to commit to a style of writing that places them outside of their own historical experience.68

On the other hand, authors of lynched texts may be skilled in literary/analytical skills but lack (1.) Afrikan/black historical and cultural knowledge or (2.) Afrikan epistemological tools are needed to interpret Afrikan phenomena. As a result, the scholars discussed in this chapter and others like them tend only to reflect Eurocentric perspectives and interpretations. The author's predisposition toward a matter will be informative/useful for locating their texts because one will get an impression of their motivational agendas and attitudes.

67 According to Asante decapitated texts refer to texts that have been written by authors who write with no discernible Afrikan/Black cultural presence in their attempt to distance themselves from Afrikan/Black cultural identity. A lynched text is produced by authors who lack cultural centeredness and use language/terms such as “Warlike natives” or “slaves” in order to reinforce or be rewarded by Eurocentric institutions that promote them. For further reading check out Kemet, Afrocentricity, and Knowledge (1992) by Molefi Kete Asante. 68 Ibid. 36

CHAPTER 2 EUROPEAN SCHOLARS INTERPRETATIONS OF THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI

Dr. John Henrik Clarke points out that the Europeans colonized most of the world and began the process by first colonializing information about the world and its people.69 For instance, to do this, Europeans had to forget, or pretend to forget, all they had previously known about Afrikan people. Clarke emphasizes that one’s lineage/heritage, in essence, is how people have used their talent to create a history that gives them memories that they can learn from, respect, and use to command the respect of other people in the world. Specifically, Clarke states:

The ultimate purpose of history and history teaching is to use a people's talent to develop an awareness and a pride in themselves so that they can create better instruments for living together with other people. This sense of identity is the stimulation for all of a people's honest and creative efforts. A people's relationship to their heritage is the same as the relationship of a child to its mother. I repeat: History is a clock that people use to tell their time of day. It is a compass that they use to find themselves on the map of human geography. It also tells them where they are, and what they are. Most importantly, an understanding of history tells a people where they still must go, and what they still must be.70

Unfortunately, the European conception and interpretation of history have no respect for other people's heritage/lineage or understanding of the world. Expressly, early white American historians did not grant Afrikan people anywhere a respectful place in their commentaries and interpretations of humanity's history. This practice would be the same for many narratives and interpretations made around the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti from European scholars. Lindsay J.

69 John Henrik Clarke, “Why Africana History?,” THE BLACK COLLEGIAN Magazine, (1997), http://www.hunter.cuny.edu/afprl/clarke/why-africana-history-by-dr.-john-henrik-clarke, (November 5, 2019). 70 Ibid. 37

Twa makes an essential point by discussing the numerous early accounts of the Afrikan

Revolution in Ayiti.

Twa explains that these accounts can also be sorted based on their authors' ideologies, such as the European abolitionist or pro-slavery advocates.71 Twa explains that Abolitionist accounts tended to diminish the role of significant Afrikan leaders. These writers specifically reduce the contributions of someone such as Jan-Jak Desalin in place of Toussaint L’Ouverture, who Abolitionist writers presented in turn as someone gentle, educated, Christian, and compromising. Twa points out that many of the Early Ayisyen histories with accounts specifically around Jan-Jak Desalin mainly do not appear until around the mid-nineteenth century.72

This period is considered the waning years of what Twa calls the “the Revolutionary generation.” The growing economic divide that occurred tended to fall along with color distinctions. As a result, written accounts around Ayiti’s revolution were largely put forward by the economically and politically powerful educated Afrikan/black and those who called themselves the mulatto, elite. Twa argues that these accounts were, not surprisingly, written by the elites and privileged mulatto revolutionary leaders like André Rigaud over black leaders such as Jan-Jak Desalin and Henri Christophe. Twa continues her breakdown of the two positions by stating:

71 Lindsay J. Twa, "Jean-Jacques Dessalines: Demon, Demigod, and Everything in Between," Circulations: Romanticism and the Black Atlantic, edited by Paul Youngquist and Frances Botkin (Romantic Circles Praxis Series: October 2011), https://romantic-circles.org/praxis/circulations/HTML/praxis.2011.twa.html. 72 Ibid. 38

Toussaint as martyr could become a positive symbol of black potential and enlightened character. What the Abolitionists downplayed, the pro-slavery side sought to exploit: Dessalines’s killings, portrayed as the sanguinary finale of blacks’ mercurial treachery, served as the shining example of the disasters that awaited sudden and complete emancipation. Pierre Etienne [Peter Stephen] Chazotte, who claimed to be one of the few eyewitnesses to survive Dessalines’s ordered massacre of French whites in 1804, published an English translation of his experiences in 1840, based, as he claimed, on notes he had written during the events. His work was meant to discredit what he saw as the abolitionist lies particularly propagated by the English. For Chazotte, Dessalines was a mindless executioner, a puppet of the English Wilberforce Society (41, 48, 69). Over several detailed pages, Chazotte regaled his readers with his direct observations of the executions (46-51), adding voyeuristic passages of pathos for the killings in the night that he overheard but did not see from his guarded residence: “Cries of murder, defiance, despair, rage, and vociferations, intermixed with the groans and lamentations of the wounded and the dying, resounded through the whole place”(50).73

An important point made about Chazotte is that he used his narrative to produce a damning account of the English people. According to him, the British were the main force, who in his mind “spurred the barbaric yet simplistic blacks towards violence.” Chazotte states this while concluding that this merely shows the imitative nature of all persons of Afrikan descent and that modern self-rule was well beyond the Afrikans in Ayiti capabilities. Thus, Chazotte account demonstrates the inherent views Europeans had of Afrikan people. Still, his targeting of the English is very interesting when one examines that the text was written by the ex-British

English soldier Marcus Rainsford.

This point is important because one of the earliest comprehensive European accounts written on the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti is Marcus Rainsford's 1805 text titled, An Historical

Account of the Black Empire of Hayti. Before one can discuss the importance and critiques of this text, it is imperative first to locate Rainsford himself and how he came to write an account on the empire of Ayiti. Rainsford's text is significant for acknowledging the Afrikan soldiers'

73 Ibid. 39 effectiveness and intelligence. However, his text's intentions and purpose were in no way an attempt to empower free and enslaved Afrikans in the Western hemisphere.

According to Paul Youngquist and Grégory Pierrot, Rainsford was a British captain for the third West Indian Regiment in 1795. This point is also critical because, near the end of the eighteenth century, Britain was waging war against France to defend their liberties after losing their thirteen North American colonies in 1783. With the eruption of the 1789 revolution in

France, scattered sparks of insurrection would spread throughout the Caribbean. Specifically, the

1790s would become a time of opportunity for both the British Empire and fellow European rival nations. Furthermore, Youngquist and Pierrot state that the Caribbean/West Indies would witness a struggle between Europe’s great colonial powers—England, Spain, and France. These three

European powers jockeyed for advantage and superiority in a military chess match for control of

St. Domingo's colony on the island of Ayiti (renamed Hispaniola by Spain at the time).74

When the major phase of the revolution began in August 1791, the European powers of

France, England, Spain, and Britain would all make military bids during the thirteen years of fighting to gain control of Ayiti, the wealthiest colony in the Caribbean at the time.75 The British bid was specifically driven by economic opportunism, and despite their condemnation of enslavement, they too acknowledged that the continued enslavement of Afrikans in the

Caribbean was a necessity. Youngquist and Pierrot reinforce this fact stating:

In the colonies of the West Indies, however, slavery was still a way of life. In 1791, for instance, one-quarter of a million enslaved Africans inhabited Jamaica. Throughout the 1790s, their ratio

74 Marcus Rainsford, ed. Paul Youngquist, Grégory Pierrot, “Introduction,” An Historical Account of the Black Empire of Hayti, (North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1805/revised 2013), pp. xvii. 75 Ibid, pp. xviii. 40 to whites remained just under ten to one. Sugar production required those numbers. It was labor- intensive and uniquely specialized, a harbinger of a coming industrialization. Along with other exotic commodities (coffee, indigo, and cotton), sugar was an engine of Britain’s imperial and cultural expansion. Revolutionary unrest in St. Domingo, only 257 nautical miles east of Jamaica, made the richest sugar colony in the Caribbean seem ripe for the picking. With Republican France’s declaration of war in 1793, Britain had the excuse it needed to add this prize to its colonial possessions.76

This fact is of critical importance for many reasons. While it may be true that some abolitionists in Britain were pushing to outlaw the European slave trade, British soldiers sanctioned in both Spanish and French Saint-Dominque/Santo-Domingo were fighting fiercely to maintain and perpetuate the plantation system. The British motives were to control Ayiti, but they also wanted to intervene to stamp out the Afrikan rebellion in Jamaica, their most profitable slave colony in the Caribbean. If Britain could take control of Ayiti, they would deliver a decisive blow to France. During this period of the early 1790s, Marcus Rainsford's account and his story come into play.

Rainsford was originally a British career officer stationed in Jamaica due to the American

War for independence and the British Mediterranean campaign of 1793–1796 (in which he served from 93-94). By June 1795, Rainsford would be appointed as Captain to Britain Third

West Indian Regiment, one of six new units implemented in the Caribbean.77 His new appointment is due to the increasing resistance from both mulatto (milat in Ayisyen Kreyol) 78 and Afrikan fighters resisting European colonial powers in Ayiti. This convinced military leadership amongst the British and other European forces to recruit Afrikan troops against the

76 Ibid. 77 Ibid, pp. xx 78 This was a term historically used to refer to Afrikans who were born to one European/white parent (usually the father) and one Afrikan/black parent. Other exceptions include someone whose parents were both mixed. 41

Afrikan rebellions growing in Ayiti and other Caribbean parts. Youngquist and Pierrot provide more details by stating that the leadership needed to “fight fire with fire, blacks with blacks,” and

Rainsford would muster them specifically for the British cause.79 At the time, the British wanted to divide and conquer. They did so by drawing in Afrikan loyalists who fought during the

Revolutionary War in the Americas with the promise of freedom. Specifically:

Blacks were used in Jamaica as military pioneers, laborers, and artificers attached to white companies. But what the historian Roger Norman Buckley calls ‘the Africanization of the British military’ began in earnest during the occupation of St. Domingo. There were other motives too for mustering black troops: the belief that Africans were better suited than Europeans to the demands of warfare in tropical climes, not to mention the simple need to maximize numbers where the British army was outgunned. Rainsford would help build the black West India Regiments, which military leaders believed would carry the day against seasoned rebels throughout the West Indies. These regiments would be nearly 9,000 strong, trained and equipped like Europeans. They would not of course be paid like Europeans. They would serve according to terms Britain traditionally granted their kind: room, board, and a decent burial.80

As captain and recruiter of the Third West Indian Regiment, Rainsford would witness firsthand the withering of Britain's dreams and attempts to conquer Ayiti. Rainsford would at some point be separated from his unit and would undergo a disguise to infiltrate Ayiti, which was under the governance and leadership of Toussaint Louverture. Rainsford would eventually be captured and judged as a spy, condemned to death, and thus returned to prison to await

Toussaint’s final verdict.81 Fortunately for him, Toussaint showed mercy and would allow him to leave, warning him to never return to the island again. Rainsford's military career would end, but he desired to be a man of distinction, so he would begin a career in writing upon returning to

London. At first, his poetry would fail to catch attention, but his military memoirs would.

79 Ibid. 80 Ibid. 81 Ibid, pp. xxix. 42

Specifically, in 1802 his first memoir, titled A Memoir of Transactions That Took Place in St.

Domingo in the Spring of 1799, gained much notoriety. One must recognize that Rainsford's purpose for writing an account of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti was not because he supported

Afrikan freedom. Rather, he saw an opportunity for great profit from Europeans hunger for news about the revolution in the French-controlled colony.82 Furthermore:

In the wake of the British evacuation, information was sketchy. Newspapers spread the notoriety of Toussaint Louverture as the British government sought to drive a wedge between him and the French Republic in order to secure favorable commercial relations in the event of independence in St. Domingo. At the same time, fear of an independent black state was growing among British planters in Jamaica, their political allies at home, and increasingly the general public. These issues gained currency as peace with France gained plausibility.83

Rainsford would publish the second edition of his memoir in 1802 titled St. Domingo, or an Historical, Political and Military Sketch of the Black Republic. Already one can see

Rainsford's Eurocentric imposition on Ayiti from the title. Rainsford assumes that the Afrikan people in Ayiti were fighting to create a republic based on Western enlightenment ideals. He did not see Ayiti as an independent Afrikan empire in the west but rather a replication of European countries such as Britain. Nonetheless, Rainsford was correct in recognizing that the Afrikan fighters in Ayiti would achieve victory after the French captured Toussaint. The Afrikan people in Ayiti would begin to rally behind Toussaint's successor, Jan-Jak Desalin (Jean-Jacques

Dessalines), who fought vigorously for victory in November 1803 at the Battle of Vertières near

Cape François. Desalin would soon proclaim that Ayiti is an independent Afrikan=Black nation on January 1st, 1804. He would be named emperor later that year on September 2nd, 1804.

82 Ibid, pp. xxx. 83 Ibid. 43

This Afrikan Empire's astonishing rise convinced Rainsford that his European readers would welcome a more extended, fully documented version of his historical account and thus generate further profit for himself. After conducting further research, his book An Historical

Account of the Black Empire of Hayti came to fruition, and his expensive text would appear a year after in 1805.84 Upon its publication, the book attracted wide attention and soon became the standard British account of Ayiti's independence. As a result, Rainsford was able to flourish for some time as a historian.

Aside from questioning Rainsford's motivation to publish this text, which was purely economic, one must criticize how he constructed his documentation and accounts. For instance,

Youngquist and Pierrot point out that Rainsford's date for his travel in Ayiti within the title of his first memoir was 1799, but this date is not correct. Rainsford landed in Mole St. Nicholas on

October 24, 1797, and was the captain of the Third West Indian Regiment in St. Domingo.85

However, by 1798 he was back in London writing letters to the British War Office asking for pay and compensation for his service. His discrepancy was not because he simply got the date wrong.

Rainsford, like most Europeans who have written accounts, willfully misrepresented the facts.

By shifting the date forward by one year, Rainsford placed himself on the island after the British

Evacuation in 1798. Furthermore, Youngquist and Pierrot state that this adjustment in Rainsford memoir:

Extenuates the question of what exactly a British officer was doing so far behind enemy lines. Beyond his frequent and emphatic denials, no hard evidence exists that Rainsford was in fact a spy. His lost sketches of enemy fortifications and troop deployments attest to little more than the

84 Ibid, pp. xxxii. 85 Ibid, pp. xxxiv. 44 fact gathering of any blue-blooded officer of His Majesty’s army. The motivation for Rainsford’s time- slip is cultural rather than military: by transporting his adventures ahead one year, he directs attention away from the disaster of the British occupation and toward the glory of the Haitian Revolution. Rainsford’s historical writing serves a double ideological agenda. As it chronicles the inspiring victory of black freedom fighters in their battle against re-enslavement by the French, it also downplays Britain’s recent attempt to defend slavery by military means.86

As a loyal British subject, Rainsford quietly and conveniently participates in a cultural cover-up of the main problem that would lead to the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti: European chattel slavery. As a result, Britain's participation in the institution and its larger role in the thirteen years of slaughter on the island remain understated and within the shadows.87 This tactic is artful dodging, making this text dangerous since one could be fooled by the appealing title alone. In Rainsford's case, he saw this as an opportunity as someone who wanted to be a literary author among his country's European elites. The history and biographies of Afrikan leaders presented by Rainsford must also be questioned. For instance, Rainsford states:

Toussaint L’Ouverture was born a slave in the year 1745, on the estate of the Count de Noé, 286 at a small distance from Cape François, in the northern province of St. Domingo, a spot since remarkable as the very source of revolution,*, and site of a camp, (that of Breda,) from whence its native general has issued mandates more powerful than those of any monarch on the earth.88

New evidence shows that this account of Toussaint Louverture's (Toussaint Bréda) background is not complete or entirely accurate. Historians such as Bayyinah Bello, J.R. Beard, and Max G. Beauvoir explain that he hails from the Fon people and is of Afrikan royalty from the Kingdom of Allada (Benin). Beard provides one of the oldest accounts and records of

Toussaint’s family background. Beard's biography of Toussaint shows that as per his Afrikan

86 Ibid. 87 Ibid. 88 Marcus Rainsford, “Chapter V. View of the Black Army, and of the War between the French Republic and the Independent Blacks of St. Domingo,” An Historical Account of the Black Empire of Hayti, (North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1805/revised 2013), pp. 149. 45 tradition, his grandfather is named Gaou Guinou and was initially a prince who was later named

King of Allada before his eventual capture into enslavement.89

Beauvoir points out that according to Ayisyen, i.e., Afrikan oral traditions, Guinou’s father, King Soso, died in 1724, leaving Guinou and his brother Hussar to fight for the succession of the throne.90 Accounts say that the brothers separated and returned to Allada to battle for the throne. In the end, Hussar would come out as the victor and capture and sell his brother. The most significant evidence/proof of Toussaint's roots in the region is the statue erected for him by the Afrikan people living in present-day Benin. The statue honoring Ayiti's great founder and hero still stands proudly in the region of Allada to this day. More background information on Toussaint and other Afrikan personalities of the revolution will be discussed further in Chapter V.

Overall, Rainsford's accounts replicate the European interpretative and observational gaze that has been present since Herodotus's account of his observations in ancient Kemet. Despite their honesty, these types of European historians still reinforce and universalize the ethos of

European thought. Therefore, it imperative to discuss other historical accounts and fictional literary texts around the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti. For example, the 1826 novel titled Bug-

Jargal by the famous French writer Victor Hugo. The novel begins several weeks before the

Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. The plot centers on an enslaved Afrikan named Pierrot, who falls in

89 John Relly (J.R.) Beard, “Chapter IV: Family, birth, and education of Toussaint L'Ouverture,” Toussaint L'Ouverture: A Biography and Autobiography, (Boston: JAMES REDPATH, Publisher, 221 Washington Street, 1863), pp. 35, https://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/beard63/beard63.html#p34. 90 Max G. Beauvoir, “Highlights of the life of Francois-Dominique Toussaint Louverture,” Toussaint Louverture Historical Society (District of Columbia: The Toussaint Louverture Historical Society, Inc., 2001), Retrieved 6 December 2019, http://toussaintlouverturehs.org/ManOfMillennium.htm. 46 love with his French master D'Auverney white betrothed. The novel depicts Georges Biassou in a negative light as a violent leader.

Biassou was one of the initial leaders chosen, along with Jean François Papillon and

Jeannot. They were prophesied and charged by Vodou Mambo (high priestess), Cécile Fatiman, and Houngan (high priest) Dutty Boukman to lead the revolution during the ceremony of Bwa

Kayiman (Bois Caïman). Instead, Hugo decides to paint Biassou as a violent leader of the enslaved Afrikan insurrection who caused mayhem throughout the island. Perhaps the greatest insult is Hugo's fictional main character Pierrot who makes a journey in the novel to save his white master only to return him to his white wife. Pierrot himself ends up dying in the end.

Hugo's historical fabricated fiction novel is not a new case.

Another historical fiction around the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti is by the Cuban novelist

Alejo Carpentier. His novel, El reino de Este Mundo (The Kingdom of This World), published in

1949 (translated into English in 1957), became his most famous work. Carpentier was initially born in Switzerland on December 26, 1904, but later moved and grew up in Havana, Cuba, in

1912. Despite being born from a French father and a Russian mother, Carpentier claimed that he was Cuban throughout his life and career. This fact is somewhat problematic, especially when one considers that most Cuban people are of Afrikan blood and descent. However, evidence shows that he was brought to Havana by his parents as an infant, which explains his national identity.

Nonetheless, the language he learned and embraced first was his father's language which was French. It should be stated that language is a crucial signifier of one’s cultural identity;

47 therefore, it would not be farfetched to identify Carpentier as someone who was culturally

French, i.e., European. He received an excellent education in Havana. Due to his environment and interaction with other Afrikan Cubans, he would embrace and participate as a founder in the

Afro-Cuban Movement/Afrocubanismo.91 One should question his intentions for participating in a movement that was not culturally his own, but that is a discussion for another topic. A straightforward assumption is that he most likely wanted a sense of control in the movement.

This notion of “white control” is a frequent and consistent European tendency. The thirst for power and control over others is a norm within European behavior.

Despite the movement contradictions and being characterized due to the participation of

European/white intellectuals like Carpentier, the Afrocubanismo art was created and promoted by Afrikan people. Specifically, Cuba’s Afrikan=Black middle classes contributed significantly to the “popularization of such repertoire as well, though primarily as interpreters.”92 Working- class Afrikans in Cuba supported the movement more directly by forming carnival bands, popularizing new musical genres from within their communities, performing for tourists, and infusing commercial arts of various kinds with influences from their Afrikan cultural traditions.93

However, many Afrikan people in Cuba critiqued and opposed many of the negative and

91 The Afro Cuban Movement emerged during the 1920’s and 30’s around a concept known as Afrocubanismo. This was a movement similar to the Harlem Renaissance in the United States of America where it was characterized as an explosion of interest in Afro-Cuban themes/expressions in art, music, novels, painting, ballet, and other forms of expressions that was not heavily embraced in the Caribbean prior to that time due to colonialism. For further reading check Nationalizing Blackness: Afrocubanismo and Artistic Revolution in Havana, 1920–1940 by Robin Moore. 92 Colin A. Palmer, “Afrocubanismo,” Encyclopedia of African American Culture and History: The Black Experience in The Americas vol. 1, (New York: Macmillan Reference USA; 2nd edition, 2006), pp. 56 93 Ibid. 48 stereotypical images within the Afrocubanismo art.94 Even the novels, poems, and songs have had some misrepresentations of Afrikan aesthetic and culture. For instance, there have been instances of white Cuban vocalists wearing black faces to perform songs from enslavement.

Carpentier's Historical fiction novel, The Kingdom of This World, is not excused of this either. His work tells the story of Ayiti before, during, and after the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti.

Much like Hugo, he creates a fictional Afrikan character named Ti Noel, who is illiterate and enslaved. Instead of giving his character agency as an actor within the fight for Afrikan freedom,

Noel is reduced to being only a witness and observer. Steve Wakefield makes an interesting note when he points out that several people have implied that Carpentier chose to write from the perspective of the enslaved Afrikan, Ti Noel, to avoid being critiqued or criticized for racial stereotyping.95 Although Carpentier takes time to acknowledge some pivotal Afrikan leaders during the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti (François Mackandal, Henri Christophe, Dutty Boukman, etc.), other significant figures such as Jan-Jak Desalin are barely mentioned or acknowledged.

For instance, Desalin is only mentioned on one page of the novel. However, the novel does acknowledge his connection to Afrikan spirituality and the lwa of Vodou, all his other contributions/features that made him an effective leader are not mentioned.96 Another instance is

Carpentier's portrayal of Christophe, who is first presented as a foolish king and tyrant in Ti

94 Ibid, pp. 59 95 Steve Wakefield, “3. The Petrification of Desire in El reino de este mundo,” Capentier's Baroque Fiction: Returning Medusa's gaze, (Great Britain: The Cromwell Press, 2004), pp. 58. 96 Alejo Carpentier, “Part Three: Act I-The Portents,” The Kingdom of This World, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1949/published English 1957), pp. 103. 49

Noel's eyes.97 This issue is further reinforced when Carpentier has Christophe abandon Vodou to illustrate his downfall. He even labels Christophe as an arrogant ruler and tyrant. Carpentier does make Vodou a central theme within his text, and he demonstrates that it was an integral part of unifying Afrikans in Ayiti and fueling the revolution. Nonetheless, he labels Vodou and other aspects of Afrikan spirituality as “magic realism.”98

Although Carpentier claims to reject the term “magic realism,” he is still incarcerated and influenced by the concept. In his attempt to describe Afrikan spirituality, Carpentier developed the concept of lo real maravilloso (marvelous realism), also known as magical realism, in 1949.

This concept incorporates fantastic, supernatural, or mythical elements into the European sense of realistic fiction writing. It is here that the issues can be seen when one examines how

Europeans, whether consciously or unconsciously, promote their religion and other beliefs as being superior to all others. For instance, the concept, and other western conventions like it, reduce Afrikan spirituality as mere superstition.

Carpentier's conception of what he terms “marvelous reality” revolves around what he deems as the natural “fantastic qualities” of Afrikan spirituality in the Caribbean and South

America. Specifically, the Afrikan spiritual system of Vodou is viewed by Carpentier as fantastic and magical. As a result, Carpentier imposes his view on what he deems as magic to give his

97 Ibid, “Part Three: Act II-Sans Souci,” The Kingdom of This World, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1949/published English 1957), pp. 109. 98 Magic Realism is a European style of fiction and narrative strategy that paints a realistic view of the world while also adding magical, i.e., supernatural elements. In Latin America a variant of the form would explode into a genre within Latin American literature. The etymology of this concept/term first appeared in English in 1955 but was also used first by a German art Critic named Franz Roh in 1925 where it was originally called Magischer Realismus (Magic Realism in German). For further reading check out Magic(al) Realism (The New Critical Idiom) by Maggie Ann Bowers. 50 characters special abilities without full understanding or respect for the spiritual system he is portraying. This view is evident in part one within the chapter/act titled "Las metamorfosis (The

Metamorphoses)." Carpentier utilizes the Roman poet Publius Ovidius Naso (Ovid) and his metamorphoses concept to describe a specific scene with Makandal. In this scene, Carpentier has

Mackandal transform into an insect and fly to safety when captured and tied to a post to be tortured and killed.99

While he intended to represent Makandal as a link between one spirituality and history,

Carpentier does not and could not correctly depict the Afrikan spiritual system of Vodou in its totality. Instead, he portrays an Afrikan spiritual system for approaching life as something

“marvelous” or “magical” that is only employed as a weapon of resistance. As a result, Afrikan spirituality is reduced to Animism.100 Animism is a Eurocentric anthropological conception and perspective on non-European religions/spiritual systems. To further interrogate these issues, one must look at how Carpentier got his inspiration and knowledge to write his novel.

By 1943, Carpentier and a French theater director named Louis Jouvet had traveled to

Ayiti and visited many significant sites.101 One of the significant sites in Ayiti he took note of

99 Ibid, “Part One: Act VI-The Metamorphoses,” The Kingdom of This World, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1949/published English 1957), pp. 33-38. 100 Animism is used in the anthropology of religion as a term for the belief system of many Afrikan and indigenous peoples, especially in contrast to the relatively more recent development of “organized religions” by Europeans. From the European conception, "animism" is said to describe the most common, foundational thread of peoples’ they deem as “indigenous” and their specific “spiritual" or "supernatural" perspectives. Originally when the term was first conceived in the late 19th century, European anthropologists were only concerned with knowledge on what is alive and what factors make something alive within Afrikan people and other people they labelled indigenous spiritual systems/worldviews. For further reading check out Rethinking Animism: Thoughts from the Infancy of our Discipline by Martin D. Stringer and Ritual and Belief: Readings in the Anthropology of Religion by David Hicks. 101 Roberto González Echevarría, “The Preamble: A Post-Carpenterian Reflection,” Alejo Carpentier: The Pilgrim at Home, revised edition, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991), pp. 27-28. 51 was when he visited Sans-Souci Palace and the Citadelle established by King Henri Christophe near Kap-Ayisyen (Cap-Haïtien). He was also influenced and inspired to write his novel on Ayiti from his readings on the works of a German historian named Oswald Spengler.102 Spengler is a famous historian and philosopher of history in Europe due to his interest in the social cycle theory. This theory was the belief that events within history tend to repeat themselves in cycles.

This cyclical interpretation and nature of history are not new. Many ancient civilizations, specifically in Ancient Kemet and Nubia, had an in-depth understanding of the cyclical relationship within the cosmos, nature, and spiritual realm.

Moving away from fiction, it is imperative that one look at the slew of Historical texts on the revolution in Ayiti that would follow these novels decades later in the late 1970s to 80s. For instance, The Haitian Revolution, 1791-1804 by Thomas O. Ott, would emerge as a significant text in 1973. Some Europeans consider his book one of the most important books about the

Afrikan revolution in Ayiti. Before delving into the critique and issues within the text, it is imperative to first look at the background surrounding Ott’s and the inception of his text.

Thomas Ott was born in 1938 in the city of LaRange in Georgia to two white parents named

Thomas Oliver and Marian (Swindell) Ott.103 One interesting note is Ott’s claim that he is a descendant of an enslaved Afrikan on the French side of his ancestry and wrote a historical novel called Saturday & the Witch Woman on August 15, 2018. Already, one can understand the issues

102 Ibid, pp. 29-31. 103 “OTT, THOMAS OLIVER, 1938-,” Alabama Authors, (Hosted by The University of Alabama University Libraries), https://www.lib.ua.edu/Alabama_Authors/?p=1875, accessed Jan 25, 2020. 52 and Ott’s Eurocentric orientation based on this novel's title. Nonetheless, to understand these issues, one must first interrogate his training.

He received most of his schooling and training in the south by first receiving his B.A. at

Asbury College in 1961. Two years later, he would earn an M.A. at Appalachian State

University and later a doctorate in Caribbean history from the University of Tennessee in 1970.

It is important to note that Ott’s produced his book two years after graduating, which may indicate that his dissertation perhaps was an earlier or similar manuscript for The Haitian

Revolution, 1791-1804. Unfortunately, no records are available to clarify this assumption, but much can be seen from his acknowledgments within the text. For instance, Ott’s states:

To three historians of the University of Tennessee-Dr. Roland Duncan, Dr. LeRoy P. Graf, and Dr. Ralph W. Haskins-I give special thanks for their advice, patience, and encouragement in the preparation of this study. I would like to thank Dr. Jack D. Price of Florence State University, who read and criticized much of the manuscript. But to my wife, Margaret, I am especially indebted for aiding with the research, typing, and proofreading and for enduring my frustrations.104

What can be gathered from this is that Ott’s began researching on the topic of Ayiti during his doctoral work on his dissertation but continued to work on his manuscript upon his appointment at the University of North Alabama (previously Florence State University). It is also unclear if Ott’s attempted to contact Afrikan practitioners of Vodou in Ayiti for assistance in his research. Furthermore, it is not clear how Ott’s received his funding for his book. One must consider how white established organizations, such as the ford foundation, provide financing to specific departments but would never fund departments or programs geared towards Afrikan

104 Thomas O. Ott, “Acknowledgements,” The Haitian Revolution, 1791-1804, (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1973), pp. vii. 53 people. Such programs produced by Europeans do not desire to develop and draw upon Afrikan sources of knowledge.

The Europeans who conduct studies on Afrikan people and their history and culture do so arrogantly. Many do not attempt to consult with Afrikan people, authorities, departments/institutions, and Afrikan intellectuals for their information. This fact seems to be evident in Ott’s acknowledgments and the sources within his bibliography. Most of his archives and materials also come from established western institutions in the United States or the

Caribbean, such as the Library of Congress, National Archives, Peabody Institute, Essex

Institute, Institute of Jamaica, and the Pennsylvania Historical Society.105 It is not clear if he went to Ayiti to confide or inquire about knowledge and interpretations from the Afrikan people there. Nonetheless, his alma mater at the University of Texas arrogantly proclaims and considers

Ott’s as a foremost authority on the history of Ayiti and its people.106

According to the University of Tennessee Press, the American, French, Russian, and

Mexican revolutions have received many scholars' attention. Still, studies and focus on the

Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti (or rather what they refer to as the “Haitian Revolution”) “has remained in relative obscurity.”107 The University Press in Tennessee explains that Ott’s provided a long-needed “objective” synthesis of the events and ideas that shaped this period.

They state that Ott’s has contributed new significant details and persuasive interpretations in

105 Ibid. 106 Todd A. Diacon, “Alumni Profile: Professors Thomas and Victoria Ott,” The Newsletter of the University of Tennessee History Department, Fall Issue 2005, pp. 7, http://history.utk.edu/wp- content/uploads/2013/02/fall05.pdf, (accessed Jan 31, 2020). 107 “Browse Titles: The Haitian Revolution 1789-1804,” University Tennessee Press, (1987), https://utpress.org/title/the-haitian-revolution-1789-1804/, (accessed Jan 30, 2020). 54 doing so.108 As Afrocologists, one of the first lines of critique and inquiry is this Eurocentric notion of objectivity. As stated briefly in chapter 1, the arrogance of this notion of objectivity is that Eurocentric scholars claim to write “objective” histories of different groups of people but never indeed do.

The irony is that scholars such as Ott’s can never truly be objective because their methodology still imposes aspects, perspectives, and interpretative techniques derived from

European culture. For instance, when one looks at Ott’s and his text on Ayiti, he mostly utilized numerous newspaper accounts mainly written by observant Yankee (white American) seamen.

Ott’s also used many French references/sources, such as the untapped papers of Donatien

Rochambeau109 and other European oppressors who tried to stamp out the revolution in Ayiti.

But once again, there is no indication that he drew upon sources, accounts, or archives that the

Afrikan people in Ayiti themselves produced. Therefore, how can Ott’s be objective if he relies mostly on European sources and reports about a revolution fought by the Afrikan people?

Other issues within Ott’s text arise due to his Eurocentric orientation and approach to his study. For instance, much like C.L.R. James (who will be discussed in depth in section two of

108 Ibid. 109 Donatien Marie-Joseph Rochambeau was a French soldier who was appointed in 1802 to lead an expeditionary force against the Afrikan people of Ayiti after the defeat and death of Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte brother-in- law, General Charles Leclerc. In October 1802 Leclerc wrote to Bonaparte advocating for a war of extermination, declaring that "We must destroy all the blacks of the mountains – men and women – and spare only children under 12 years of age. We must destroy half of those in the plains and must not leave a single-colored person in the colony who has worn an epaulette." As a result, Rochambeau would be charged with restoring French control of the island, by any means. Unfortunately for France, this dream did not come true! Rochambeau would be defeated and ultimately would surrender to the great Afrikan general, Jan-Jak Desalin (Jean-Jacques Dessalines) in November 1803. For further reading check out: The early career of Lieutenant General Donatien Rochambeau and the French campaigns in the Caribbean, 1792—1794 by James Lafayette Haynsworth IV.

55 this chapter), Ott believes that the French revolution was a significant influence and factor that explains why enslaved Afrikans rebelled. He argues that the boundless nature of ideas made “the

French Revolution's principles dangerous in a slave society.”110

One must critique this notion of a “slave society,” which assumes two things. The first is that historians and scholars who refer to enslaved Afrikans as “slaves” reinforce the notion that someone enslaved had no soul or humanity. Secondly, enslaved Afrikans did not live in “slave societies” but were forced into plantations, or more correctly, European plantation societies.

Unfortunately, this notion of “slave societies” is also a popular descriptor amongst Historians who developed the subfield of “slave studies.” Furthermore, one must also critique Ott’s and other historians, such as Basil Davidson, who argue that Afrikans also had a system of slavery on the continent. For example, Ott’s states:

The African background of these slaves is the subject of controversy, but that they lived an unrestrained existence in Africa is a popular myth. They were frequently regimented by kings, priests, and large landowners; moreover, historian-sociologist Melville Herskovits demonstrated that slavery and dokpwe, the cooperative work gang system, were common to West Africa. Basil Davidson in his History of West Africa, however, maintained that slavery in West Africa was much milder than that of the Europeans because a slave could buy his freedom, marry his master’s daughters and even become a king.111

Within Ott’s statement alone, one can find the contradictions within this interpretation of

Afrikans having a system of slavery. For one, there is no term/word for slave or slavery in any

Afrikan language on the continent. The method described by Ott’s shows no indication that it was even a form of enslavement because the person was not reduced to a “slave” and still had his

110 Thomas O. Ott, “Chapter Two-The Road to Revolution, 1789-1791,” The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804, (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1973), pp.41 111 “Chapter One-Before the Revolution: Saint-Dominque to 1789,” The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804, (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1973), pp. 14. 56 humanity intact. What one had within those Afrikan societies were systems of servitude for criminals or prisoners of war. The dokpwe112 system mentioned by Ott’s was in no way slavery and should not be compared to the European slave system. The dokpwe was a system used in the

Kingdom of Dahomey and was a communal organizing system for cultivation and harvesting.

Ott’s also did not have many discussions on Afrikans who ran away from the plantations to set up Afrikan societies. Furthermore, Europeans' plantation societies were designed to exploit enslaved Afrikans of their labor and dislocate them from their own cultural core/gluon. Even Ott admits this and does make a small acknowledgment when he briefly discusses the influence of the Afrikan spiritual system of Vodou. However, Ott’s goes on to state:

There were other influences at work besides ideology. One was the hatred some slaves felt toward their masters, as indicated by the anti-white orientation of voodoo. Closely connected with this hatred was the desire of many slaves to destroy the institution of slavery itself.113

Another interesting point of interrogation is how Ott describes Vodou. He does not state that Vodou is an Afrikan spiritual system but recognizes that it is a system that does not come from a European/white culture. This fact may be why Ott’s felt the need to emphasize that

Vodou has an “antiwhite orientation.” The only conclusion that can be drawn is that despite having a lack of understanding and knowledge of Vodou, Ott’s statement clarifies that Vodou and other Afrikan spiritual practices were systems that challenged the worldview, notions, and

112 This was a system in certain Afrikan villages and kingdom where all members of this work party, or dokpwe, are compensated in what is essentially a balanced reciprocal system; however, the managers of the dokpwe, including the hereditary head, the foreman, the record-keeper, and the spokesperson received additional compensation for their services. Europeans attempt to compare or describe that this system was a form of enslavement. For further reading check out The Fon of Dahomey: A History and Ethnography of the Old Kingdom by William John Argyle and How the Maya Built Their World: Energetics and Ancient Architecture by Elliot M. Abrams. 113 Ibid, pp. 15. 57 designs produced by Europeans. Ott’s lack of understanding of Afrikan spirituality is further reinforced when he calls Vodou an animistic religion in chapter one.114 Much like Alejo

Carpentier, Ott arrogantly describes and explains Vodou using a Eurocentric term that comes out of anthropology. It is important to note that Anthropology was a field that was developed initially to perpetuate European colonialism, expansion, and imposition.

Overall, Ott’s text emphasizes the contribution made by Afrikan men, White colonizers

(petit and grand Blanc), and mulattoes. However, there is no mention of significant roles played by Afrikan women and children in Ayiti during the revolution. One example is when Ott discusses the important role of Dutty Boukman, who is the Hougan (high priest) that presided over the Vodou ceremony of Bwa Kayiman. Sadly, he makes no mention of Cécile Fatiman, the

Mambo (high priestess) who also presided over the ceremony with Boukman and was instrumental in organizing the entire event. For instance, Ott’s states:

The particulars surrounding the planning of the slave rebellion are obscure, but Boukmann’s role was certainly important. A huge muscular man and a fugitive slave from Jamaica, Boukmann was a voodoo priest who despised whites. He used the deep roots of voodoo among the slaves as a communications system to organize rebellion. Others besides Boukmann were involved, among them Gilles and John Baptiste, both killed in the early phase of fighting, as was Boukmann. Another early leader may have been Jean Francois, who had been well treated as a slave but who had spent the last few years prior to 1791 as a maroon.115

This tendency of speaking only of the men's accomplishments is a concurrent tendency made by scholars utilizing Eurocentric historiography. Other European writers on Ayiti also subtly paint the nation and its history in a negative light. An interesting and peculiar case is the

114 Ibid. 115 “Chapter Three-Explosion and Confusion, 1791-1792,” The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804, (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1973), pp. 47. 58 text produced by Robert Debs Heinl and his wife, Nancy Gordan Heinl. Their 1978 text titled

Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People 1492-1995 is a text with a vast amount of information. But their text is problematic from the subtitle to the various Eurocentric interpretations offered by the Heinl’s. Before one interrogates their text, one must note their

United States Marine background, which will help illuminate their attentions for writing this book on Ayiti and its people.

First, both Robert and Nancy Heinl are white/European American historians who have lived in Ayiti from 1959 to 1963. Their living situation is because Robert Heinl was a colonel and Chief of the United States Naval mission. His position remained intact until the 32nd president of Ayiti François Duvalier, declared that he was persona no grata116 and Duvalier was wise to do so. Heinl was told that he must leave the nation by President Francois “Papa Doc”

Duvalier on Feb. 20, 1963.117 Most of the European authorities assume it was only because of

Heinl’s earlier criticism of his Ayisyen Civilian militia known as the Tonton Makout (Tonton

Macoute)118 , and there may be some truth to such sentiments.

But there was another primary reason for Duvalier's decision to remove Robert Heinl and his forces. For instance, he did not forget about the United States Marine occupation of Ayiti

116 This was an unwelcome person/foreign person who is entering or remaining in a country is prohibited by that country's government. 117 “Col. Robert Heinl Jr.; Columnist and Author Of History of Marines,” The New York Times, May 7, 1979, https://www.nytimes.com/1979/05/07/archives/col-robert-heinl-jr-columnist-and-author-of-history-of- marines.html, (February 16, 2020). 118 The Makouts were a special operations unit within the Ayisyen paramilitary force created in 1959 by dictator François "Papa Doc" Duvalier. 59 from 1915-1934, which had a significant impact on him during his youth.119 As mentioned earlier in chapter 1, the United States Marines exploited, raped, and murdered many Ayisyen citizens with great impunity during their occupation of Ayiti. As an aftereffect of the occupation, ongoing violent repressions of political dissent followed. As a result, the United

States of America installed puppet rulers whom Duvalier would never forget. Duvalier also noticed the latent political power and resentment of the impoverished Afrikan majority against the tiny but powerful Ayisyen elites.120

Another important note is that the United States Marines were responsible for training

Duvalier Tonton Makout under the Kennedy administration's orders. In addition, the United

States military trained many leaders and their military forces in the Caribbean and South

America. They would develop the School of the Americas121 (aka School of the Dictators) from the 1960s to the late 1980s.122 Despite these facts, European scholars like Heinl and critics demonize Duvalier in the same manner they speak of Jan-Jak Desalin. By no means was

Duvalier perfect, and he indeed had his faults as a leader. Nonetheless, Duvalier rebuked the

United States every chance he got and publicly renounced all aid from the United States

119 Giles Wright, “François 'Papa Doc' Duvalier (1907-1971),” The Dictatorship, September 18, 2015, https://web.archive.org/web/20150918205301/http://thedictatorship.com/biographies/papadoc.htm, (February 20, 2020). 120 Ibid. 121 During the mid-1960s, the School of America was one of several institutions through which the U.S. Army augmented training in jungle/guerilla warfare. They were responsible for training not only armed forces in the Caribbean and Americas but also potential dictators who would rule their respective nations for the interests of the United States government. For further reading check out The School of the Americas: Military Training and Political Violence in the Americas by Lesley Gill. 122 “School of the Dictators,” The New York Times, September 28, 1996, https://www.nytimes.com/1996/09/28/opinion/school-of-the-dictators.html, (February 20, 2020). 60 government on nationalist grounds.123 Furthermore, Duvalier commitment and actions toward advancing Afrikan people in Ayiti cannot be denied, as reinforced by Everett Jenkins Jr., who states:

During the 1930s, Duvalier joined a group of black intellectuals, the Griots. The Griots had begun to study and sanctify Haiti's African heritage. The group's work marked the beginning of a new campaign against the [child of two worlds] elite and an emerging ideology of black power, Haitian style. It was on this ideology that Duvalier later based his political leadership. His pro- black stance led to his advocacy of Vodou.124

Duvalier's banning of Heinl thus holds substantial weight, and one must truly question his intention for writing a history on Ayiti and its people. However, his military relationship with the

United States is nuanced and unique. According to one news report, Colonel Heinl was also a part of the Marine Corps organization called the “Young Turks.”125 The Young Turks was a group of young Marines who challenged the structural organization set down by the Marine establishment in the United States.126 As a result of his actions, Heinl was forced to resign from the Marine Corps on Jan. 1, 1964. The specific decision came down after a conflict with defense officials concerning the authorization of an article he had written about Ayiti.127 The nature of his article is unknown, but the Heinl’s reveal a possible answer within the preface of Written in

Blood when they state:

123 Richard A. Haggerty, "Chapter 6-Haiti: Historical Setting (François Duvalier, 1957–71)," Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies, 2nd ed, (Washington, DC: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 1989), pp. 232-235. 124 Everett Jenkins Jr., “chapter 3: 1900-1915,” Pan-African Chronology II: A Comprehensive Reference to the Black Quest for Freedom in Africa, the Americas, Europe and Asia, 1865–1915, (North Carolina: McFarland & Company, Inc. Publishers, 2011), pp. 394. 125 Ibid, “Col. Robert Heinl Jr.; Columnist and Author Of History of Marines,” The New York Times, May 7, 1979, https://www.nytimes.com/1979/05/07/archives/col-robert-heinl-jr-columnist-and-author-of-history-of- marines.html, (February 16, 2020). 126 Ibid. 127 Ibid. 61

Herb Gold warned me at the outset about the difficulty of publishing things on Haiti. He was right. Fan Maclean’s intelligence, curiosity and friendship have been essential in keeping my appetite whetted for good writing on Haiti. Tony Venbrux gave unstinting support to my increasing immersion in a project about a country he too has come to love.128

The Heinls were writing on Ayiti with a great wealth of information that may have been presented as a threat to the American government. Due to their deep involvement with the United

States military and government. Furthermore, they had a deep fetish/fascination with Ayiti, which seems to be the case with most of the European and Eurocentric scholars discussed in this chapter. It is important to note that it is not a love for the Afrikan people in Ayiti but perhaps the nation's resources and comfort. Ever since the Afrikan people liberated Ayiti and declared their independence, Europeans/whites have fetishized the country and its people. This claim may explain why European/white missionaries and other governmental personnel from the United

States and France continue to encroach Ayiti. Within their so-called “good intentions” or “love,” they continue to cause massive confusion and dislocation amongst Afrikan people in Ayiti and other parts of the globe where Afrikan people are the majority.

His wife, Nancy Gordon Heinl, is no exception to this as well. She is a European woman, originally born in London, an independent writer and journalist who wrote extensively on black history and Vodou. She came to the United States in 1933 and died in 1997, two years before her husband. As a European journalist, one can assume that most of her reports and interpretations of

Ayiti were in a negative light. Based on the evidence seen in the title of her and her husband’s book, Written in Blood, this claim holds weight. As stated briefly before, the subtitle is

128 Robert Debs Heinl, Nancy Gordon Heinl, “Preface,” Written in blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1995, (New York: University Press of America, Inc., 1978), pp. x. 62 problematic because it emphasizes that the history of Ayiti and its people consists mostly of bloodshed and violence. This sentiment is also reinforced by one reviewer who states:

A mere glance at the title of their book tells why explaining Haiti has been so difficult for so many. For the Heinls the explanation is evident, it is about blood-blood spilt, bloody- mindedness, and even the curse of blood. Despite the book’s subtitle, which purports to tell ‘the story of the Haitian People, ’ no ordinary story is being told but one that presents Haiti as a peculiar site of grotesque cruelty in the Americas. The title ‘written in blood’ is a tendentious reading of Haitian history. As for the Heinls, Haiti is unique as a country where history repeats itself in the most disturbingly savage way imaginable.129

The Heinls title also indicates a certain kind of Eurocentric writing on Ayiti. It is particularly an account written by and from the perspective of a white United States military man and white journalist women, as stated extensively before. Giving their book this title illustrates that Ayiti's history seems to be doomed to repeat itself. It is another slick method to say that

Afrikan people cannot rule or maintain control of their nation and destiny without being under the thumb of whites/Europeans. This notion is reinforced in the opening page of their introduction when they state:

Haiti is the eldest daughter of France and Africa. It is a place of beauty, romance, mystery, kindness, humor, selfishness, betrayal, cruelty, bloodshed, hunger, and poverty. It is a closed and withdrawn society whose apartness, unlike any other in the New World, rejects its European roots.130

What is apparent and problematic is that the Heinls insinuate that Ayiti’s history and people are doomed to repeat itself. Their statement also seems to reinforce white/European military justifications for the occupation of the island. Specifically, it is a justification for the

129 J. Michael Dash, “The (Un)kindness of Strangers: Writing Haiti in the 21st Century,” Caribbean Studies 32, no. 2 (2008): pp. 171. 130 Robert Debs Heinl, Nancy Gordon Heinl, “Introducing Haiti,” Written in blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1995, (New York: University Press of America, Inc., 1978), p. 1. 63

United States occupation in Ayiti (1915-1934). These white/European Americans' sentiment is that the United States could no longer tolerate Ayiti collapse or disintegration, so they have to come in and save them. In other words, as Dash sums it up, the notion is that the duty of the

United States was to stop Ayiti's bloody regression and put an end to Ayisyen politics because these Afrikans don’t know how to govern themselves.131

This sort of sentiment is dangerous because it invites Europeans to continue to impose on the Afrikan people of Ayiti under the guise of giving “aid” or a missionary mission. These were the same strategic notions utilized by Europeans during the early phases of their colonization project in the fifteen and sixteen hundred. The Heinl family reinforces this view of Afrikans not being able to self-rule or organize even when they speak of the enslaved Afrikans who rebelled and liberated Ayiti. For instance, they state:

The rebel slaves who founded Haiti were largely illiterate or semiliterate. They kept no records. The few public documents of the time, together with donations of books intended for a national library, were allowed to be destroyed or dispersed during the 1820s under the Boyer regime; and the upheavals and conflagrations of a country with nearly 200 subsequent revolutions, coups, insurrections, and civil wars, aside from the ravages of the tropics, of theft and of neglect, did for the rest.132

It is crucial to notice that the Heinl’s made no mention of the French tax on Ayiti or the

United States' imposition when discussing why the nation is in disarray. Once again, this is a slick method to deflect attention from the root cause and blame Afrikan people for their current predicament. It is easy for them to say that this Afrikan/black nation is poor because their

131 Ibid, “The (Un)kindness of Strangers: Writing Haiti in the 21st Century,” Caribbean Studies 32, no. 2 (2008): p. 172. 132 Ibid, “Introducing Haiti,” Written in blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1995, (New York: University Press of America, Inc., 1978), pp. 7. 64 founders were illiterate, didn’t have records, are always causing upheavals and the destruction caused by tropical storms. Europeans will never blame themselves because doing so would undermine the more extensive global system of White supremacy, as emphasized by the great

Afrikan psychiatrist Frances Cress Welsing.

Other issues that arise are consistent with the problems seen with the previous authors discussed before. These are constant issues within Eurocentric writings on Ayiti. One example is the Heinl couple discussion and interpretation of Vodou. Much like Ott’s and Carpentier, the

Heinls also see Vodou as an animist religion/cult rather than an Afrikan spiritual system and way of life when they state:

Voodoo has sunk its roots deep into Haitian soil; it is an amalgam of the animist cults of West Africa infused with Catholic ritual. Voodoo plays so central a role in the life and history of Haiti that to disregard it (as Americans did during their first occupation) is to foreclose a serious understanding of its people.133

Although they are honest in admitting the United States' attempt to diminish the system and Vodou importance to the Afrikan people in Ayiti, their interpretations are problematic.

Vodou is not infused or synchronized with European Catholicism or Christianity. The enslaved

Afrikans in Ayiti could not freely practice their Afrikan spiritual systems on the plantation and had to do so under the guise of Catholic images. Critiques on the notion of syncretism and the need to eliminate the Catholic images within Ayisyen Vodou will be made later in chapters VI and VII.

133 Ibid, pp. 5. 65

As seen with the previous authors, another reoccurring issue is a heavy emphasis on the men who participated in the Afrikan Revolution's initial phases in Ayiti. It is important to understand that the revolution was fought by Afrikan men, women, and children. The Heinls continue the Eurocentric historical tradition of emphasizing only men's contributions.

Specifically during their discussion of the Bwa Kayiman Vodou ceremony. Much like Ott’s, they emphasize only the men when they state:

Boukman convoked nocturnal meetings in the summer of 1791. Slave representatives attended these meetings from other plantations on the Plaine du Cap. Haitian traditions say, but have never fully established, that Toussaint Breda, as he was then named, the intelligent, taciturn coachman-veterinarian of the Comte de Breda’s plantation at the Haut-du-Cap, took part under the nickname of Fratras Baton. Others known to have conspired with Boukman that hot June and July included Jean-Francois Papillon, Georges Biassou, and Jeannot.134

First, one must challenge their interpretation of the “Ayisyen tradition,” which is Afrikan tradition. Secondly, if these types of scholars genuinely understood Afrikan traditions and the formation of the Bwa Kayiman Vodou ceremony, they would have known that mambo Cécile

Fatiman was one of the principal leaders to organize and preside over the ceremony. Finally, another consistent issue is how Jan-Jak Desalin is described.

In the eyes of Europeans/whites, Desalin is their worst nightmare. In various Eurocentric interpretations of the revolution, Desalin is described as not only a mass murderer but a cruel dictator who could not rule his nation. The Heinls are no exception, and much like their perception of Duvalier, they paint Desalin as a power-hungry villain with no true vision for the nation. In other words, they argue that Desalin could not think of a possible future for his people

134 Ibid, “Chapter 2-Bois Cayman and Carmagnole,” Written in blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1995, (New York: University Press of America, Inc., 1978), pp. 39. 66 other than defending them from foreign white/European invaders and preventing the reintroduction of enslavement. This European sentiment and inaccurate interpretation of his vision are reinforced when they arrogantly state:

Dessalines was as incapable of vision of the future as of the outer world. For his purposes, government had only two goals: to prevent the return of the French or of any white man and to forestall the reintroduction of slavery. Behind both objectives, though not yet clear in 1804, lay visceral suspicion of all mulâtres who, after all, were descended from Frenchmen and, as landowners, had owned black slaves.135

To say that one of Ayiti's most outstanding founders and ancestors was incapable of a vision for the future is one of the greatest insults to Afrikan people in Ayiti and the world. From an Afrikan interpretation and historical analysis, one knows that Desalin wrote into the constitution that to be considered a citizen of this new Afrikan nation, every person must be labeled “Black.” Furthermore, he wrote into the constitution that every black citizen would be given land to work together to develop the land and agriculture for the newly established

Black=Afrikan nation's future prosperity. Further discussion of Desalin's vision and the opponents who betrayed Ayiti’s vision will be discussed further in the final chapter.

Even the Heinl family interpretation, analysis, and explanation of Desalin's murder are problematic. They give specific gruesome details on how Desalin was betrayed and torn to pieces by disloyal generals and soldiers who did not embrace his vision for Ayiti. They do mention a prominent Afrikan woman who contributed to the revolution and assisted in properly burying Desalin. But they describe her in a negative light. This strong and loyal Afrikan women

135 Ibid, “chapter 5-We Must Live Free or Die: 1804-1820,” Written in blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492- 1995, (New York: University Press of America, Inc., 1978), pp. 121. 67 name is Marie Sainte Dédée Bazile, aka Défilée. She was someone who not only freed herself but befriended Desalin and Served in his army initially as a peddler before rising through the ranks.

Along with several other women, she retrieved the scattered parts of Desalin body after his assassination on Oct 17th, 1806. She gave him a proper Afrikan burial, much like

Asir/Ausar within ancient Kemet mythology. Nonetheless, Eurocentric historians like the Heinls call her insane or a “madwoman” without considering the trauma and mental damage she received under European enslavement. For instance, the Heinls state:

When night finally descended and the sun dropped into the sea behind La Gonave, a madwoman called Défilée hauled away the body, cleansed and anointed it, and with the help of a soldier burying-party, gave it sepulture in a nearby cemetery at Morne-a-Tuf.136

To be clear, the Heinl couple's description and interpretation of what Dédée did is not the larger issue. The issue is that they chose to label or accept that she was a madwoman, which does not capture the totality of who she was as an Afrikan woman who fought for Afrikan freedom in

Ayiti. Like many enslaved Afrikan women living in Ayiti under French colonial rule, Dédée suffered from being raped and abused by her white French master. To add injury to her already weakened mental state, she would find out later that her two sons died during the revolution.

This evidence shows she was suffering from what we now label today as PTSD. It is insensitive and problematic to refer to her as “Defillee the Madwoman” or insane. Despite the trauma she

136 Ibid. 68 suffered, she had a strong independent mind that did not break during the fight for Afrikan independence.

Despite this, European writers of Ayiti’s revolution and Afrikan people will continue to diminish or give incomplete accounts of this history. Therefore, it became necessary for early

Afrikan writers such as Jean Fouchard, who will be discussed in the next section, to illuminate essential Afrikan aspects of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. Unfortunately, Eurocentric scholars from the 90s and early 2000s, such as Carolyn Fick, in her text The Making of Haiti: The St.

Domingue Revolution From Below (1990) and Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New World: The

Story of the Haitian Revolution (2004), are not as straightforward as Fouchard in their respective texts on Ayiti. Instead, their texts, much like C.L.R. James Black Jacobin, are heavily infiltrated with western Marxist and enlightenment discourses on liberty. Nevertheless, their scholarship takes a good position as it challenges the Eurocentric marginalization of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. But is contradictory based on its prioritization of European thought.

For instance, Carolyn Fick is a European woman who is an associate professor of history interested in colonial Caribbean slavery. She focuses on the “insurgents” and “maroons” role during the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. She situates them within the context of race and class dynamics on the plantation to provide this so-called “slave perspective.” Fick's analysis contrasts with James’ text because Fick is attempting to write about the perspective of the Afrikan masses in Ayiti (who make up the bulk of the revolution) from her European perspective. As a result,

69 she attempts to do this by looking through the various forms of resistance.137 It should be noted that what is referred to as “Marronnage” by scholars, in particular, was an Afrikan phenomenon that evolved from the forming of independent communities into a network of multiple forms of resistance which ultimately would lead to the culmination of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti.

Within a larger historical context, Fick does good to argue that the phenomenon of the

Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti was not just exclusive to the Caribbean. This point will be revisited in the larger discussion of Afrikan resistance and warfare in the first part of chapter four.

Specifically, Fick argues that:

The Haitian revolution was, on the one hand, specifically and uniquely Caribbean and, on the other, an integral part of the history of Western civilization. In this struggle, as twofold one, first for the abolition of slavery, then for national independence, the uneducated black masses often played an instrumental, if not a leading, and sometimes even a determining, role.138

The Afrikan masses are seen as part of Western civilization rather than another distinctive phenomenon. In other words, Fick situates the revolution as central to Western

Civilization. Like James, she attempts to subvert the notion of Europeans as the main, or rather, exclusive, actors in Western Civilization by making the Caribbean a central site through its independence and its role in crippling the global European plantation system. Sadly, Fick does not explore the epistemic disposition of Western Civilization within the context of Afrikan people. Europeans and the West systemically imposed themselves onto Afrikan people and culture to maintain their control. In other words, she leaves the question, can Western

137 Carolyn Fick, “Introduction,” The Making of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below, (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1990), pp. 4. 138 Ibid, pp. 1 70

Civilization be a racially and culturally neutral force? Finally, African culture and civilization are not even considered in her contextualization and critique.

Fick also does not have a developed framework for race and racism. This problem directly results from her uncritical acceptance of James’ notion of class and race polarization, which does not systematically engage race or Afrikan culture. There are simple examples throughout the text that show white supremacy to be the decisive factor over class. For instance, she points out that many of the affranchis139 sought to be white, but whites reminded them that they were not.140

Moreover, this action is reinforced by the varying stances towards the revolution of mulattoes in the south that she acknowledges.141 The efforts made by Afrikan people in Ayiti during the revolution were never outside of a racialized context because the class issue was, at its core, Europeans versus Afrikans. On this note, it is imperative to recognize that Europeans wanted to advance prioritized assimilation into white society while upholding European cultural values that diminished Afrikan people's ontological totality. And they would do this utilizing various means, as demonstrated by Fouchard’s and James’ in their respective texts discussed in the next section.

139 Affranchi is a former French legal term denoting a freedman or emancipated slave, but was a term used to refer pejoratively to mulattoes. 140 “Chapter 1: Slavery and Slave Society,” The Making of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below, (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1990), pp. 20-21. 141 “Chapter 6: Port Salut to Les Platons,” The Making of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below, (Knoxville: the University of Tennessee Press, 1990), pp. 153-54, 161 71

To no surprise, Fick is also inconsistent when she deals with the connection between culture and epistemology. For instance, she acknowledges Maroon societies' Afrikan cultural context but contextualizes Maroon communities only as a resistance group to capitalism.142 From an Afrocentric perspective, it is more precise/accurate to argue that these Afrikan communities were resistant to European imposition. Free Afrikan societies (Maroon communities) organize and develop according to the principles of Afrikan cultural traditions. It is precisely this orientation that made them a threat to the European plantation establishment.

Contrary to Fick’s argument, they were outside the European slave system because they formed their own separate societies. Nonetheless, the Afrikan maroons in Ayiti, one way or another, were cultural separatist/nationalists, and this disposition informed the variation in their actions on the land. Consequently, Afrikan fighters (both free and enslaved) show that resistance is a cultural act within Fick’s analysis. Again, this suggests that culture and race are the only primary interconnection in resistance, but a conceptual framework is absent.

In his text Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution, Laurent

DuBois argues for an integrated understanding of intellectual discourse based on the highly debated notion of the “French Atlantic.” Dubois is a professor of “Romance Studies” and history, so he writes his book on Ayiti like a story or novel. He also locates his work in conversation with

Michèle Duchet’s work on the history of Enlightenment discourse during the eighteenth century.143 Dubois takes up the theoretical and methodological challenge of writing an

142 “Chapter 2: Slave Resistance,” The Making of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below, (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1990), pp. 57-60. 143 Laurent DuBois, “Prologue,” Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004), pp. 1. 72 intellectual historical account of subjects he states were primarily non-literate enslaved

Afrikans.144 For him, this integrated history of the Enlightenment puts communities in France and the Caribbean in conversation with each other. Work for handling epistemic issues limits the clarity of Fick’s analysis.

Dubois seems to disagree with the interpretations and positions of Louis Sala-Molins and

Laurent Estève, who see the Enlightenment discourse as fundamentally racist. While he acknowledges the presence of racism in the discourse, he contends that Sala-Molins and Estève overlook the complexities of Enlightenment thought about slavery. Dubois especially takes issue with Sala-Molins, who disagrees with CLR James’ who contends that the Enlightenment played a notable role in the Revolution. As such, they conceived and sought their liberty. This position, he argues, does not allow for nuance. For example, like CLR James, he does not see the impossibility of Toussaint L’Ouverture being influenced by the work of Raynal. As a result,

DuBois takes on an integrationist understanding of the Caribbean that he labels as the French

Atlantic, which, he feels, would demonstrate that Europeans and European colonists were not the primary agents of democratic thought.

Dubois does not see the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti as evidence of republican ideas.

Instead, he argues that the revolutionaries transformed the meaning. The Caribbean was not, for

Dubois, a simple dichotomy but a zone of intellectual engagement. Furthermore, for Dubois, the

Afrikan cultural roots of the political ideology must be considered, though he feels this is difficult. Overall, in his integrated narrative, he sees the intellectual context as a new thinking

144 Ibid, pp. 2. 73 space rooted in Afrika, Europe, and the Americas. The critical problem with Dubois is that he does not see the contradiction in his Eurocentric position. He treats the issue of racism in the

Enlightenment discourse as incidental rather than fundamental. Furthermore, his discourse emerges from European cultural ways of knowing. Dubois conflates the issue of content with cultural epistemology, which makes his counterargument against Sara-Molins weak.

Moreover, Dubois does not give adequate attention or consideration to the Afrikan cultural context as the epistemic basis for the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. For example, the

Afrikan context should not be challenging to address, primarily when examining the impact of free Afrikan communities' and Afrikan spiritual systems. Yet, he insists on these Enlightenment notions based on scant hypothetical scenarios. One example is his attempt to compare white prisoners to the conditions of enslaved Afrikan people. Other examples include the case he makes between the occasional conversations between free Afrikans and Europeans and his need to include such exchanges when discussing enslaved Afrikan resistance. In other words, the priority of Europe is insisted upon, while Afrika remains a mystery. Thus, Dubois’ integrationist vision insists on incorporating the revolution of enslaved Afrikans into Enlightenment discourse.

As stated before, this is Eurocentric because it presupposes that Afrikan people's cultural context cannot be the sole basis of their political ideologies.

Along with Dubois, the current premier European scholars who have written extensively on Ayiti throughout the early to mid-2000s include David Patrick Geggus, Jeremy D. Popkin,

Ada Ferrer, and John D. Garrigus. They share the same Eurocentric historical framework in their analysis and interpretation of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. They all embrace this idea of

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“slave revolution history” without recognizing that they were indeed Pan-Afrikan resistance movements against European global oppression. Others, such as Terry Rey, who comes from anthropology and Religion, do not fully illuminate or give full credit to the significance of

Afrikan spirituality during the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. For instance, Terry Rey, despite studying and living in Ayiti and Zaire for ten years, has the audacity to state:

Despite the fact that most of the giants of the Haitian Revolution, from Romaine and Jean- Francois, to Toussaint Louverture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, considered themselves Catholic and their militant endeavor to be largely conducted in favor of the Church, much scholarly literature on Haiti overstates the reach of the African-derived religion of vodou in the Haitian revolution.145

He continues, arguing that “Vodou neither sparked nor “Facilitated” the Haitian

Revolution ‘singularly.’ Vodou was not the only factor facilitating the Afrikan revolution in

Ayiti. Nonetheless, there should be no denying that it was a significant factor and essential guiding framework for the revolution. This fact is reinforced by the Bwa Kayiman Vodou ceremony and the Boukman prayer, which invoked the warrior spirit of the petro lwa Ogou/

Ògún, who is only called upon when there is no other alternative but to fight! Other evidence includes a sacred sight in which Desalin had a Vodou ceremony with all his generals in

Artibonite. But despite this evidence and the oral tradition of Afrikan people in Ayiti, Terry Rey goes on to state:

Though Vodou is indeed revolutionary and visionary in many ways, it is not clear that it was as pivotal to the revolution as certain scholars would us believe. Some excellent historical research suggests that the Bois Caiman (Haitian Creole: Bwa Kayiman) ceremony either is entirely mythic or that it took place but perhaps not where or when it is often assumed.146

145 Terry Rey, “Introduction,” The Priest and the Prophetess: Abbé Ouvière, Romaine Rivière, and the Revolutionary Atlantic World, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017), pp. 7. 146 Ibid. 75

Such comments are a dangerous Eurocentric strategy to diminish the relevance and scope of Afrikan spiritual systems. If Terry Rey had indeed gone and embraced the Bwa Kayiman ceremony's ancestral site when he was in Ayiti, he would have heard from the descendants, who still tend to the land, that this ceremony did indeed occur! Furthermore, one must question the excellent historical research that would suggest this disrespectful and dangerous assumption.

Terry Rey has an attachment to Catholicism because his intention seems to push forward the notion of the syncretism between European Catholicism and Vodou.

This reason may explain why his book focuses on Romaine Rivière, who he states was a free black/Afrikan coffee farmer dressed in women's clothes and claimed that the Virgin Mary was his godmother. He was inspired by mystical revelations from the so-called “Holy Mother.”

He amassed a large and volatile following of “insurgents” who would sack countless plantations in coastal cities. For Rey, this Afrikan man dealing with intense dislocation, confusion, and anger due to the European plantation symbolized European enlightenment ideals of freedom.

European scholars like Terry Rey continue to project Eurocentric ideals such as the enlightenment and religions such as Catholicism, which diminish the Afrikan fight for freedom in Ayiti's totality.

Eurocentric scholars like Terry Rey are more interested in discussing violence and the influence of European ideals on enslaved Afrikan people when they research Ayiti or any other region/society whose population is primarily Afrikan. Much can be gained even when one locates Rey based on his faculty bio description on Temple University's main site. Rey's current research projects focus on violence and religion in Central Afrikan and Ayisyen history. 76

Furthermore, the type of violence described is not the constant violence enacted by Europeans on

Afrikans. At times, the violence described always focuses on Afrikan people who reasonably respond to European violence with violence. They are taking up arms and killing Europeans based on the context of Afrikan warfare.

European scholars are not the only ones to produce Eurocentric interpretations of texts around the history of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. Some Afrikan=Black scholars who, despite good intentions, utilize Eurocentric methodologies to explain or interpret essential aspects of the revolution. Some scholars have begun to move away from Eurocentric methods.

But some of these early scholars were not equipped with the epistemological tools to correctly interpret Afrikan phenomena. The next section shall look at the works and interpretations produced by earlier and later Afrikan=Black scholars.

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CHAPTER 3 AFRIKAN SCHOLARS INTERPRETATIONS OF THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI

One of the earliest texts produced by Afrikan people around the Afrikan Revolution in

Ayiti was renowned Ayisyen historian Thomas Madiou and his 1847 work titled Histoire d'Haïti

(History of Haiti). Madiou had published three volumes of this extensive text covering the history of Ayiti from 1492 to 1807 with the Ayisyen Port-au-Prince publisher J. Courtois. He released a fourth volume covering 1843-46 as a part of the Ayisyen centennial published in 1904.

In order to illuminate Madiou's intention and inspiration for writing a complete History of Ayiti, it is imperative first to take a look at his background.

According to Catts Pressoir, Ernst Trouillot, and Hénock Trouillot, Madiou was born on

April 30th, 1815, in the capital city of Port-au-Prince to a reasonably wealthy family.147 By the time he was ten, Madiou had left Ayiti to study at Collège Royal d'Angers (Royal College of

Angers) in France. He also would later attend law school in Paris for two years before he returned to Ayiti. When he was living in France, a significant moment in his life is his fateful encounter with Isaac L'Ouverture, the son of one of Ayiti's founders, Toussaint L'Ouverture.

According to Arthur Lescouflair, this meeting with Isaac L'Ouverture sparked Madiou's interest

147 Catts Pressoir, Ernst Trouillot, Hénock Trouillot, “Thomas Madiou, 1815-1884,” Historiographie d'Haïti (Historiography of Haiti), (Mexico City: Instituto Panamericano de Geografía e Historia [Pan American Institute of Geography and History], 1953), pp. 137. 78 in Ayiti's past.148 As a result, he returned home with a newfound mission to write an extensive history of his nation's past.149

The real significance of Histoire d'Haïti is that Madiou continued the work of earlier

Ayisyen authors who were combatting Europeans constant racialized portrayals and interpretations of Ayiti's past. Madiou saw the gaps within the European construction of Ayiti history and attempted to fill those voids by writing Ayiti's first complete national history produced by an Ayisyen citizen and Afrikan=Black author. Nonetheless, his work is not without critique. For instance, to construct his multi-volume narrative on Ayiti, Madiou had to rely heavily on European historiography and French written sources available at the time. But despite this fault, he still saw that it was imperative to detail the Afrikan oral histories of Ayiti as a supplement to the European written archives around the revolution. For example, Madiou would interview aging veterans and fighters of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti, such as General Joseph

Balthazar Inginac.

Overall, Thomas Madiou's text attempted to repair the portrayal and reputation of pivotal

Afrikan leaders of the revolution by portraying the Afrikan struggle in Ayiti as a justified rebellion against the terrible oppression of European enslavement. Such actions were a significant contrast to other Ayisyen historians, such as Alexis Beaubrun Ardouin, who a few years later in the 1850s published Etudes sur l'Histoire d'Haïti (Studies on the History of Haiti).

Ardouin attempted to place the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti within the context of the other

148 Arthur Lescouflair, “Chapter I,” Thomas Madiou: Homme d'état et historien haïtien (Thomas Madiou: Haitian statesman and historian), (Mexico City: Instituto Panamericano de Geografía e Historia [Pan American Institute of Geography and History], 1950), pp. 13-14. 149 Ibid, pp. 15. 79 independence struggles in Latin America while denying it a class or racial dimension/analysis.

At the time, Ardouin was attempting to make Ayiti fit into the community of nations in the

Americas and saw it fit to diminish the racial dimension that Madiou stressed.

Another influential Ayisyen historian and anthropologist who emerged after Madiou was

Joseph Auguste Anténor Firmin (1850-1911). Many intellectuals are already familiar with the incredible work of Cheikh Anta Diop, the renowned Senegalese historian. Before Diop, Firmin was one of the few scholars to demonstrate that ancient Kemetic people were Afrikan=Black. In his famous text titled De l'égalité des races humaines: Anthropologie positive (On the Equality of Human Races), Firmin emphasizes and highlights the high level of knowledge and achievement produced by Afrikan ancestors living in the Nile Valley.

Firmin's book also demonstrates how Afrikan people built one of the first civilizations on the planet and that Kemet was the model for Europeans to develop Greek civilization. Despite the limits of his anthropological methodology, Firmin's work was written in response to the very racist text produced by the French scholar Arthur de Gobineau titled Essai sur l'inégalité des races humaines (The Inequality of Human Races). The same text would inspire and be utilized by Adolf Hitler and develop his theory of the “white Aryan race.” However, Firmin's most important contribution is when he was a candidate in Ayiti’s 1902 presidential elections. As a candidate, he declared that the Ayisyen state must serve the rehabilitation of Afrika. He was also one of the organizers for the first Pan-African conference held in London in 1900, along with the great Trinidadian lawyer Henry Sylvester Williams and fellow Ayisyen intellectual Benito

Sylvain.

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Other early Ayisyen historians to emerge behind Madiou, Ardouin, and Firmin include

Joseph Saint-Rémy (1818-1856) and his renowned biography on L'Ouverture titled La Vie de

Toussaint Louverture. In addition, Jean Fouchard (1912-1990) and his famous work on the

Afrikan mawons (maroons) in Ayiti are also essential. Other prominent Ayisyen historians who would follow would include Émile Nau (1812-1860), Horace Pauleus Sannon (1870-1938),

Henock Trouillot (1923-1988), Dantès Bellegarde (1877-1966), and Bayinnah Bello (1948- present). Specifically, Fouchard's 1972 text titled Les Marrons de la Liberté (The Haitian

Maroons: Liberty or Death English ver. Published 1981) is one of the most in-depth texts around the Afrikan maroons.

Fouchard was an Ayisyen historian, journalist, and diplomat from Port-au-Prince and is best known for his historical publications. Despite the limitations of his Eurocentric historiographical methodology, Fouchard 1972 (English translation 1981) on the Afrikan mawons in Ayiti illuminated an aspect of the revolutions that were not fully explored at the time.

For instance, Fouchard establishes that the other participants in the revolt are accessories.

Without the Afrikan mawons, there could have been no successful foundation of a new state/nation, perhaps not even a full-blooded revolution.150

As also stated by C.L.R. James, who wrote his forward, Fouchard is aware of the work of past historians and researchers. But, as he tells it on the very first page, his main source, or rather methodology, allowed him to draw from archives/sources such as the newspapers published in

150 Jean Fouchard, “Preface,” The Haitian Maroons: Liberty or Death, (New York: EDWARD w. BLYDEN PRESS, 1981), pp. V. 81

San Domingo at the time. From the information therein, Fouchard uses documents on enslaved

Afrikans offered for sale and the Afrikans who fled from their masters, which many scholars refer to as “the Maroons.”151 The information detailed in Fouchard’s text will be useful and further illuminated in chapter three. This chapter will be providing an Afrocentric interpretation of the history of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti and will highlight the Afrikans who never saw themselves as enslaved and had the agency to not only run away but also establish a mini nation- state that would undermine the institution of European enslavement.

Furthermore, Fouchard, through archival evidence, demonstrates how enslaved and free

Afrikans were able to organize to uproot the conditions of European enslavement through language and other essential Afrikan cultural aspects. For instance, Fouchard discusses the debates around developing “creole languages” in Ayiti and other Caribbean parts. The debate on

Afrikan Ebonics in America draws from this same vein. Specifically, Fouchard understands and cannot refute that they are essentially Afrikan languages and states:

Avoiding the temptation of considering myself a linguist, and while waiting for the debate to be weighed and settled by a serious inquiry headed by our School of Ethnology, I do not believe that Creole, a communication needed for two peoples of different languages, could have been in any way the monologue of a group systematically deforming its own language in order to create a new one-a language miraculously understood by another group which had remained mute. Apparently, simple logic stands hesitant before such a phenomenon-a language with syntax and vocabulary essentially African, yet essentially a neo romance language.152

Fouchard further reinforces this point later in the third chapter of his text when he details the numerous contributions and creative inventions provided by the Afrikans within the French-

151 Ibid. 152 “Chapter II-CLASSIC CAUSES OF MARRONAGE: 2. The Uprooting,” The Haitian Maroons: Liberty or Death, (New York: EDWARD w. BLYDEN PRESS, 1981), pp. 21. 82 controlled colony of Saint-Dominque. Thus, it can be attested that the true strength of this text is the illumination of the Afrikan ancestral knowledge and memory that is imprinted in the DNA of every Afrikan person on the planet. Fouchard reinforces this claim and explains:

Even the Creole language itself, if it had not been invented by the Saint-Domingue Africans, if they had not passed it on to us with the milk of their mothers' breasts, had it been a totally borrowed phenomenon or purely a French creation, we would nevertheless have to admire the slave's ability so quickly to enliven the language with a treasury of songs, tales, proverbs, and legends invested with so much grace, richness and beauty. This is not even to mention the patois- like language of the drums and lambis153 and all those melodies of the four-stringed African violins, which, with their festive or languorous rhythms, have become first our chicas, then our carabiniers and meringues. Add to these contributions our way of thinking and our progress amid those furrows which, in the harmony of our vèvè154 and the impeccable order of the ancestral rites and dances, were etched, as it were, in our flesh and one with our blood, enriching our patrimony and each quiver of the national soul.155

It can be contended that Afrikan spiritual systems such as Vodou allowed enslaved

Afrikans to draw upon Afrikan sources of knowledge from ancestral memories not just to undermine the plantation but also provide the blueprint needed to establish a new Afrikan nation/society in the western hemisphere. But much like C.L.R. James, who will be discussed shortly, the weakness of Fouchard’s text is the language and terms he uses because of his training within the dominant Eurocentric historiography. For instance, he tends to refer to the enslaved Afrikans in Ayiti as “slaves.” From an Afrocentric standpoint, this is problematic because the various Afrikan people forced into European chattel enslavement were not soulless

153 Lambi is a conch-shell used as a musical horn. This large conch-shell gives a distinctive sound in ceremonies dedicated to Agwe (Lwa/Loa who rules over the sea, fish, and aquatic plants, as well as the patron loa of fishermen and sailors in Vodou). 154 Vèvè is a spiritual/religious symbol commonly used in different branches of Vodun throughout the African diaspora such as Ayitian Vodou. For further reading refer to Secrets of Vodou by Milo Rigaud and Faces of the Gods by Leslie Desmangles 155 “Chapter III-THE MAROONS OF LIBERTY,” The Haitian Maroons: Liberty or Death, (New York: EDWARD w. BLYDEN PRESS, 1981), pp. 84. 83 beings but human beings from various trades of life. Nonetheless, Fouchard recognizes this small shortcoming stating profoundly:

As clearly demonstrated, the African was by no means a simple work animal; he was instead the courageous, intelligent instrument that was, after all, the real source of production in Saint- Domingue. He was very far removed indeed from the shapeless, bestialized creature "devoid of all feeling," whose image the colonists and other witnesses of the colonial period have singularly distorted without according the slave, if not the highest awards due him, even the least recognition of the quality and value of his forced contribution to the prosperity of the distant capital.156

Fouchard's texts around Ayiti were pivotal, but there is a text that stands out amongst the ones discussed thus far. C.L.R. James and his 1938 pivotal text, The Black Jacobins: Toussaint

L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, would become a seminal text amongst those who have written extensively on the revolution in Ayiti. An early version of the text was first published in 1936 as a play titled Toussaint Loverture, with Paul Robeson playing the lead role.

Simply put, his book was conceived as a historical drama with Toussaint L’Ouverture as a tragic hero for its focus. Before critiquing James and his Marxist approach, it is critical to first discuss his text's relevancy in the context of the time it was produced. The text was published during an important time and was a response to Italy's invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 (Second Italo-

Ethiopian War)157 , which caught all Afrikan people's attention worldwide. As a result, James wanted to write a historical drama with General Toussaint L’Overture as the “tragic” hero at the center.

156 Ibid, pp. 85. 157 The Second Italo-Ethiopian War, also referred to as the Second Italo-Abyssinian War, was really war of Afrikan resistance against the Italian invasion. It was fought from 3 October 1935 until 19 February 1937. The invent garnered the intention and rage of Afrikan throughout the Diaspora because Ethiopia (along with Liberia) was the only Afrikan nation that was not colonized by a European power. As a result, Ethiopia, much like Ayiti, became a symbol of Afrikan freedom and example of what an Afrikan nation could be without the imposition of Europe. 84

One of The Black Jacobins' important and critical contributions was the detailed evidence and accounts of the European plantation scheme implemented by whites in Ayiti and other parts of the Caribbean. C.L.R. James discusses European domination dynamics and their creation of a buffer class within the European plantation society in Ayiti. For instance:

The advantages of being white were so obvious that race prejudice against the Negroes permeated the minds of the Mulattoes who so bitterly resented the same thing from the whites. Black slaves and Mulattoes hated each other. Even while in words and, by their success in life, in many of their actions, Mulattoes demonstrated the falseness of the white claim to inherent superiority, yet the man of colour who was nearly white despised the man of colour who was only half-white, who in tum despised the man of colour who was only quarter white, and so on through all the shades.158

James explains that due to the European construction of a society imposed on enslaved

Afrikan people, the “mulatto”159 class would develop a white validation syndrome and what this study terms the pwòp tèt ou-rayi (self-hatred) Infliction (PTOI). This case is reinforced when

James states that even an enslaved “mulatto” felt superior to the free Black=Afrikan. “The

Mulatto, rather than be a slave to a black, would have killed himself.”160 This aspect of James’ text will be utilized in the last half of the final chapter to discuss the traitors who betrayed

Desalin (Dessalines) and his vision for the new sovereign Black=Afrikan nation, Ayiti. The assumption presented within this chapter is that the traitors who betrayed and assassinated

Desalin were comprised mostly of “black elites” and “mulattos” who disagreed with his vision.

158 C.L.R. James, “II-The Owners,” The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, (London, United Kingdom: Secker & Warburg Ltd, 1989), pp. 42-43. 159 Within the context of Ayiti, a Mulatto/Mulattoe was a mixed person who had white European father and black Afrikan mother. 160 Ibid, pp. 43. 85

These traitors wanted to seize control from Desalin to create a nation based on the French, who enslaved them.

Another strength of the Black Jacobins is James’ detailed/vivid descriptions of the brutality enacted on enslaved Afrikan people in Ayiti. James gives accounts of the brutal treatment and torture of Afrikans within the French-controlled colony, in which France wanted to maximize profits and keep the enslaved in a state of constant terror. The main purpose of this strategy was to discourage any idea of revolt and resistance. He provides examples such as enslaved Afrikans receiving more whippings compared to the amount they receive in food. The only time whippings were interrupted was when overseers had to pass a piece of hot wood on the victim's buttocks or when salt, pepper, citron, aloes, and hot ashes were poured on the bleeding wounds of the victims.161 Once again, the purpose of such torture strategies was to break the enslaved's spirit and satisfy the lusts, fetishes, and resentments of their white owners. Perhaps the most violent and vivid act of violence described by James is when he states:

Mutilations were common, limbs, ears, and sometimes the private parts, to deprive them of the pleasures which could indulge in without expense. Their masters poured burning wax on their arms, burned them alive, roasted them on slow fires, filled them with gunpowder and blew them up with a match; buried them up to the neck and smeared their heads with sugar so that the flies might devour them; fastened them near nests of ants and wasps; made them eat their excrement, drink their urine, and lick the saliva of other slaves. One colonist was known in moments of anger to throw himself on his slaves and stick his teeth into their flesh.162

Finally, much like his protégé Walter Williams, James’ text illuminates how France and other European nations owe much of its development/wealth to Afrika and Ayiti. For instance,

161 “I-The Property,” The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, (London, United Kingdom: Secker & Warburg Ltd, 1989), pp. 12. 162 Ibid, pp. 11. 86 the bourgeoisie, by 1789, had become the most powerful economic force in France. But, of course, the source of this vast wealth and power came from none other than the European slave trade. Furthermore, when the western half of Ayiti was colonized and renamed Saint Domingue, it would become France’s wealthiest colony. As a result, Europeans would refer to the colony with the nickname “Pearl of the Antilles” due to the vast wealth generated from the forced labor of enslaved Afrikans. James further illuminates the specifics of this accumulation of wealth by the French when he states:

Nantes was the centre of the slave trade. As early as 1666, 108 ships went to the coast of Guinea and took on board 37,430 slaves,12 to a total value of more than 37 million, giving the Nantes bourgeoisie 15 to 20 percent on their money. In 1700 Nantes was sending 50 ships a year to the West Indies with Irish salt beef, linen for the household and for clothing the slaves, and machinery for sugar-mills. Nearly all the industries which developed in France during the eighteenth century had their origin in goods or commodities destined either for the coast of Guinea or for America. The capital from the slave-trade fertilized them; though the bourgeoisie traded in other things than slaves, upon the success or failure of the traffic everything else depended.163

David Geggus, Franklin W. Knight, and other scholars agree that in the 1780s, Saint

Domingue accounted for about 40 percent of France's foreign trade. For example, Knight states that 7,000 or so French plantations by the 1790s were absorbing 10-15 percent of United States exports.164 Furthermore, they had established important commercial links with the British and the

Spanish West Indies. As a result, James's evidence allowed future scholars, such as his protégé

Eric Williams, to make the case that Europe gained much of its capital development from the

Slave trade. Despite many strengths, there are also limitations due to the Eurocentric framework

163 “II-The Owners,” The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, (London, United Kingdom: Secker & Warburg Ltd, 1989), pp. 47-48. 164 Franklin W. Knight, “AHR Forum-The Haitian Revolution,” The American Historical Review 105, no. 1 (2000), pp. 107. 87 utilized by James. Scholars must also understand that James was only able to utilize the scholastic tools available to him at the time.

For instance, James attempts to link the ideas and concepts of the French Revolution to the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. He specifically discusses the different ways in which

Enlightenment ideals could have reached the Afrikan revolutionaries fighting in Ayiti. However, it is critical, as Africologists, to critique James’ notion that the “Black Jacobins” were the true champions of liberty. He places this label on Afrikan revolutionary soldiers in Ayiti due to his

Marxist approach. For example, James’ stance on the relationship between race and class is made clear when he states:

It was in method, and not in principle, that Toussaint failed. The race question is subsidiary to the class question in politics, and to think of imperialism in terms of race is disastrous. But to neglect the racial factor as merely incidental is an error only less grave than to make it fundamental.165

Simply put, European racism did not transcend the reality of the fundamental class antagonisms in colonial society. In other words, the engine for the struggle in Ayiti was a class struggle instead of a race struggle. Furthermore, according to James, the Afrikan revolutionaries in Ayiti are the authentic proletariat as he situates Toussaint L’Ouverture within the study of revolution conducted by Marxist historians.166 In this respect, it is important to note that it is not that James neglects racism as a factor, but rather James did not seem to have a deep understanding of racism beyond group prejudice.

165 “XII-The Bourgeoisie Prepares to Restore Slavery,” The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, (London, United Kingdom: Secker & Warburg Ltd, 1989), pp. 283. 166 Ibid, pp. 279-283. 88

As a result, he uses “class” to explain the deference/submission of many “black” and

“mulatto” elites within the European colonial/plantation system. That why according to James, economic forces were more influential than the racial boundaries that were present. Therefore, for James, class antagonisms provided the socio-economic force needed for the revolution.

Despite James’ Marxist perspective, scholars such as Clinton Hutton admit that James does well by acknowledging that the Afrikan religion of Vodou was the major organizing factor and medium that would assist in sparking the revolution. For instance, James states, “Voodoo was the medium of the conspiracy,” when he discusses how the Afrikan people in Ayiti were organizing in preparation for revolution.167

James acknowledges the determination of the enslaved Afrikans who embraced Vodou despite the French banning of Vodou in the region. Furthermore, he demonstrates throughout his text that he was not equipped with the epistemological tools to do an in-depth study that illuminates African phenomena in Ayiti during the revolution. Hutton reinforces this point when he states:

But while James recognizes the determination of the enslaved to embrace Vodou in the face of ‘all prohibitions,’ the more I read The Black Jacobins, the more convinced I am that James did not possess the kind of epistemological tools capable of probing this terrain to unearth-construct critical meanings which could make more sense of the socio-cosmological ontologies and epistemic culture of the enslaved.168

It should be noted that much of C.L.R. James’ schooling was primarily in Trinidad, where he attended a British grammar school. This school was built originally for white children

167 The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, (London, United Kingdom: Secker & Warburg Ltd, 1989), pp. 86. 168 Clinton A. Hutton, “Introduction,” The Logic & Historic Significance of the Haitian Revolution & the Cosmological Roots of Haitian Freedom, (Kingston, Jamaica: Arawak Monograph Series publications, 2005), pp. 2-3. 89 of the European elites in control of Trinidad. According to one note made by Dr. Kimani Nehusi, the colonial education system in the Caribbean offered nothing about one’s own Afrikan identity within the curriculum.169 Many children going through this system were also humiliated by the profusion of menial tasks, and James would be no exception. Later in his life, much of his other research would be conducted in France. Therefore, it is not a surprise that these European ideas and concepts would permeate this text. For instance, for James, the French Revolution was a heavy influence on the Haitian Revolution. Perhaps the most revealing evidence of James’ intellectual location is his use of the Jacobins170 to refer to the Afrikan revolutionaries fighting in

Ayiti.

Currently, it is imperative to look at scholarship that focuses on the Afrikan cultural context of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. These texts will discuss factors either overlooked or ignored by scholars such as James and the mainstream scholarship in general. Furthermore, there does exist a cultural reading of race, and as a result, the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti can be understood as an issue of race at its fundamental level and not class. The two major texts that seem to do this successfully are Clinton A. Hutton’s, The Logic and Historical Significance of the Haitian Revolution (2005) and Jacob H. Carruthers’, The Irritated Genie: an essay on the

Haitian Revolution (1986).

169 Kimani S.K. Nehusi, “Cheddi Jagan and Forbes Burnham in Colonial Guiana: The Formation of Political Personalities in A Plantation Society, 1918-1964,” A People’s Political History of Guyana 1838-1964, (Hertford, UK: Hansib Publications, 2018), pp. 441. 170 The Jacobins were first known as The Society of the Friends of the Constitution (Société des amis de la Constitution), but after 1792 they were renamed Society of the Jacobins, Friends of Freedom and Equality (Société des Jacobins, amis de la liberté et de l'égalité) and would go on to lead the French Revolution. 90

From an Afrocentric perspective, both texts decenter Eurocentric ideas from the discourse on the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti and, instead, situate the Revolution within the context of an

Afrikan perspective of world history. As mentioned briefly, Clinton Hutton offers a revision and continuation from James’ Black Jacobins, giving the Afrikans in Ayiti agency as thinkers and liberators. For instance, Hutton argues that the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti is largely absent from world discourse about revolutions within the academy.171

Hutton contends that this focus on the Enlightenment denies the Afrikan people's cognitive agency.172 Evidently, unlike Laurent Dubois, Hutton sees no difficulty engaging with the Afrikan cultural context of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. Furthermore, Hutton outlines and explains the cosmological roots of Afrikan agency from an Afrikan cultural context.173 For instance, he profoundly and articulately states:

It is within this hell of San Domingo into which Africans were thrown, that the enslaved developed a liberation character, agency and ethos rooted in, among other things, the expression neg Ginin (Black from Guinea). Neg Ginin (or Genin), on the one hand, is the Haitian (African diasporic) cosmological construction of Haitian Identity, a cosmological construction of those social values, qualities and characteristics from antithetical memories and rituals idealizing and mythologizing the best human traits from ancestral homelands (including Arada-Adja, Yoruba, Ibo, and Kongo) into a personality and agency capable of steadfastly resisting slavery and creating a diasporic nation or diasporic nations.174

171 Clinton Hutton, “Epistemologically Silencing the Haitian Revolution,” The Logic & Historic Significance of the Haitian Revolution & the Cosmological Roots of Haitian Freedom, (Kingston, Jamaica: Arawak Monograph Series Publications, 2005), pp. 9-17. 172 “The Enslaved People of African Descent Denied Cognitive Agency of Their Freedom Making Enterprise,” The Logic & Historic Significance of the Haitian Revolution & the Cosmological Roots of Haitian Freedom, (Kingston, Jamaica: Arawak Monograph Series Publications, 2005), pp. 18-30. 173 “Haitian Freedom, Its Cosmological Roots and Agency,” The Logic & Historic Significance of the Haitian Revolution & the Cosmological Roots of Haitian Freedom, (Kingston, Jamaica: Arawak Monograph Series Publications, 2005), pp. 53. 174 Ibid, pp. 68. 91

Further discussion on the construction of Ayitian Afrikan identity shall be made in the next chapter. A more in-depth discussion on the construction of Ayisyen national identity shall be made in the second half of chapter VIII. Overall, Hutton gives a political and cultural perspective to the Afrikan Revolution's epistemic basis in Ayiti and the epistemology of the contemporary discourse on Afrikan resistance and freedom. Once again, the critical part of

Hutton’s analysis is his engagement with the Afrikan cultural context of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti and the epistemic foundations that he highlights.

For instance, Hutton establishes that Vodun/Vodou reflected a fundamentally different worldview, unlike Europeans. The most powerful example is the concept of death in the Afrikan worldview, in which death is the key to freeing the invisible body. In other words, within the tradition of Afrikan spirituality, there is no true death. Instead, physical death is seen as a transition because a person's spirit comprised of energy cannot be destroyed. So, for the Afrikans who fought and died in Ayiti, this meaning transformed into freedom from enslavement and repatriation of the soul back to Afrika. Evidence is provided by spirituals and funerary ancestral rituals on the continent and the diaspora. For example, in his famous motivational speech to his soldiers in 1803, Dessalines is said to have promised them that death would bring them back to

Guinea.175

One limitation in Hutton’s analysis is his inconsistency when dealing with the issues of modernity, specifically concerning the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti. In some areas of his discussion, Hutton asserts that the revolution and, in turn, Caribbean socio-political culture

175 Ibid, pp. 67. 92 defined national liberation.176 In this way, unlike James, Hutton bases the Ayitian establishment not on modernity as an enlightened impetus but instead attributes it to Afrikan cultural knowledge. He also illuminates the historical experience of enslavement in the Caribbean as the basis for how the Afrikan revolutionaries understood freedom.

However, he also argues that the Afrikan revolution is an anti-thesis to civilization, being that the latter center's whiteness and European cultural superiority.177 French Freedom assumed the exclusion of “the other,” i.e., the Afrikan, who was ontologically deemed inferior and non- human.178 Consequently, this contradictory stance on modernity raises the question: is modernity

Eurocentric, in and of itself, or is it a “multi-centric” space of engagement? Or can such a question even be answered in the first place? Nonetheless, Hutton shows, contrary to Fick or

Dubois, that Afrikan resistance in the Caribbean is an extension of a longer Pan-Afrikan history of resistance, as well as Afrikan civilization and culture. Hutton's point is reinforced when he states that when enslaved Afrikan peoples from the western region of the continent began the recreation of their lives in the Americas, their ancestral conception of the community became an important guide in constructing an Afrikan diasporic community.”179

Jacob Carruthers’ takes a somewhat different approach in Irritated Genie. His text is not a revisionary attempt to contextualize the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. Instead, Carruthers’ text demands and shows the fundamental re-orientation in thought about the revolution's driving

176“The Enslaved People of African Descent Denied Cognitive Agency of Their Freedom Making Enterprise,” The Logic & Historic Significance of the Haitian Revolution & the Cosmological Roots of Haitian Freedom, (Kingston, Jamaica: Arawak Monograph Series Publications, 2005), pp. 46-47. 177 Ibid, pp. 23-24. 178 Ibid, pp. 51-52. 179 Ibid, pp. 60. 93 forces. Carruthers also acknowledges the distortions of scholarship on the Afrikan Revolution in

Ayiti that Eurocentric scholars have produced. As a result, he roots his interest in the revolution regarding its implications for the global Pan-Afrikan community. For example, Carruthers states:

The correction of European-based world history is however not the purpose of this study. The true story of the Haitian Revolution is a part of an African-based history of the world that is needed to enlighten, inspire, and guide the Black world toward its goal of liberty and independence.180

This statement alone shows that Carruthers is not concerned with an ‘integrated’ Atlantic history, or even world history for that matter, as seen in the Black Enlightenment narrative of the previous authors. Instead, he is focused on a centered historiographic reality for Afrikan people in the diaspora. So, within his framework, Ayiti is not just the first Black nation in the Western

Hemisphere. Instead, it is a continuum of nation-building, much like what was done by the

Afrikan people of Palmares in Brazil. However, Carruthers articulates that the Afrikan

Revolution in Ayiti is the most important and successful revolt of enslaved Afrikans against enslavement due to its overall impact.181

As a result, Carruthers argues that it is problematic that the leaders of revolutionary

Afrikan movements in the 21st century know little of the “overwhelming victory of a group of

African people over the most advanced armies of Europe in the late 18th and early 19th centuries.”182 Overall, Carruthers sees an intimate connection between the Afrikan diaspora's struggles and those on the continent. Therefore, he does not propose an integrated Atlantic

180 Jacob Carruthers, “Preface,” The Irritated Genie: an essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: Kemetic Institute, 1985), pp. xxviv. 181 Ibid, pp. xxviv. 182 Ibid, pp. 6. 94 history of resistance. From an Afrocentric perspective, one can critique Carruthers’ use of

Djinn/Genie (spirits from the Islamic Arabian culture), which he uses as a metaphor to describe the Afrikan spirits/deities known as lwa in Ayisyen Vodou.

Nonetheless, Carruthers’ metaphor to explain the Afrikan Revolution events in Ayiti (and its larger Pan Afrikan context) is the Irritated Genie. Carruthers explains that this was the same metaphor used by Jan-Jak Desalin in his inauguration speech as Ayiti's emperor. In this metaphor, the irritated genie arises from the midst of the sea, creating waves and storms that scatter or destroy ships. This metaphor was also Desalin’s response to any possible future attempt of invasion by European nations.183 For Carruthers, this spirit of the irritated genie is one of Black Vindication, specifically the kind of retribution that nineteenth-century Afrikan

American thinkers saw when learning about the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti.

Black Vindication, through the metaphor of the Irritated Genie, is one of vengeance.

Furthermore, Carruthers contends that the extent to which the spirit of the lwa possessed leaders, or what he calls the Irritated Genie, i.e., Race Vindication, would determine its success. Leaders who abandoned it were dislocated because they had unrealistic goals and misdirected tactics.

Those who were mounted by the lwa and followed the ancestors' calls were realistic in tactics and problem-solving. Furthermore, those Afrikans leaders who embraced and listened to the voices/memories of the lwa and ancestors were also in harmony with the masses.184

183 Ibid, pp. 6. 184 Ibid, pp. 7. 95

Overall, Carruthers asserts that the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti was not a race and class issue as James and other Eurocentric scholars thought. Rather, it was a revolt driven by Black

Vindication as articulated by the metaphor of the Irritated Genie. From an Afrocentric perspective, this vindication by the Afrikan people of Ayiti comes from their deep connection with Afrikan spirituality. Therefore, this communication process with the ancestors and Afrikan deities throughout the fight for Afrikan freedom was spiritual.

Within his historical narrative, Carruthers focuses on the initial Afrikan revolts from

Afrikan Maroons such as François Makandal & Dutty Boukman before dealing with leaders such as Toussaint and Desalin, who took charge in the later phases of the revolution. The irritated genie's birth is found in the battles waged by Afrikan mawons and revolts on the plantation by enslaved Afrikans. In contrast to James, Carruthers argues that François Makandal’s campaign, despite its shortcomings, was grounded by the Afrikan ancestors and spirits of revolution.

Specifically, Carruthers argues that Makandal calls for “death to whites” and “Black Dominion” would set the orientation that ‘birthed’ the genie.185 In other words, Makandal and other early

Afrikan resistors established Black Vindication, or what this study would also call “Afrikan

Vindication,” to end the white rule and establish a Black/Afrikan Nation which would become the basis for the revolution.

Carruthers also states that Boukman ushered the Irritated Genie's spirit when he conducted the Vodou ceremony at Bwa Kayiman with Cécile Fatiman. At this ceremony,

185 “Chapter II-The Birth of the Genie,” The Irritated Genie: an essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: Kemetic Institute, 1985), pp. 14. 96

Boukman demanded that the Afrikans be done with the white God and reclaim their Afrikan gods/deities.186 Carruthers acknowledges that today Vodun makes some Afrikans uncomfortable due to their dislocation and white validation, which is a consequence of the European plantation.

He also argues that many Afrikan people's inability to do away with Christianity entirely hinders

Ayiti today.187

Carruthers sees Toussaint and the other dislocated leaders (except Desalin) as a man conceptually incarcerated by European ideals, namely “the Phantom of Liberty.”188 A fact made evident by Toussaint’s perpetual deference to France and, most importantly, his insistence on having equality with whites. This demand for equality, Carruthers argues, was a desire for equal opportunity for Black people to be like whites and to uphold European ideals.189 This dislocated approach explains why Toussaint’s rule was a modified version of the colonial system and why he never removed whites from authoritative positions in Ayiti.190 In this way, Toussaint was chasing the phantom of liberty by negotiating with the French because he believed in their humanity while they did not. It is this blind belief in Europeans that would lead to Toussaint’s ultimate betrayal and downfall.191 It is not simply the attachment to the Enlightenment that limits

186 “Chapter III-The Evocation of the Genie,” The Irritated Genie: an essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: Kemetic Institute, 1985), pp. 21-23. 187 Ibid, pp. 24. 188 “Chapter V-The Phantom’s Masquerade,” The Irritated Genie: an essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: Kemetic Institute, 1985), pp. 46. 189 Ibid, pp. 50. 190 Ibid, pp. 49-51. 191 “Chapter VI-The Phantom vs. the Genie,” The Irritated Genie: an essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: Kemetic Institute, 1985), pp. 70-71 97

Toussaint. Rather it is his overall inability to see Europeans/whites themselves as the core problem.

It is then that Desalin would re-establish the spirit of Ogou in which Carruthers labels as the Irritated Genie. Carruthers points out that the two keys to the return of the Genie were the (1)

Battle at Crete-a-Pierrot and (2) Black Solidarity. The Battle at Crete-a-Pierrot was key because he re-established the ‘liberty or death’ ethos put forth by Mackandal and Bookman before him in the orientation of the masses.192 Furthermore, the basis of Desalin’s actions centered on

Black/Afrikan solidarity in the face of a common white/European enemy.193

Consequently, Carruthers argues that the orientation of the leadership and masses under

Desalin was no longer towards abstractions of “liberty, equality, and fraternity” but rather the concrete reality of Race Vindication.194 As stated before, unlike James and others, Carruthers understands the Afrikan Revolution as a race war, or rather, white domination versus Black liberation. Sadly, a limitation of Carruthers’ work is that he does not provide in-depth cultural epistemological evidence as Hutton did in his work. In other words, the racialization of culture, or rather overlap between race and culture, seems to limit his contextualization of this notion of

Irritated Genie. Therefore, Desalin is not ‘the darkness’ but rather the embodiment of the Afrikan spirit of Race Vengeance, which was the necessary orientation for the Afrikan people's liberation and independence in Ayiti.

192 Ibid, pp. 65-68. 193 “Chapter VII-Black vs. White,” The Irritated Genie: an essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: Kemetic Institute, 1985), pp. 77-79. 194 Ibid, pp. 83. 98

Another pivotal text that contributes to this study comes through the lens of Black

Psychology. It would be a disservice not to acknowledge and review The Island of Memes:

Haiti’s Unfinished Revolution by Dr. Wade W. Nobles. In this text, Nobles uses Black psychology and Afrikan historiography to analyze the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. From the realm of Black psychology, Nobles attempts in his text to highlight the Afrikan meaning of consciousness, which he sees as essential to the liberation of the Afrikan mind and the development, empowerment, and revitalization of Afrikan people across the globe. One can criticize the Eurocentric nature of psychology and the ongoing debate on whether scholars should throw “black” in front of an inherently European discipline in its conceptional construction. Nonetheless, Nobles takes time to explain his use of Black psychology. For instance, he states:

The African-centered psychologist must simultaneously understand the past, present, and future of Africa and Africa’s children and center the analytical, therapeutic process, and rehabilitative discourse in an African episteme and praxis. Using the Haitian Revolution as a case study exemplar, this manuscript examines Haiti at a critical period in time to discuss the role consciousness and identity played in its liberation struggle and the formation of nationhood.195

As a result, Nobles asserts that Black psychology, as an independent and authentic scientific discipline, is utilized to understand Afrikan people's minds who are struggling for liberation worldwide.196 Nobles articulate that due to Ayiti being the first independent nation in

Latin America and one of the first “black-led” republics in the western hemisphere, it has generated much animosity and jealousy from European nations. Since the inception of the first

195 Wade W. Nobles, “Introduction,” The Island of Memes: Haiti’s Unfinished Revolution, (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2015), p. 23 196 Ibid, p. 23-24. 99 empire of Ayiti, the nation has experienced foreign interference and political violence. He also argues that this resulted from many Europeans fear and insecurity around Ayiti’s Afrikan spiritual system and independence from white control.197

Nobles acknowledge that his text grew from his desire to understand the historical source and consequence of Ayiti’s history and Afrikan people's mentality. He explains that this case study can become an explanatory template for other Afrikan people throughout the Afrikan world.198 It is for this reason that Nobles applies Black psychology in his analysis of Ayitian reality. For instance, he states:

Black Psychology is essential to our understanding of the complexities and contradictions experienced as Haitian consciousness. The Island of Memes: Haiti’s Unfinished Revolution is more than the traditional psychohistory or historical narrative. This book is a radical blending of the historical birth of the first independent Black nation with innovative analyses of the roles of consciousness formation and fragmentation seen through the lens of Black psychology. The concept of Sakhu Sheti/Djaer199, as a further refinement and deeper extension of Black psychology’s African essence, is discussed extensively in the book.200

Scholars who deal with Afrikan languages, such as Ọbádélé Bakari Kambon, may take issue with Nobles use of the term/concept of a “meme” to describe Afrikan people’s application of symbols and images to convey feelings, words, and ideas. This critique is reasonable because many of the symbols, images, and words within Ayitian Vodun follow a similar construction within Afrikan traditions that can be seen as early as the writings within ancient Kemet.

197 Ibid, pp. 24. 198 Ibid. 199 Sakhu Sheti are two terms from the Medew Neter (Egyptian Hieroglyphs) in Kemet (Egypt). The word "Sahku" means 'understanding, the illuminator, the eye and the soul of the being, that which inspires.' "Sheti" means to go deeply into a subject. For further reading check out Seeking the Sakhu: Foundational Writings for an African Psychology by Wade Nobles. 200 Ibid, pp. 24-25. 100

Nonetheless, Nobles explains his use of a meme concept in chapter two, where he illustrates, through Black psychology, the damaging impact of European colonialism and chattel enslavement on the minds/consciousness of Afrikan people.201 He also defines the concept of the meme as a “sensoria-information structure or contagious information patterns that replicate by symbiotically infecting human minds and altering behavior causing them to propagate the pattern.”202 As a result, Nobles also introduces the idea of “memetic infection.”

He explains that these sensoria-information structures can be in the form of symbols, images, feelings, words, ideas, customs, practices, or any knowable and perceptible item/substance within a society's epistemology.203 This concept's most powerful application can be seen in chapter four, where Nobles interrogates the mental dialectic consciousness between the white masters who have European memetic ideations and the enslaved Afrikans who had

African memetic ideations. Nobles also take time to explore the essential role of African spirituality in Ayiti and the significance of the families of “nanchons” (nations), which he states were groupings of Afrikan spiritual forces that help formulate the consciousness of the Afrikan people and the Ayitian spirits in Ayiti. For example, Noble states:

As a Vodou ceremony, Bois Caïman would have been regulated by the spirits belonging to families of “nanchons” (nations) identified as Rada, Petro, Nago, Kongo, and Ghede. The Rada spirits (loa), whose color is white, are older and associated with the gods of Africa. The Rada loa include Legba, Luko, Ayizan, Anaisa, Pye, Damballah Vedo, ayida-Weddo, Erzulie Fredu, LA Sirene, and Agwe. The Petro loa, whose color is red includes Erzulie Dantor, Marinette, and Ogoun Kalfu. The Kongo loa are believed to originate from the Kongo region of Africa and include the Simbi loa thought to be from Nigeria and include the Ogoun spirits. Finally, the

201 “Chapter Two: Memetic Ideation and the Shattering of the African mind,” The Island of Memes: Haiti’s Unfinished Revolution, (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2015), p. 51-54. 202 Ibid, p. 26. 203 Ibid. 101

Ghede loa are the spirits of the dead, i.e., those who have lived already and have nothing to fear.204

Nobles’ deep analysis of the Afrikan family structure and its connection with Afrikan spirituality are helpful and will be utilized in the third part of chapter seven. This third section will specifically be looking at the maintenance and development of Afrikan Identity and

Spirituality in Ayiti. Another useful contribution by Nobles can be seen in his fifth and sixth chapters, where he discusses the cache of consciousness and personalities of pivotal architects

(such as Toussaint, Dessalines, Christophe, and Pétion) of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti.205

For instance, unlike James, Nobles provides a deeper analysis of Toussaint and reveals that

Toussaint did not abandon his Afrikan identity or culture despite his push to be seen as equals to the French. For instance, he states:

While Catholic, Toussaint did not abandon his father’s African cultural beliefs. David Geggus points out that Toussaint was probably fluent in the language of his Arrada father, i.e., Ewe-Fon and that he enjoyed using it to speak with members of his own ethnic group, which was very likely Arrada. We are also told that Toussaint, along with Dessalines, served the Voodoo Lwa, Papa Ogu-fe. The Ogou or Ogoun is a Nago Lwa of power.206

Nobles also highlight an important aspect of Jan-Jak Desalin's life that informed much of his personality. He explains that Desalin's story, “like those of all great and small black men,” could not be completely told without mentioning the women who shaped his life.207 Specifically, he mentions Abadaraya Victoria (Toya/Tante Toya) Mantou, who significantly impacted Desalin early life. According to authorities such as Bayinnah Bello and others, Tante Toya is said to be

204 “Chapter Four: Haiti’s Irritated Genie, Phantom of Liberty and Legacy of Memes: Revisiting the Alligator Swamp,” The Island of Memes: Haiti’s Unfinished Revolution, (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2015), p. 91. 205 Ibid, p. 27-28. 206 “Chapter Five: The Cache of Consciousness and the Haitian Revolution,” The Island of Memes: Haiti’s Unfinished Revolution, (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2015), pp. 107. 207 Ibid, p. 112. 102 an Afrikan warrior from Dahomey who was enslaved and is the one who would go on to adopt

Desalin after his mother's death. She would be the one to teach Desalin Afrikan combat arts

(Afrikan hand-to-hand combat, knife throwing, Tire Machèt, etc.) and how to be fearless.

Specifically, it is said that:

She was an extraordinary warrior, who commanded her own army and fought like her student, Dessalines, against the French in the Cahos Mountains of the Artibonite region. Dessalines’ love and respect for her were unending. She lived as part of Emperor Dessalines’ family until her death.208

This story further illuminates the essential aspects of Afrikan culture and tradition.

Specifically, Desalin and Toya's story illuminate Afrikan male-female relationships and familial structures consistent even within Afrikan spiritual systems. Further discussion on this shall be made later in chapter seven. Furthermore, Nobles' brief discussion of complementarity/balance between Desalin and his wife, Marie-Claire Heureuse Félicité Bonheur, shall be expanded upon and highlighted in chapter seven.

The final chapter of Nobles' text is of great importance and is the inspiration for the concluding chapter of this study titled “Birth of the Afrikan Nation of Ayiti and its Unfinished

Revolution.” In his final chapter, Nobles highlights the contemporary interplay of Ayiti's shattered African consciousness and fractured Black identity as a structural barrier to the success of Ayiti's enslaved Afrikans desire to be fully free and themselves.209 He discusses this contemporary legacy of the conflicting consciousness in Ayiti even after the aftermath of the

208 Ibid. 209 “Chapter Six: Tornadoes of the Mind-Revisiting the Unfinished Revolution,” The Island of Memes: Haiti’s Unfinished Revolution, (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2015), p. 129. 103

2010 earthquake on the island. Nobles point out that it is due to this framing that one will see that

Ayiti’s revolution remains unfinished. As a result, he introduces and proposes the ancient

Afrikan concept of serudja ta (restoration) as a template needed for the reciprocal rebirth/reparation of the Ayisyen citizen Afrikan character, psyche, and community. Nobles’ goes on to further elaborate on what he calls the “cache of consciousness” and states:

In understanding Haiti’s Cache of Consciousness, one has to also examine the African memetic cluster that constitutes the Haitian consciousness and mindset. The assaulted Africans of then Saint Dominque were primarily Dahomians, Igbo, Nago, Hausa, Aja, Ewe, and Fon from West Africa (currently, Benin, Togo, and Nigeria) and BaKongo and Mandingo from Central Africa (currently, Angola and Kongo). These West and Central Africans all carried beliefs (memetic clusters) in, for example, spirit beings who protect and guide the lives of the living. The memetic ideation of the ancient Fon Vodu, later became Haitian Voodoo, was grounded on the BaNtu- Kongo belief that diverse forces and waves of energy govern life surrounding humans.210

Overall, for Nobles, this retention of what he labels “Afrikan memetic ideations” is key to understanding Ayisyen and all diasporic Afrikan consciousness. He labels this notion as Afrikan memetic ideations, including the power of spirit, respect for Elders, personal responsibility, ancestor veneration, divine destiny, nommo (power of the word), and the meaning of being human as spirit/energy/power.211 An important note made by Nobles’ is his recognition of

Afrikan languages' importance and other Afrikan sources of knowledge. He explains that a full and accurate understanding of Afrikan experiences must be obtained using Afrikan language and logic.

Nobles' statement resonates with the objective of this study. Although the statement may seem simple, one must recognize the colonization that has been done to Afrikan minds. In fact,

210 Ibid, pp. 130-131. 211 Ibid, pp. 132. 104 according to Nobles, the colonization of Afrikan minds has been so pervasive that it is believed that a total appreciation of Afrikan experience, especially those expressed by the experience of

Ayisyen citizens, will only be attainable through the lens/prism of Afrikan epistemology.212 The following chapter shall now offer a timeline of Pan-Afrikan Resistance against enslavement in

Ayiti and other parts of the Caribbean and western hemisphere.

212 Ibid, pp. 132. 105

PART 2: TOWARD AN AFROCENTRIC INTERPRETATION OF THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI

CHAPTER 4

SURVEY OF AFRIKAN WAR & RESISTANCE IN THE AFRIKAN WORLD

"We must learn to live the African way. It's the only way to live in freedom and with dignity."213 -Thomas Sankara

The Continuum Pan-Afrikan Resistance & War The Afrikan revolution in Ayiti is one of the most successful and significant Afrikan wars against European enslavement. But it is important to emphasize that it was not the only successful Afrikan rebellion and war against European enslavement in the western hemisphere.

Nor was it the only successful Afrikan war in the long continuum and fight for Afrikan freedom against foreign imposition. One of the earliest examples drawn from Afrikan memories is the

HoA-xAst /Hyksos invasion of ancient Kmt/Kemet ("Land of Black People," e.k.a.

Ancient Egypt).

Most scholars state that the invasion began as early as 1720 to 1710 BCE, while others claim 1650 BCE. This period is significant because Kemet began to be invaded by people described as an obscure race (southwest Asian). At first, the Hyksos began to mix into Kemetic society but slowly gained power and eventually incited a coup that would divide the nation.214

213 Thomas Sankara's speech to the 39th plenary of the United Nations general assembly Thursday, 4 October 1984 214 The Hyksos were able to seize control at that time because they were able to take advantage of the end of the Theban 16th dynasty (dynasties tend to end if the Per aa has no successors to succeed them. An important 106

Molefi Kete Asante points out that the Kemetic people believed that the Hyksos conquest was a bitter humiliation, according to the records.215 The people of Kemet considered this invasion an embarrassment because, unlike their Assyrian and Persian rivals, the Hyksos were considered an

Asiatic nomad group with no significant Civilization to credit.216

The Hyksos would go on to conquer northern Kemet and make their people governmental officials. This course included even the highest position in Kemet society, the pr-aA /Per-aa

("Great House," e.k.a pharaoh). Asa G. Hilliard III makes an important note and states that "the

Hyksos had very little culture of their own and as a result, they readily adopted the Egyptian arts and customs and to some extent even the religion of the Egyptians."217 Nonetheless, as with any invader, the Hyksos did not understand Afrikan culture and destroyed many sacred Kemetic monuments/temples. As a result, the Hyksos produced distorted versions in their attempt to mimic Kemetic society. Hilliard reinforces this point stating:

The new Hyksos rulers took over the titles of the Egyptian kings, and like those kings referred to themselves as 'sons of Ra,' the ancient Egyptian solar god from whom all pharaohs claimed descent. Riefstahl also mentions that some scant remains show that the Hyksos added to and embellished some Egyptian temples, while they destroyed others.218

In response to this threat to Afrikan freedom, culture, and society, Per-aa

Seqenenre Tao/Seqenenre Tao II (aka Seqenera Djehuty-aa/Sekenenra Taa) and Queen

exception is the case of queen Hatshepsut who was not considered the end of the dynasty after her husband death because she fulfilled the role of Per aa until her son was of age). 215 Molefi Kete Asante, “Part II-The Age of Literacy: Chapter 5-Governance and Political Stability of Kemet,” The History of Africa: The Quest for Eternal Harmony, 2nd edition, (New York: Routledge, 2014), p. 43. 216 Ibid. 217 Asa G. Hilliard, “Chapter 6-Pedagogy in Ancient Kemet,” The Maroon Within Us Selected Essays on African American Community Socialization, (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 1995), p. 95. 218 Ibid. 107

Aahotep/Aahotep I, launched military initiatives to remove the Hyksos from Kemet.219 Later their first son, Ahmose/Kamose, would continue expelling the Hyksos and sought to extend his rule northward overall Lower Kemet. Kamose would sadly be met with Hyksos opposition and eventually would meet his physical end in battle. However, his mother, Aahotep I, and brother Ahmose/Ahmose I, continued the campaign against the Hyksos, eventually achieving victory.220 Rick Duncan provides more details on Ahmose I legacy and his family fight against the Hyksos, stating:

His mother Aahotep, who acted as Co-regent during the early part of his life instilled in him the culture and values of the old kingdom of Egypt. He also relied on the influence of his Nubian Queen, Ahmose Nefertari, and his grandmother Tetisheri, also a Nubian. He was honored throughout his reign, not only because he was a benevolent ruler who gave gifts and lands to many of his people, but for who he was. His grandfather, father, mother, and brothers had all died fighting against the 'foreign' Hyksos.221

As a legitimate Afrikan successor to the throne of Kemet, Ahmose I not only realized his ancestor's dream of reconquering Kemet but also restoring the nation to its former glory.

Interestingly, Kamose and Ahmose's campaigns against the Hyksos in Kemet are also an important parallel to Toussaint and Desalin (Dessalines) campaigns against the European powers in Ayiti. Ahmose continued the fight when Kamose fell, and in tandem, Desalin continued the fight when Toussaint fell. Despite the ideological differences they may have had as Afrikan leaders, these men continued the fight when the other fell to realize the inherited dream/goal of

Afrikan freedom that they were entrusted with from their people. Therefore, Afrikan resistance,

219 Rick Duncan, “Part Three: The Entrance of the ‘Other’ into Ourstory,” Man, Know Thyself Volume 1: Corrective Knowledge of Our Notable Ancestors, (Bloomington: Xlibris Publishing Company, 2013), p. 66. 220 Ibid, p. 66-67. 221 Ibid, p. 67. 108 whether in the past or present, must be looked at as a continuum of Pan-Afrikan resistance whenever Afrikan freedom, culture, and ontology (existence) are threatened.

Later, Ahmose son, Imn-htp/Amenhotep I (ca. 1525-1504 BCE) and grandson,

ḏḥwti-msi (e.k.a. Tuthmose I) (ca. 1506-1493 BCE) would continue the ancestral mission of securing the outer boundaries of Kmt/Kemet.222 But, it would be Ahmose's direct descendent,

HA.t-Sps.wt/ Hatshepsut (ca. 1503 BCE – 1482 BCE), who as Per-aa ensured that the

Afrikan people of Kmt/Kemet never forget the hated Hyksos who invaded their lands, looted temples and desecrated their sacred ancestral shrines.

Another example of early Afrikan resistance is the story of Kandake/Kandake (trans:

"sister of the king" Queen mother) Amanirenas/Amanirenas (ca. 60 BCE-10 BCE). Amanirenas was a powerful queen from the kingdom of KAS/Kush who was famous for leading the armies of

Kush against the Romans and defeating them. Because she was the ruler of KAS/Kush, she also held the title of Qore/Qore (king), as demonstrated in the full title of her royal name Amnirense qore li kdwe li/Amnirense qore li kdwe li. The Kandake Afrikan women of ancient Kush were known for leading armies and fierce Afrikan women warriors who were not to be trifled with.

The historical context in which her story emerges is critical when discussing the continuum of Afrikan resistance and warfare against foreign imposition. When the Roman

Empire conquered Kemet in 30 BCE, the Kushites responded by initiating attacks on Roman- controlled cities in Kemet. This incident would spark the early stages of a five-year war between

222 Molefi Kete Asante, “chapter 5: Governance and the Political Stability of Kemet,” The History of Africa: The Quest for Eternal Harmony 3rd edition, (New York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2019), p. 57. 109 the Kingdom of Kush and the Roman empire. Teriteqas/Teriteqas, the king of Kush, had sadly perished in battle during the conflict. His death left the responsibility to finish the war on

Kandake Amanirenas and her son, Prince Akinidad/Akinidad. From her throne in the capital city of Meroë, Amanirenas led the Kushites north to engage the Romans. Eventually, victory was achieved, the Roman were expelled, and the bronze head of emperor Augustus was transported to the Kush royal palace, where it was buried under the entrance. This action was a powerful insult and message to a nation that was considered the most powerful at the time. Jan-Jak Desalin and the Afrikan revolutionary army would make a similar insult centuries later after defeating the invading French expeditionary force.

Amanirenas, who was noted to have been blind in one eye, had much skill in laying sieges and seizing enemy forts in terms of her military prowess. It is said that around 25 BC,

Amanirenas and her army had severed the head of a statue depicting Roman emperor Augustus.

Neil Macgregor reinforces this when he states that Amanirenas even buried the severed head of

Rome proclaimed "glorious" emperor beneath the steps of a Kush temple in the great city of

Meroë.223 It is said that the head was buried beneath the temple as a dedication to the great victory that was won against the Romans. Macgregor acknowledges that this move by

Amanirenas was a superbly calculated insult because every Kush citizen "walking up the steps and into the temple would be crushing the Roman Emperor under their feet."224 Nevertheless,

Amanirenas defeated the "so-called" most powerful European empire of the ancient world in five

223 Neil Macgregor, “35. Head of Augustus: Bronze statue, found in Meroë (near Shendi), Sudan 27–25 BC,” A History of the World in 100 Objects, (New York: Viking Press, 2011), p. 224. 224 Ibid. 110 years (27 BCE-22 BCE) and forced Rome to make a peace settlement. Macgregor provides details of the famous aftermath stating:

But there was further humiliation to come. The indomitable (undefeatable) Candace sent ambassadors to negotiate the terms of a peace settlement. The case ended up before Augustus himself, who granted the ambassadors pretty much everything they asked for. He secured the Pax Romana, but at a considerable price.225

Other accounts provide further details of the account by describing how the Afrikan ambassadors from Kush passed a golden arrow bundle to Augustus. If Rome wanted peace, then the golden arrows were a token of her friendship and warmth, but they should keep the arrows because they would need them if they wanted war. This message reinforced the confidence of

Kush and highlighted the Afrikan context for war and peace. Jan-Jak Desalin would reciprocate this strategy after defeating the French. Accounts state that French general Donatien

Rochambeau, who was defeated and captured, offered Desalin his saber, who refused his offer.

Instead, Desalin told Rochambeau to run back to Europe to send a message warning all those who dared to set foot on Ayiti to enslave them.226

Another important example is the Afrikan Zanj revolt of 694 AD. This event was a major

Afrikan rebellion/uprising against the Abbasid Caliphate and Arabs in power within the city of

Basara/Basra (in present-day southern Iraq). The revolt was first sparked when enslaved

Afrikans near Basara were first organized under an Afrikan leader named Rabah Shir Zanji (the

"Lion of the Zanj"). They would rebel and overthrow the Arab enslavers who were in control.227

225 Ibid. 226 Bayinnah Bello, 1804: The Hidden History of Haiti, directed by Tariq Nasheed, (United States: King Flex Entertainment, 2017). 227 J. Benjamin, “Zanj (Zinj, Zang),” Encyclopedia of the African Diaspora: Origins, Experiences, and Culture · Volume 2, edited by Carole Boyce Davies, (Denver: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2008), p. 1001. 111

Years after Rabah Shir Zanji's revolt, between 869 and 883 AD, thousands of Afrikans in

Southern Iraq rose to continue the fight. Again, they would take up arms to overthrow the Arabs in power in what would later become known as the Zanj rebellion. After achieving victory, the

Afrikan fighters would declare their independence from the Abbasid Caliphate and control/operate the region as an independent state for 14 years.228

When examining this event, one finds another parallel between the Afrikan fight for freedom in Iraq and the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. Much like Zanji, the houngan François

Mackandal would help organize one of the earliest revolts in Ayiti. Years later, after Mackandal is captured and killed, Afrikans in Ayiti would again organize at the Vodou ceremony in Bwa

Kayiman and rise in the thousands to overthrow the French and other European invaders. When exploring even the success of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti and the establishment of the black empire of Ayiti, one can see another parallel with an earlier successful Afrikan revolt in India.

In 1486 Enslaved Afrikans under the leadership of a commander named Shahzada (later earned the title/name Barbak Shah) rebelled against the Indian power structure in Bengal (India) and achieved victory with a successful coup.229 As a result, they installed an Afrikan man named

Andil Shah (later assumed the name of Saifuddin Firuz Shah) as their new leader who would rule

Bengal as Sultan for three years from 1487-1490.230 After a successful rebellion, the installation of an Afrikan leader and a new state/order is important and a consistent theme when examining the continuum of Pan-Afrikan resistance against foreign enslavement. For example, after the

228 Ibid, p. 1002. 229 Everett Jenkins, “1486-1488,” Pan-African Chronology: A Comprehensive Reference to the Black Quest for Freedom in Africa, the Americas, Europe, and Asia Volume 1, (Jefferson: McFarland & Company, 2008), p. 17. 230 Ibid, p. 18. 112 success of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti, Dessalines would be installed as the new leader of the nation of Ayiti. Further examination of the establishment of Ayiti as an independent black/Afrikan nation will be made in the final chapter.

It is important to note that although there are numerous cases of successful Afrikan rebellions, the new leaders who are appointed or seize power in the aftermath tend to replicate or mimic the power structure of their oppressors. It is imperative now more than ever that Afrikan people also decolonize their minds and organize to build a society that is drawn from an Afrikan cultural and cosmological construction. Afrikan intellectuals such as Ama Mazama, Ọbádélé

Bakari Kambon, and others tell us that Afrikan people must begin to revisit and take on Afrikan names, languages, and other essential aspects needed to build a sustainable Afrikan system/government. These aspects are not cultural ornaments, but necessities needed to raise

Afrikan consciousness and maintain power. This understanding is required for a true Pan-

Afrikan revolution! It is easy to destroy, but building and sustaining the present generation for the future is the true challenge of any revolution or war.

The following section shall examine several cases of successful Afrikan revolts within the western hemisphere and Caribbean. Keen attention will be made to what sort of systems were established and maintained after victory was achieved. By examining those revolts' strengths and weaknesses and the systems that arose in the aftermath, Afrocologists will have a chronological guide/blueprint. This blueprint would help create whatever organized system is needed for the future in the fight against European/white global supremacy.

Pan Afrikan Resistance in the Western Hemisphere

113

Many intellectuals consider the Afrikan revolt in 1791 on the island of Ayiti as the most spectacular of the Afrikan revolts and wars to emerge in the Western Hemisphere. Predated by years of attacks by enslaved Afrikans and free Afrikan Mawons (Maroons) on European- controlled plantations, the 1791 revolt represented Afrikan warfare's culmination. Afrikan warfare against foreign imposition is a necessary act that Afrikan people have initiated since ancient times. More attention is now being given specifically to the numerous revolts initiated by enslaved Afrikans living in parts of North and South America. For instance, many scholars do not note the initial Afrikan resistance in the American Colonies around 1526. It is important and interesting to note that just four years before Enslaved Afrikans in Ayiti staged one of the initial uprisings in the western hemisphere.

Nonetheless, during 1526, Spanish colonists led by the racist European conquistador

Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon had left on an expedition from Ayiti, which was still colonized by

Spain and renamed Hispaniola. Ayllon invaded the region, massacred many of the region's original inhabitants, and would go on to build the community of San Miguel de Gualdape in what is now South Carolina.231 Vasquez de Ayllon and other migrating European colonizers brought along enslaved Africans, the first group of enslaved Afrikans in the present-day United

States.

These enslaved Afrikans, who were still in tune with themselves, decided to flee Ayllon's colony and make their homes with the local Guale people, who were the original inhabitants in

231 Barbara A. Faggins, “Introduction,” Africans and Indians: An Afrocentric Analysis of Contacts Between Africans and Indians in Colonial Virginia, (New York: Routledge, 2001), p. 10 114 this region. After joining the Guale, both groups organized a collaborated and successful rebellion that ultimately destroyed San Miguel de Gualdape.232 In 1531, enslaved Afrikans in

Colombia would also destroy the Spanish-controlled town of Santa Marta. Ironically by 1542, the Afrikan population in Ayiti. It may not be farfetched to state that there may have been an underground or spiritual communication network amongst the Afrikans who were resisting during the period of the European slave trade.

For instance, between 1550 and 1552, Nicaragua, Peru, Venezuela, and Panama all experience one of their first enslaved Afrikan revolts/insurrections. One of the most notable revolts is the one that would occur in Panama in 1552. This revolt was led by a powerful Afrikan warrior named Bayano (Ballano/Vaino), who would later help create an Afrikan society/maroon settlement in eastern Panama. By 1570 the colonists establish and recognize this Afrikan society as the town of Santiago del Principe.233

1570 was also significant because at the same time Santiago del Principe was established in Panama, the great Afrikan leader Gaspar Yanga led the first successful enslaved Afrikan uprising in colonial Mexico and later also established one of the first Afrikan/black settlements

232 Jane Landers, “Chapter 7: The African Landscape of Seventeenth-Century Cartagena and Its Hinterlands,” in The Black Urban Atlantic in the Age of the Slave Trade, edited by Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, Matt D. Childs, and James Sidbury, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, Inc., 2013), p. 148 233 Jordi Tresserras, Tomas Mendizabal, Ricardo Piqueras, Javier Laviña, Marta Hidalgo, “Afrocolonial Archaeology in Panama: La Villa de Santiago del Principe, the first free African peoples of the Americas,” The 80th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, (San Francisco, California: 2015), https://core.tdar.org/document/396148/afrocolonial-archaeology-in-panama-la-villa-de-santiago-del-principe-the- first-free-african-peoples-of-the-americas. 115 in the Americas. Ryan Hope Travis gives a breakdown of Yanga background and significance, stating that:

Gasper Yanga (aka Nyanga) was the leader of a Maroon society that remains the only fully successful example of revolt and resistance known in the history of Africans in Mexico. The enslaved secured their freedom by revolt and later negotiated to have their freedom sanctioned and guaranteed by law. Theirs became the first free black town in Mexico, making this one of the most remarkable accounts of resilience in Mexico's history.234

The situation of Yanga and the establishment of the Afrikan society in Mexico bring to memory the account of Queen Nanny and the Afrikan Windward Maroon society in Jamaica.

This Afrikan maroon society later got sanctioned after a treaty was signed and became recognized as Moore Town (formerly New Nanny Town) in 1740. An interesting note made by

Khanye Tsebo was that several accounts believe that Yanga was a royal family member and is originally from Gabon.235

Tsebo highlights that Yanga was one of the many Afrikans enslaved in the 1500s and brought to Mexico to work on profitable sugar plantations and silver mines.236 It would not take long for enslaved Afrikans to plan and initiate a series of revolts. By the 1560s, Yanga emerged as a leader for many of the increasing Afrikan uprisings and strategically decided, with a small group, to create a haven for enslaved Afrikans in the mountains of Mexico. Travis provides further details on the Afrikan society that Yanga and his group created in the mountains. For instance, he states:

234 Ryan Hope Travis, “Gasper Yanga’s Maroon Society, Veracruz, Mexico,” The SAGE Encyclopedia of African Cultural Heritage in North America, edited by Mwalimu J. Shujaa and Kenya J. Shujaa, (Los Angeles: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2015), p. 419. 235 Khanye Tsebo, “Gaspar Yanga,” From Africa To America To the World, (Morrisville: Lulu Press, 2019), p. 221. 236 Ibid, p. 222. 116

In 1570 Yanga led a bloody rebellion in the sugarcane fields of Veracruz, Mexico. With his militia of runaway enslaved African (maroons), Yanga moved to the mountains and created an independent subsistence community. The Maroons planted corn, squash, tobacco, and other crops in large fields. They also maintained animal husbandry for meat. The colony secured other provisions by raiding Spanish caravans. Yanga's settlement of runaway enslaved Africans (in Spanish a Palenque) evolved into a small town with an estimated 60 households, composed of both Africans and indigenous Mexicans. They flourished for nearly four decades.237

As Yanga grew in age (transitioning into elderhood), he would give military control to his trusted Angolan war captain, Francisco de la Matiza.238 Yanga most likely made this move to focus on the everyday affairs of maintaining the various institutions and programs within the community. Travis also makes another important note about Yanga becoming a spiritual leader in the community. He states that Yanga "retained many of his African religious traditions and incorporated them with Catholicism elements that he most likely learned in the Americas."239

However, one must critique this idea of incorporation or syncretism between Afrikan spiritual systems and Catholicism. Yanga and other enslaved Afrikans utilized this incorporation to hide and guard their Afrikan spiritual systems under heavy attack.

As one can already see, the establishment of free Afrikan societies, or what many scholars call "maroon communities,"240 is not new. The establishment of free Afrikan societies

237 Ibid, “Gasper Yanga’s Maroon Society, Veracruz, Mexico,” The SAGE Encyclopedia of African Cultural Heritage in North America, edited by Mwalimu J. Shujaa and Kenya J. Shujaa, (Los Angeles: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2015), p. 420. 238 Ibid. 239 Ibid. 240 The institution of European slavery was threatened when large groups of Afrikans escaped to geographically secluded regions to form Afrikan communities/societies, often referred to as maroon communities. Such communities were established throughout the Americas, particularly in the Caribbean and Brazil. But it is important to note that as Afrocologists the term “maroon” has issues if one were to unpack the etymology of the word. The term entered the English language in the 1590s from the French adjective marron (meaning feral or fugitive). The term source is also derived from the Spanish word cimarrón that was used to describe runaway enslaved Afrikans and the Afrikan communities they established. For further reading check out Richard Price text, Maroon Societies: rebel slave communities in the Americas (1973) and Alvin O. Thompson, Flight to Freedom: African runaways and maroons in the Americas (2006). 117 by runway enslaved Afrikans is a consistent theme during the era of the European slave trade.

For example, Afrikans in Colombia established San Basilio de Palenque, one of the first free

Afrikan communities still in existence. This society was founded by a great Afrikan leader and king named Benkos Biohó. It is said that Biohó, much like Yanga, was also born from a royal family that ruled one of the many regions in the Kingdom of Kongo (currently Angola, DR of

Congo, Republic of Congo, and Gabon).241 Under Biohó leadership, the Afrikan resistance inspired a fifty-year Afrikan revolt that lasted from 1621-1671. Further details reveal that after

Biohó was captured and hanged in 1619, the Afrikans in Palenque still resisted.242

A similar case to the construction of the Afrikan Palenque society would occur in Brazil around 1602. The first enslaved Afrikans are said to have arrived in Brazil around 1552, and by

1580 there were no fewer than 10,000 Afrikans.243 As a result, by the early 1600s, Portuguese settlers complained to the government that their Afrikan captives were running away into an inaccessible region and building mocambos (small Afrikan communities).244 From about 1602 to

1694, this Afrikan "Republic of Palmares," which regrouped about 30,000 Africans, would begin to lead several attacks against white European colonists in Brazil. Thus, the Afrikan independent state known as Quilombo dos Palmares in Portuguese Brazil's interior continued to blossom in

241 Elisa Larkin Nascimento, “Chapter 1,” Pan-Africanism and South America Emergence of a Black Rebellion, (Buffalo: Afrodiaspora Inc., 1980), p. 37. 242 Ronald Young, “King Benkos Bioho (d. 1619),” Encyclopedia of Slave Resistance and Rebellion Volume 1, edited by Junius P. Rodriquez, (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2007), p. 57. 243 R.K. Kent, “Chapter 11: Palmares An African State in Brazil,” Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas, edited by Richard Price, (New York: Anchor Press, 1973), p. 110. 244 Ibid. 118 growth by 1630. Palmares had a population of about 20,000 to 30,000 Afrikan people from various backgrounds and tongues at its height.245

Upon closer examination, one will find that Palmares was truly an Afrikan society built by Afrikan people. The people communally raised chickens, grew crops (sugarcane, manioc, etc.), fished, hunted game, mined, and other necessities they could gather or utilize from nature.246 However, the true power of Quilombo dos Palmares as an Afrikan nation lies in the fact that is:

One of many settlements that the blacks could create their own way of living, worship their African Gods with no fear and create an effective defense system that would protect them from the numerous Portuguese invasions. They had a strong leader who brought them together to defeat attacks and maintain the Quilombos dos Palmares standing for over ninety years with over 30,000 Quilombolas.247

These facts explain one of the major reasons why so many European punitive expeditions were sent out to destroy Palmares. Despite these close threats, the Afrikans in Palmares resisted by relocating entire villages (which they could do so easily due to knowledge of the terrain), ambushed their enemies during their long march from the coast, constructed traps, and created fortifications around the villages.248 By the 1670s Portuguese intensified their attacks, and it is around this period where two renowned Afrikan leaders would rise.

245 Mark G. Jaede, “Palmares,” Encyclopedia of Slave Resistance and Rebellion Volume 2, edited by Junius Rodriquez (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2007), p. 367. 246 Ibid, p. 369 247 Ajayi Tayo Julius, “Chapter 3: The African Returnees from Brazil and the Politics of Post-Slavery Migration,” Contextualizing Africans and Globalization Expressions in Sociopolitical and Religious Contents and Discontents, edited by Gbola Aderibigbe, Rotimi Williams Omotoye, and Lydia Bosede Akande, (New York: Lexington Books, 2016), p. 32. 248 Ibid, (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2007), p. 369. 119

The first was king Nganga Nzumbi (Ganga Zumba), who reigned in the first half of the

1970s. According to sources Nzumbi, much like Toussaint in Ayiti, believed he could negotiate and make peace with his European oppressors.249 To no surprise, the Portuguese would not hold on to this deal, and Nzumbi was forced to surrender. Taking his place to fill the vacuum was king

Zumbi, the last and most famous Palmares leader. Like Dessalines, Zumbi had the theological clarity to understand who his enemy was and what they could accomplish as Afrikan people. He was born in 1655 in Palmares but was captured by Portuguese raiders when he was still an infant.250 Being raised by a Portuguese priest, Zumbi saw firsthand the mental and physical abuse caused by the Portuguese.

As a result, he fled back to Palmares around 1670, where he would retake his true name and rise to become war captain in 1673. By 1677 Zumbi would become a village leader and a commander of an entire Quilombo unit/militia.251 Zumbi opposed King Ganga's treaty and foresaw that the Portuguese would ultimately betray him. When Ganga first departed to meet with Portuguese officials, Zumbi quickly seized power and replaced him. He established himself as the newly appointed leader and would reign until 1694.252 During the first few years of his reign, Zumbi led massive attacks against nearby and encroaching Portuguese plantations. Despite being put on the defensive decades later in 1690, Zumbi fought to the bitter end to maintain the

Afrikan nation of Palmares and is still honored, as well as remembered, by the millions of

Afrikan descendants in Brazil today.

249 Ibid. 250 Ibid, p. 370. 251 Ibid. 252 Ibid. 120

Ironically in 1675, another situation was bubbling in the Caribbean. During this period, a small number of escaping West Afrikans are shipwrecked on the island of St. Vincent. Soon after their escape, they establish a link with the local Carib people and Afrikans already present in the region. Decades later, around 1750, the escaped Africans who had settled on St. Vincent intermarried with the Carib people and became the Garifuna (Garinagu/Black Caribs) people.253

By 1750 the Garifuna are the most dominant population in St. Vincent. Sadly, the island is still officially controlled by the French.

Nonetheless, the Garifuna did not sit by and allow European forces to seize their freedom during the formative years. An Afrikan Garifuna named Joseph Chatoyer (aka Satuye) would rebel against the British in the First Carib War (1769-1773).254 The results of the war would force the British to sign a treaty with the Garifuna. The late 1770s truly was another beacon for intense Afrikan resistance and organization against the European plantations in the Caribbean.

Specifically, the Bwa Kayiman (Bois Caïman) Vodou ceremony is initiated on the night of

August 4th, 1791.

The event was presided by the great Afrikan Mambo Cécile Fatiman and Hougan Dutty

Boukman. This event would spark the major phase of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. A few years later, back in St. Vincent, between 1795 and 1797, the 2nd Carib war against the British would be fought.255 This second revolt would be initiated by Chatoyer (Satuye) Garifuna forces in a major attempt to expel both British and French forces. Satuye and his forces were able to

253 Wanjiru Uhuru, “Chapter One,” Mangrove Roots Chronicles, (United States: Xlibris publishing, 2003), p. 18 254 Laurent Dubois and Richard Lee Turtis, “Chapter 1: The Indigenous Caribbean,” Freedom Roots Histories from the Caribbean, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019), p. 50. 255 Ibid. 121 exhaust and defeat the British successfully. Unfortunately, French reinforcements were able to suppress and end the resistance. In the aftermath, nearly 5,000 Black/Afrikan Garifuna migrate to

Honduras with the intent of reestablishing their settlements for the goal of Afrikan freedom and agency.

Upon closer examination of Garifuna culture, there is no doubt that this is an Afrikan constructed society. This claim is reinforced by Sabas Whittaker, who points out that Garifuna culture displays a strong Afrikan heritage and tradition. Whittaker reinforces that much of the

Garifuna culture incorporates Afrikan traditions despite mixing with Carib people.256

Furthermore, he states:

The Garifuna culture displays many influences of its Afrikan heritage. This is extremely evident when comparing their music with the indigenous music of the African societies from which their ancestors originated.257

Most enslaved Afrikans were taken from West Africa and areas further south, such as the

Congo and Angola. Suppose one were to listen to the Garifuna people's music, they will note that much like in Afrika, the music's construction remains the same. In that case, they too rely heavily on nommo258 (power of words/to make one drink ) call and response, as well as Afrikan ancestral veneration. They also have a series of Afrikan rites of passage initiations and rituals, which are

256 Sabas Whittaker, M.F.A., “Who Really Are the Garifuna,” Africans in the Americas Our Journey Throughout the World: The Long African Journey Throughout the World Our History a Short Stop in the Americas, (New York: iUniverse, Inc., 2003), p. 202. 257 Ibid, p. 203. 258 Nommo is an ancient Afrikan concept from the Dogon and are the ancestral spirits of the people. It is a Dogon word that means “to make one drink” and places emphasis on the power of words which can either create harmony/balance in the face of disharmony/chaos. Molefi Kete Asante, PhD utilizes nommo as an Afrocentric term that can identify the power of the word to generate or create reality. He characterizes nommo as the process undertaken in the community to foster transformation in that community by naming the current reality and re- imagining a future for Afrikan people. For further reading check out Asante text, The Afrocentric Idea (1987). 122 key aspects in the Afrikan cosmological construction of life (circle of life). Evidence of this case is provided when one examines the drum style and tradition of the Garifuna, where three drummers (who are initiated) are called to play the sacred music in reverence to the gubida (ancestral spirits).

Further evidence can be found in the town of Dangriga, which is the center of Belize's

Garifuna community. In this region, the Garifuna have a major ceremony called Settlement Day, which reenacts their Afrikan ancestors' arrival.259 Some of the people participating in the ceremony would row in from the ocean in dugout canoes. Much of the cargo is the same as their

Afrikan ancestors and includes cooking tools, drums, cassava roots, and young plants/herbs.

After examining these few cases, Africologists and other scholars must continue to look deeply at the Afrikan revolts that occurred in the western hemisphere. Furthermore, scholars must also make the connections between the Afrikan revolts in the Americas to those occurring in other parts of the globe. One reason is that these consistent cases illuminate how enslaved

Afrikans organized, strategized, and initiated attacks that devastated white European settlements.

These brave Afrikans who fought with their lives revealed to the world the fury and consequences that would occur when one dares to deny Afrikan people their freedom and agency. Scholars estimate that over 10,000 enslaved and free Afrikans in America were killed in the numerous uprisings and revolts in the south and small parts of the north. Though some of

259 Nancie Gonzalez, “Garifuna,” in Encyclopedia of World Cultures, edited by James W. Dow and Robert Van Kemper, (New York: G.K. Hall, 1995), p. 113-115. 123 these moves were stamped out, these rebellions set in motion events that culminated in the

Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti

Because of the Afrikan Revolution's success in Ayiti, the French were forced to sell/ceded their colonial territory to the United States. Before 1791 many European powers thought it was unthinkable for France to cede any valuable colonial territories. Furthermore, due to the massive losses the French were taking in Ayiti, Napoleon would attempt to reintroduce slavery on the neighboring island of Guadeloupe in 1802. In response, an Afrikan rebellion led by Louis Delgrès and La Mulâtresse Solitude would be initiated.260 Solitude's story is truly powerful amongst Afrikan people because she joined the fight despite being pregnant. During the various fierce battles, witnesses state that she was a fearless and fierce Afrikan warrior. She would push herself and her womb to the utmost limit even after being captured because she understood it was liberty or death.

These numerous factors forced the French to sell their territories, which expanded the

European/white enslavement system in the United States. Most importantly, the Afrikan

Revolution results in Ayiti installed a great fear in the hearts of whites, leading to great racial instability. These events would eventually culminate and spark the American Civil War fought from 1861 to 1865. While the Europeans/whites in the United States were fighting amongst themselves, free and enslaved Afrikan people took advantage of the opportunity to free their loved ones and others.

260 Catherine Reinhardt, “Chapter 1- Slavery and Commemoration: Remembering the French Abolitionary Decree 150 Years Later,” Memory, Empire, and Postcolonialism: Legacies of French Colonialism, edited by Alec G Hargreaves, (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2005), pp. 33. 124

Specifically, many Afrikan men enlisted in the armed forces of the Union (North) with the intent to free family and friends who were still in bondage. One significant and rare case is

Harriet Tubman, who was already engaged in freeing and assisting runaway enslaved Afrikans in the south. At the time of the American Civil War, Tubman would serve as a Union spy and soldier. She used her military position to lead the famous Combahee Ferry Raid, in which she freed more than 700 enslaved Afrikans. Tubman follows in the footsteps and tradition of other

Afrikan women warriors who resisted European enslavement. Due to this event, Tubman would become one of the first women in the United States to lead an armed military operation and unit.

One can connect her actions and other women warriors in Ayiti such as Toya Montou, Marie-

Jeanne Lamartiniére, or Sanité Bélair.

The connection is truly strong when one compares Tubman and Lamartiniére in terms of their roles in the fight for Afrikan freedom. For instance, Lamartiniére was an Afrikan maroon, a lieutenant in Desalin (Dessalines) army, and an extraordinary spy. Along with her espionage skills and being a sharpshooter, she became famous at the major battle of Crête-à-Pierrot, where she led a small unit of female warriors dressed in mamlouk outfits to sneak into the fort to boost the morale of the troops. Ultimately, after achieving victory and Ayiti becomes an independent

Afrikan/black nation, Lamartiniére would become the head of emperor Desalin's imperial spy and imperial security office. Further examination of Lamartiniére and other Afrikan women warriors who fought in Ayiti during the revolution will be made later.

Learning from the Ancestors & the Current State of Pan-Afrikan Resistance

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The ancestors of Afrikan people fought with their lives to achieve freedom for themselves and their future descendants. Furthermore, they organized intending to build and maintain an Afrikan nation, society, or community. They did so to stand on their grounds as a people and navigate life trials through their Afrikan epistemological core. They fought, built, and maintained for as long as they could in the face of extreme fear. They overcame fear because they had the ideological clarity to understand themselves as Afrikan people and who their enemies were. Furthermore, they utilized their Afrikan spiritual and cosmological systems to maintain their sanity, or rather balance,

The resurgence of the Black Lives Matter movement after the murder of George Floyd on

May 25th, 2020, as well as the murder of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, Oluwatoyin Salau, and countless others before and since then have once again created an environment of extremely high levels of fear in the United States. Much like during the fall of Rome, the United States has not fully utilized the power of entertainment (sports, concerts, clubs, etc.) due to the novel

COVID-19 virus and government-sanctioned quarantines and lockdowns. As a result of the lack of distractions caused by western media/entertainment, many dislocated Afrikan people in the

United States and abroad were forced to remove the white veil of ignorance once again created by "Agency Reduction Formation"261 to deal with the reality of perceived global white supremacy.

261 Agency Reduction Formation is a theory and concept developed by Michael Tillotson, PhD. It is described as the systems of thought that distracts, neutralizes, or reduces the need and desire for assertive collective agency by Afrikans. For further reading on this concept check out Tillotson text titled: Invisible Jim Crow Contemporary Ideological Threats to the Internal Security of African Americans. 126

The late renowned Dr. Frances Cress Welsing noted that an extremely high-level fear and a profound sense of vulnerability in one's existence could lead the human brain into what she describes as ineffectual patterns of circular thought.262 Circular thought is explained as moving from a problem perception, then away from a problem solution or going down a divisionary path, and finally back to problem perception. Furthermore, Welsing states:

In such cases, problems perceived are avoided and never solved. This is in direct contrast to effective patterns of direct linear thought that move continuously forward in straight-line progress, from problem perception and depth analysis to proposed conclusive modes of problem solution. This holds for individuals as well as collectives. The sense of powerlessness evolves out of fear and vulnerability and, with its imposed patterns of circular (as opposed to linear) thought, sets the stage for mental (behavioral and emotional) illness, which is always seen at levels of increased incidence amongst oppressed populations.263

The major argument Welsing makes is that people worldwide live under the power of a global white supremacy system of total oppression and domination. Thus, this implies the absence of Afrikan people's true power to determine what happens to their individual and collective lives.264 She recognizes that this is the major and only problem facing Afrikan/black people and all other non-white/European peoples worldwide. As a result, Welsing takes time to explain why Afrikan people are classified as Black and non-white. Most importantly, this

European strategy set Afrikan people and other non-white/European groups specifically in oppositional contrast to, and in conflict with, white skin European people's genetic reality.265

262 Frances Cress Welsing, “Chapter 12: Black Fear and the Failure of Black Analytical (Ideological) Commitment (June 1979),” The Isis (Yssis) Papers: The Keys to the Colors, (Chicago: Third World Press, 1991), p. 153. 263 Ibid. 264 Ibid, p. 154 265 Ibid. 127

Welsing explains that because of this frightening and painful reality, Afrikans, especially in the United States, succumb to circular thought. As a result, there is not only a failure to approach problem-solving but there is a stubborn refusal by dislocated Afrikan people to even look directly at the problem. Ama Mazama reinforces this point but takes it a step further when developing the cognitive hiatus theory. Ama Mazama defines cognitive hiatus as a break in the continuity of logical reasoning. Simply put, it is a missing logical step in one's thinking.

Cognitive hiatus is easily recognizable in individuals because it produces discursive and behavioral incoherence.

Therefore, the purpose of the concept is to account for the discursive and behavioral contradictions among Afrikans who seem or claim to be conscious of the need for Afrikans to protect themselves from the ill effects of white racial supremacy.266 Mazama utilizes Welsing's definition and understanding of racism/white racial supremacy because they both understood this was a global, terroristic power system that rested on white racism and is fueled by Europeans fears of white genetic annihilation.

But Mazama would come to realize that when faced with this evil, some Afrikan people tend to display three different types of reaction: denial, resistance, and rationalization.267

Mazama sees that the latter is relatively rare because a few Afrikans would openly argue that

Afrikan people are inferior to Europeans and deserve all their self-granted privileges. She later finds that the most common response by these types of Afrikan people is a denial of white racial

266 Ama Mazama, “Cognitive Hiatus and the White Validation Syndrome: An Afrocentric Analysis,” Black/Africana Communication Theory, ed. Kehbuma Langmia, (Washington, DC: Palgrave Macmillan Imprint, 2018), p. 25-26. 267 Ibid, p. 26. 128 supremacy. Therefore, it is imperative to study the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti and other Afrikan resistance movements because the Afrikan ancestors who fought were not confused. As stated, before they had the theological clarity to understand themselves and their enemy through their culture, epistemological knowledge, and the Afrikan spiritual, cosmological systems they created to maintain their agency/power. In other words, they knew not only to destroy the threats that would diminish their lives but also to build and maintain whatever institution, space, community, or nation/society was needed to preserve Afrikan freedom/agency.

Once Afrikan people can kill the white person inside their minds and hearts, then and only then will they truly be able to return to themselves without confusion. The situation for

Afrikan people dealing with global white supremacy metaphorically is like a game of chess.

Imagine, for instance, what if the game is changed or rather reversed in the chess match against global white supremacy so that the black piece has the first move? What would be the result of this change in the so-called rules that were established by the powerful?

The results would be a deep psychological shift where instead of operating in a reactionary mode, Afrikan people would be the initiators and their shot callers on the global human chessboard. It is not a farfetched notion to consider when one recalls the ancient world. A time in which early powerful Afrikan Nile Valley Civilizations would influence other societies and nations worldwide. History shows that Afrikan people in the ancient world held a very different position on the world stage. We must recognize that this is a reality that is becoming more apparent today.

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For Afrikan people to engage in reverse chess, the focus must be turned within. In other words, there must be a focus on attaining one's true Afrikan self and community. Black people worldwide must begin to tap their own unique Afrikan "epistemological culture brand of mastery," and the world would have to react, i.e., adjust to this new position. To implement this reverse chess strategy, one needs organization, a philosophy for ideological commitment, and a spiritual system to unite the people. The Vodun ceremony conducted by Afrikan organization experts Cécile Fatiman and Dutty Boukman is an excellent example. They organized several dozen dedicated Afrikans around the island to plan in secret a resistance that would lead to their freedom.

Today, the best comparison to these two great organization experts is Per aa Ama

Mazama, the founder and leader of Afrocentricity International (AI) and Molefi Kete Asante, the co-founder and International Organizer. After studying many Afrikan resistance movements

(such as the one in Ayiti) and examining various black nationalist and Pan-Afrikan organizations, Ama Mazama and Molefi Kete Asante created an organization that could address the economic, cultural, and educational elevation of Afrikan people across the globe to create a true Afrikan cultural consciousness. Mazama reinforces AI mission by stating:

Afrocentricity International supports the economic, cultural, and educational elevation of African people in an effort to create cultural consciousness. Its method is Afrocentric and Pan African, participating at the national and international levels in the creation of an advanced cadre of individuals whose aim is to bring into existence an African renaissance. Its members are committed to do all that they can to encourage the rise of African consciousness and the creation of the United States of Africa in order to give back to Africa its greatness and sacredness. The motto of the organization is 'Unity is our Aim, Victory is our Destiny!' May each one in the world be free from oppression and free to exist on their own terms for if a few try to oppress the

130 majority, and try to suppress it, insanity and violence are bound to be present in the world. Afrocentrists, in the spirit of Maat, seek peace, harmony, justice, order, balance, and truth.268

Mwalimu and Kenya Shujaa also support and reinforce AI's mission by pointing out that there has been no global organization uniting Afrikan people worldwide since the Universal

Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) founded by the great ancestor Marcus Garvey. As a result, Afrikan women and men worldwide remain in a constant state of isolation and dislocation.

Moreover, they go on to state that this isolation and dislocation:

Prevents global networking, widespread solidarity, sharing of resources and ideas, and the emergence of a united voice. This set of conditions has ultimately led to individual and collective vulnerability and discouragement. This realization led Molefi Kete Asante and Ama Mazama to create Afrocentricity International, Inc. The organization was incorporated in the United States in January 2011 in the state of Pennsylvania.269

Since its inception in 2011, the organization has continued to grow with 36 chapters across the globe and all the chapters tackle AI four major axes of action: Intellectual, political, economic, and spiritual. This organization's power lies in its clear mission. Each chapter has its own unique "Afrikan epistemological culture brand of mastery" to address the challenges faced by Afrikan people in their region. As Afrocentricity International grows, expands, and gains influence as an organization, they must also create a separate militant underground self-defense branch that can operate in the shadows to protect Afrikan people. This Afrikan defense force would also protect the institutions, programs, and other Afrocentric organizations. One similar example of this solution is Jomo Kenyatta and the Kenya African Union (KAU).

268 Ama Mazama, “The Mission of Afrocentricity International,” Dyabukam: Afrocentricity International webpage, December 30, 2014, https://dyabukam.com/index.php/en/afrocentricity-en/mission, (June 22, 2020). 269 Ama Mazama, “Afrocentricity International,” in The SAGE Encyclopedia of African Cultural Heritage in North America, edited by Mwalimu J. Shujaa & Kenya J. Shujaa (Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2015), p. 2. 131

In 1945, nationalists like Jomo Kenyatta pressed the British government in vain and on deaf ears for the Afrikan people's political rights and land reforms in the region. Kenyatta and the

KAU were petitioning for the valuable holdings in the cooler highlands to be redistributed to the

Afrikan people. When the British Government refused to budge, Afrikan organizers and activists within the KAU set up a splinter group known as the Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA), also known as the Mau Mau270and organized a more militant form of black nationalism. As a result, by 1952, Kikuyu fighters, the Embu, Meru, and other Afrikan recruits began attacking political opponents (who supported the British) and raiding white settler farms to destroy their livestock.

The Mau Mau were able to do this because their supporters and members took oaths binding them to their cause. Much like the oaths made between Jan-Jak Desalin and his top lieutenants at a secret vodou ceremony in Artibonite before the final phases of the revolution in

Ayiti. As Afrocentricity continues to grow and push for the formation of a United States of

Afrika, it will be necessary for them to truly develop a side branch organization where members will be trained in Afrikan martial arts & warfare, how to utilize firearms, conduct espionage, and other essential military techniques that will be needed to achieve victory. The time will come when Afrikans will come together to achieve victory, but the fight to liberate Afrikan minds must continue until then.

270 The KLFA aka Mau was comprised by mostly the Kikuyu, Meru, and Embu people. The Mau Mau also comprised units of Kamba and Maasai peoples who fought against white European colonist-settlers in Kenya, the British Army, and the local Kenya Regiment (British colonists, local auxiliary militia, and pro-British dislocated Kikuyu people). For further reading check out Bayo J Adekson article "The Algerian and Mau Mau Revolts: A Comparative Study in Revolutionary Warfare" and the text Mau Mau and Kenya by Wunyabari O. Maloba.

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Table 1. Chronology of Afrikan War & Resistance Against Foreign Imposition Year Description of Event Event Subject Nation/Country c. 1650 Ancient Kmt/Kemet began to be invaded The Hyksos Ancient Kmt BCE by foreigners of an uncertain/unique race Invasion of /Kemet (Egypt) known as the Hyksos (Asiatic/mixed West ancient Kemet Asian people). Per aa (Pharaoh), Seqenenre Tao I and Queen Ahhotep I, began initiatives to remove the Hyksos from Kemet and power. Later their first son, Kamose, sought to extend his rule northward over all of Lower Kemet, but he was met with much opposition. He was killed in a battle, and his mother, Ahhotep I, and brother Ahmose I continued the campaign against the Hyksos. c. 28-24 When the Roman Empire conquered Kush Five Ancient Kemet BCE Kemet in 30 BCE, the Kushites later Year War to and Lower responded by initiating attacks on Roman- Expel the Nubia occupied cities in Kemet. This incident Roman Empire would spark the early stages of a five-year conflict between Kush and the Roman empire. Amanirenas led the Kushites north to engage the Romans. Eventually, victory was achieved, the Romans were defeated, and the bronze head of emperor Augustus was transported to the Kush royal palace, where it was buried under the entrance, which was a major blow to Rome's pride and stature in the ancient world.

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Table 1. Continued 694-695 A major Afrikan rebellion/uprising occurs The Zanj Iraq AD against the Abbasid Caliphate and Arabs revolt of 694 in power within the city of Basara/Basra (in present-day southern Iraq). The event was sparked when enslaved Afrikans near Basara first organized under an Afrikan leader named Rabah Shir Zanji (the "Lion of the Zanj") to rebel and overthrow the Arab enslavers in 694. 869-883 Years after Rabah Shir Zanji's revolt, The Zanj Iraq AD thousands of Afrikans in Southern Iraq rebellion of continue the fight for Afrikan freedom 869 and would once again take up arms against the Arabs in power in what would become known as the Zanj rebellion. After achieving victory, the Afrikan fighters would declare their independence from the Abbasid Caliphate and control/operate the region as an independent state for 14 years. 992 AD The Empire of Ghana defeats the Sanhaja Rise of West Mauritania Berber people (ethnic Muslim group of Afrikan mixed Arabs living in parts of North Empire Africa) and captures the Berber city of Awdaghost and gained control over the trans-Saharan trade. 1486 Enslaved Afrikans under the leadership of African 1486 India a commander named Shahzada (later rebellion in earned the title/name Barbak Shah), Bengal rebelled against the Indian power structure in Bengal (India), achieving victory in a successful coup. As a result, they installed an Afrikan man named Andil Shah (later named Saifuddin Firuz Shah) as their new leader. He would rule the region of Bengal as Sultan for three years from 1487-1490.

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Table 1. Continued 1522 Enslaved Afrikans stage a rebellion on the 1522 Afrikan Haiti/Dominican island of Ayiti (Renamed Hispaniola by Uprising in Republic Spain). This event is considered the first Ayiti Afrikan uprising in what Europeans referred to as "the New World" in the Americas. 1526 Spanish colonists led by the European Initial Afrikan United States of conquistador Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon resistance in America builds San Miguel de Gualdape in what is the American now Georgia. They bring along enslaved Colonies Africans, considered by some to be the first in the present-day United States. These Africans flee the colony, however, and make their homes with local Indians/indigenous people. After Ayllon's death, the remaining Spaniards relocate to Hispaniola. 1542 By this date, over thirty thousand Afrikans Continued Haiti/Dominican are in Ayiti (Hispaniola), with 10% or Afrikan Republic more living in Afrikan/Mawon (Maroon) resistance & communities and societies in the island's Establishment interior. of Afrikan Mawon communities 1550 The first enslaved Afrikan insurrection is Afrikan Nicaragua recorded in Nicaragua. insurrection in Nicaragua 1550 The first enslaved Afrikan insurrection is Afrikan Peru recorded in Peru. insurrection in Peru 1552 Venezuela records its first enslaved Afrikan Venezuela Afrikan insurrection. insurrection in Venezuela 1552 Panama experiences one of its first Bayano Panama enslaved Afrikan insurrections. The Afrikan resistance led by Bayano leads to the insurrection in founding of an Afrikan society/maroon Panama settlement in eastern Panama. By 1570 the colonists establish the town of Santiago del Principe.

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Table 1. Continued 1560 Afrikan populations continue to grow as Growth of Haiti/Dominican Afrikan people outnumber Europeans 15 Afrikan Republic to 1 on the island of Ayiti (Hispaniola). Population in Ayiti 1570 Enslaved Afrikan Gaspar Yanga led Gaspar Mexico colonial Mexico's first successful enslaved Yagna's Afrikan uprising and later established one Rebellion of the New World's first black settlements. 1590 The Portuguese are defeated by the Matamba & Angola combined Afrikan armies of the nations of Ndongo 1590 Matamba and Ndongo. resistance 1592 The Zimba defeats Portuguese forces in Zimba 1592 Mozambique the Zambezi Valley. resistance 1602 Portuguese settlers complained to the Formative Brazil government that their Afrikan captives ran period of away into an inaccessible region and built Palmares mocambos (small communities). From Afrikan nation about 1602 to 1694, this Afrikan maroon "Republic of Palmares," which regrouped about 30,000 Africans, led several attacks against white colonists in Brazil. 1627 The Afrikan Queen warrior Nzinga, Nzinga Angola Queen of Mbundu, is victorious in a war resistance with Portugal. against Portugal 1630 The Afrikan independent state/Maroon Establishment Brazil community of Palmares (Quilombo dos of the Palmares) in Portuguese Brazil's interior Palmares continues to grow and expand. Palmares Afrikan nation. continued until 1695 when the Portuguese regained control of the region. 1644 Queen Nzinga, with the support of foreign Nzinga Angola allies, captures Luanda from the resistance Portuguese. against Portugal

Table 1. Continued 136

1675 A small number of escaping West The arrival of St. Vincent Afrikans flee from the Caribbean Africans in St. plantations in either Barbados, St. Lucia, Vincent and and Grenada landed or are shipwrecked contact with on the island of St. Vincent. They the Carib establish a link with the Carib people of people the region. 1680 The Ashanti Empire emerges in West Rise of the Ghana Africa. Ashanti Empire 1681 The Changamire Dynasty (originated Rise of the Mozambique amongst the Shona people of the Rozvi Changamire Empire) emerges in the Southernmost Dynasty region of Africa. 1684 Changamire Dombo defeats a Portuguese The Rozwi Mozambique army at the Battle of Maungwe. The battle Empire initiates a military campaign between the resistance Changamire Dynasty and Portugal, which will continue until 1917. 1697 Enslaved Afrikans continue to flee Afrikan Haiti/Dominican plantations and resist (in many forms) resistance & Republic European control. The island of Ayiti Colonial (Hispaniola) is divided between France, Administration which takes the western third, and Spain, in Ayiti which retains the eastern two-thirds. 1750 The escaped Africans from Caribbean Establishment St. Vincent plantations who had settled on St. Vincent of the Garifuna intermarry with the indigenous Carib people people and become the Garifuna (Black Caribs) people. By 1750 the Garifuna are the most dominant population in St. Vincent. The island is still officially controlled by French settlers. 1772 An Afrikan Garifuna named Joseph 1st Carib War St. Vincent Chatoyer, aka Satuye, starts a rebellion and leads the Garifuna people against the British in the First Carib War. This war forced the British to sign a treaty with them a year later.

Table 1. Continued 137

1791 Bwa Kayiman Vodou ceremony is Bwa Kayiman Haiti/Dominican initiated on August 4th, 1791, and presided Vodou Republic by African Mambo, Cécile Fatiman, and Ceremony & Hougan, Dutty Boukman. This event the Afrikan would spark the Afrikan Revolution's Revolution in major phase in Ayiti (commonly referred Ayiti to as the Haitian Revolution). 1795- A second revolt is initiated by Satuye and 2nd Carib War St. Vincent 1797 the Garifuna in St. Vincent against both British and French forces. They were able to exhaust and defeat the British, but the French reinforcements suppressed the resistance in the end. In the aftermath, nearly 5,000 Black/Afrikan Caribs (Garifuna) migrate to Honduras and British Honduras. 1802 An enslaved Afrikan woman in 1802 Afrikan Guadeloupe Guadeloupe named La Mulâtresse revolt in Solitude leads an Afrikan revolt after Guadeloupe Napoleon attempts to reintroduce slavery. In response, Solitude, who was pregnant, joins the rebellion led by Louis Delgrès.

138

CHAPTER 5

AFRIKAN PERSONALITIES OF THE AFRIKAN REVOLUTION IN AYITI

“Nou gen kouraj yo dwe gratis. Se pou nou bay gabèl pou nou fè sa pou nou menm ak pou tèt nou.”271

(We have dared to be free. Let us dare to be so by ourselves and for ourselves.)

-Jan-Jak Desalin (Jean-Jacques Dessalines)

Throughout history, one will see that time and time again, there are significant personalities, or rather leaders, that would rise to lead the charge against oppression. As seen in the last chapter, some significant leaders contributed to the numerous Afrikan revolts initiated throughout the Caribbean and Americas. Along with the primary leaders, other significant

Afrikan personalities would play their part in the war against European oppression and enslavement. The purpose of this chapter is to illuminate the different and powerful Afrikan personalities who were major influences during the fight for Afrikan freedom in Ayiti.

This chapter is pivotal in discussing the level of dislocation some of these personalities faced and the minimization of Afrikan spirituality, leading to the elevation of Aryan Indo-

European religions like Christianity and Islam. Also, personalities such as Toussaint or

Christophe fail in part due to their elevation of whiteness. Afrikan personalities such as Toya

Montou and Desalin did not elevate whiteness and had theological clarity as Afrikan people. The

271 Jean-Jacques Dessalines, “The Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804,” translated by Laurent Dubois & John Garrigus, in Slave Revolution in the Caribbean 1789 - 1804: A Brief History with Documents, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 139 attack is always to minimize our Afrikan agency and spirituality, which results in our dislocation.

Find accounts or literature on their arguments and conflict concerning white validation. Find more stuff on the battle between Toussaint and Desalin. By claiming they are Muslim, it is a denial of Afrikan agency.

It must be made clear that this chapter will not be providing a deep biography on each of the Afrikan personalities discussed in this chapter. Due to this chapter's constraints, not all the leaders and fighters who contributed to Afrikan freedom will be highlighted. Numerous scholars have already done biographical work on many of the popular personalities who participated during the revolution. Instead, a select few key historical figures' major contributions to Afrikan freedom in Ayiti will be emphasized. This task is necessary because their contributions also provide a blueprint for the descendants of Afrikan people who are still struggling against the global oppression caused by Europeans and their worldview. The Afrikan men, women, and children who fought in Ayiti all performed different roles and tasks. Some were smaller than others, but the goal towards Afrikan liberation was always maintained. The first Afrikan personality that must be given attention is undoubtedly the great mawon (maroon) leader and houngan, François Makandal (Mackandal).272

It is important to note that Makandal was not the first Afrikan leader or mawon (maroon) to organize and incite an Afrikan rebellion against enslavement in Ayiti. For instance, Rick

Duncan reminds us of the great Afrikan leader Padre Jean who in 1676 dared to kill his European

272 There are numerous spellings for François Mackandal last name (Macandal, Mackendal, Mackandal, Makendal or Makandal). The use of Makandal is preferred in this study due to a limited knowledge on the construction of Afrikan languages which do not utilize the letter “c.” 140 slave master and free his fellow enslaved Afrikans fleeing to La Tortue (Tortuga Island).273

Duncan provides more details and states:

This set the tone of slave revolt in the colony. He took his followers and settled in Pointe Palmiste (east of Port de Paix) and together with his 25 followers, began a slave uprising near Port Margot. They killed several slave owners and freed some more slaves before retreating to their nearby mountain.274

Padre Jean and his followers were eventually captured and executed. Although Europeans see Padre Jean’s 1679 Afrikan rebellion as a failure, it was a success in the Afrikan people's eyes. It was a defining moment as an initial major rebellion that started a series of other major revolts. There would always be leaders who would continue to carry the torch of Afrikan freedom within each revolt. One of these leaders to carry this torch would be none other than

Makandal.

Makandal (?-1758), The Afrikan Healer & Warrior

Any study that deals with the major contributors to the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti must acknowledge the contributions of Makandal. He was a highly intelligent, charismatic, and skilled leader known for leading an Afrikan society (mawon/maroon community) in the remote mountainous region of Ayiti near Kap Ayisyen (Cap-Haïtien). However, before one can truly deal with his contributions, it is imperative to criticize the literature that has been written to describe him.

273 Rick Duncan, “Chapter Seven: Ourstory in the West,” Man, Know Thyself Volume 1: Corrective Knowledge of Our Notable Ancestors, (Bloomington: Xlibris Publishing Company, 2013), p. 238. 274 Ibid. 141

His story is imperative to discuss because many scholars have misinterpreted or misrepresented Makandal. For instance, many writings on Makandal like to stress that he was

Muslim, much like Dutty Boukman. However, the renowned Ayisyen historian Thomas Madiou points out that Makandal had instruction in the Arabic language, which he spoke very well.275

Makandal was not Muslim or adopted an Arabic culture. This statement holds weight if one looks at the fact that Makandal was a houngan (male high priest) of the Afrikan spiritual system of Vodou (Vodun).

As indicated by scholars such as Mark Davis and the second chapter, most historians describe Makandal peripherally and from a Eurocentric subjectivity (objectivity). For instance,

Davis also points out the Marxist writing of C.L.R. James' text The Black Jacobins, examined in chapter two. Davis goes on to state:

The source for C.L.R. James' book on St. Domingue, published in 1963, is historical and archival documents that focus on the period around the revolution (1789-1804). The source for his information on Macandal is Moreau de Saint Mery's work on Haiti, written in 1797. Modern authors who mention Macandal rely heavily on this work. One only needs to read Moreau de Saint Mery's account of Macandal's activities to understand the prejudice of colonial historians. His characterizations are consistently disparaging and demeaning. It is difficult to understand the almost unanimous concurrence of historians who rely on Moreau de Saint Mery's work since he was a lawyer, loyal supporter of the monarchy, and very biased. During the French Revolution, he was himself sought for execution. Historical research today relies on early reports, letters, books, etc., by provincial colonialist "white men" regarding non-conformist personages such as Macandal. Judgments on the validity of Macandal’s revolution often derive from the documents handed down by the French, and writers who came afterward, who also relied on these same French documents. Some authors, however, have been able to locate alternative versions of this period, which are presented here along with oral accounts passed down to modern Haitians I interviewed in 1997 while in Haiti.276

275 Thomas Madiou, “François Mackandal,” Histoire d'Haïti (History of Haiti), (Port-au-Prince: Tome Troisieme, 1848), p. 528. 276 Mark Davis, “Macandal,” Francois Macandal: The True Story, Facts, Myths and Legends, (Berkeley: University of California, 1997), p. 1. 142

As Afrocologists, it is important to highlight the Afrikan accounts of Makandal's life and contributions while examining the historical archives around him. This point is important because doing so promotes Afrikan agency and the ancestral memory that keeps Makandal energy alive. Most Afrikan accounts stress that he is from Guinea and an important family in the

Congo in which his father was a chief. Makandal's account helps explain his position as a houngan and the comprehensive knowledge of natural herbs/plants he gained during his training and initiation into Vodun/Vodou. Among many of the accounts around Makandal, one states that he held a position as a healer/doctor for enslaved Afrikans on the plantation. Tariq M. Sawandi discusses the important role of Afrikan traditional healers when he states that:

The Africans who were brought to the New World were already socialized in their own African traditions and healing systems. They brought with them sophisticated beliefs about illness and its healing and adapted these to the new and often brutal circumstances of the trans-Atlantic slave trade (i.e., European slave trade).277

Sawandi explains that the conditions of European slavery exacerbated the effects of infectious diseases and illness.278 In response to these conditions and to combat these illnesses, enslaved Afrikans, such as Makandal, who were trained in traditional Afrikan medicine within their spiritual systems, resorted to healing rituals. Within these rituals, they utilized curative plants that could be found throughout the islands they inhabited.

In the case of Makandal and his warriors, they utilized and weaponized local plants in

Ayiti to produce poisons they could use against their enemies. The use of poison was an excellent war tactic and weapon which cause much fear amongst many French authorities and

277 Tariq M. Sawandi, “Introduction,” African Medicine: A Complete Guide to Yoruba Healing Science and African Herbal Remedies 2nd edition, (Scotts Valley: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2017), p. 10. 278 Ibid. 143 plantation owners. Furthermore, many French owners would flee Ayiti because of this tactic, and scholars estimate that Makandal forces killed over 6,000 Frenchmen during his six-year Afrikan insurrection. Further discussion on poisons and other Afrikan military war tactics/traditions will be made later in chapter eight.

Oral accounts describe Makandal's personality as a charming, witty, charismatic, intelligent, and confident healer who raised everyone's morale in his community.279 Makandal gained more notoriety in Ayiti after his distinguished escape from the plantation, in which many if not all accounts state that it was an extremely organized and sophisticated undertaking. David

Amponsah explained Makandal's contributions when he was officially labeled as a fugitive leader. For instance, he states:

Makandal became even more famous and legendary for his magic and ability to poison during his years as a fugitive. After his escape, he became determined to liberate the Africans from white oppression. He was so successful in recruiting additional Maroons that it is believed that he had agents in all of the colonies.280

As a result of his actions, Makandal's name would be known throughout the entire island.

He attacked and showed no mercy to both the French oppressors and the dislocated Afrikans who supported them. He understood his destiny/calling from Bondye (Supreme deity in

Vodou/God) and prophesied that the island would one day be ruled by Afrikans after they defeated the French. According to oral Afrikan tradition in Ayiti, Makandal would deliver this prophecy at one of his secret gatherings in the forest.

279 Ibid, “Macandal,” Francois Macandal: The True Story, Facts, Myths and Legends, (Berkeley: University of California, 1997), p. 1-2. 280 David Amponsah, “Makandal,” Encyclopedia of African Religions, edited by Molefi Kete Asante and Ama Mazama, (Thousand Oaks: SAGE Puplications, Inc., 2009), p. 401. 144

It is said that during his speech, Makandal pulled out different colored clothes from a vase which symbolized the island of Ayiti. The first cloth he pulled out was yellow to symbolize and honor the Arawak/Taino people, who were the island's original inhabitants before the

Spanish practically exterminated them during the 16th century. The next cloth he pulled was white to symbolize the French, who were currently in control and responsible for their suffering.

Finally, Makandal pulled out the last cloth, black, representing themselves as Afrikan people who would rise to overthrow the whites and seize power.

The Afrikan people present during his prophecy were stunned and inspired. The reason for their shock was because no other Afrikan at that time had made such a bold and powerful proclamation. As a result, his prophecy would invite much hatred from his enemies and light the fire of resistance in the hearts of his fellow Afrikan people. Furthermore, Makandal would continue to plan out more intelligent strategies and recruitment techniques that could be passed down. He also developed a sophisticated military organization to ensure that the Afrikan prophecy he received would come true. Makandal was the first to accomplish an incredible unification of the separate Afrikan clans on the island and recruited a massive army made up of possibly ten thousand enslaved Afrikans on the plantations.

He was able to achieve this despite not possessing the resources and military equipment that the French possessed. He relied on the resources provided by nature, Afrikan combat art, warfare traditions, and other Afrikan epistemological and cosmological tools. Makandal was also able to unite all the hidden Afrikan societies/maroon camps. An unprecedented achievement and task at the time. He also recognized that he could not persuade the wealthy "free people of

145 color," who allied with the French, to join his resistance. As stated before, Makandal understood that these dislocated Afrikan traitors were beyond saving, and they too had to be eliminated if victory were to be achieved.

Due to Makandal's contributions in the Afrikan fight for freedom in Ayiti, the people of

Ayiti have deified Makandal after his execution by the French. Rodney Salnave also reinforces this point in his translation of Ernest Trouillot's 1969 extract, showing that Makandal is a deified

Afrikan traditionist who is still venerated as an ancestor within Ayisyen Vodou rituals. The extract testifies this and states "Esprits de la terre: Legba, Loko, Aizan, Avré-Kêté, Ti Houa-

Houé, Guédé, Makandal” (trans: Spirits of the earth: Legba, Loko, Aizan, Avré-Kêté, Ti Houa-

Houé, Guédé, Makandal).281

Salnave also points out that Makandal's wife, known as Brijit (Brigitte/Brigit), the poisoner, shared his fight and was also executed by fire from the French. As a result, she would be deified as an ancestor within Ayisyen Vodou and is venerated as Grann Brijit (Manman

Brijit), the lwa of death.282 To minimize Afrikan agency, some European claim that she was inspired by Irish myths and was a white woman.283 The insulting portrayal of Grann Brijit as a white woman is even reinforced in popular media, such as the popular American TV drama series American Gods (2017). An image of Vodou Vèvè (symbol) can be found in the illustration below.

281 Ernest Trouillot, "De Jean Price Mars, critique littéraire et scientifique,” in Conjonction, No 110 (1969): pp. 8-17. 282 Rodney Salnave, “The origin of Macandal,” BWA KAY IL-MENT, November 2, 2018 (updated April 28, 2019), http://bwakayiman.blogspot.com/2018/11/the-origin-of-macandal.html, (February 16, 2020). 283 Patti Wigington, “Maman Brigitte, Loa of the Dead in Voodoo Religion,” Learn Religions, October 3, 2019, https://www.learnreligions.com/maman-brigitte-4771715, (February 23, 2021). 146

(Illustration 1. Vèvè of Maman Brijit)284

Cécile Fatiman (1771-1883), The Great Afrikan Organizer & Mambo

Makandal was truly a great Afrikan leader and lit the initial sparks of Afrikan resistance in Ayiti. But the one to truly light the initial phases of what would be known as the Afrikan

Revolution in Ayiti would be a powerful Afrikan woman and mambo (female priestess) named

Cécile Fatiman (Cecile Fatimah). Most scholars focus on Fatiman origins due to being born to an

Afrikan mother and a white French father who happens to be a Corsican Prince. They also like to emphasize her mixed features and green eyes to highlight her beauty due to her mixed heritage.

284 Milo Rigaud, “Manman Brigitte,” Ve-Ve : Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou (Ritual Voodoo Diagrams), (New York: French and European Publications Inc., 1974), p.460. 147

Mixed features are often stressed to diminish Afrikan people's beautiful features and highlight

Europeans' features as superior.

Furthermore, these notions and statements of her features are pointless because her true significance lies in her contributions to the fight for Afrikan freedom in Ayiti. Despite her heritage, Fatiman had clarity and understood she was an Afrikan woman fighting for her people's liberation. Therefore, her features and background were not important because she was not white/European, even in her enemy's eyes. Bayyinah Bello seems to reinforce this when she explains her background and states that Fatiman:

Was one of the most highly respected, sought after mambo in the French slave colony of Saint Dominque. Born in France to a Senegalese mother and white French father, she was the oldest of two girls and one boy. No one knows why her Corsican father abruptly sold his wife and children into slavery. Upon arriving in Saint Dominque, she never saw her family again. She quickly made a name for herself on the plantation with her striking beauty and vivid green eyes. Usually, a woman with features as attractive as Cecile’s would be confined to house slave status; however, her un-submissiveness relegated her to fieldwork.285

Some revisionists and scholars do not emphasize Fatiman contributions or personality.

Instead, these revisionists argue that figures such as Fatiman or Boukman were Muslim to

Islamize the revolution and minimize Afrikan agency. As pointed out in chapter three, Jean

Fouchard, due to his colonized historical grounding and methodology, is sadly guilty of making such comments. Rodney Salnave reinforces this when he explains how Fouchard as early as

1953 in his text, Les marrons du syllabaire: quelques aspects du problème de l'instruction et de l'éducation des esclaves et affranchis de Saint-Domingue (Chestnuts of the syllabary: some aspects of the problem of the instruction and education of slaves and freedmen of Saint-

285 Bayyinah Bello, “Cecile Fatimah: Organization Expert,” Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution, (Bowie: Thorobred Books, LLC, 2019), p. 4. 148

Domingue), was busy speculating on the supposed higher knowledge of Islamized enslaved

Afrikans.286 Salnave goes on to point out that Cécile Fatiman's identity was mostly unveiled in

1954 by historian Étienne D. Charlier, based on the testimony of General Pierrot Benoît Rameau, who was the great-grandson of Fatiman, and a hero of the Afrikan resistance against the

American occupation of Ayiti (1915-1934).287

Within General Rameau's account of his great-grandmother, he identified and confirmed that Fatiman was a Mambo of the Afrikan spiritual system of Vodou and not a Muslim priestess.

Regardless of the confusion spread by revisionists, Fatiman is said by numerous Afrikan accounts to have grown as a Master of Communication during her fieldwork on the plantation.

Her importance lay in the fact that she could develop a series of codified networks throughout the entire island. Bello goes on to reinforce this point by stating:

It was at this point that she began to organize what would eventually become the only successful revolt of Afrikan captives in ourstory. Cecile trained her network to be stealth while transmitting information from plantation to plantation, miles away from each other. She created codes for names of places and people so that enslaved informants could not notify slavers. It took Cecile and her network of women years to organize the most famous gathering in Haitian ourstory, now referred to in books as the ceremony at Bwa Kayiman.288

Garvey F. Lundy provides some details on the accounts of Fatiman contribution to this pivotal Vodou ceremony. Lundy points out that the information surrounding the ceremony comes from accounts provided by Antoine Delmas, who wrote in 1793 and later published them in his 1814 text titled Histoire de la révolution de Saint-Domingue (History of the Saint-

286 Rodney Salnave, “Cécile Fatiman Wasn't Muslim,” BWA KAY IL-MENT, January 13, 2017 (updated August 13, 2019), http://bwakayiman.blogspot.com/2016/12/cecile-fatiman-wasnt-muslim.html, October 14, 2019. 287 Ibid. 288 Ibid, “Cecile Fatimah: Organization Expert,” Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution, (Bowie: Thorobred Books, LLC, 2019), p. 4. 149

Domingue Revolution).289 Another major contribution made by Fatiman is her role, along with

Dutty Boukman, in announcing those who were to take charge of the Afrikan rebellion after the ceremony. The individuals who were named were Jean-Francois, Jeannot Bullet, and Georges

Biassou. Like Salnave, Lundy also confirms that specific information about Fatiman and her contribution during the ceremony comes from her grandson Rameau. He goes on to state:

During the Bois Caïman ceremony, Cecile Fatiman was the officiating mambo who invoked the Vodou deity, or Lwa, Ezili Dantò. It is reported that a black pig was sacrificed, thus marking the ceremony as a Petwo rite of Vodou.290

Based on this statement, one can glimpse aspects of Fatiman personality based on the personality of the lwa she is associated with. Ezilí Dantò is a high-ranking spirit/deity from the

Petwo (Petro)291 family within Ayisyen Vodou. Wade Nobles is correct to point out that Dantò represents a warrior spirit whose deeper meaning is a fierce protector of women and children.292

Because Dantò is considered a protector of children, it is said of her personality that she will always go to extremes to ensure the safety of her children. Like a mother lion protecting her cubs, Dantò will stop everything she is doing to go to her child’s aid. Due to this attribute, Dantò is referred to as “the mother of the nation” or “queen of the Petro nation/family” within Ayisyen

Vodou cosmology. The image of Dantò duality as a mother and protector is an Afrikan concept

289 Garvey F. Lundy, “Fatiman, Cécile,” Encyclopedia of African Religions, edited by Molefi Kete Asante and Ama Mazama, (Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2009), p. 262. 290 Ibid. 291 The Petwo’s are a family of Afrikan Lwa/spirits who originated in Ayiti and emerged during the harsh conditions of European enslavement. The term etymology stems from the Afrikan drums utilized to invoke the spirits and ancestors within Vodou. Ezili Dantò is considered the mother of the Petwo family and is one of the most important. For further reading check out The Faces of the Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti By Leslie G. Desmangles. 292 Wade W, Nobles, “Chapter 4: Haiti’s Irritated Genie, Phantom of Liberty and Legacy of Memes: Revisiting the Alligator Swamp,” The Island of Memes: Haiti’s Unfinished Revolution, (Baltimore: Inprint Editions, 2015), p.97. 150 that goes as far back as ancient Kemet with the image of Ast/Auset, who is carrying

Hrw/Heru as an infant. Dantò duality is also demonstrated in the image of her vèvè listed in the figure below:

(Illustration 2. Vèvè of Ezilí Dantòr)293

Much like Dantò, Fatiman is also considered the mother of the nation within Ayisyen history. This point would hold even more true when her husband Jean-Louis Michel Pierrot, an important general during the revolution, became president of Ayiti in 1845. In this respect,

Fatiman did indeed serve the function and role as the mother to the nation in complementarity with her husband Pierrot, who served as the nation's father within his role as president. The importance of Afrikan male and female complementarity in Ayiti shall be examined further in chapter seven. Further reinforcement of Fatiman role as a mother and protector of the nation is

293 Milo Rigaud, “Erzulie Dantor,” Ve-Ve: Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou (Ritual Voodoo Diagrams), (New York: French and European Publications Inc., 1974), p. 224. 151 reinforced even after Ayiti gains its independence. She would serve as an elder until her death at

112 years, in which she would transition into an ancestor.

Dutty (Zamba) Boukman (?-1791), The Great Mawon (maroon) Leader & Houngan

One cannot speak of Fatiman without acknowledging her counterpart when discussing the ceremony at Bwa Kayiman and the major initial phase of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti.

Zamba Boukman (Dutty Boukman) was, without a doubt, an important Afrikan spiritual leader whose significance is recognized due to his important prayer and proclamation during the Vodou ceremony at Bwa Kayiman. However, before delving further into his contributions and personality, it is imperative to unpack the myths and European historical deformations surrounding his story.

For instance, some scholars have attempted, much like with Makandal and Fatiman, to describe Boukman as a Muslim. But this conflicts with the Afrikan oral accounts' reality, which recognizes Boukman as a Vodou Houngan and leader within a free Afrikan society

(mawon/maroon community) in Ayiti. Salnave, despite the limitations within his Eurocentric methodology and attempts to provide an unbiased, or rather objective (Eurocentric subjectivity) historiographical examination of Boukman is somewhat correct to state that:

For their own reasons, these distinct and parasitical groups agree, without any tangible proof, that the Haitian Revolution results from the religious contribution of Boukman whom they consider to be of the Muslim faith. And as for the Haitian intellectuals who should naturally restore the facts, they produce and convey the majority of these historical deformations, due to their cultural alienation. Being alienated, therefore incapable of conceiving themselves outside of the domination of others (whether to embrace or to criticize), these irresponsible intellectuals

152 insert Islam into the Haitian Revolution in order to find a master, and a justification to their poor existence.294

As Africologists, what is clear and important is that Boukman was an Afrikan person.

The discussions on Boukman's origin (such as the debates on if Zamba or Boukman was his true name) or if he truly knew how to read and write are irrelevant. What is important are Boukman's contributions to the liberation of Afrikan people in Ayiti. As demonstrated earlier and in the previous chapter, it is understood that Makandal was not the first to lead an Afrikan rebellion in

Ayiti. Like Fatiman, he was an important organizer who helped ignite the sparks for the

Revolution in Ayiti. Lundy reinforces this when he states how Boukman:

Became a maroon in the forest of Morne Rouge in the northern part of the island. Prior to his marronage, he had been a commandeur and later a coachman on the Clément plantation, which was among the first to go up in flames once the revolution began. It is said that his experience as a commandeur provided him with certain organizational and leadership qualities and that his post as a coachman enabled him to follow the ongoing political developments in the colony and to develop communication links and establish contacts among the enslaved Africans of different plantations.295

In terms of his personality, Boukman has been a powerful Afrikan man who had an act of unflinching courage, which was reinforced by his impressive physical stature. This aspect of

“unflinching courage,” or rather, “unflinching will,” is an important quality exhibited by leaders who tend to attract others (both friends and enemies) to them. It is a consistent theme that will continue to arise as this chapter explores more of the important Afrikan personalities of the revolution.

294 Rodney Salnave, “Boukman Wasn't Muslim,” BWA KAY IL-MENT, September 10, 2017 (updated May 20, 2020), https://bwakayiman.blogspot.com/2017/09/boukman-wasnt-muslim.html, October 14, 2019. 295 Garvey Lundy, “Boukman,” Encyclopedia of African Religions, edited by Molefi Kete Asante and Ama Mazama, (Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2009), p. 138. 153

Another major contribution is, of course, Boukman's prayer during the Vodou ceremony at Bwa Kayiman. Most historians draw upon the Afrikan Ayisyen poet Hérard-Dumesle's account of this prayer. But most of these historians misinterpret what was truly occurring when writing about Boukman's speech/prayer/declaration given during this significant Vodou ceremony. It should be noted that Boukman was mounted by a Lwa when he initiated this significant speech which evidence and accounts confirm was the Afrikan deity and Nago Lwa,

Ogou (Ògún). Salnave reinforces this when he points out that the speech is associated with

Boukman due to a misinterpretation made by Victor Schoelcher in his 1843 text titled Colonies

étrangères et Haïti. Tome 2 (Foreign Colonies and Haiti, Results of English Mancipation,

Volume 2).296 In other words, it was not just Boukman but also the Lwa Ogou who momentarily occupied the body of the male officiant (Boukman) and spoke in the beloved language of the

Afrikan ancestors to deliver the speech that would spark the major phase of the revolution in

Ayiti.297

Based on this point, one can once again gleam aspects of Boukman's personality and characteristics based on his association with Ogou. Jan-Jak Desalin, who will be discussed later in this chapter, will also share these same characteristics and qualities of Ogou. Ogou is an

Afrikan Yoruba and Vodou deity/lwa with various manifestations in the Afrikan world

(ironwork, fire, warfare, etc.). Specifically, Ogou Feray (Fer/Ferraille) is the manifestation called

296 Ibid, “Boukman Wasn't Muslim,” BWA KAY IL-MENT, September 10, 2017 (updated May 20, 2020), https://bwakayiman.blogspot.com/2017/09/boukman-wasnt-muslim.html, October 14, 2019. 297 Ibid. 154 during times of warfare. He is also the compliment/husband to the lwa Ezili Dantó, who is associated with Fatiman.

Ogou Feray was called upon to give the war speech when all other options were exhausted in the face of European enslavement. Those who share Ogou characteristics are fierce, cautious, suspicious, authorities/strong leaders, and hardworking. Boukman inhabits these qualities as he is a fearsome Afrikan warrior who had a low tolerance for nonsense while also being an effective leader. Further discussion on the significance of the Lwa’s and Afrikan spirituality will be made in chapter six. Below is an image of Ogou Feray symbol/vèvè:

(Illustration 3. One of many Vèvè of Ogou Feray)298

298 Milo Rigaud, “Ogou,” Ve-Ve: Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou (Ritual Voodoo Diagrams), (New York: French and European Publications Inc., 1974), p. 264. 155

Agbaraya (Abdaraya) Toya Montou (1739-1805), The Great Dahomey Warrior & Afrikan

Teacher

Many know of Jan-Jak Desalin's great feats, but they cannot speak of him without discussing his adopted aunt and teacher, Agbaraya Toya Montou (Victoria Montou). According to Bello and other accounts, it is said that Toya Montou was a highly accomplished Afrikan warrior from the Dahomey Empire. Bello provides some specific details explaining that she had achieved the military position of gaou (general/commander-in-chief) within the Dahomey female regiment under Dada (King) Tegbessou (Tegbesu/Bossa Ahadee).299

The quality of Toya's warrior spirit is reinforced even when she was captured in 1753.

Several accounts state that when European enslavers raided her village, she could disarm and defeat several enslavers. Toya Montou had the theological clarity of knowing herself and who her enemies were because after arriving in Ayiti, she immediately took agency and ran away from the plantation. Bello goes on to explain that one account states that Bello had begun the process of recruiting other free Afrikan mawons in the mountains to form her army. She states that she would encounter a pregnant Afrikan woman who would be none other than Desalin's mother. Bello provides further details, stating:

The new mother insisted that Toya take possession of the newborn boy and teach him freedom. She agreed. Toya made the decision to return to the plantation with the child in order to effectively train him in the ways of Dahomey. She taught him the Yoruba language, the art and science of war, and a take-no-prisoners approach to battle. Toya and the boy were continually separated by their slavers; however, divine nature would each time make their paths cross again. The boy would grow up to be the first leader of independent Hayti.300

299 Bayyinah Bello, “Aunt Toya: Agbaraya,” Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution, (Bowie: Thorobred Books, LLC, 2019), p. 6 300 Ibid. 156

The important aspect is that Toya fulfilled the multiple roles of mother, teacher, and combat art instructor to train Jan-Jak Desalin into the great Afrikan leader he was destined to be.

Kersuze Simeon-Jones also provides further details on Toya's high recognition, contributions as an Afrikan warrior, and the specific training given to Desalin. For instance, Simeon-Jones points out that:

Within the enslaved community, she was known as Gran Toya (Short for Grandma Toya) or Man Toya (Mother-Manman-Toya). She was a skilled warrior who mastered the art of hand-to-hand combat and throwing of knives during combats. She organized and led a few rebellions in Saint Dominque, before the 1791 Cérémonie du Bois-Caïman. As a midwife and a healer, she taught Dessalines the wisdom of life and the importance of revolutionary disobedience, including resistance and persistence.301

Due to her contributions to the liberation of Afrikan people in Ayiti, Toya will live forever and be remembered as a mother figure and ancestor to the nation of Ayiti. But, most importantly, she is remembered as an elder and mother who helped prepare the liberator Desalin and a model for all Afrikan people enslaved throughout the western hemisphere. Nobles’ also reinforces this sentiment and states:

One very important woman who had a significant influence in his early life was Victoria (Toya) Mantou. This African warrior woman taught Dessalines to be fearless; how to fight in hand-to- hand combat and to throw a knife. She was an extraordinary warrior, who commanded her own army and fought like her student, Dessalines, against the French in the Cahos Mountains of the Artibonite region. Dessalines’ love and respect for her were unending. She lived as part of Emperor Dessalines’ family until her death.302

Desalin ensured that future descendants would remember his mentor and mother figure.

Furthermore, Toya Mantou's training also seemed to have informed his decision to appoint

301 Kersuze Simeon-Jones, “3. The Words of J.J. Dessalines and H. Christophe: An appeal to the Nations and Citizens of the World,” The Intellectual Roots of Contemporary Black Thought Nascent Political Philosophies, (New York: Routledge, 2020), p. 60. 302 Ibid. 157 several notable Afrikan women warriors to lead their own units. Two examples are his lieutenants, Sanité Belair and Marie-Jeanne Lamartinière (both these warriors’ complementarity and contributions will be examined further in chapter seven). Marie-Jeanne Lamartinière is important because she would eventually serve as Emperor Desalin's bodyguard and become the head of his security detail. This fact is particularly interesting because one well-versed in history can see that Desalin's bodyguard unit's structure mimics the female military regiment of the

Dahomey warriors.

These Afrikan women warriors fought in the front lines and served as bodyguards for the

Axosu/Ahosu (ruler of the kingdom of Dahomey). Further examination of the influence of the

Dahomey warriors will be discussed shortly in chapter eight. We can note that Toya Montou had a fierce, caring, and strong personality from the evidence provided. Toya has qualities of both

Ogou Feray (war/fire/iron) and Ezili Dantò (warrior/motherhood). It is important to note that

Ogou Feray and Ezili Dantò are complements (married). The concept of Afrikan Male-Female complementarity within Afrikan families and Afrikan spiritual systems will be further expanded on later in chapter seven.

Toussaint L’Ouverture (1743-1803) The Great Afrikan General & Path Opener

One cannot speak of Afrikan people's contributions to Ayiti without mentioning the man who would open the path to victory during the revolution's major phase. As an Afrikan descended from Gaou Guinou and the royal line from the kingdom of Allada (now Southern

Benin), Toussaint was destined to lead. Without a doubt, General Toussaint L’Ouverture is regarded by many as one of the instrumental leaders of the revolution and the one who would

158 pass the baton to Desalin so that he could succeed where he failed. Former Ayisyen president,

Dr. Jean-Bertrand Aristide, demonstrates L’Ouverture’s profound contribution to the struggle for

Afrikan freedom in his compiled collection of writings and speeches.

Aristide begins by also acknowledging that Toussaint was an outstanding leader who charted the course for the eventual 1804 victory that the Afrikan people in Ayiti would achieve.

He explains that people (specifically Afrikan people) can gain insights into Toussaint's political, theological, and economic legacy based on the written works he left within his memoirs, letters, and the constitution he drafted.303 Aristide also points out that the Afrikan descendants who are following in Toussaint footsteps must recognize that his written works raise three important fundamental questions:

To what extent did Toussaint liberate himself not only from physical slavery, but from mental slavery to the colonial system he fought? Second, on the theological plane, does Toussaint’s legacy offer a line of liberation that can be implemented today? And lastly, would fulfilling Toussaint’s social and economic legacy allow us to eradicate poverty, the modern version of slavery, and move towards real freedom?304

Aristide stresses that these questions are important because of the dislocation amongst many Afrikan people today because of European enslavement. These dislocated Afrikans are suffering from a white validation syndrome, and Aristide argues that these are the individuals who will defend the interests of White colonizers who have played crucial roles in upholding enslavement (both physical and mental) then and now. Concerning Toussaint, Aristide goes on to state:

303 Jean-Bertrand Aristide, “Introduction,” The Haitian Revolution by Toussaint L'Ouverture, edited by Nick Nesbitt (New York: Verso Books, 2019), p. vii. 304 Ibid. 159

Perhaps the most powerful criticism that has been leveled at Toussaint was that he was overprotective of the masters and their system. Loved by a majority, feared by a minority, and perceived by some in hindsight as having been too kind, too gentle, and too diplomatic towards the colonizers, Toussaint’s true personality emerges in his writings and his achievements. Hence our first question: Did this former slave remain a mental slave to the system he sought to overthrow? The name of God has been used strategically over four centuries to try to justify slavery. Yet academic discourse on slavery tends to focus much more on the political than the theological dimensions of the slave system. The religious references in Toussaint’s writings offer an opportunity to examine this theological field and to question whether Toussaint himself left behind a theological legacy of liberation that can be contextualized or implemented.305

Aristide's statement is important to address because it raises a critical question. Did

Toussaint, as an Afrikan leader, truly had the theological clarity to understand himself and his enemies? Jacob Carruthers and other scholars have argued that Toussaint truly did not have theological clarity because he trusted that the French would uphold their end of the bargain in attempts to make peace despite the warning from Desalin that he would be betrayed. This argument and fact are hard to ignore, but Aristide does raise an important point when he states:

The dream held by Toussaint was a two-sided coin: on one side political freedom, on the other economic freedom. Over the past 200 years, very little has been said about Toussaint’s determination to eradicate poverty, which was, and still is, inextricably linked to slavery. Thus, a third question arises: How can we eradicate poverty by fulfilling Toussaint’s social legacy?306

One cannot ignore that Toussaint did provide a level of stability and freedom from 1795 to 1796 after defeating the Spanish. Nonetheless, his vision for the Afrikan people was limited due to the constant European threats. Although Toussaint negotiated with the French, Aristide argues it was simply a matter of strategy and diplomacy due to the intense circumstances.

Aristide explains that there were only two categories Afrikans could fall under for the white

French colonizers, which were “slave” and “mental slave.” Aristide makes it a point to provide

305 Ibid, p. vii-viii. 306 Ibid, p. viii 160 evidence that Toussaint was a former enslaved Afrikan, not one who was mentally enslaved. He does this by going through Toussaint's background, stating:

François Dominique Toussaint L’Ouverture was the son of Gaou-Guinou, an Arada prince born in present-day Benin, Africa, who was shipped to Haiti as a slave. Gaou-Guinou was baptized and became known as Hypollite. His second marriage was to a woman named Pauline. The two had four daughters and four sons — Jean, Paul, Pierre, and Toussaint. The family lived in Haut du Cap, a village near Cap-Haitian, the second city of Haiti. Toussaint was born on the Bréda Plantation in Cap Haitian, which in 1786 would become the property of the Comte de Noé. The uncertainty surrounding Toussaint’s date of birth reflects how slaves were reduced to objects in the eyes of the colonizers. At least four different dates have been proposed: 1739, based on a letter Toussaint addressed to the French Directory in 1797; 1746, according to his son Isaac; 1743, based on several sources; and 1745, based on documents from Fort de Joux, the French military installation where he was imprisoned, and ultimately died.307

Based on his Afrikan lineage, his father, Prince Guinou, ensured that his son understands his history and language despite their enslavement condition. Although they were forcefully baptized, they indeed found a way to secretly practice the Afrikan spiritual system of Vodou under the guise of Catholicism, as demonstrated by Leslie Desmangles in his text The Faces of the Gods Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti. A deeper discussion on the confusion caused by the term “syncretism” when explaining the relationship between Afrikan Vodou and

European Roman Catholicism shall be made in the next chapter.

Aristide continues with his examination of Toussaint's background and begins to flesh out his personality when discussing how he was nicknamed Fatra Baton (a thin stick that should be thrown in the garbage) due to his frail physique. To everyone's surprise, Toussaint, despite his appearance at an early age, displayed and developed incredible physical and intellectual feats that made him stand out from other enslaved Afrikans on the Bréda Plantation.308 It can be

307 Ibid. 308 Ibid, p. IX. 161 argued that his impressive skillsets and work ethic are a result of his upbringing and ancestral lineage (DNA) from Allada.

Nonetheless, Aristide explains that Toussaint had long nurtured good relations and knew how to use/manipulate the white European colonizers to fulfill necessary interests. For instance, on the eve of the Afrikan insurrection of 1791, he had saved some of their lives. As a result,

Aristide states that Toussaint's legacy has endured some harsh criticism for this action. But he argues that based on Toussaint's personality, he was “a moderate, temperate character, self- controlled and diplomatic in style.”309 Thus, despite the European slave system's violence,

Toussaint did not adopt violent comportment based on revenge and hatred, despite having every right. On the contrary, Toussaint cultivated his personal qualities while developing skills vital to navigating the complex political arena he found himself years later. Aristide reinforces this point stating:

The watershed moment for Toussaint took shape sometime in 1790 or 1791, perhaps under the glow of the August 14, 1791, ceremony at Bois Caïman. Toussaint himself was already free; nevertheless, he opted to stand with the masses, those who had been reduced to the property of their masters. Toussaint could not fully enjoy his own liberty; he shared the suffering of those who were still victims of slavery. For him to be fully free — and to feel fully free — all enslaved persons had to be free. A year earlier, in 1790, Toussaint had chosen not to join the mobilizing efforts of Vincent Ogé, a free coloured man whose vision of freedom was limited only to his own caste of wealthy and free coloureds and did not extend to the slaves.310

It is clear from his actions that Toussaint, despite his shortcomings, did indeed care and fight for Afrikan freedom in Ayiti. As stated previously, although Toussaint is criticized for meeting the French to make peace before he was betrayed and captured, he ensured that backup

309 Ibid. 310 Ibid. 162 strategies were in place. In other words, Toussaint new to trust the initial and predictive warnings given to him by Desalin of the future 1801 French expedition to re-enslave the Afrikan population. Sudhir Hazareesingh provides evidence of this by stating:

Toussaint could still count on his bulldozer Dessalines, who as we saw earlier had predicted the French invasion and was fully prepared for it, both materially and emotionally. Toussaint’s overall strategy, set out in a message to his general, was simple: until the arrival of the rainy season’ in the middle of the year, which would ‘rid the colony of its enemies,’ ‘fire and destruction’ were to be the main instruments of popular resistance to the French311

Hazareesingh explains that Toussaint's letter was intercepted, but Desalin had already anticipated the move. He had already raced off to the south of the island to fulfill his mission of burning and destroying whatever came their way.312 While doing so, Desalin would continue to spread Toussaint’s message of mass resistance to local soldiers and peasants. Hazareesingh provides further evidence by mentioning an account given by a local military commander at

Saint-Michel who states that Desalin:

Had assembled the black troops and told them that the ‘enemy had arrived in Cap and was planning to restore the ancien régime (old regime) in the colony, and to take away our freedoms which cost us such sacrifices, in order to plunge us back into a horrifying slavery.’ Dessalines reminded them of the early moments of the slave rebellion in 1791 when they had no weapons: the situation was different now.313

Following Toussaint's orders, Desalin had urged the soldiers and people to mobilize against the invaders, telling those who had no arms “to use their knives and any other lethal weapons they might find.”314 But the question of why Toussaint made a deal with the French

311 Sudhir Hazareesingh, “11. The Tree of Black Liberty,” Black Spartacus: The Epic Life of Toussaint Louverture, (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux Publishing, 2020), p. 305. 312 Ibid. 313 Ibid. 314 Ibid. 163 despite warnings from Desalin and his other generals must still be answered. Hazareesingh shares Toussaint's letter to the French general Boudet, which sheds light on Toussaint’s frame of mind as he prepared his discussions with the French. For instance, Hazareesingh points out that

Toussaint was neither bowed nor defeated, and his experiences in battle had reconnected him with the Afrikan fighting spirit of his people after the success they had shown throughout the spring campaign.315 But at the same time, Toussaint also knew they lacked the necessary military resources to defeat the French immediately and needed to create more time.

Toussaint wanted to create more time to explore the possibility of a political solution while at the same time waiting for diseases such as yellow fever to take its inevitable toll on the invading French army.316 However, another factor explains why Toussaint refused to heed the warnings about the French refusal to negotiate. The deeper reason for Toussaint's denial about the deceptive French plot was that he could not bring himself to break decisively with France.317

This position would be a huge contrast compared to those in his camp, such as Jan-Jak Desalin.

At the time, Desalin was thinking seriously about Afrikan/Black independence from European control. On the other hand, Toussaint still believed that only a “French Saint-Domingue” could guarantee the Afrikan people and the colony’s “long-term security and prosperity.”318 But despite this shortcoming, Toussaint, whose spirit is a Legba, still opened up the path for someone like Desalin, who has the spirit of Ogou/Ogun, to finish the job.

315 Ibid, p. 313. 316 Ibid. 317 Ibid. 318 Ibid. 164

Many have pointed out that Toussaint may have shared an association with the lwa Legba

Atibon (Papa Legba/Ati-Gbon Legba) from the Rada319 family/nation, the intermediary rather

“gatekeeper” between the lwa and human beings. Interestingly, Philippe Girard briefly attempts to flesh out Toussaint association with Papa Legba through his name, explaining that he was first known as Toussaint Bréda and that:

The nickname Louverture (or L’Ouverture) only appeared in the 1790s. Meaning “an opening” in French, it came, according to various sources, from the gap in his front teeth, his ability to create an opening through enemy lines, or his association with the Voudou lwa (spirit) Papa Legba.320

Girard does good to note this fact but fails to expand on the importance of Toussaint receiving his new last name. Toussaint receiving the name “L’Ouverture (an opening path),” despite being a French name, was still in line with the traditions of Afrikan naming practices.

When one is given a name within Afrikan tradition, it indicates that they exist and illuminates their qualities, characteristics, and personality. Hence, it is no surprise that Toussaint has a deep association with Legba since it is deeply tied to the name given to him by his people. A deeper explanation of Afrikan naming practices within Afrikan spirituality shall be given in the next chapter.

319 The Rada lwa’s are older Afrikan spirits/deities manifested in Ayiti. They include names of deities from nations such as the Kingdom of Dahomey and the original spiritual system of Vodou known as vodoun practiced by the Fon people. Many of the spirits are deeply connected to the element of water because they have a cool temperament, or rather they have a less aggressive energy that was needed compared to the Petwo lwa’s. But some spirits are such as Ogou despite also being a Rada is also a Petro due the manifestation and energy that was needed to fight against European enslavement in Ayiti. For further reading check out the Encyclopedia of African Religions edited by Ama Mazama and Molefi Kete Asante, Secrets of Voodoo by Milo Riguad and The Faces of the Gods Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti by Leslie Desmangles. 320 Philippe Girard, “Louverture, Toussaint,” Encyclopedia of African American History Volume 1, edited by Leslie M. Alexander and Walter C. Rucker, (Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio, LLC, 2010), p. 470. 165

Antonio Benitez-Rojo gives a better explanation of Toussaint association with Papa

Legba. He first explains that Toussaint had originally fought in Jean-François Papillon, one of the principal leaders after the Bwa Kayiman Vodou ceremony proceedings. Under Papillon's command, Toussaint had served the important post of troop doctor.321 Within this post, he needed to be linked to the Houngans and Mambos to learn the necessary traditional Afrikan medical practices within Vodou. At the time, most white/European medicine was not available for Afrikan people.

Benitez-Rojo argues that an Afrikan soldier would reject European medicine in Ayiti during the time. He notes that many Afrikan soldiers who fought in Ayiti were born on the continent in places like the Congo, Angola, and Dahomey, where they knew Afrikan medicinal practices.322 One correction that must be made to Benitez-Rojo's point is that European medicine was not available to Afrikans in Ayiti, to begin with, as mentioned before, so the notion of the availability of European medicine wasn’t even an issue.

Later, when Toussaint was the head of the revolution, the people and soldiers began to call him Papa Toussaint and associated him with Papa Legba because he took charge of following the right course and made sure to see it through. Most scholars like to emphasize the fact that he banned the practice of Vodou within his ranks when victory seemed assured, but

Benitez-Rojo explains that he did so for foreign policy reasons since he wished ardently to be recognized in Europe as a civilized man. Nelson Mandela would also share this unfortunate

321 Antonio Benitez-Rojo, “4. Fernando Ortiz: The Caribbean and postmodernity-Between Voodoo and Ideology,” The Repeating Island The Caribbean and the Postmodern Perspective, (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997), p. 162. 322 Ibid, 162-163. 166 shortcoming after being released from prison in South Africa after apartheid. Despite this unfortunate shortcoming, Desalin did indeed open the path and fulfilled the necessary calling as ordained by the supreme deity (Bondye) and the ancestors. An image of the veve for Papa Legba can be found below:

(Illustration 4. Vèvè of Legba Atibon)323

Jan-Jak Desalin/Jean-Jacques Dessalines (1758-1806) The Great Afrikan Liberator &

Emperor of Ayiti

323 Milo Rigaud, “Legba,” Ve-Ve: Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou (Ritual Voodoo Diagrams), (New York: French and European Publications Inc., 1974), p. 193. 167

One of the most significant Afrikan personalities to be discussed now is an Afrikan man whose name continues to strike fear, envy, and hatred in many whites/Europeans' hearts. Papa

Jan-Jak Desalin (Jean-Jacques Dessalines) is undoubtedly one of the greatest Afrikan generals, founding fathers, and leaders to grace this earth. Desalin is called many names but will forever be recognized as the general that delivered the final defeating blow to the French army under

Napoleon's rule. An army that, at its height, was viewed as the most powerful army in the world.

European historians, in spite, would incorrectly refer to Deslain as the “black Napoleon” even though he defeated Napoleon's army.

Therefore, Desalin has received negative depictions from Europeans and dislocated

Afrikans to minimize his significance and place within Afrikan world history due to this victory.

Duncan reinforces this statement around the negative portrayal and descriptions around Desalin when he states:

There are many depictions of him as illiterate and impulsive, unprincipled and unscrupulous, vain and selfish and untameable and temperamental, yet he has been the only slave in the history of the world to have successfully led a slave rebellion into establishing a free and independent nation-state. No other leader in world history can claim this success.324

One correction that must be made in Duncan's statement is that Desalin was no “slave.”

He was someone who was enslaved but always saw himself as a free Afrikan. As previously discussed, due to Desalin upbringing and training under Toya Montou, he gained the theological clarity to understand himself as an Afrikan person and recognize who his enemies were. Unlike

Toussaint, Desalin would not waste time playing politics or making peace with whites. He did

324 Rick Duncan, “Chapter Seven: Ourstory in the West,” Man, Know Thyself Volume 1: Corrective Knowledge of Our Notable Ancestors, (Bloomington: Xlibris Publishing Company, 2013), p. 254. 168 not care to be recognized by the French or any other Europeans for that matter. Desalin clear stance illuminates that he understood that as Afrikan people in the world, we had the capability and the epistemology to live free and on our terms. To truly understand Desalin contributions, one must look at the actions he initiated as a youth.

Desalin, just like his master and teacher, Toya Montou, was a warrior with the fire of resistance. As a boy on the plantation, he would never submit to his condition of enslavement and constantly rebelled and refused to work for his European enslavers. Due to his training, he was constantly running away as a teenager and lived as a fugitive during those years. Duncan notes that whenever Desalin was captured, he would be whipped so ferociously that his body would constantly be covered in scars.325 Desalin traumatic experience with enslavement helped develop his theological clarity to understand that whites/Europeans had no interest in making peace because they did not see Afrikans as human beings.

European scholars and historians like to emphasize that Desalin was illiterate, but this was not the case. On the contrary, Desalin did not desire to learn European languages or writing because he did not want them to understand his motives or attentions. This cautious characteristic within his personality is one that he shares with Ogou. This claim is reinforced when Duncan states:

He refused to learn French and always communicated in his native “Creole.” In other words, he refused to accept Europeans and their ways and was determined that they, in turn, would not know him and his ways.326

325 Ibid. 326 Ibid, p. 255. 169

When the major phase of the Afrikan revolution broke out in 1791, Desalin once again escaped the plantation and joined the then rising leader, General Toussaint L'Ouverture. Desalin, who was already well-versed in Afrikan warfare, established himself in the army and became one of Toussaint’s top lieutenants. Due to his fiery personality, which he inherited from Ogou and his ferocity on the battlefield, Desalin would be given the nickname “tig la (the tiger)” by his peers. In 1793 the French falsely claimed to end enslavement in France and all their colonies, but this did not last long.

In 1793, Toussaint had made a temporary allegiance with the French to defeat the British and Spanish armies fighting for control over Ayiti. Desalin did not agree or embrace Toussaint's idea of aligning with the French, but due to the nature of politics and his position within the army, he knew he had to fulfill his role/orders as a soldier. During the next few years, Desalin military skills and leaders proved essential to Toussaint's success in liberating the Spanish- controlled eastern half of Ayiti. As a result of his feats, he would rise to become a general within the army by 1799. By 1801, Toussaint was appointed as the governor-general of Ayiti, and

Desalin would become his right hand (second in command).

It would not be long until Napoleon (who had risen to power in France) would send his brother-in-law, Charles-Victor-Emmanuel Leclerc, to re-enslave the Afrikan population in Ayiti.

When the French army arrived in their attempt to re-enslave the Afrikan population, Desalin and

Toussaint overcame and repelled the invading forces in the famous battle of Crête-à-Pierrot.

Soon after, Toussaint would attempt to cut a deal with the French, who offered the illusion of recognizing Ayiti in which Toussaint could maintain his position as governor-general.

170

Unfortunately, the French did not uphold this deal and captured and imprisoned

Toussaint. Desalin clarity would not fall for the Europeans false promises, and he would take over Toussaint's position as the leader of the Afrikan revolutionary army. European historians deflect and distort the fact that the French backstabbed Toussaint and claim that Desalin had sided with the French to cause Toussaint capture. Such notions are dangerous and should be critiqued.

As Carruthers and other Afrikan scholars have demonstrated, Desalin would never have sided with the French to betray his own. On the contrary, time and time again, Desalin had warned Toussaint to stop cutting deals with whites because they would never accept Afrikan people as their equals. In turn, Toussaint would also never betray Desalin. This sentiment is reinforced by Jerome R. Adams, who discusses Leclerc failed attempt to turn Toussaint against

Desalin. For instance, he states:

Later, when Christophe and Toussaint were finally forced to open negotiations toward surrender, Dessalines, the fiercest noir of them all, refused to join them fighting on. After Christophe had given up Toussaint went with four hundred mounted men to meet Leclerc at Haut-du-Cap. Leclerc waited, flanked by several noir officers who had surrendered. As Toussaint walked forward, his brother Paul, who had been at Leclerc’s side stepped forward to embrace him. Toussaint turned away. Leclerc asked Toussaint to betray Dessalines; he refused.327

Leclerc had also originally attempted to turn Desalin by asking him to arrest Toussaint, but Desalin also refused. Despite his predicament and desire to be recognized by the French,

Toussaint understood Desalin position as a warrior and his potential as the next leader should he fall. Thus, after Toussaint's capture on June 7, 1802, he would take over and proceed to

327 Jerome R. Adams, “Pierre François-Dominique Toussaint L’Ouverture 1743-1803 (Haiti),” Latin American Heroes Liberators and Patriots from 1500 to the Present, (Jefferson: The Random House Publishing Group, 1993), p. 26. 171 embarrass Leclerc's successor, General Rochambeau, in battle. Nevertheless, Desalin forces would continue to achieve a series of victories against Rochambeau and the French army. This event eventually culminated in Rochambeau's final defeat in the last major battle of the revolution, famously known as “the Battle of Vertières.”

In the end, Desalin would fulfill the prophecy proclaimed by the Lwas and Afrikan ancestors by finally liberating Ayiti from the French. He carried the baton and fired passed down since the first Afrikans who landed in Ayiti began to rebel. Desalin greatest contribution is when he declared not just the independence of Afrikan people in Ayiti but the start of a brand new

Afrikan nation to which all black/Afrikan people in the world could gravitate. Thus, began the great Afrikan empire of Ayiti! A deeper discussion and examination of Desalin role as emperor and his vision for this new Afrikan nation will be detailed in the final chapter.

As stated before, the personalities discussed in this chapter were not the only ones contributing to the fight for Afrikan freedom in Ayiti. There were other men, women, and children who contributed. Below is a timeline that details the continuum of Afrikan rebellion against enslavement in Ayiti before the major phase in 1791. This timeline is important because it helps one understand that the fight for Afrikan freedom in Ayiti did not begin in 1791 after the

Vodou ceremony of Bwa Kayiman. The revolution began when the first Afrikans who landed in

Ayiti during the 1500s decided to free themselves. They freed themselves and others and decided to fight against those who dared to strip them of Afrikan freedom and identity.

172

Table 2. Timeline/chronology of Initial Afrikan Wars & Rebellions in Ayiti before 1791

1517-1679 The first arrival of enslaved Afrikans on the island of Ayiti (renamed

Saint Dominque).

1679 Padre Jean and his community initiate an Afrikan rebellion in St-

Louis du Nord, Port-Margot, and Morne Tatare.

1691 An Afrikan mawon (maroon) chief Michel initiates a rebellion in

Plaine du Cul-de-Sac.328

1691 An Afrikan Uprising led by Jeannot Marin and Georges Dollot

Pierrot is initiated in the district of Port de Paix, Île de la Tortue

1723 An attack against white enslavers in the regions Grande-Rivière-du-

Nord, Limonade, and Morne à Montègre is led by Colas aka Colas

Jambe Coupée (name translate to cut leg due to his European

enslaver having ordered that one of his legs be cut due to his constant

escape from the plantation).329

1728 Afrikan maroon leader Plymouth initiates rebellion in Grande Anse,

Nippes region.330

328 “The Maroons,” LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY: EXPLORING THE FRENCH REVOUTION, accessed July 26, 2020, https://revolution.chnm.org/items/show/312. 329 Ernest Delma, “A Rather Coarse Tribulation,” Haiti: The Persistence of Misfortune, (Morrisville: Lulu Press, 2010), p. 48. 330 Jean Fouchard, “Chapter VI: Analysis of Marronage,” The Haitian Maroons: Liberty or Death, (New York: Edward W. Blyden Press, 1981), p. 274. 173

Table 2. Continued

1730-1734 Afrikan chief Polydor, who Makandal succeeded, initiates a rebellion

in Trou du Nord region. (WEB DuBois, crisis, p. 216)

1740 Afrikan chief Pompée initiates rebellion in Mirebalais district

1740-1758 Makandal, Brigitte, Jean Tassereau, Médor, and hundreds of other

Afrikan accomplices initiate several attacks utilizing poison against

whites in the North and Northeast regions of Ayiti.

1742 Afrikan mawon attacks/incursions are initiated on the plantations in

the Anses-à-Pitres commune.

1746 Afrikan mawon attacks/incursions are initiated on the plantations in

the Jacmel commune

1747 In 1747, in the western province of Léogane, a group of enslaved

Afrikans led by a leader named, Orphée (Orpheus) initiated a plot

and rebellion against French enslavers.331

331 Franklin Midy, “4. Marrons de la liberté, révoltés de la libération: Le Marron inconnu revisité (4. Maroons of freedom, revolted by liberation: Le Marron inconnu revisited)” Genèse de l'État haïtien (Genesis of the Haitian State 1804-1859), edited by Michel Hector, Laënnec Hurbon, (Paris: Editions de la Maison des sciences de l'homme/ Editions of the House of Human Sciences, 2009), p. 137. https://translate.google.com/translate?hl=en&sl=fr&u=https://books.openedition.org/editionsmsh/9723%3Flang %3Den&prev=search&pto=aue 174

Table 2. Continued

1758 Makandal, Brigitte, Jean Tassereau, Médor, and others involved in

the poisoning of enemies are executed by the French but transition

into the spiritual realm. Their energy stayed alive during the fight for

Afrikan freedom, and years later, the French would suffer from

Malaria/yellow fever caused by a swarm of Mosquitoes.332

1761 Afrikan mawons set up a successful trap against the French. The

leader of the group, according to Fouchard, takes on the name of his

defeated opponent named Belzunce.333

1770-1777 Afrikan rebel leader Petit Noël Prieur initiate a rebellion in Fort

Dauphin (Fort Liberte) commune.334

1770-1777 Afrikan leaders and former agents of Makandal named Télémaque

Canga, as well as Isaac and Pyrrhus Candide initiate rebellions in the

North (specifically Fort Dauphin).335

332 Philippe Girard, “How a Mosquito Defeated Napoleon – and Freed Haiti,” Wonders & Marvels, November 22, 2016, http://www.wondersandmarvels.com/2016/11/how-a-mosquito-defeated-napoleon-and-freed-haiti.html, (July 10, 2020). 333 Jean Fouchard, “Chapter VII: A Chronology of Marronage,” The Haitian Maroons: Liberty or Death, (New York: Edward W. Blyden Press, 1981), p. 330. 334 Johnhenry Gonzalez, “Chapter six-The Maroon Economy: Subsistence Production, Cash Crops, and Tax Evasion,” Maroon Nation: A History of Revolutionary Haiti (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019), p. 220. 335 Ibid, “Chapter VII: A Chronology of Marronage,” The Haitian Maroons: Liberty or Death, (New York: Edward W. Blyden Press, 1981), p. 295. 175

Table 2. Continued

1776 Afrikan mawon continue to initiate attacks in Boucan-Patate, Anses-

à-Pitres, Grand-Bois, Fonds-Parisien, and Sale-Trou communes.

1776-1785 Attacks led by Afrikan leaders Attacks by Santiago, Philippe, and

Kebinda are initiated in what would later be known as the Bahoruco

rebellion.336

1777 An Afrikan Jacques who was enslaved to Corbières' initiates a

rebellion in Plaine du Cul-de-Sac.337

1777-1778 Afrikan mawons initiate attacks in Boucan-Gressin.

1779-1781 Afrikan mawons initiate another series of attacks in Southeast,

Jacmel.

1786-1787 Enslaved Afrikan leaders Jérôme Poteau and Télémaque initiate a

secret Vodou ceremony to bring misfortune to their white/European

enemies in the Marmelade commune.338

336 Ibid, p. 330 337 Carolyn Fick, “2. Slave Resistance,” The Making of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below, (Knoxville: The university of Tennessee Press, 1990), p. 73. 338 Hein Vanhee,”9. Central African Popular Christianity and the Making of Haitian Vodou Religion,” Central Africans and Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora, edited by Jan Vansina, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 252. 176

Table 2. continued

1787 Afrikan mawon Yaya (aka Gilot/Gillot) initiates a rebellion in Trou

du Nord and Terrier Rouge communes.339

1791 Fatiman, Boukman, and other Afrikan leaders initiate the Vodou

ceremony at Bwa Kayiman, which lit the match for the major

phase/general insurrection of the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti.

339 Ibid, “Chapter VII: A Chronology of Marronage,” The Haitian Maroons: Liberty or Death, (New York: Edward W. Blyden Press, 1981), p. 338. 177

CHAPTER 6

THE MAINTENANCE OF AFRIKAN IDENTITY AND SPIRITUALITY IN AYITI

"You have branded voodoo obeath and all African oriented traditions as paganism, yet you have the people going to church trying to drink the blood of Jesus and eat his flesh."340 -Mutabaruka It can be said with irrefutable facts that the fight and victories achieved for Afrikan freedom in Ayiti would not have been made possible without the Afrikan spiritual system of

Vodou/Vodun. The formation of Ayiti as an independent black/Afrikan nation would not have come into fruition without the philosophical glue provided by Afrikan spiritual systems such as

Vodou. As emphasized by Marimba Ani, our spirituality as Afrikan people must relate to our political needs.341 Sadly, despite the undeniable reality of the power of Afrikan spirituality,

Eurocentric historians who follow the Hegelian tradition have continued attempts to undermine and bury the significance of Vodou during the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti.

As explained and demonstrated in chapter 2, scholars such as Terry Rey have gone so far to suggest that the Vodou ceremony at Bwa Kayiman may not have occurred. Such statements are a clear insult to the memory and oral traditions of the Afrikan ancestors who fought to liberate Ayiti, as well as Afrikan people, from the toxic grips of Europeans. Furthermore, the attacks initiated by universalized Arab and European religions on Vodou and other Afrikan

340 Mutabaruka (Allen) Hope, “People’s Court Part II,” Melanin Man, (Shanchie Record, 1994), play.google.com/store/music/album/Melanin_Man?id=Buq7fs2b3t2edaue6ygyo4ey6oa&hl=en, Accessed 1 Aug, 2020. 341 Marimba Ani, “Kuugusa Mtima: The Afrikan “Aesthetic” and National Consciousness,” To Heal a People Afrikan Scholars Defining a New Reality, edited by Erriel D. Roberson, (Baltimore: Kujichagulia Press, 1996), p. 91. 178 spiritual systems have become more aggressive. Wole Soyinka reinforces this sentiment when he states:

In my address, I pointed out that both Islam and Christianity had been guilty not merely of physical atrocities on African soil, including enslavement of the indigenes but of a systematic assault on African spirituality in their contest for religious hegemony. Therefore, the claims of either religion to mutual tolerance, I proposed, were still limited to the binary insularity of the world's incorrigible hegemonists, since they have proved incapable of taking into consideration the rights of other religions to equal respect, equal space, and tolerance.342

Soyinka must make one point of correction: both Europeans and Arabs were never interested in considering the rights dictated by Afrikan spiritual systems. Based on the histories, their systems were built on the context of power, control, and the imposition of others whose systems they deemed inferior. This is the reality faced by Afrikans in Ayiti, who still deal with this issue today due to the confusion caused by Catholicism's notion of syncretism.

Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to illuminate the various ways Afrikan people in

Ayiti maintained, protected, and further developed Afrikan identity/culture in the face of

European enslavement. Furthermore, this chapter shall demystify and critique the notion of

"syncretism" within Ayisyen Vodou. Such critique must be made because the assumption by many is that Vodou in Ayiti was a fusion of both the Afrikan spirituality and the Roman Catholic religion that was forced upon enslaved Afrikans. As stated before, this assumption confuses and undermines any political efforts to bring about a global Pan-Afrikan movement of liberation.

Vodou in Ayiti is inherently an Afrikan spiritual system, or rather, way of life. Due to the imposition of Catholicism and European banning of Afrikan spiritual practices, the Afrikan

342 Wole Soyinka, “Preface,” Of Africa, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), p. 4. 179 people of Ayiti were forced to be strategic and practice their system under a guise. Before examining how Vodou was the glue/foundation for the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti and the formation of Ayiti as a black/Afrikan nation, it is imperative that one first understand the common construction of all Afrikan spiritual systems.

The Reciprocity of the Cosmological Construction of Afrikan Spirituality

Afrikan spirituality refers to the deeper Afrikan cosmological construction of the world.

In other words, Afrikan cosmology is how Afrikan people perceive the development as well as the origin of the world and the larger universe. Through this understanding of the world and cosmos, the great Afrikan ancestors of old were able to create myths on how, they as a people, came into existence. This sort of conception is different from the west. Specifically, Europeans in the United States of America tend to diminish their notions of myths as simple fairy tales or superstitions. Damani Agyekum reinforces the Afrikan conception of cosmology when he states:

Cosmology incorporates all the myths within a society into a meaningful unwritten living constitution. Afrikans understand the world symbolically and in Afrikan societies, myths are symbolic representations of physic, cultural, and natural dimensions of reality. They are consciously composed to establish cultural ethics and explain the origins of customs and traditions. Afrikan myths make it obvious they believe in creation; the western notion of evolution is alien to them.343

European historians have consistently diminished Afrikan people's living memory due to their view of myths as vague meta-histories.344 In other words, Europeans view myths as

343 S.K. Damani Agyekum, “Introduction: Reciprocity,” Distorted Truths: The Bastardization of Afrikan Cosmology, (New York: Afrikan World InfoSystems, 2012), p. 13. 344 Meta-history is the European conception of historical imagination or rather the overarching narrative that gives order or meaning to historical records. This is especially true in the philosophies and histories written by European writers such as Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Herbert Spencer, and Karl Marx. For further reading on this concept check out Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in 19th-Century Europe (1973) by Hayden White. 180 historical imaginations of the past. Therefore, it is no surprise that Eurocentric scholars would make claims and statements that the Vodou ceremony at Bwa Kayiman and Boukman prayer may not have occurred. Nonetheless, despite their stupidity and ignorance, Afrikan people's living historical memory, Intune within Vodou, shows that this ceremony did indeed occur.

In terms of Afrikan mythology's power, Agyekum is correct in demonstrating that

Afrikan thought and myths both employ a common motif referred to as the reproductive metaphor.345 He defines the reproductive metaphor as the application of the biological, physiological, psychical, and physical aspects of human beings' sexual dynamics to explain or understand fundamental Afrikan phenomena.346 The best example of this case is the understanding that the mother's womb (vaginal space) is a potential space for creation. As

Agyekum states, vaginal space and womb are "analogous to space before time and creation."347

Thanks to this deep understanding and conception of creation, Afrikan spiritual systems have female deities representing motherhood and creation. For example, as demonstrated in the last chapter, Ezilí Dantò, the lwa within Ayisyen Vodou, represents motherhood and is a fierce protector of children. Another more concrete representation of this concept of motherhood and creation is the rainbow serpent lwa and deity Ayida-Wedo. Ayida-Wedo is a member of the Rada family/nation and is a compliment and partner (married) to the lwa and primordial creator of all life, Danbala.

345 Ibid. 346 Ibid. 347 Ibid. 181

Within the Afrikan mythology of Vodou, the origin of Ayida-Wedo and Danbala is explained. In the beginning, there was a vast serpent, whose body wrapped around below the earth to protect it from a descent into the primordial waters. This concept of the primordial waters of creation is the reciprocation as well as continuity of the Afrikan mythology of creation that goes as far back as ancient Kmt/Kemet with Nu/Nu (masculine)/

Nunet/Nunet (feminine) and what is also referred to as the Nwn/Nun (primordial waters).

As the story of Danbala and Ayida-Wedo continues, it is said that the giant serpent then began to move and envelop the sky. It created and scattered stars throwing its flesh and blood down the mountains to create riverbeds.

From its deepest core, the serpent then released the sacred waters to fill the earth with life. As the first rains fell upon the earth, a rainbow serpent (Ayida Wedo) encompassed the sky, and Danbala took her, Ayida Wedo, as his wife. The spiritual nectar/honey (fluids of egg and ovary) that they created reproduced through all male and female creation as milk (semen). In other words, the myth of Danbala the serpent and the rainbow serpent Ayida Wedo taught humankind the link and complementarity between blood and life, menstruation and birth, and most importantly, the balance maintained between male and female compliments.

This deep concept of Afrikan male and female complementarity shall be explored further in the next chapter. But, first, Leslie Desmangles goes deeper into the origin of Danbala and

Ayida-Wedo. Desmangles does this by illustrating the original Fon mythology of their story.

Danbala is called Dã Aida Hwedo and is tasked by Mawu Lisa (Afrikan goddess of creation and the sun and moon). For instance, he states:

182

In Fon mythology (Mercier 1968, 220–21), the story is told that at the beginning of the world, Mawu Lisa traveled to the four corners of the universe in order to arrange it. She was carried in the mouth of her benevolent snake-servant Dã Aida Hwedo. Wherever Mawu directed him to take her, mountains appeared, composed of Dã's excrement. When Mawu had completed her task, she noticed that the earth would not remain buoyant upon the primordial waters, for the mountains rendered it too heavy. Like a ship weighed down by a heavy cargo, the earth was slowly sinking into the primordial waters below it. Mawu asked Dã to coil himself below the earth and form "carrying pads" to hold the earth in place. To support the earth, Dã also constructed four pillars of iron, one at each of the cardinal points of the universe, and implanted them into the cosmic waters below. The tops of these pillars were elongated to support the sky, while holding the flat and thick earth buoyant and stationary in the middle. Dã is said to have then twisted himself around these pillars in order to reinforce them and to hold them in their original position.348

Desmangles points out that the Fon people agree that Dã is not just stationary and does not move. Dã/Danbala revolves around the earth by extending himself under it and across the vast sky. As a result, he provides a circular trajectory for the sun during both day and night.349

Desmangles explains that because of Dã's revolution around the earth, his deeper meaning is identified with the eternal motion within the larger universe/cosmos. Furthermore, this concept of motion in Danbala is characterized by the passage of all physical phenomena such as birth and decay (physical death).350 In other words, this motion, or "energy-force," as Desmangles describes, is the giver of children. It is not just about the motion of human bodies but rather the circular motion as dictated in the circle of life (birth and rebirth of the passing of human generations), which will be discussed very shortly.

Just like the Fon people on the Afrikan continent, Afrikan people in Ayiti stress the importance of having children in what Desmangles calls the "ancestral line of continuity."351 It is

348 Leslie Desmangles, “4. The Faces of The Cosmic Gods,” The Faces of The Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992), p. 118 349 Ibid. 350 Ibid. 351 Ibid, p. 119. 183 also clear that many of the characterizations of Dã have been retained in Ayisyen Vodou mythology and the living past/memory of Afrikans living in Ayiti through the conception of

Danbala. Desmangles reinforces this sentiment when he states that:

Although few of the Fon tales about Dã have survived among Haitians, their mythological details have persisted. Like the Fon, Vodouisants say that Damballah is an aged, noble father who assisted Bondye (God/supreme deity) when he created the universe. Indeed, it is said that Damballah is so ancient that in a sense, he is the father of the universe (Herskovits 1963, 2:250). As in Fon mythology, Damballah is the snake lwa, the one who twines himself around the four pillars that support the universe, and analogously around the four poles in the peristil. In some ounfòs, as in temples in Whydah in contemporary Benin, he is symbolized by a snake that lives either in an enclosed area of the temple or in a pool of water specially constructed for him.352

The characterization and personality of Danbala are further reinforced by Afrikans, who have been initiated and are associated with him. Those devotees who Danbala mounts would often crawl on the ground and speak his tongue through snake hissing sounds. It is important to note that Desmangles stresses that the manifestation of Danbala in each of his devotees is done to illustrate Danbala's promise that the motion of the essence of life shall continue. Thus, time will continue to flow; as it flows, physical objects will form and deteriorate, and children will be born as the elderly transition into the spiritual realm. This understanding is further reinforced in the illustration below of the Vèvè shared by both Ayida-Wedo and Danbala. Their symbol's illustration shows that they are always together, demonstrating the complementarity and balance needed to continue the circle of life.

352 Ibid. 184

(Illustration 5. One of many Vèvè of Danbala and Ayida-Wedo)353

Moving forward, it is pertinent that one gains a good understanding of the importance and reciprocity of the Afrikan cosmological conception of the circle of life. The concept of the circle of life is a consistent theme present and essential in every Afrikan spiritual system. From an Afrikan conception of time, the human life cycle is a continuous process or motion towards fulfilling their sacred calling/destiny.354 These fulfillments are done through a series of initiations/rituals that represent symbolic deaths. It is important to note that Afrikan people do not believe in a definite death of one's soul or body but rather a transitioning and transformation into the next realm.

In this sense, the concept of rebirth is stressed to highlight a person's birth, puberty, marriage, parenthood, elderhood, and physical death (transitioning into an ancestor). These stages of the Afrikan conception of the human life cycle form the basis for what is known as the

353 Milo Rigaud, “Danbhalah Hwedo & Aida Hwedo,” Ve-Ve: Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou (Ritual Voodoo Diagrams), (New York: French and European Publications Inc., 1974), p. 172 354 Ibid. “Chapter 3: Humanity in Afrika,” Distorted Truths: The Bastardization of Afrikan Cosmology, (New York: Afrikan World InfoSystems, 2012), p. 95. 185

"Circle of Life." Kimani Nehusi, in his text on libation, emphasizes the importance of this concept and explains that it is implied in the various stages in the Circle of Life acknowledged by Afrikans, a certain way of conceptualizing the world as being divided into beings and things.355 Nehusi also points out that the ancient Afrikan people of Kemet also recognized and named other animals besides humans and objects (since all things in existence have energy/spirit from the supreme creator). The Afrikan understanding of the cosmos is further reinforced when

Nehusi states:

In this understanding of the cosmos, every being and everything in the universe, including lesser divinities, is brought into being by the Creator, Atum, (later variously Ra, Amun, Atum-Ra, Amun-Ra, Ptah, Khnum and the Aten), who is thus nb tm: the "Lord of Totality," and is at once both male and female. Every being and thing was given a KA: ka, a "life force," "vital force," or "energy" emanating from the Creator. This way of understanding and explaining the world arises directly from and is, in fact, a part of the creation stories of Kemet, perhaps the oldest known explanations of the universe. In this cosmology, everything in the universe derived from the possibilities inherent in the Nun, or primordial waters, for the nun is the oldest substance in the cosmos and contains all the possibilities of existence, that is, all reality, everywhere that ever was, is and will be, all possible examples of anything. In this definition of existence, everything, and its opposite, as well as every possibility on the continuum between the two, is included.356

Nehusi's beautiful articulation of the cosmic hierarchy describes a model that still exists among the many successors and descendants of the ancient Afrikan people in the Nile Valley.

Throughout the Afrikan continent and the Afrikan communities/societies abroad, Afrikan people have continued to maintain the cosmic hierarchy and model within their spiritual systems. The figure below is a demonstration of the Afrikan understanding of the cosmic order and hierarchy:

355 Kimani Nehusi, “Chapter One: Concerning Libation,” Libation: An Afrikan Ritual of Heritage in the Circle of Life, (New York: University Press of America, Inc., 2016), p. 4. 356 Ibid, p. 4-5. 186

Table 3. Illustration of the Cosmic/Divine Hierarchy and Order in the Circle of Life The Supreme Creator (God/Bondye in Ayisyen Kreyol)

Lessor Divinities/Gods (lwa in Ayisyen Vodou, Orisha in Yoruba)

Ancestors & other Spirits

Human Beings

Other Animals & Plants

Objects/Minerals

Agyekum does good to illustrate the Afrikan rituals utilized within the conception of the

Circle of Life. The phases and length of Afrikan rituals may vary within each society, but the pattern always remains consistent in terms of structure. For instance, when a person is born as an infant, the first rite is the naming/coming out ritual and ceremony. As far back as Kemet, one does not exist until one is named and introduced into the community. Agyekum goes further by highlighting that the coming-out ritual acknowledges not only the death

(transformation/transitioning) of a person in the realm of the unborn (spiritual realm) but also his or her birth into the realm of the born (physical realm).357

357 Ibid, “Chapter 3: Humanity in Afrika,” Distorted Truths: The Bastardization of Afrikan Cosmology, (New York: Afrikan World InfoSystems, 2012), p. 96 187

Another important note is that this transformation into “the realm of the born” corresponds with the fetal development in the mother's womb. As a result, preparations would be made to assist the mother in taking medicines through plants and herbs, performing the required sacrifices, and instructing the fetus in development through ancestral songs.358 Within Ayisyen

Vodou, the concept of this transformation into the realm of the born and receiving a name is known as Metté n'anme (placing the soul) and Lévé nom (taking the name).

In his text Secrets of Voodoo, Milo Rigaud breaks down the importance of the Metté n'anme ritual and its ancestral roots to the ancient Afrikan Kemetic understanding of the person and personality. For instance, he explains that Metté n'anme is the process in which one spiritually balances the two parts of the soul, which are the bA/Ba (Kemetic concept for the individual soul) and kA/Ka (Kemetic concept for vital force/life force) of the newborn.359 Lévé nom is the process of providing spiritual protection to the born child that consists of taking on the name of an ancestor to continue one's ancestral tradition.360 Before discussing the next set of rituals in the Afrikan conception of the Circle of Life, it is imperative to discuss the necessity of nature and herbs within the birthing rituals.

A common herb/plant utilized in Ayisyen Vodou during the birthing and naming ceremony is maskreti (castor oil plant). This plant has incredible spiritual and healing principles and reinforces the interconnectedness humans have with nature, the spiritual realm, the physical

358 Ibid. 359 Milo Rigaud, “7. Rituals and Ceremonies of Voodoo,” Secrets of Voodoo, (San Francisco: City Light Books, 1970), p. 166 360 Ibid. 188 realm, and the larger universe. Afrikan medicinal herbal practices (e.k.a herbal science) are an aspect that is ingrained within any Afrikan spiritual system and can be traced back to ancient civilizations such as Kemet. One of the ancestors best known for his medical utilization of plants and herbs was the Afrikan multi-genius Imhotep. Tariq M. Sawandi takes time in his text to explain the herbal practices among Afrikans from Yorubaland that have been highly developed from over ten thousand years ago.361 Sawandi goes on to discuss the Yoruba divinities associated with nature stating:

They had a large and complicated pantheon of orisha-divinities of the plant kingdom. Among them are Erinle, Ogun, and Osain. One of the most important plant orishas that has come to my attention on the subject of plant medicines is Osain. According to the ancient Yoruba, Osain is the orisha of botany, or herbology. Osain dwells in the forest, in the leaves, shrubs, and trees and knows the secrets of the plant kingdom. The energy of Osain is no single plant, but a spiritual force that holds the healing potential of every plant form within the forest.362

One will see a commonality of Afrikan deities/spirits associated with nature, even in

Ayisyen Vodou. For instance, the lwa Loko (loco/Adahi Loko/Adan-hi Loco), much like Osain, is the spirit of healing and plants (specifically associated with trees). Loko is also considered the guardian of sanctuaries, so one will always see a tree within or around a Vodou and ancestral shrine. Like Osain, Loko gives healing properties to leaves/herbs utilized by a Houngan, Mambo, or spiritual doctor who invokes his spirit before treating a patient. An image of Loko Vèvè can found in the figure below.

361 Tariq M. Sawandi, “3. Secrets of the Priesthood,” African Medicine: A Complete Guide To Yoruba Healing Science and African Herbal Remedies, (Los Angeles: NileValleyMedicine, 2016), p. 29. 362 Ibid. 189

(Illustration 6. One of the many Vèvè of Loko)363

Nehusi also examines Afrikan people's deep connection with nature when he explains the idea/concept of "Mother Earth." It is an idea embedded within Afrikan spirituality and precedes the Eurocentric notion of what is now known as environmentalism. Nehusi is correct to state that the concept of environmentalism was founded by the same ignorant European individuals who disregarded the Afrikan principle of working in harmony with nature.364 In their arrogant attempts to conquer nature, they have caused chaos across the earth. Today, evidence can be seen

363 Ibid, “Loco,” Ve-Ve: Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou (Ritual Voodoo Diagrams), (New York: French and European Publications Inc., 1974), p. 424. 364 Ibid, “Chapter One: Concerning Libation,” Libation: An Afrikan Ritual of Heritage in the Circle of Life, (New York: University Press of America, Inc., 2016), p. 9. 190 with Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and the deforestation he has caused to the Amazon rainforest in his failed attempts to control the region.

After the birthing ritual, the next ritual a child will eventually undergo is the puberty rite/rite of passage. Within this phase, a child must undergo a symbolic death to be reborn or transition into adulthood. Within many Afrikan spiritual systems, including Vodou, young initiates will undergo a rite of passage and learn the roles and responsibilities of an adult.

Initiates learn these lessons and undergo this metaphorical death when they are removed from the community to undergo a series of trials. Agyekum points out that these trials are done in the

"bush" or forest, which parallels the womb and nature. This parallel exists because the womb and nature are where creation, as well as transformation, occurs.

Once one becomes an adult, the process does not stop but continues. The next ritual/rite that should occur is marriage. It is understood that any adult man or woman's goal should include marriage to produce children. The ritual of marriage and producing children is one's sacred ancestral imperative. In other words, we are charged to continue our ancestral familial lines.

Agyekum reinforces this when he states:

The pattern continues: the adult man becomes the husband, the woman a wife; the husband becomes a father, and the wife becomes a mother; each 'dying' in order to give birth to the new role or level of responsibility, which increases with age. In many cultures, a special rite is performed to acknowledge elderhood. Burial is the last rite and is absolutely necessary in order to become an ancestor.365

365 Ibid, “Chapter 3: Humanity in Afrika,” Distorted Truths: The Bastardization of Afrikan Cosmology, (New York: Afrikan World InfoSystems, 2012), p. 96 191

Because Afrikan time is cyclical, as a person ages, they will work to enter the last phase, which is to be an elder. An important note is that age alone does not make someone an elder. To become an elder, wisdom, a combination of knowledge and experience, is a criterion, including what the person has done for his family, community, and people. Within this process, Agyekum states one affirms the cyclical nature of reality. This process explains why respect for elders' wisdom is not just based on age. Instead, it is based on the elder experience and contributions to the larger community over time. An elder who is remembered by their community for their good contributions will eventually rise to become an ancestor.

As a result, the ritual of libation is critical when calling upon one's ancestors. This process is critical because it (1) allows the people to honor the memory of their ancestors, (2) to gain guidance from them, and (3) it allows Afrikan people to draw upon ancestral power during times of conflict or confusion. Pouring libation to one's ancestors is a consistent theme within all

Afrikan spiritual systems. Nehusi provides a more in-depth explanation of the process of pouring libation to one's ancestors when he states:

Here the person states his or her name, then gives his or her genealogy, calling out the names of his/her parents, fore-parents, and other relatives. The libationer introduces her/himself to the forces addressed in order to be identified, which s/he cannot properly do merely by way of reference only to her/himself, but only through her/his lineage. In Afrikan life no one exists alone, without family and community. This is an opportunity to recite a lineage and therefore a chance to familiarize or re-familiarise oneself with the lineage of the person performing this task, as well as to reinforce knowledge and the significance of lineage, of remembering.366

366 Ibid, “Chapter One: Concerning Libation,” Libation: An Afrikan Ritual of Heritage in the Circle of Life, (New York: University Press of America, Inc., 2016), p. 31. 192

Within Ayisyen Vodou, libation is utilized in one of the most important celebrations/holidays of the spiritual calendar. The Vodou celebration is known as Fête Gede

(Festival of the Dead/Ancestors). This critical celebration is done yearly on the first and second days of November. During this celebration, Afrikan people in Ayiti and abroad converge on sacred burial sites to honor Afrikan ancestors with libations and ritual sacrifices. The Gede

(Guédé) are a family of lwa that embody and deal with the aspect of death (transformation) and fertility (birth). Some of this family's more known members include Papa Gede, Brave Gede,

Gede Nibo (Baron Samedi), Maman Brigitte, Gede Masaka, and Gede Oussou. Their symbol/Vèvè is usually an image of a cemetery tombstone to illustrate the importance of one's transition from the physical to the spiritual realm. Much like in ancient Kemet, a person's tomb or burial site is done with great effort and care to prepare the deceased person for their journey into the next plane of existence. An image of the Gede Vèvè can be seen below.

(Illustration 7. One of many Vèvè for Gede)367

367 Ibid, “Gue,” Ve-Ve: Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou (Ritual Voodoo Diagrams), (New York: French and European Publications Inc., 1974), p. 330. 193

Vodun and the Ancient Afrikan Kingdom of Dahomey

After examining the basic cosmological construction of Afrikan spirituality, it is now time to deeply examine the origins of Vodun/Vodou in its earliest iteration before Afrikans in

Ayiti utilized the spiritual system in the fight for Afrikan freedom. This initial examination will help unpack why Afrikans in Ayiti had to secretly veil and practice Vodou before the European notion of syncretism. Specifically, this section shall illuminate how Afrikan spiritual systems such as Vodun/Vodou were critical components to developing the state and empire building in both the Kingdom of Dahomey and the first Empire of Ayiti established after the revolution.

Umoja Akinyele demonstrates Afrikan spirituality's critical role in Afrikan nation- building in his article on the Vodun paradigm in Dahomey and Ayiti. Akinyele's paper is important to this discussion because he cites two cases of indigenous Afrikan religions/spiritual systems playing a critical role in state and empire building in the Kingdom of Dahomey during the early 18th century and the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti. Specifically, Akinyele states:

I assert that the religion of Vodun was a vehicle for the consolidation of the Dahomean state. The term Vodun in the West African language Fongbe (Vudu in related language Evhe) can be used to refer to a religion or spirit. In the Haitian Revolution, Vodun and other indigenous African faiths consolidated to serve as a catalyst for the unity and resistance of enslaved Africans. I refer to this process as the Vodun Paradigm.368

Akinyele's understanding of Vodun as a paradigm is not just interesting but important to interrogate. One can argue that the spiritual system of Vodun is much older and deeper to be

368 Umoja Akinyele, “From Dahomey to Haiti: The Vodun Paradigm as a Manifestation of Pan-Africanism,” International Journal of Africana Studies 7, no. 1 (2002): p. 95. 194 simply described as a paradigm. Nonetheless, Akinyele is not entirely wrong for viewing Vodun as a paradigm. Due to her understanding of Vodun as a mambo, Ama Mazama also understands the deep nature of paradigms when she wrote the Afrocentric paradigm. Within the Academic context, Mazama understood that Afrocentricity must be understood as a paradigm.369

Mazama also notes that the paradigm concept has received multiple definitions but stresses that, from an Afrocentric perspective, a paradigm must activate Afrikan people's consciousness to be of any use to us as Afrikan people.370 Mazama is correct to point out that this critical requirement of a paradigm is reminiscent of the tradition that existed in Ancient Kemet when the priests opened the mouth of the statues of the Afrikan gods so they could breathe life and consciousness in them, thus allowing them to serve better their fellow Afrikan people who also in reciprocation served them.371

Pan-Afrikan intellectuals examine many independent Afrikan nations/societies because they provide potential cultural and political models. As mentioned by Akinyele and even Ama

Mazama, the promotion of Afrikan solidarity and how to unite Afrikan people all over the world is a critical question. One answer is, without a doubt, Afrikan spirituality. For example, when one examines Vodun in Dahomey during the reign of ߫߫ߎߛ߫ߐߚߊ Axosu/Ahosu (king) Agaja (1708-

1732) and his successors, they will see how Vodun was utilized to promote both political

369 Ama Mazama, “Introduction: The Afrocentric Paradigm,” The Afrocentric Paradigm, edited by Ama Mazama, (Trenton: African World Press, Inc., 2003), p. 7. 370 Ibid, p. 8. 371 Ibid. 195 consolidation and the unity of the people. Akinyele gives a brief history of what led to this action by Axosu Agaja when he states:

The kingdom of Dahomey's origin is in the late 17th century. The Fon-speaking people of West Africa were engaged in two major migrations prior to establishing themselves in the inland plateau region centered in what is now called the Republic of Benin. The Fon are one of the branches of the Aja people who migrated eastward into present-day Benin from Tado (near the eastern border of contemporary Togo). According to oral tradition, Aja people established the kingdom of Allada, which served as the "father" kingdom of all other Aja kingdoms. In 1620, Fon oral tradition suggests inter-royal conflict led to the migration of an Allada prince, Dogbari- Genu, and several of his clients north to the plateau regions of Abomey. Dogbari-Genu would eventually subdue the indigenous people of Abomey, the Gede people, and establish the kingdom of Dahomey (Akinjogbin, 1967, 22-6, 37). Since the royalty of Dahomey has an Allada heritage, it is called the Alladahonu dynasty.372

Despite the conflict, it is clear that Afrikan spirituality was the glue that allowed the

Dogbari-Genu to conquer the Gede people and their eventual incorporation and the development of the Kingdom of Dahomey. Akinyele reinforces this statement when he states that this situation was an example of the use of African religion as a tool to cement political relations between different Afrikan ethnic groups, even in the context of war and conquest.373 However, it is important to note that it is not just a tool to cement political relations but also to reinforce the commonality and essential aspects consistent even among the variations of Afrikan people that exist on the continent the globe.

For instance, as Akinyele also reinforces, the conquering Fon Alladahonu dynasty recognized the common Afrikan cosmology of the Gede people whom they defeated and conquered. As a result, the Fon recognized they could not govern the Gede without paying

372 Ibid, “From Dahomey to Haiti: The Vodun Paradigm as a Manifestation of Pan-Africanism,” International Journal of Africana Studies 8, no. 1 (2002): p. 97. 373 Ibid. 196 respect to the spirits of the earth they occupied. Akinyele points out that the Alladahonu royal family's guardian spirit was Agasu, a leopard/panther spirit of Gede origin.374 Thus, films such as

Black Panther (2018) hold importance for Afrikan people because it draws upon the deeper history of Afrikan deities, spirits, and animals that were considered sacred. This fact also explains why particular Afrikan totems were established. Many totems are established in various

Afrikan societies to prevent the killing or eating of certain animals that are deemed sacred.

Furthermore, this practice was a form of proper Afrikan ecology that maintained the balance between nature and the spiritual realm.

By the early eighteenth century, during the reigns of Dahomey's third and fourth monarchs, Agaja and his son Tegbesu (Bossa Ahadee), the spiritual system of Vodun would take a more central and important role in state-building consolidation.375 A key figure who assisted

Ahosu Agaja in centralizing and institutionalizing Vodun as the national religion in the kingdom was a Powerful Afrikan woman named Hwanjile. According to Akinyele, who draws upon the archives and accounts of Herskovits informant, Ahosu Agaja gave Hwanjile the necessary offerings/tools, which allowed her to transfer and introduce several of the necessary Vodun

(deities) to the Dahomey Kingdom.376 It is said that Agaja would go on to marry Hwanjile, who would eventually give birth to the eventual heir of the kingdom named Tegbesu.

Although Agaja was concerned about his rivals threatening his nation's security, he was more concerned with Europeans' continued encroachment near his territory. He foresaw as well

374 Ibid. 375 Ibid, p. 98. 376 Ibid. 197 as understood the threat that Europeans and their Christianity posed to the Kingdom. He also understood the threat of the European slave trade and their attempts to control Xwéda

(Hweda/Whydah/Ouidah) as a major trade port. Xwéda is significant today in Benin because it is the major site and capital for Vodun. Akinyele reinforces the history of Agaja movements to deflect European intervention and their attempts to seize Xwéda when he states that:

Agaja was also concerned with European intervention in Aja territory which he intended to consolidate under his authority. In order to secure their interests in the traffic of captive African labor, in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, Europeans manipulated the affairs of the Hweda kingdom on the Atlantic coast. Hweda was a significant port in the Atlantic trade of African humanity and the import of European manufactures to Aja kingdoms (Akinjogbin, 1967, 31-35). Under the direction of Hwanjile, the Dahomean kingdom established a central pantheon and a centralizing of religious practices, including initiation of priests and calendar for religious rituals. As the chief priestess of the Kingdom, it was her responsibility to resolve conflict of a religious nature.377

This case further reinforces Afrikan spirituality's important role as a "glue" or element necessary to maintain any Afrikan nation's sovereignty. Without it, a nation will be free to be attacked or infiltrated by any foreign nation and religion. Without a binding spiritual/religious philosophy, a nation's people will be influenced, moved along, and swayed by others who do not have their best interests at heart. As a result, Akinyele states that "Vodun was an essential element of the Dahomean state."378 A strong spiritual/religious system is an essential ingredient for one's culture and language, and more importantly, ancestral tradition. Furthermore, these aspects are what form the core of one's cultural identity.

377 Ibid, p. 99. 378 Ibid, p. 100. 198

For the Kingdom of Dahomey, Vodun played a clear and pivotal role in its military and political affairs. Vodun's pivotal role is further reinforced within the Afrikan combat arts, expounded upon in chapter eight. Furthermore, the case of Agaja and the complementarity he had with Hwanjile ensured that Vodun became the state religion for the Kingdom of Dahomey.

This move made by both partners played a significant role in bringing great political stability within the Kingdom. The important role of Afrikan male-female complementarity in terms of nation-building will be further examined in the next chapter. Akinyele reinforces this statement and points out the commonality shared by different Afrikan ethnic groups (especially in terms of spirituality) that allowed them to unite. He does this when he states how:

The Fon consciously incorporated elements of other African ethnic groups in order to ensure a more united, secure and stable Dahomey. Through Kpogito Hwanjile, the Vodun model was utilized to make Dahomey one of the most powerful states in West Africa.379

The centralizing of Vodun helps explain how Afrikans who were enslaved and brought to

Ayiti were able to maintain various aspects of Vodun. They did so to guard Vodun's sacred secrets and utilize the system to combat the European forces who dared to seize their freedom and humanity. The following section shall examine how Afrikans manifested Vodun in Ayiti to maintain Afrikan cultural identity amid European imposition and violence. Furthermore, this section shall finally begin to demystify the notion of syncretism between Catholicism and

Vodou. The major issue is that syncretism assumes an equal or symmetrical relationship between two religions exists. There is an unequal power dynamic between Vodou and Catholicism's religions because the European side is hegemonic, invasive, and creates hostility.

379 Ibid. 199

The Utilization and Manifestation of Vodou during the Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti

Although Vodun was the spiritual system and religion for the entire Kingdom of

Dahomey, it is clear that the system underwent another manifestation amongst the Afrikan people in Ayiti. The conditions of European enslavement were a major threat to Afrikan people's lives and the spiritual/religious systems that they practiced. As a result, the people began to incorporate and manifest deities that would best assist their predicaments. Vodou was feared and despised by Europeans who saw the system as a major threat to the plantation system. In order for Europeans to dislocate and control the enslaved populations, they had to move Afrikan people from their foundations. Akinyele reinforces this when he states:

Voudou was feared and attacked by the French and Spanish colonial states. In Saint Domingue, the principle of incorporation used in Dahomey for purposes of neutralizing enemies and social control is more of an agent for Pan-African solidarity and nation-building for the enslaved Africans.380

Jean Fouchard, CLR James, Akinyele, and others demonstrate that Afrikan people's lives and humanity were sacrificed for the simple sake of French prosperity in the late 1600s.

Evidence has been shown that the death rate of Afrikan people enslaved in Ayiti was higher than the birth rate due to being worked to death and malnutrition. Also, from 1680 to 1776 alone, over

800,000 Afrikan people had been forcibly transported to Ayiti, but by the end of that period, there were only 290,000 Afrikans alive in the French-controlled colony.381 Thus, this evidence raises an important question: how were Afrikan people able to maintain their sanity under the intense threat of death and eventually fight back against their European oppressors?

380 Ibid, p. 100 381 Ibid, p. 101. 200

When one examines the pivotal role of Vodou in the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti, then the answer is clear. Although many Eurocentric historians like to state that the origins of Vodou and its introduction in Ayiti are not clear, the memory of Afrikan people gives a clear response. For instance:

The memory of Africa was very much a part of Black existence in 18th century Saint Domingue. As enslaved Africans prepared to eliminate their oppression, African experiences would be relied upon and re-created for models of insurgent resistance to challenge and destroy French colonialism and slavery. Most historians of the Haitian Revolution agree that African-derived religion, which came to be known as Voudou, was central to the Haitian cultural matrix and resistance.382

As demonstrated in chapter five, the first enslaved Afrikan people who landed in Ayiti during the early sixteenth century introduced Vodou the moment they got to or ran from the plantation. From the first group of Afrikans who ran, such as Padre Jean in the early 1500-1600's to Makandal's rebellion during the 1750s, they all escaped forming free Afrikan societies/communities. As stated in chapters four and five, the establishment of free Afrikan societies (maroon communities) was a major form of collective Pan-Afrikan resistance. Like the

Vodun principle of incorporation in the Kingdom of Dahomey, Afrikan people on the plantations and free Afrikan societies began to create a united community.

They did so by developing common culture while maintaining aspects and elements of their common Afrikan ethnic heritage. Akinyele and even Jacob Carruthers reinforce this evidence and point out that during the Spanish conquest of the island, the social structure created by Afrikan people in Ayiti "was organized to reflect the same type of divisions common to

382 Ibid. 201 indigenous African civilization. Thus, generations of free Africans were born and died in these communities, never having been enslaved."383

Carruthers is also correct to point out that by the time the French began invading the western part of Ayiti, free Afrikan societies were already established.384 By this time, Vodou has been developed so that the free and enslaved Afrikans could utilize it to confront their enemies.

Evidence to prove this includes many of the initial leaders during the beginning phases of the revolution, all linked to Vodou and these free Afrikan societies. The most well-known documented case, as demonstrated in the last chapter, was Makandal's rebellion. His series of rebellions are great examples of the role of Vodou in the Afrikan liberation movement in Ayiti.

As a Houngan, Makandal was the spiritual leader of his community and the commander-in-chief during times of war. Along with his followers, they were able to utilize the system of Vodou to weaponize herbs and plants from nature to kill their enemies.

Due to this threat to the European plantation system, the French and Spanish had to dismantle Afrikan spiritual systems to seize Afrikan souls. There is no mistake that all the

Afrikan ethnic groups, including the Yoruba people, came under intense pressure and, in many cases, were forced to convert to Catholicism and abandon their traditional Afrikan religions.

Specifically, the European Roman Catholic church's strategy was to "guide" enslaved and free

Afrikans gradually toward a complete conversion to Christianity while temporarily tolerating some mixing of Afrikan and Catholic religions along the way. An important note made by

383 Jacob Carruthers, “Chapter II: The Birth of the Genie,” The Irritated Genie: An essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: The Kemetic Institute, 1985), p. 11. 384 Ibid. 202

Desmangles is that historically European Catholicism has constituted the bulk of the elite, and

Catholics have continued to this day to uphold their religion's strict traditions and official doctrines/order.385

In contrast, Vodou constituted the bulk of the lower peasant classes in Ayiti. As discussed previously, Vodou for quite some time was practiced in secret due to the harsh conditions of enslavement in which the spiritual system was under great attack from European Christianity.

Here, one must begin an honest discussion and critique this notion of syncretism between Vodou and Catholicism. The term is problematic because it assumes that Afrikan people, whose spiritual systems were heavily suppressed, willingly decided to incorporate Afrikan spiritual elements with the dominant European religion on the plantation. Bettina E. Schmidt seems to reinforce this when she asks and states:

Can these Afro-Caribbean religions traditions be called syncretistic? The word syncretism has negative connotation; it is also too simple to embody the full meaning of the creation process (Cf. Leopold/Jensen 2004 for an overview about the syncretism debate in religious studies). The idea of syncretism would indicate that these religions were formed by mixing the dominant Catholicism with suppressed African traditions during the time of slavery. Hence, using the term syncretism would give a pejorative undertone to African traditions which does not appear to be true to reality.386

When one looks at the reality, it is clear that enslaved Afrikans in Ayiti had to be strategic. They found ways to continue the worship of pivotal Afrikan ancestors, spirits, and deities in the face of punishment or death. However, it is important to note that Europeans did not interact or deal with Afrikan people's social activities on the plantation. Later, Schmidt asks

385 Ibid, “1. Cultural Setting: Religious Paradox or Symbiosis,” The Faces of The Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992), p. 3. 386 Bettina E. Schmidt, “The Creation of Afro-Caribbean Religions and their Incorporation of Christian Elements: A Critique against Syncretism,” Transformation (Exeter) 23, no. 4 (2006): p. 236. 203 why Afrikans in the Caribbean and other parts of the western hemisphere still use catholic symbols when they worship Afrikan deities? Why do they still use Christian iconography and symbols more than hundreds of years after the end of European enslavement? If they used

Christianity just as a cover-up during the period of enslavement, why not stop it now? These questions indicate that there are deeper levels of cognitive hiatus and white validation syndrome, as discussed in chapter four, that have infected many Afrikan people due to the European plantation's generational effects.

Upon their arrival in the Caribbean, enslaved Afrikans were treated as non-human goods.

Thus, to prevent the start of any uprisings, Europeans prohibited everything that could potentially remind Afrikan people of their ancestral homeland. As stated briefly before, this included their spiritual systems/religions, languages, and ancestral traditions. Specifically,

European slaveholders were said to fear Afrikan drums because they believed drums were a form of communication for insurrection. Schmidt explains that the drum was thought to be a magical way enslaved Afrikans could harm their masters.387 As demonstrated in the archival image below, Afrikan people in Ayiti still utilize the same construction for their ceremonial drums used in important Vodou rituals like those utilized in the Kingdom of Dahomey.

387 Ibid, p. 237. 204

(Illustration 8. Ayisyen Tambour Drum used in Vodou Ceremonies)388

All enslaved Afrikans had to be baptized, with most being baptized directly onboard the

European slave ships. This barbaric European practice was later even used to defend the

European slave system because the European slaveholders would argue that it was better to live as a Christian slave than as a non-Christian (but free) Afrikan "savage." An expected and very common attitude among all European plantation owners and slaveholders. Schmidt raises an important point when she states that:

For them, there was one difference between the slaveholder countries in the Caribbean: the relationship between state and church. France, Spain, and Portugal were Catholic countries. The Spanish king saw himself as the only true representative of the Pope in the Americas. Therefore, the Spanish colonies were ruled as Catholic units, and the Catholic Church was the only religion

388 “A Haitian Tambour Drum Used in Voodoo Ceremony,” Courtesy of Paul and Laura Keene, Haitian Revolution Collection, HR 10, Folder PCT 200, Box 4-30592, (Charles L. Blockson Afro-American collection, Temple University), Philadelphia, PA, United States. 205 allowed in the Catholic colonies. But this also led to the rule that on Sunday and on the main Christian days, the slaves would be allowed to go to Church. They were also allowed to organize small festivals in honour of a Catholic saint. All meetings of more than three slaves outside the work process were prohibited, but the Catholic Church enabled slaves to create their own social space through the Catholic festivals.389

Within these spaces, enslaved Afrikans practiced their Afrikan ceremonies and rituals under the guise of Catholicism. Therefore, when enslaved Afrikans saw the image of the Black

Madonna of Częstochowa, they did not see the Virgin Mary but rather the Rada Lwa Ezili Freda of Dahomey. Similarly, when enslaved Afrikans saw the Image of Saint Peter, who is visually depicted holding keys within the traditional European Roman Catholic imagery, they did not see

Peter but rather Papa Legba, who is the "key" and gatekeeper to the spiritual realm. But it is important to stress again that European plantation holders in the Caribbean did not engage in enslaved Afrikan people's social activities and affairs. Many Afrikans fled from plantations and traveled to free Afrikan communities. Within these spaces, they could freely practice their spiritual systems without the need or the guise of catholic images. Even on the plantation,

Europeans did not have much engagement with the spiritual activities of enslaved Afrikans.

In today's society, as more Afrikan people worldwide are beginning to return to their traditional Afrikan spiritual systems, one must demystify the notion and flaws of syncretism.

Desmangles does good to dismiss the idea that Vodou is syncretic. As briefly stated before, the notion of syncretism assumes that two culturally different religions can be symmetrical. In other words, it assumes equality and that there is no divide in terms of religious function. For example,

Desmangles demonstrates that the names of different lwas are derived from various Afrikan

389 Ibid, “The Creation of Afro-Caribbean Religions and their Incorporation of Christian Elements: A Critique against Syncretism,” Transformation (Exeter) 23, no. 4 (2006): p. 237. 206 spiritual systems represented now in Ayiti. Desmangles further demonstrates the divide between the two religions and debunks any notion of intermixing/syncretism when he states:

If Catholicism is identified with heaven. Vodou is associated with the earth. And if Haitian writers say that the lwas "have to do with the earth," and hence cannot be uprooted from Haitian life, it is because Vodou fulfills important functions in Haitian society that are distinct from those of Catholicism.390

Desmangles’ statement is profound because he essentially demonstrates that heaven is a

European concept within Catholicism/Christianity. But within the context of Afrikan spirituality, there is no notion of heaven or hell. There is only the earth (nature/physical realm) and the afterlife (spiritual realm). The point is further reinforced when examining the function of the houngans and mambos compared to Catholic priests. Desmangles is correct to demonstrate that the houngans and mambos do not only officiate at Vodou ceremonies. They also have the important duty of fulfilling several pivotal civic and political functions in the Afrikan community that the Catholic priests cannot perform.391 Desmangles, as a result, stresses that there is no possibility, as novels by Jacques Stephen Alexis and Jacques Roumain would suggest, that

Vodou will ever be eradicated from Ayisyen society.392 There is no chance because, as

Desmangles explains, Vodou is intertwined with the everyday lives of Afrikan people living in

Ayiti.

On the other hand, Catholicism simply has a place in the lives of the people in Ayiti due to the European imposition of the religion during enslavement and the social services its

390 Ibid, “6. Conclusion: Vodou and Catholicism,” The Faces of The Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992), p. 177. 391 Ibid. 392 Ibid, p. 178. 207 institutions (schools, hospitals, etc.) provide. The epistemology within Christianity is also inherently expansionist. As with any European religion, it is always seeking to conquer, as articulated by Marimba Ani. On the other hand, Vodou is not a dogma but rather a reflective system of Afrikan experiences. Desmangles interestingly points out that there have been recent efforts by white and dislocated Ayisyen clergy to "creolize" the church by bringing in more

Vodou elements.393 Such efforts must be seen simply as European Catholicism attempts to stay relevant in Afrikan people's lives and to maintain hold of their minds and spirits.

If one pays keen attention to history, one will recognize that this is a consistent European strategy. For example, when the Roman Empire under Emperor Augustus conquered Kemet and incorporated the nation into the Roman empire in 30 B.C. The same method of conquering and incorporating European cultural elements would be implemented in Ayiti from the Roman

Vatican centuries later. Therefore, efforts such as creolizing, intermixing, or syncretizing with non-European religions must be seen as European tactics to stay relevant in Afrikan people's lives. Such efforts are pushed by European institutions, such as the church, to maintain hold of

Afrikan people's minds and spirits.

Stephan Palmié provides further evidence on the issues with syncretism and why the standard explanations for Afrikan religions such as Vodou or Santeria are flawed. For instance,

Palmié explains that spiritual systems such as Cuban Santo/Oricha, which should be recognized as Afrikan religions, are labeled as “syncretic” because the story is told that a gradual conceptual

393 Ibid. 208 merging occurred between Afrika and Europe during enslavement.394 However, such reasoning has flaws and leaves doubts because there are clear-cut "praxeological distinctions" between

Afrikan spirituality and European Catholicism cultural forms. Palmié goes on to reinforces this point, stating that the cultural forms:

Which-to a certain extent-corresponds to the metonymical and metaphorical modes of representing the sacred. The otanes and those other objects which go into the making of what Santeros refer to as fundamento (foundation) of an oricha are often talked about as containing the deity's powers, or serving as its abode. Catholic images, however, are generally regarded as images symbolizing its attributes.395

Palmié further breaks down his point by including a statement from his informant, who states that when someone sees a saint's image, they will only see an image created by man. But the foundation is a part of the power that lives with the person who owns it. Therefore, as we move forward in the fight for victory, Afrikan people in Ayiti, Cuba and other parts of the

Caribbean must do away with the symbols, images, and elements of European religions that have permeated Afrikan spiritual systems due to the plantation. Marimba Ani reminds us that

Catholicism's imposition on Afrikan religious knowledge in Ayiti resulted in Vodun blending various Afrikan spiritual traditions under the Fon people's leadership.396 In other words, Vodou is a statement of the universality of Afrikan spiritual/religious thought and practice.397

394 Stephan Palmié, “4. Against syncretism: ‘Africanizing’ and ‘Cubanizing’ discourses in North American òrìṣà worship,” in Counterworks: Managing the Diversity of Knowledge edited by Richard Fardon, (New York: Routledge Publishing, 1995), p. 82. 395 Ibid. 396 Marimba Ani, “Kuzinduka*: African Retentions in the Caribbean and South America,” Let the Circle Be Unbroken: The Implications of African Spirituality in the Diaspora, (New York: Nkonimfo Publications, 1992), p. 17. 397 Ibid. 209

There are many Vodou houses in Ayiti, specifically in Jacmel, that have begun such processes. As a result, the confusion caused by the notion of syncretism will end, thus alleviating the white validation syndrome's effects that have psychologically harmed numerous Afrikan people. When Afrikan people in Ayiti truly begin to return and organize around their Afrikan spiritual systems, then and only then will victory truly be achieved.

210

CHAPTER 7

AFRIKAN MALE-FEMALE COMPLEMENTARY FORCES IN AYITI

"The Revolution and Women's liberation go together. We do not talk of women's emancipation as an act of charity or because of a surge of human compassion. It is a basic necessity for the triumph of the revolution. Women hold up the other half of the sky."398 -Thomas Sankara

The above quote from Thomas Sankara is powerful but is often misinterpreted and utilized by popular feminist theorists who do not have Afrikan people's best interests at heart.

For any Pan-Afrikan revolution to succeed, it should be understood that it requires not just women or men but all Afrikan family members within a community. For instance, the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti was fought physically, mostly by men, but also by women and even children.

Yet, within much of the Eurocentric scholarship around the revolution, as demonstrated in chapters two and three, the assumption is that Afrikan men in Ayiti did not operate alongside their women and children in the fight for Afrikan freedom.

This notion is false, and the evidence provided in this chapter shall demonstrate that both the Afrikan physical and spiritual male-female forces operated in tandem. As discussed in chapters five and six, the Afrikan lwa in Ayisyen Vodou consists of many families/nanchons

(nations) that reflect Afrikan familial systems. Furthermore, Afrikan spiritual systems reinforce the understanding of pairs between equal Afrikan male and female forces/deities. As a result, the purpose of this chapter is to examine the Afrikan male-female complementary forces that

398 Thomas Sankara, “The Revolution cannot triumph without the emancipation of women,” Women's Liberation and the African Freedom Struggle, 2nd edition (Atlanta: Pathfinder Press, 2007). 211 operated within Afrikan families, spirituality (Ayisyen Vodou), and the male-female pairs of leaders/personalities who fought throughout the revolution in Ayiti.

This sort of illumination in what Oba T'shaka calls "Parallel Complementarity

Empowerment"399 not only points out traditional Afrikan family systems but also Afrikan people in Ayiti's vision for a just society. These are visions that are expressed through both Afrikan men's and women's ancestral lines of responsibility. A theory that has been developed for this study and chapter is the "Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity theory." This theory is defined as analyzing the Afrikan familial line's asymmetrical function and the complementary spiritual forces utilized within Afrikan societies. The theory was inspired by T'shaka's concept of Parallel

Complementarity Empowerment and Nah Dove Afrikan womanist theory.

T'shaka also mentions that Afrikan societies were "Twinlineal," but this term is confusing and does not offer much clarification. For instance, there are identical and non-identical twins.

Therefore, what type of twins is he referring to when he argues that Afrikan families were

Twinlineal? Although both work together, Afrikan men and women have an asymmetrical dynamic based on the different functions they perform. As Afrocologists, the Asymmetrical

Afrikan Complementarity theory is proposed as a new way to express that as Afrikan people, we

399 T’shaka defines the concept of Parallel Complementary as an ancient and traditional Afrikan family system where the vision of a right or just society was expressed through male and female lines of responsibility and power. He argues that these male-female lines were lines where men sometimes inherited from their male relatives and females sometimes inherited from their female relatives. Central to this system was the practice of the family economy being divided along male and female lines, which T’shaka explains were parallel and complementary (example: Women often controlled agriculture while men often controlled hunting and cattle rearing). For further reading check out Return to the Afrikan Mother Principle of Male and Female Equality, Volume 1 by Oba T’shaka.

212 are descended from two asymmetrical male and female parents and ancestors. As discussed in the last chapter, the mythology around Danbala and Ayida-Wedo reinforced the balance and complementarity between male and female energies needed to produce life.

This explanation provided by T'shaka reinforces the concept of harmony/balance or rather mAat /Maat400 , from ancient Kmt/Kemet. The concept of Maat is further reinforced by Afrikan people's understanding of the balance between the physical and spiritual and the sacred and secular. Before examining and applying the Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity theory to the Afrikan revolutionary war in Ayiti, one first must examine Cheikh Anta Diop's understanding of Matriarchy and Patriarchy.

An Analysis of The Cultural Unity of Black Afrika and Diop's Theory of Matriarchal

Values

In Cheikh Anta Diop's text, The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of

Matriarchy & of Patriarchy in Classical Antiquity, one begins to gain an idea of the foundations on which Afrikan familial systems were built. Ifi Amadiume, who was inspired by his text and wrote Re-Inventing Africa: Matriarchy, Religion and Culture, points out that Diop wrote his

400 The term refers to the Afrikan people of Kemet concepts of truth, reciprocity, balance, order, harmony, law, morality, and justice. mAat/Maat was also an Afrikan goddess/deity who personified these concepts. She regulated the stars, seasons, and the actions of mortals and the deities who had brought order from chaos at the moment of creation. Her ideological opposite was isft/Isfet who represents chaos, injustice, and disorder. This does not mean Isfet was evil but only that Isfet required Maat just as Maat required Isfet to balance each other out. This notion reinforces once again the importance of Afrikan complementarity, and the proposed theory presented in this chapter. For further reading check out Maat, The Moral Ideal in Ancient Egypt by Maulana Karenga. 213 book during the intense period of the 1950s nationalist struggle and debates for Afrikan independence.401 As one of the leading Pan-Afrikan intellectuals of his time, Diop battled against those who could not conceive or refused to acknowledge the idea of a united independent

Afrikan federation or what Amadiume calls a "multi-national Afrikan state."402 As discussed in chapter four, the idea and vision for the United States of Afrika are still being pushed by significant Afrikan leaders such as Ama Mazama and Molefi Kete Asante with the organization of Afrocentricity International. Both Mazama and Asante have inherited the will and vision of

Cheikh Anta Diop, Marcus Garvey, and other important Pan-Afrikan ancestors.

As Afrocologists, Diop will forever hold importance because his book demonstrated

Afrikan people's organic cultural unity and challenged the Eurocentric notions of cultural heterogeneity. As a result, Amadiume points out that European functionalists and even structuralists attempted to discredit Diop's approach. They had to discredit it because they understood that such an approach would threaten the European plantation establishments

(academies, institutions, corporations, etc.). Furthermore, Afrikan people realizing their shared commonality as a culture and people caused great fear amongst European powers because it had the real potential of overturning the current dominant establishments.

Nonetheless, their attempts did not deter him because, as Amadiume explains, Diop was not simply concerned with the lazy and abstract armchair academies.403 He truly was concerned

401 Ifi Amadiume, “Introduction: Cheikh Anta Diop’s theory of Matriarchal values as the basis for African Cultural Unity,” The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of Patriarchy and of Matriarchy in Classical Antiquity by Cheikh Anta Diop, (London: Karnak House, 1989), p. x. 402 Ibid. 403 Ibid. 214 and had a political commitment to Afrikan people. Diop wanted Afrikan people to reconstruct their history and culture, subjected to centuries of plunder/exploitation by Arabs and

Europeans.404 Diop argues that despite our small superficial variations or differences, that which unites us is much more fundamental and important. Diop's text demonstrates that much of these so-called differences were externally exposed due to the invasion and imposition of both Arab and European powers throughout time.

To demonstrate his Black Afrikan cultural unity position, Diop argued that Afrikan cultural unity is the history of Afrikan matriarchy. However, it is important to note that this chapter will challenge the notion of matriarchy and later the twinlineal concept proposed by Oba

T'shaka to argue for Asymmetrical Afrikan male and female complementarity. Nonetheless, it is important that one first deal with Diop's analysis and his argument at the time. This task is important because Diop analysis looked at the material conditions and the ideological superstructures. By doing so, he provided us with historiography that allowed us, as Afrikan people, to reclaim our Afrocentric history.

Furthermore, without Diop's foundation, this study would not have been able to conceive of a theory that can be utilized to examine the Afrikan male and female complementary forces at work during the revolutionary war in Ayiti. It is important to acknowledge this because Diop provided a holistic approach and structural analysis of Afrikan mythology to explain the ideas behind specific Afrikan events in history. Thus, Amadiume reinforces the importance of the

404 Ibid. 215 foundation established by Diop text but also points out his attempts to not just rely on the notion of matriarchy when she states:

The result is a blueprint for a comprehensive African social history. The racist, colonialist and imperialist forces that Diop was confronting at the time compelled him not to dwell solely on an account and analysis of matriarchy in Africa. He had to confront the so-called world 'experts' on the subject. Diop thus proceeded to do an extensive and devastating critique of Bachofen's theory of Matriarchy and Morgan's theory of the family.405

Johann Jakob Bachofen was renowned for his evolutionist matriarchy theory based on his analysis of classical Greek literature and mythology. However, Diop saw an issue with his theory of Matriarchy because Bachofen proceeded:

To generalize for the whole human social organization the evolution of a period where there was no marriage but 'barbarism' and 'sexual promiscuity' based on a matrilineal descent system to a period of marriage and matriarchy based on the supremacy of the women.406

He argues that the final stage of human social evolution was the period of masculine imperialism and patriarchy. Diop wasted no time dismantling Bachofen's fabricated evolutionary periods and pointed out that he had imposed prejudiced judgment by concluding that patriarchy is superior to matriarchy. An important note that Amadiume makes is that for European patriarchy to make these false claims, it had to invent "a kind of pseudo-procreation in abstract rituals or religions" and appropriate the procreative role of biological motherhood.407 As a result, the European priesthood's roles assume the nurturing roles of motherhood, and they even go to the extent of imitating women's clothing with men wearing dresses or dressing as women. Nah

Dove would also later critique European patriarchy by pointing out that European patriarchy

405 Ibid. 406 Ibid, p. xi. 407 Ibid. 216 underlies much of the Western social inequalities that affect African women and men in equally perverse ways.408

Bachofen also establishes a racist hierarchy of social systems and values with his theory of matriarchy. He does this with his notions of primitive societies, representing "the others" who are non-Europeans and "modern" to represent Europeans as the civilized societies. Diop, on the other hand utilizing his two-cradle theory, takes a specific position for matriarchy. Through the two-cradle theory, he argues that there were two geographical zones globally (Northern and

Southern) and that matriarchy originated in the southern agricultural cradle with Afrika at its core. Diop also points out that Patriarchy originated in the Northern cradle in which the people there were nomadic. The middle belt, which he explains was the Mediterranean basin, had matriarchy before it was preceded by patriarchy. Western Asia, on the other hand, had both

Patriarchy and Matriarchy superimposed on each other.

By utilizing this approach, Diop's argument showed how Indo-European cultures in the

North denied women rights and subjugated them under the institutions of patriarchal family structures.409 For instance, Diop in chapter II points out that for a long period, even after Indo-

Europeans established their fixed settlements, their women remained cloistered.410 The example

Diop provides is how European women were secluded in a separate part of the house and could

408 Nah Dove, “African Womanism: An Afrocentric Theory,” Journal of Black Studies 28, no. 5 (1998): 517. 409 Ibid, “Introduction: Cheikh Anta Diop’s theory of Matriarchal values as the basis for African Cultural Unity,” The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of Patriarchy and of Matriarchy in Classical Antiquity by Cheikh Anta Diop, (London: Karnak House, 1989), p. xii. 410 Cheikh Anta Diop, “Chapter II: Criticism of the Classical Theory of Universal Matriarchy,” The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of Patriarchy and of Matriarchy in Classical Antiquity, (London: Karnak House, 1989), p. 23. 217 not go outside without being accompanied by their enslaved servants. He further supports this fact by mentioning the creation of the eunuchs who would watch over the women and was a typical facet of Indo-European and Asiatic culture. But on the other hand, much like what

T'shaka would argue later in his book, the matriarchal cultures of the south were:

Typified by the agricultural system and burial system, husbands came to wives. Wives were mistresses of the house and keepers of the food. Woman was the agriculturalist. Man was the hunter. Woman's power was based on her important economic role. This system was also characterized by the bride's wealth and the strong tie between brother and sister. Even in the marriage, where a woman traveled out, this bond was not completely severed. Most of the funeral rules prescribed the return of a wife's corpse to her natal home.411

This statement holds many truths when one closely examines the sacred role of motherhood in Afrikan spirituality. As discussed in the last chapter, the mother is closer to the supreme creator because her womb reflects the universe and creation process when she goes through the long trials of childbirth. Amadiume supports this statement when she discusses the spirit of common motherhood in Afrikan spirituality/religion. She explains that the mother gives her children and society the pot of prosperity, which in the Igbo language is called ite uba.412 She also describes the Igbo term ite ogwu, in which the mother gives the pot of her sacred ancestral knowledge and spiritual power. Diop also shows the cultural construction of fatherhood in

Afrikan matriarchal systems, which European anthropologists, in their arrogance and racism, assumed that Afrikan societies did not know the facts of human conception.413

411 Ibid, “Introduction: Cheikh Anta Diop’s theory of Matriarchal values as the basis for African Cultural Unity,” The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of Patriarchy and of Matriarchy in Classical Antiquity, (London: Karnak House, 1989), p. xii-xiii. 412 Ibid, p. xiii. 413 Ibid. 218

Diop takes time even to deconstruct the notion of patrilineality which he attributes the introduction of the system to the invasion of Arabs and their religion of Islam during the tenth century. They did not, of course, penetrate deep into the entrenched matriarchal systems in

Afrikan societies. Instead, Diop sees that the more external forces of European Christianity and

Arab Islam are attributed to the recent changes in Afrikan people understanding of patriarchy.

Nah Dove utilizing Diop Two Cradle Theory goes beyond to point out how:

Over time, this essentially Indo-European invasion and conquest of African peoples resulted in the cultural and genetic amalgamation that produced the peoples to whom we refer, racially, as Semitic. Linguistically, they constitute Arabic and Hebraic, whereas religiously, they are Islamic, Judaic, and Christian. It is through the imposition of these male-centered religions, according to Stone (1976), that the earlier (southern cradle) reverence for the female goddess was eventually destroyed.414

Diop further demonstrates the destruction caused by Indo-Europeans and Arabs in his third chapter, which gives an in-depth examination of Afrikan civilizations in the southern cradle. According to Diop, Afrika is the southern continent that has been the least affected by foreign exterior influences and forces.415 For instance, he explains that the Arab penetration into the continent was halted by the forests to the south, which held insects (specifically the tsetse fly) that would kill most of their horses.416

Furthermore, Diop backs up his argument by pointing out that the first expeditions led by the Scottish missionary David Livingstone and British soldier Henry Morton Stanley, which

414 Ibid, “African Womanism: An Afrocentric Theory,” Journal of Black Studies 28, no. 5 (1998): 522. 415 Ibid, “Chapter III: History of Patriarchy and Matriarchy-The Southern Cradle, the Northern Cradle and the Zone of Confluence,” The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of Patriarchy and of Matriarchy in Classical Antiquity, (London: Karnak House, 1989), p. 47. 416 Ibid. 219 would eventually reach the Afrikan continent's heart, came later than 1850.417 Diop's mention of

Livingstone and Stanley expeditions would lead to the era of the European "scramble" or rather colonization project to control the Afrikan continent. Stanley would be specifically important to this task because he was a British soldier and later became an agent for King Leopold II of

Belgium, who tasked him with finding the Nile River source. This move would enable Belgium to occupy and massacre the Afrikan people in the Congo.

Diop continues to illustrate the construction of Afrikan matriarchy by highlighting several key Afrikan civilizations such as Axum (Ethiopia), Kemet (Egypt), Ghana, Mali, and others in the history of "Black Afrika."418 Specifically, Diop references what he sees as the matriarchal systems of black Afrika before the Arab penetration when he states:

It can thus be seen that Arab penetration into Black Africa is relatively recent and would not, in any event, provide an explanation of the matriarchal regime in Ghana. Matriarchy ruled, in a similar manner, in the empire of Mali, among the Malinke. Ibn Batouta confirms this; he noted this custom as being one peculiar to the Black world and the opposite of what he was accustomed to see everywhere else in the world, except in India among other Black peoples.419

Diop gives in-depth historiography to back up his argument about Matriarchy, but it is not without critique. As stated before, although he does critique the Eurocentric notions of matriarchy, Diop does not truly challenge the etymology of Matriarchy and other terms he utilizes due to his methodology and training. As T'shaka points out, both Matriarchy and

Patriarchy are hierarchal. Afrikan societies and civilizations were not necessarily hierarchal, with men above women or women above men. In the same fashion, Patrilineal or Matrilineal does not

417 Ibid. 418 Ibid, p. 47-60. 419 Ibid, p. 60. 220 capture the true essence of how Afrikan societies are constructed. Specifically, the terms do not capture Afrikan men and women's complementarity within Afrikan family structures and the familial structures reflected in various Afrikan spiritual systems.

Unfortunately, the weakness of Diop's utilization of Matriarchy is also demonstrated in his methodological approach in terms of his historiography. Although, as stated before, Diop's historiography is important to the work of Africologists because it sparked the need for a true revolution in Afrikan historiography. Mazama specifically notes Diop historiography's weakness when she explains how Diop himself greatly diluted the impact of the new historiography that he recommended when he declared, quite paradoxically and surprisingly, that Afrika was the birthplace of humanity, therefore of all thoughts or ideas come from Afrika.420 Diop did recognize that the ideas that Europeans gained from Afrika did not remain intact and were misused and modified for new European notions.

Nonetheless, Mazama is correct to point out that the very notions of utility and efficiency that Diop recommends are still European notions consistent with materialistic European lifestyles.421 As a result, Afrocentricity does not espouse Diop's belief in the universality of concepts such as Matriarchy and Patriarchy. Instead, the Afrocentric theory and paradigm fit within Diop's vision for new Afrikan historiography, which refuses to begin Afrikan history from the notion of "European discovery."422 T'shaka also utilizes and assesses Diop's two cradle

420 Ama Mazama, “Introduction: The Afrocentric Paradigm,” The Afrocentric Paradigm, (Trenton, Africa World Press, Inc., 2003), p.22. 421 Ibid. 422 Ibid. 221 theory's strength and validity and its application to the role of matriarchy in Afrikan societies.

But he makes an important note and critique when he states that:

Diop uses the term matrilineal and matriarchal interchangeably when referring to Southern Cradle civilizations. It is important to distinguish between these two terms. Matriarchal families are families ruled by women, and matriarchal societies are societies ruled by women. Matrilineal refers to the descent system and does not necessarily infer a family system or society that is ruled by females.423

T'shaka backs up this point by using the example of ancient Axum (ancient Ethiopia), in which royal Afrikan women ruled in their own right, and in turn, at other times, royal men would also rule in their own right as well.424 T'shaka would see a similar construction when he examined the Asante people in Wagadu (Ancient Ghana), who also had what he saw as a twin male-female rule system. T'shaka would back up his case of Male-Female equality and his concept of Parallel complementarity by studying the features of several Afrikan family structures. He demonstrates this by closely examining fourteen traditional families (the Dogon,

Asante, Twa, Kung, Afrikpo Ibo, Yoruba, Suku, Swazi, Tiriki, Jie, Lozi, Ganda, Rwanda, and

Somali).

By looking at these various Afrikan family structures, T'shaka makes very convincing arguments by focusing on Afrikan men and women's parallel complementarity based on the family's economic responsibilities. T'shaka sees Afrikan economic activity as the most important because it expresses the distinct but complementary jobs performed by Afrikan husbands and

423 Ibid, “Chapter 6-Male-Female Equality and Parallel Complementary Empowerment: The Paradigm for Black and Dysfunctional Families,” Return to the African Mother Principle of Male and Female Equality, Volume 1, (Oakland: Pan Afrikan Publishers and Distributors, 1995), p. 181. 424 Ibid. 222 wives.425 The distinct, complementary jobs reflect that Afrikan families cannot survive solely upon just women or men's labor. Furthermore, Afrikan men and women's parallel economic responsibilities are matched by the parallel Afrikan inheritance systems of society.426

Overall, T'shaka truly wants to demonstrate that it takes both Afrikan men and women who are just and equally empowered to govern every phase of an Afrikan society. He argues that twin lines (between Afrikan men and women) of Afrikan inheritance are neither matrilineal nor patrilineal. By examining fourteen traditional Afrikan families, T'shaka states that:

The vision of the just society helps us to see these African families through African eyes. The vision of the just family and the just society enables us to see things from a holistic perspective, rather than from a limited perspective. The Jie people of Uganda a patrilineal, agricultural and cattle-herding people, display in their family organization this male-female parallel complementarity.427

Ironically, T'shaka still utilizes patrilineal and matrilineal notions, but his examples of the fourteen families provide a solid foundation for the deep study of Afrikan complementarity in family structures. As an alternative, the Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity theory is being proposed as a method to illuminate deep Afrikan family structures and the asymmetrical complementarity between Afrikan men and women. The next section provides a further breakdown of the theory and how it can be applied to the study of Afrikan family structures.

425 Ibid, p. 200. 426 Ibid. 427 Ibid, p. 201. 223

Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity Theory and its Application

The Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity theory application to the case study of the

Afrikan Revolution in Ayiti is an important first step. It is specifically an important step in highlighting the Afrikan family structures built under the harsh conditions of European enslavement and imposition. Therefore, it is imperative first to break down the dimensions and areas that the Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity theory examines.

Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity theory is defined as the theoretical examination of Afrikan men and women's familial lineage and the complementary forces amongst Afrikan deities/spirits. As a result, the theory examines the metaphysical dimension, which looks at

Afrikan's relationship within Afrikan family structures. Specifically, the notion of Afrikan ancestral veneration (including the deities/spirits associated with the family) is of critical importance when examining Afrikan family structures in Ayiti and other Afrikan nations and societies across the globe. One reason it is critical to do so is that, as discussed in the last chapter, through the understanding of the world and cosmos, the great Afrikan ancestors of old were able to create myths on how they as a people or rather "nation" and "family" came into being/existence. Furthermore, many family structures are reflected in various representations of

Afrikan deities and spirits who have their own distinct families.

The second dimension, known as the socio-political & economic dimension, begins to examine the socio-political and economic structure of Afrikan families. Most of the examinations of the social class and family structure in Ayiti, as demonstrated by scholars such as Laurent Dubois or anthropologists such as Glenn R. Smucker, focus on the French imposed

224 colonial plantation social structure of Ayiti. This sort of construction typically highlights the

European white elites (grand blancs) who were at the top, the poor whites (petit blancs) below them, the “Free People of Color/mulattoes” who owned land from their white fathers, and finally, the enslaved Afrikans/blacks at the bottom of the hierarchy. Specifically, these types of

Marxist and anthropological studies focus on the problematic notion of "slave families" when examining the family structures of enslaved Afrikans in the Caribbean and other parts of the western hemisphere. Furthermore, there is a lack of in-depth examination of the family structures developed by the free enslaved Afrikans who established their own free Afrikan communities/societies (or what scholars label as maroon societies).

As a corrective, the Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity theory's second dimension is not interested in perpetuating this Eurocentric model of examining Afrikan families. Instead, it will follow the first dimension by looking at how Afrikan spiritual systems/religions reflected the socio-political and economic family structure of the various cultures enslaved Afrikans belonged to. For instance, the notion of the Afrikan extended family and kinship in Ayiti, in which members would gather around a family ancestral altar/shrine to venerate their ancestors as well as the lwas, shall be emphasized. Furthermore, the spiritual system will dictate the Afrikan family's economic activities based on their environment. Other important aspects of the second dimension are naming and language. Specifically, in Ayiti, as dictated by Afrikan naming traditions, a child will receive a name from their parent based on their family name, an older ancestor, or an aspect from the natural world that reflects the child's personality. In turn, the process of a child learning the Afrikan language of Ayisyen Kreyol from their parent is also an important and consistent theme. 225

The final dimension is the functional complementarity dimension which begins to look at the complementarity between Afrikan men and women in governance, work, and even warfare.

This dimension is critical because a central feature of Afrikan families, communities, and even nations are that all proper men and women are equally empowered to lead in every phase of their society.428 When examining the Afrikan revolution in Ayiti, this dimension shall specifically highlight the complementarity of Marie-Jeanne & Louis Daure Lamartinière, Sanité & Charles

Bélair, Suzanne Simone Baptiste & Toussaint L'Ouverture, and finally Marie-Claire Heureuse

Félicité Bonheur & Jan-Jak Desalin (Dessalines). These four cases illuminate the third dimension of the theory and provide an in-depth example of asymmetrical Afrikan male and female complementarity during the revolutionary war in Ayiti. The chart below gives a further detailed breakdown of the three dimensions that have been described thus far.

Table 4. Dimensions of the Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity theory Dimensions of the Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity Theory

1. Metaphysical Dimension Examines Afrikan spirituality in extended

family structures (Example: Afrikan ancestral

veneration, offerings to Afrikan deities

associated with the family, Afrikan

mythologies, etc.).

Table 4. Continued

428 Ibid, 229. 226

2. Socio-political & Economic Dimension Examines the socio-political and economic

structure and activity of Afrikan families

(Example: Social and economic activity based

on Afrikan spiritual systems, Afrikan naming

traditions, and Afrikan languages).

3. Functional Complementarity Dimension Examines the complementarity between

Afrikan men and women in governance,

work, and even warfare. (Example: Just

Afrikan men and women who are empowered

to govern every phase of the society even in

times of war).

Applying Asymmetrical Afrikan Complementarity Theory to the Afrikan Revolution in

Ayiti

After fleshing out the theory's application and dimensions, it is imperative to test it by applying it to the Afrikan revolutionary war in Ayiti. The dimensions explained in the previous section shall illuminate several specific examples. The metaphysical dimension begins by looking deeply into the Afrikan spiritual system of Ayisyen Vodou and its function within the

Afrikan family structure in Ayiti. There is a deeper breakdown of the families or rather

"nanchons (nations)" of the lwa within Vodou that shall be given shortly.

227

As touched on in chapters five and six, the lwa (loa) within Ayisyen Vodou are the intermediaries between the supreme creator/divinity Bondye and humanity.429 This point is important to stress because the supreme creator is distant from the world and humanity's affairs in many Afrikan spiritual systems. In a sense, the supreme creator is much like the president or

"father/mother" of the larger cosmological nation, while the lesser divinities act as governors over the various cosmological forces of nature. Therefore, unlike the saints, prophets, and angels in Arab and Indo-European religions, the lwas are not just prayed to but are served. The lwa are distinct beings with their own likes, dislikes, personalities, distinct sacred rituals (rhythms, songs, dances), vèvè (ritual symbols), and special sacred modes of service. In ancient Kemet, a similar reciprocation of the lwa are the NTrw/Neteru, who are the intermediary divinities to the supreme divinity. At different times, the supreme divinity was known as PtH/Ptah,

Imn/Amun, or Imn Ra/Amun Ra, but the concept of one supreme divinity above all others was the same.

As emphasized before, the lwa reflects Afrikan family structures' larger construction, bringing validity to the theory's metaphysical dimension. For instance, the lwa are comprised of many Afrikan families/nanchons (nations). As explained by authorities such as Milo Rigaud,

Patrick Bellegarde-Smith, Leslie Desmangles, or Anthony B. Pinn, the many distinct Afrikan

"nanchons/families" of lwa within Ayisyen Vodou reflect the people. It is important to note that the colors associated with their personalities detail the intensity of the energies. For instance,

429 Anthony B. Pinn, “Chapter 12: Voodoo,” The African American Religious Experience in America, (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2006), p. 217-218. 228 some lwa have cooler/calmer energies and personalities, mostly associated with the color white, compared to the lwa with hotter personalities and energy.

Scholars such as Margarite Fernández-Olmos, Paravisini-Gebert, are not correct in stating that the Rada nation represents Afrikan lwa and the Petro nation represents the "the Creolized" or

Ayisyen born lwa.430 Maya Deren makes the same mistake as Fernández-Olmos and Paravisini-

Gebert in her classification of the Petro and Simbi/Quitta lwa, in which she labels both as having an "American origin."431 Such descriptions are attempts to remove Ayisyen citizens from their

Afrikan location and diminishes Afrikan agency. These widespread fallacies on Afrikan spiritual systems and languages assume that enslaved Afrikans were forced into the plantation where a

"creolization" or mixing process occurred. In terms of language, the myth and fallacy also pushed are that enslaved Afrikans on the ships and plantations could not communicate with each other.

European scholars justify this by assuming that they could not communicate due to being forcibly separated and the wide diverse variety of Afrikan languages and spiritual practices.

Mazama, however, reminds us that such erroneous commonplace belief has often served as a justification for the dismissal or minimization of Afrikan languages and cultures.432 Scholars such as Mazama, Debien, and Houdaille also point out that contrary to this European

430 Margarite Fernández Olmos, Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert, “7. Espiritismo: Creole Spiritism in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the United States,” Creole Religions of the Caribbean: An Introduction from Vodou and Santería to Obeah and Espiritismo, (New York: New York University Press, 2011), p. 217. 431 Maya Deren, “II. Les Serviteurs: 5. The Serviteur as Contemporary Citizen,” Divine Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti, DOCUMENTEXT edition, (New York: McPherson & Combany, 1983), p. 82. 432 Ama Mazama, “3. The Nature of Language Contacts in Guadeloupe during Slavery: Sociological and Linguistic Evidence,” in Studies in Caribbean Language II, edited by Pauline Christie, Barbara Lalla, Velma Pollard, and Lawrence Carrington, (St. Augustine, Trinidad: Society for Caribbean Linguistics, 1998), p. 34. 229 explanation, all the socio-historical documented evidence points out that Afrikan ethnolinguistic communities did exist.433 Furthermore, evidence such as accounts from old French planters indicates that enslaved Afrikans, far from being separated, were allowed to remain in contact with one another.434 This reasoning was because European planters preferred to purchase enslaved Afrikan people from specific Afrikan ethnic groups that produced the best work results.435

Further discussion on the problematic notion of "creolization" will be brought up again shortly when this section begins to look at the Afrikan language in Ayiti. The chart below provides a brief breakdown of some of the different Afrikan nanchons within Vodou. It is important to note that all the lwa within Vodou are Afrikan in origin, but the function of the energy that they utilize depends on the environment, situation, and circumstances in which they are manifested. Different lwa, such as Ogou or Legba, come into play depending on the people's circumstances. Furthermore, the chart illustrates that the lwa have distinct representations because Afrikan expressions of a particular group of the same people manifest at different times and circumstances.

433 Ibid, p. 35. 434 Ibid, p. 39. 435 Ibid. 230

Table 5. Illustration of several Afrikan lwa (loa) nanchons/families within Ayisyen Vodou Rada lwa Older Afrikan spirits/deities from the Afrikan

continent (specifically the Kingdom of

Dahomey). The Rada include spirits (served

or associated with water) who are

cooler/calmer and some who are also Petro

and hotter in terms of energy depending on

the conditions. Many are associated with the

color white, but some, such as Maîtresse Ezili

Freda (Mambo Erzulie Fréda/Maman Freda),

may take white and pink in one Vodou house,

or pink and light blue in another (ex: Danbala,

Agwé, Legba, Ayida Wedo, etc.).

Petro lwa Aggressive or Hot spirited lwas due to the

intensity of their energy. They are the Afrikan

spirits/deities that became known as the

spirits of revolution due to the intensity of the

energy required to combat European

enslavement. The color (energy) this family is

associated with is mostly red, but some

Vodou houses take either navy blue, green, or

231

gold (ex: Ogou, Ezili Danto, Kouzen

Zaka/Azaka, Bossou, etc.).

Table 5. Continued Nago lwa Strong Afrikan spirits/deities from

Yorubaland (Nigeria). Many of them are

warrior spirits with hot personalities needed

in intense warfare and include the various

Ogun lwa manifestations. It is important to

note that Ogou is also a Petro and Rada

(Ogoun is also the family name used). Their

colors include mainly blue and red (ex:

Shango, Ogou Batala, Mambo Lemiye, Ogou

Feray, Ogou Balize, etc.).

Kongo lwa Afrikan spirits/deities that originate from the

Kongo (Congo) region. They deal with a

spectrum of power and energy, with some

cooler personalities while others are fierce

and aggressive. They include many of the

Simbi lwa. Their color (energy) is mostly

232

green and white, but certain Lwa in this

family also have blue and red, white and red,

green and red, or blue and green (ex: Simbi,

Marinette).

Table 5. Continued Gede (Ghede) lwa Afrikan spirits of the dead (unborn) and

forgotten/unknown ancestors reclaimed by

Baron Samedi himself to dance amongst his

escort and the ancestors. Gede (Ghede)

embodies everything that is life. They are the

spirits of fertility, and even touching Gede

(Ghede) can ensure pregnancy and a safe,

healthy child at delivery. The Vodou

ceremony of Fête Gede (Festival of the

Ancestors/Dead) held on the first and second

days of November reinforces the Afrikan

tradition of ancestral veneration. Their colors

mainly consist of purple, black, and white (ex:

Gede Nibo, Baron/Bawon Samedi, Maman

Brigitte, Gede Masaka, etc.).

233

In terms of male and female complementarity, many of the lwa are paired with their complements. As stated before, this is an Afrikan construction that has been reciprocated since the establishment of ancient Afrikan civilizations such as Kemet. One example of the complementarity between Afrikan male and female deities in Kemet is Gbb/Geb (male deity of the earth) and Nwt/Nut (female deity of the sky). Both deities' image reinforces the importance that you need both male and female complements to create life. As demonstrated in chapter six, one will see a similar reciprocation and manifestation within Dambala and Ayida

Wedo's image in which they are depicted together within the same vèvè. Other pairs include

Rada lwa's, Ezili Freda (Erzulie Freda) & Agwé or Gede lwa's, Maman Brijit (Maman Brigitte)

& Bawon Samedi (Baron Samedi).

It is important to note that the lwa have their own distinct mythology. These distinct myths explain how they came into existence and became a nanchon (nation) and family. This reciprocation also translates into how Afrikan people in Ayiti brought their traditions along with their gods during enslavement. These myths/stories would be passed down orally throughout the extended family so that future descendants may never forget the importance of venerating their ancestors and the cosmic forces of nature (Afrikan deities). Leslie Desmangles reinforces this when he explains how Afrikan religion in Ayiti was rooted within one's extended family, in which members of one household gathered around the family altar to tend offerings to the gods

234 and the ancestral spirits.436 In terms of Afrikan mythology within the family, Desmangles states that:

Kinship meant that members of the same clan shared common mythological accounts recounting significant exploits in the lives of ancestral heroes. As a member of a family, one viewed oneself as a single-branching organism which retracted through one entire lineage to cosmogony, and one's duty was to transmit the family's oral traditions to one's progeny.437

This understanding is reinforced with the deification of Makandal or Papa Jan-Jak

Desalin as ancestral lwa. A prime example is the Petro lwa Kouzen Zaka (Papa Azaka), the guardian spirit representing agriculture activity, the peasants, and Afrikan farmers in Ayiti. Zaka reinforces the notion of the enslaved Afrikans who suffered being worked to death on the plantations and the free Afrikans who paid respect to the earth and worked the land to build a community for future generations. He is also a spirit who presided over the alliance between free the Afrikan and the small remaining Taino communities. As a result, Zaka punishes those who would exploit and oppress poor workers. The song below further reinforces Zaka's emphasis on working hard on the land for your people and ancestors.

436 Leslie G. Desmangles, “The Maroon Republics and Religious Diversity in Colonial Haiti,” Anthropos 85, no. 4/6 (1990): p. 476. 437 Ibid: p. 477. 235

Table 6. Kouzen Zaka song & lyrics by Boukmann Eksperyans Kouzen Zaka by Boukmann Eksperyans English Translation

“Travay m ap travay o Kouzen Zaka, m ap "Working, I am working Cousin Zaka, listen I travay avè w, tande Kouto digo m nan men m am working with you I have my sickle in my

Djakout mwen sou do m M ap sekle Kouto hand My lunch bag on my back I am weeding digo m nan men m Vye alfò sou do m M ap I have my sickle in my hand My bag on my sekle Jou m gen yon fanm L ale kite m back I am weeding The day I find a woman

Demen m a jwenn youn lòt o Travay m ap She abandons me Tomorrow, I'll find another travay o M ap travay avè w Zaka mete m Working I am working I am working with travay M pat panse si m te ka fè travay sa yo you Zaka has put me to work Never did I

Zaka mete m travay la nan bitasyon mwen.” think I could do such work Zaka has put me

438 to work in my garden."

The Afrikan languages, songs, and other traditions present in Ayiti during the revolution help bring us to the second dimension of the theory. The Socio-political & Economic Dimension points out that one's family spiritual system will dictate the economic activity. The Ayisyen

Kreyol traditional song honoring Kouzen Zaka also shows that Afrikan agriculture and farming was a major economic activity that is reinforced by the spiritual system of Vodou. Desmangles

438 Boukmann Eksperyans, “Konbit Zaka,” Libete (Pran Pou Pran'l) Freedom (Let's Take It!), (Universal Island Records Ltd, 1995), https://www.amazon.com/Libete-Pran-Pranl-Freedom-Lets/dp/B001RKRN1Q, Accessed 20 Sep, 2020. 236 reinforces this statement pointing out that enslaved Afrikan ancestors transplanted their Afrikan religious/spiritual traditions in Ayiti. As a result, he argues that these spiritual systems underwent radical changes due to the European plantation system's environment and imposition.439

Furthermore, he argues that Afrikan religions, like all religions today, reflected the socio- political and economic structures of the various cultures practiced by distinct Afrikan people.440

It is important to take issue with Desmangles' later statements when he states that the

European plantation destroyed Afrikan communal ties under a "slave economy." Within these plantation systems, it is argued by Desmangles as well as other scholars that Afrikan members of the same family or clan were dispersed throughout the colony. It is also important to challenge such statements that argue that Afrikan people belonging to the same Afrikan ethnic group or who spoke the same language were separated from each other to circumvent Afrikan uprisings.441 Some scholars tend to assume that Europeans controlled every aspect of enslaved

Afrikan people's lives on the plantation. Aside from the overseers enforcing work on the plantation, the reality was that many Europeans did not interact with the social activities of enslaved Afrikan people in Ayiti. Gabriel Debien reinforces this point when he discusses the night-time meetings and Vodou celebrations held by enslaved and free Afrikans. For instance, he states:

It is rare to find documents on the nocturnal comings and goings of the slaves, or on their meetings. These gatherings needed to be secret. Few colonists talked about them, although they were usually the ones who intervened in these cases, which combined voodoo, witchcraft, magic and certain African dances. But since these colonists acted as judges, no record remains of their

439 Ibid, “The Maroon Republics and Religious Diversity in Colonial Haiti,” Anthropos 85, no. 4/6 (1990): p. 476. 440 Ibid. 441 Ibid: p. 477. 237 reactions. The administrative and judicial authorities only got involved in the most important of these cases.442

Although the French had implemented laws and policies to undermine Afrikan spiritual practices, such policies' enforcement was not widespread.443 Many of the gatherings initiated by

Afrikan people were held in areas such as Marmelade (established as a parish on November 25,

1773). These were districts of high mountains where plantations had only recently been established.444 One must also critique Desmangles' statement that the European plantation destroyed Afrikan communal ties when in reality, it simply disturbed and fractured those ties.

Afrikan communal ties were not weak, and the free Afrikans and those enslaved found ways to maintain aspects of those ties. Most plantation owners also preferred to keep Afrikan people from the same ethnic group together.

Nonetheless, Desmangles argues that European enslavement weakened Afrikan spiritual traditions, thus destroying the social and political fabric of Afrikan people’s spiritual life. He does good to point out that this was not the case for the free Afrikan communities isolated from

European cultural influences on the plantations.445 It is understood that due to the environments in which these free Afrikan communities in Ayiti were located, they were able to offer food, shelter, and isolation for enslaved Afrikan people. They sustained themselves utilizing Afrikan

442 Gabriel Debien, “Night-time Slave Meetings in Saint-Dominque (La Marmelade, 1786),” translated by John Garrigus in Annales historiques de la revolution francaise 44, (April-June 1972): 274. https://s3.wp.wsu.edu/uploads/sites/1205/2016/02/voodoo.pdf (accessed January 21, 2021). 443 Ibid, p. 275. 444 Ibid. 445 Ibid, “The Maroon Republics and Religious Diversity in Colonial Haiti,” Anthropos 85, no. 4/6 (1990): p. 477. 238 epistemological and traditional knowledge for growing vegetables/herbs, fishing, and hunting. In other words, all Afrikan economic activities were rooted in the spiritual systems of Vodou.

For instance, Leslie Desmangles points out the concept of Angajan, which was a pact between a lwa and a person. It is similar to a kind of business transaction or pact, in which a person seeks the help of a specific lwa in exchange for his or her confirmed service to that lwa.446 An example is when an Afrikan farmer in Ayiti calls upon Kouzen Zaka to assist their family with ancestral knowledge, or rather, Konesans (knowledge of the lwas and Vodou rites) and other needs for a healthy harvest. Many Ayisyen farmers today refer to Zaka as the real minister of agriculture in Ayiti. An interesting note that must be made is the complementarity of

Afrikan men and women reinforced in Vodou when one examines the use of the Makout.

The Makout was a sack used largely by Afrikan peasants and farmers to transport much of their crops. Specifically, the women oversee much of the agricultural work in Afrikan societies and carry this sack on their heads. Desmangles also points out, in his glossary of Faces of the Gods, that within Vodou mythology, the lwa/divinities Legba, Gede, and Azaka are depicted carrying this sack. One interesting term is the Lakou which are compounds/courtyards where various Afrikan families live there communally. Desmangles points out that the design was made to resemble the family compounds that existed in Dahomey.447

In terms of language, as stated briefly before, Ayisyen Kreyol is indeed an Afrikan language and not simply an intermixing of Afrikan dialects and European languages. Former

446 Leslie Desmangles, “Glossary,” The Faces of The Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992), p. 183. 447 Ibid, p. 187. 239

Ayisyen president Jean-Bertrand Aristide reminds us that it is important to discover the Afrikan roots and relationships of Afrikan words present in Ayisyen Kreyol.448 For instance, he notices that the word "Haïti" and other words in Ayisyen Kreyol are related to several Kiswahili words.

As a result, Aristide provides a list stating that the words are few but indicate a relationship with

Kiswahili and other Afrikan Bantu languages such as Kikongo.449 The list he provides is important because the linguistics phrases that are listed reflect the culture of "the sons, daughters, and descendants of Africa."450

After being forcibly exiled from Ayiti in the early 1990s, Aristide’s encounter with other similar Afrikan languages in South Afrika and the Central Afrikan republic allowed him to realize that Afrikan languages played a pivotal role in the development of Ayisyen Kreyol. His list is a good model that can help scholars imagine the gradual process and variation in the development of the Afrikan language of Ayisyen Kreyol. Similarly, Mazama would also examine the gradual process of Afrikan languages and be inspired by Mervyn Alleyne's model on the emergence of the Jamaican language in his pivotal text Acculturation and the culture matrix of creolization (1971). As a result, Mazama reinforces that Afrikan languages constituted the very source from which, through acculturation, the Afrikans progressively departed.451

448 Jean-Bertrand Aristide, “Part Two: Kama Haïti?”, Haiti- Haïti? Philosophical Reflections for Mental Decolonization, (New York: Routledge, 2011), p. 73. 449 Ibid. 450 Ibid. 451 Ibid, “3. The Nature of Language Contacts in Guadeloupe during Slavery: Sociological and Linguistic Evidence,” in Studies in Caribbean Language II, edited by Pauline Christie, Barbara Lalla, Velma Pollard, and Lawrence Carrington, (St. Augustine, Trinidad: Society for Caribbean Linguistics, 1998), p. 42. 240

The rate at which Afrikans would acculturate varied based on social, psychological, and cultural factors.452 For example, most enslaved Afrikan people are stated by historians, such as

Jean Fouchard, to hail from the Kongo and Angola kingdoms. As a result, the large majority of the people speak Bantu languages, such as Kikongo.453 If one were to look at the Ayisyen Kreyol word zonbi/zombi, one would discover that the term's origin is related to the Kikongo word

Nzambi. This connection is important because, within the Kongolese mythology, Nzambi is an

Afrikan creator deity who is said to have withdrawn from the world and recreated humanity after becoming frustrated with his first creations.

This deity would later be incorporated into Ayisyen Vodou and give rise to the concept of zonbi (living dead) to reinforce the importance of rebirth and ancestral veneration. Specifically, the term signified a person who did not make the journey to the ancestral realm for many reasons

(such as an unsatisfactory burial) and remained in the physical realm.454 This construction once again reciprocates and maintains Afrikan people's concept of life. Europeans have misconstrued the understanding of the term by promoting the white Hollywood image of zombies. Such depictions are created and promoted by Europeans to attack and minimize Afrikan spiritual systems. Vodou, as a result, is promoted as evil witchcraft and dark magic.

The Fon language of Fongbe is another Afrikan language very closely related to the foundation of Ayisyen Kreyol. Axɔ́sú Àgɛ̀lɔ̀gbàgàn Jǐsovì Azàsinkpontín Àgbɔ̀vì I (King

452 Ibid. 453 Jean Fouchard, “IV-Maroon Characteristics: 1. National Origins,” The Haitian Maroons: Liberty or Death, (New York: Edward W. Blyden Press, 1981), p. 115-116. 454 T.J. Desch Obi, “Four-Return Passages: Ritual and Revolutionary Liberation from Bondage in the Francophone Caribbean,” Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World, (Columbia: The University of South Carolina Press, 2008), p. 140. 241

Agelogbagan Jisovi Azàsinkpontín Agbovi I) detail this fact in his important text, Fongbe

Primer: Functional Fon language for our Everyday World. He points out that although the Fon language is spoken primarily in Benin today, it is also used as a ritual/ancestral language in

Brazilian Candomblé Jejé455 which is the basis for Ayisyen Kreyol.456 Such work is necessary because Afrikan languages such as Fongbe provide us with rich terminologies that express our people's deep history and philosophy.

Over the years, there have been calls for a linguistic revolution in Ayiti. Ayisyen writers, intellectuals, and activists have insisted on the wider use and incorporation of Ayisyen Kreyol since many people speak the language.457 Matthew Robertshaw points out that this is a struggle that has continued to the present despite the constitutional protections afforded to Ayisyen

Kreyol since 1987.458 Even more revealing was the U.S 1915 occupation, which also had important repercussions for Ayisyen Kreyol's status.459

Finally, the theory brings us to the Functional Complementarity Dimension in examining

Afrikan families and male-female complementarity during the Afrikan revolutionary war in

Ayiti. As explained before, the final dimension will now explore how just/responsible Afrikan men and women in Ayiti during the revolution were empowered to govern every phase of society, especially in war. As mentioned before, Afrikan women in Ayiti were largely

455 A branch of Vodun in which the Jejé Afrikan spirits are called Vodum (Vodun). The word Jejé is said to mean stranger. 456 Axɔsú́ Àgɛl̀ ɔgbàgàǹ Jǐsovì Azàsinkpontín Àgbɔvì̀ I, “Preface-Path and Purpose,” Fongbe Primer: Functional Fon language for our Everyday World, (Benin: Kilombo Productions, 2013), p. 10-12. 457 Matthew Robertshaw, “Occupying Creole: The Crisis of Language under the US Occupation of Haiti,” The Journal of Haitian Studies 24, no. 1 (2018): 4. 458 Ibid. 459 Ibid, p. 7. 242 responsible for agriculture, cultivation, medical practices/healing arts, the maintenance of the

Lakou/household, culinary work, trading, and in the case of the major phase of the revolution, even warfare as well as espionage. Afrikan men in Ayiti also participated in agricultural activities and medicine but were largely responsible for hunting, fishing, architectural labor, transportation, manufacturing, and warfare.

Philippe Girard, despite his limitations, does well to point out that many easily assume that Afrikan women played no role in warfare since European women have usually been excluded from combat.460 However, this was not the case for Afrikan women, as demonstrated when one examines women warriors' role in the Kingdom of Dahomey. It is important to note that men are mainly tasked to fight in a war. Specifically, Afrikan armies were largely made up of men when one considers male muscle mass. However, this did not mean women did not participate in the war. Evidence of Afrikan regiments comprised of Afrikan women warriors is a consistent theme amongst various Afrikan nations, both old and new. Further discussion on

Afrikan warfare and martial art traditions will be made in the next chapter.

Girard is correct to mention that the standards of female behavior imported from Afrikan societies are of great importance in understanding the Afrikan revolutionary war in Ayiti. He specifically mentions the arrival of Leclerc and Bonaparte's mission to exterminate the Afrikan population and reinstall European enslavement. Girard goes on to explain the response of

Afrikan men and women and states that:

460 Philippe Girard, “Rebelles with a Cause: Women in the Haitian War of Independence, 1802–04,” Gender & History 21, no. 1 (2009): p. 68. 243

Louverture's strategy was to burn the main towns, destroy all supplies, and wait for hunger and disease to take their toll. 'The earth toiled by our own sweat must not provide a single morsel of food to our enemies', he wrote. Obtaining food supplies while denying them to the French was the key to the rebel victory, and women – traditionally responsible for tending family's gardens in sub-Saharan Africa – fulfilled this crucial logistical role (Figure 2). Louverture ordered his general in Jérémie to burn all the granaries and to “employ all the female cultivators to grow provisions in great quantities.” A French espionage report later indicated that the rebels were well provisioned, obtaining gunpowder from the British and food grown locally by women living in army camps. Women also helped carry ammunition and cannons. Gen. Jean-Jacques Dessalines' wife, Claire Heureuse, even purchased a barge to trade salt along the coast.461

To better understand Afrikan men and women's complementarity during the revolution in

Ayiti, the third dimension will examine specific partners beginning with Suzanne Simone

Baptiste L'Ouverture and Toussaint L'Ouverture. Bayinnah Bello and other historians recognize that Suzanne chose not to participate in her husband's public and political life. As a result, much of the information or archives surrounding her involvement is slim. Nonetheless, one does have access to the oral accounts of her contributions to the fight for Afrikan freedom in Ayiti.

For instance, when Toussaint was governor-general of Saint-Domingue (French colonize half of Ayiti), Suzanne, an expert farmer, would be tasked with maintaining the many farms she controlled.462 These farms were essential for not just feeding the soldiers but also the general

Afrikan population. Much like the Zulu and Yoruba, Suzanne would also receive a queen consort or rather "Great Wife" title representing her shared social status and rank with Toussaint. In other words, when Toussaint was appointed as governor-general Suzanne in turn, would receive the

461 Ibid, p. 69. 462 Bayinnah Bello, “Suzanne Simon Louverture: Expert Farmer,” Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution, (Bowie: Thorobred Books, LLC, 2019), p. 12. 244 title of Dame-Consort. As the L'Ouverture Lakou/household head, Suzanne welcomed other

Afrikan people into her home and fed all who visited.

Suzanne took her position and work as head of the household and Toussaint's partner very seriously. A testament to this claim is when the French army descended upon the

L'Ouverture to arrest Suzanne, her children, and other house members on June 7, 1802. Because she understood that Toussaint would not fold under the European torture methods, she too resolved herself to do the same when she was forcibly brought to France. For instance, Bello mentions how Napoleon had ordered his soldiers to impose on Suzanne all the tortures they would have liked to inflict on Toussaint.463 Bello goes on to state that:

Upon entering the jailhouse in Agens, Suzanne was brutally tortured for months in an attempt to force her to reveal the whereabouts of her husband's presumed fortunes. She persisted with a single reply: 'I won't speak about my husband to his torturers.' As much as the oral and written accounts concerning her life concur, information about her death diverges.464

Bello goes on to note that both Suzanne and Toussaint were inseparable, and Toussaint had confirmed this in a letter when he states, "until the moment of the revolution, I had not left my wife for an hour."465 Nonetheless, even upon separation, both Toussaint and Suzanne understood their roles not only as complements but as authorities and rulers who had to lead their people to freedom. They both made the necessary sacrifices through their work to ensure that the revolution was won even after their demise.

463 Ibid. 464 Ibid. 465 Ibid. 245

This notion of complementary sacrifice in warfare is also exhibited by both Lieutenant

Sanité Bélair (aka Sanit Belé), and Toussaint nephew, General Charles Bélair. Charles Bélair first served as a brigade commander under Georges Biassou. As pointed out in chapter five,

Biassou and Jean François Papillon were charged by Cecile Fatiman and Boukman to lead the start of the major phase of the revolution after the ceremony of Bwa Kayiman in 1791. Thus,

Charles Belair would fight under Biassou until 1794. France was busy fighting against Spain and could not continue to deal with the numerous Afrikan rebellions.

As a result, the French developed a scheme in 1792 by sending a French abolitionist named abolitionist Léger Félicité Sonthonax to Ayiti to restore order. From 1792 to 1795, Léger was the ruler of the colony, and in his attempt to defeat the Spanish on the island, he offered enslaved Afrikans "freedom" if they fought in his army. Toussaint and his Nephew Charles wanted to take advantage of the political situation. As a result, they joined the French while

Biassou and François allied with the Spanish. Toussaint would later seize control from the

French governor Laveaux and be named governor-general of the island. A year later, in 1796,

Charles would go on to marry Sanité.

At first, Sanité was only a sergeant but would soon rise to lieutenant's rank in Toussaint's army. According to Bello, Sanité had a warrior spirit even when she was young and often competed with her brothers in her hometown of Verrettes.466 This aspect of her fighting spirit greatly attracted Charles and reinforced his decision to marry her. Bello points out that Sanité chose to fight alongside her husband soon after their marriage and joined the revolutionary army.

466 Ibid, “Sanité Belair: Lieutenant,” Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution, (Bowie: Thorobred Books, LLC, 2019), p. 8. 246

She would quickly rise through the ranks until she was named lieutenant of her unit. The situation would turn dire for the Belairs in 1801 when Napoleon sent his army expedition to exterminate and re-enslave the entire Afrikan population. Toussaint would be captured and deported to France, and the final phases of the rebellion would be in full effect.

Both Sanité and Charles were considered high-level targets, and the French would place a price on their heads. Sanité, at first, was not intimidated and refused to go into hiding at first.

According to Bello, it is said by oral accounts that she would eventually yield due to pressure from her family and the fact that she was pregnant.467 Most Eurocentric historians claim that Jan-

Jak Desalin betrayed Toussaint and made a deal with the French to capture the Belairs based on an archival letter in French. As argued in chapter five, this makes no sense, and the fact that the

Belairs took refuge in his hometown of Latibonit (Artibonite) creates more questions.

Furthermore, it was noted earlier that Desalin refused to speak or write in French, so one must question this archival letter's nature and origin. Both partners were in separate locations, but the French eventually capture Sanité to draw out Charles from hiding. After hearing of his wife's capture, Charles would turn himself to sacrifice himself so that his wife could be freed.

The French, of course, had no intention of doing so, and both would be charged and sentenced for execution.

467 Ibid 247

Here, one gains a sense of the complementarity between Charles and Sanité when the

French brought them out for execution on October 5, 1802. Finally, Bello gives details of the famous and tragic account, stating:

Charles was given the standard execution for a military officer, death by firing squad. As she looked at her husband, she encouraged him to die bravely. Sanité was to be executed by decapitation, which was reserved for women. As the French executioners attempted to place her head on the guillotine, Sanité fought them off. Ultimately, Sanité refused any blindfold and ordered the firing squad to take position, aim, and fire upon her. It would be the final command she gave.468

Both Sanité and Charles would be honored as national heroes of the revolution due to their sacrifice. Specifically, Sanité would be honored as an ancestor and is featured on the

Ayisyen 10 gourd banknote. In addition, she is one of the few women to be depicted in the

Ayisyen Bicentennial Commemorative series. The Bélairs are an example for other Afrikan women and men by demonstrating how warriors fight and die with dignity. Other partners who fought alongside each other include Brigade commander Louis Daure Lamartinière and lieutenant Marie-Jeanne Lamartinière. Scholars tend to spend much time emphasizing the couple's mixed heritage. But what is of importance is their contribution and complementarity in the fight for Afrikan freedom in Ayiti.

For instance, despite being mixed, Marie-Jeanne refused to be called or labeled the

Eurocentric term of mulatto.469 She was a free Afrikan mawon (maroon) and was considered an extraordinary agent/spy from Port Republican (now known as Port-au Prince) during the

468 Ibid. 469 Ibid, “Marie Jeanne: Director of Spy Office and Sharp Shooter,” Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution, (Bowie: Thorobred Books, LLC, 2019), p. 10. 248 revolution's major phase. During these major phases of the revolution, it was common to see

Afrikan warrior regiments/bands made up of men and women and even children. Marie-Jeanne directed one rare unit, comprised of Afrikan women who also operated as spies.470 Louis Daure was attracted to Marie-Jeanne's unflinching will and the dedication she held towards her responsibilities. It is said when he first proposed, Marie—Jeanne denied him. She tells Louis that they must first build their nation as free Afrikan people, and then they will build their own home.471

By 1802, Louis would be named as a Brigadier commander and general in the revolutionary army. Marie-Jeanne, who was now his wife, would be Louis's second in command.

On March 2, 1802, they would be ordered by Toussaint and Desalin to assist soldiers defending an old fort known as Crête-à-Pierrot against French general Jean-François Joseph Debelle his units. This major event would go down famously in history as the Battle of Crête-à-Pierrot. At first, 2,000 French soldiers would soon climb to about 12,000, and the Afrikan revolutionary soldiers guarding the fort became besieged from both sides. Bello goes on to explain that:

On March 22, General Lamartinière sent a note of despair to General Dessalines. He showed it to Marie-Jeanne who responded with a plan that the two of them sneak into the fort to build-up the morale of the troops. In that fort, Dessalines swore that he would lead them to independence. Marie-Jeanne returned to the fort with some of her female warriors dressed in a mamlouk outfit and toting a shotgun in one hand and a dagger in the other. While fighting they motivated our troops to keep the stones and sticks striking the enemy. Many accounts have Marie Jeanne standing on the walls of the fort exhibiting incredible war feats. Finally, she conceived a brilliant military maneuver by which the troops, like lightning, dashed out of the fort to cross the French troops.472

470 Ibid. 471 Ibid. 472 Ibid. 249

It is important to note that Louis trusted and believed in his partner Marie-Jeanne's plan.

If the two did not work and plan together, this battle account would have differed greatly. The

Lamartinière's complemented each other to achieve victory and understood that they needed to trust each other's capabilities if they were to survive to build their future home as a family.

Another set of complementary partners who also demonstrated this level of trust in the fight for

Afrikan freedom are Jan-Jak Desalin and Marie-Claire Heureuse Félicité Bonheur Desalin.

In every sense of the word, both partners represent the true essence of mAat/Maat

(balance). Both partners also cement the understanding of the complementarity between Afrikan men and women during the revolution. Desalin represented those who were fighters and was prepared to kill, while Marie-Claire Heureuse represented those who were healers and was prepared to save. Marie-Claire Heureuse was born into enslavement in Leogane but would rise to become a free woman, an important Afrikan natural healer, and one of the first military war nurses in history. European scholars like to claim the British woman, Florence Nightingale, as the first military war nurse. It is said that Marie-Claire had a vast knowledge of utilizing herbs/plants to treat the wounds and ailments of soldiers.

Her skills as an Afrikan herbalist and healer amongst the soldiers would gain Jan-Jak attention when they first encountered each other on a battlefield near Gonaives.473 They would once again meet during Desalin's siege of Jacmel in 1800, which would be known as the "War of

Knives." Marie-Claire Heureuse made a name for herself at this siege due to her work as a phenomenal healer and her ability as a skilled cook. She fed those in the area who were suffering

473 Ibid, “Félicité: Empress of Hayti,” Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution, (Bowie: Thorobred Books, LLC, 2019), p. 20. 250 from starvation. Wade Nobles points out that due to Félicité's incredible abilities as a healer,

Desalin allowed her to bring the necessary supplies and medicine to assist all the injured in

Jacmel.474 She did this by convincing Desalin to allow some roads to be opened in Jacmel.

Desalin cooperation allowed her to lead a procession of women and children who brought food, clothes, and medicine back into the city, where they arranged for the food to be cooked on the streets for the people.475

Marie-Claire Heureuse saved hundreds of lives during the siege and, as a result, would be wedded to Desalin later that year on April 2, 1800, in Saint-Marc.476 Both partners would continue to work together as soldiers and healers for the next three years until 1804 when she was eventually crowned empress of Ayiti alongside Desalin, the first emperor of Ayiti. Bello points out that both partners were instrumental in writing the new Afrikan nation's constitution.

For instance, it is stated that empress Marie-Claire Heureuse actively participated in the writing of the imperial constitution of 1805.477 She was responsible for creating the clauses to protect

Afrikan children and reuniting Afrikan families torn apart due to European enslavement and the revolutionary war.

Desalin would also seek his wife's assistance in ensuring that every citizen receives land to revive the new nation's agriculture and economy. Both partners' actions reinforce the third dimension's emphasis on Afrikan men and women's empowerment to govern every phase of

474 Wade Nobles, “Chapter Five: The Cache of Consciousness and the Haitian Revolution,” The Island of Memes: Haiti’s Unfinished Revolution, (Baltimore: Inprint Editions, 2015), p. 112. 475 Christine Ru Pert-em-Hru, “Marie-Claire Heureuse Félicité Bonheur- The Healer,” Heroines of the Haitian Revolution: Tales of victory and Valour, (London: BIS Publications, 2018), p. 22 476 Ibid, “Félicité: Empress of Hayti,” Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution, (Bowie: Thorobred Books, LLC, 2019), p. 20. 477 Ibid. 251 society. Bello reinforces this when she mentions Empress Félicité's responsibility of creating

Ayiti's national independence dish. Bello states:

Empress Félicité is responsible for one of Haiti's most cherished traditions, celebrating freedom with a generous distribution of independence Soup (Soup Joumou) which she served from January 1-7 yearly throughout the country. In this manner, she sought to ensure that the nation celebrated freedom in solidarity and without hunger.478

While Emperor Desalin served as the nation's father, Empress Félicité served as the nation's mother. Even after Desalin's assassination by those who betrayed the vision, Marie-

Claire Heureuse Félicité Bonheur Desalin would continue to uphold the Afrikan image of "the mother of the nation" until the ripe old age of 110. Overall, the examples of complementary

Afrikan partners presented thus far provide a solid case for the Asymmetrical Afrikan

Complementarity theory's validity and application. The hope is that future Africological studies will continue to utilize, apply, or improve the theory.

478 Ibid. 252

CHAPTER 8

AFRIKAN COMBAT ARTS & WARFARE IN AYITI

“Kisa Tire Machèt ye? Li se yon kado. Kado a travay nan mwen, ou tande? Kado a travay nan mwen. Pratik la te soti nan papa m '. Kado a te soti nan men l '. Yon jou yon lespri te vin jwenn mwen e li te di m, ‘men ki jan ou metrize metye sa a.’ Menm lè a, mwen te oblije.”479 (What is Tire Machèt? It is a gift. The gift works through me, you hear? The gift works through me. The practice came from my father. The gift came from him. One day a spirit came to me and told me, ‘here’s how you master this craft.’ Immediately, I obliged). -Professor Alfred Avril aka Papa Machèt

Along with Ayisyen Vodou, another major factor that allowed Afrikan people to resist the European plantation system and achieve victory was Afrikan combat arts and warfare traditions. Most scholars tend to view and limit the revolution in Ayiti as typical Afrikan

“rebellions” or “revolts.” As an alternative, this chapter will argue that scholars must begin to understand Afrikan rebellions and revolts as Afrikan “actions of war” against European enslavement. Evidence from primary and secondary sources details European responses to the tactics utilized by enslaved Afrikans and provides us with a glimpse of Afrikan combat traditions and the ethics of what Afrikan warfare might be. The Afrikan combat arts practiced by the people in Ayiti today, such as Tire Machèt, also provide a glimpse of how older Afrikan combat techniques were utilized during the revolutionary war. Most scholars use the notion of Afrikan martial arts to describe Afrikan combat arts. As a result, this chapter embraces Ọbádélé

479 Alfred Avril, Papa Machete, Directed by Jonathan David Kane, (United States: IMDbPro-Third Horizon, 2015), https://vimeo.com/182706453. 253

Kambon's definition of “Afrikan combat sciences” and will use the notion of “Afrikan combat arts.”

Afrikan combat arts is defined as the methodology and art of all Afrikan fighting, healing, and spiritual techniques to attack, defend or fortify one's body, mind, and spirit. The critiques on the notion of Afrikan martial arts will be made shortly. It is important to note that the numerous combat styles and traditions brought by enslaved Afrikans were not separate from

Afrikan spiritual systems. These combat traditions, which were tied to the spiritual system of

Vodou, help inform us of why and how the Afrikan people in Ayiti fought against European forces during the various phases of the revolution.

By looking as far back as possible, one will see the reciprocation of Afrikan combat traditions since the first Afrikan civilizations near the Nile Valley. This chapter hopes that more

Africologists will continue to examine Afrikan combat traditions to develop new solutions against physical and mental White supremacist attacks. As emphasized by Dr. Frances Cress

Welsing, the global system of White supremacy is constantly attacking Afrikan people's minds, spirits, and bodies. The first section shall provide a brief history of combat traditions on the

Afrikan continent and those developed in Ayiti and other places. The last section shall then examine Afrikan warfare tactics utilized by Afrikan societies such as ancient Kmt/Kemet, ancient

Kush, the Zulu empire, and the Kingdom of Dahomey. Furthermore, this section shall also describe the reciprocation of Afrikan warfare traditions and tactics during the revolution in Ayiti.

The Reciprocation of Afrikan Combat Traditions

254

Africologists must look back to our Afrikan past to examine our earliest civilizations' combat and military traditions. Examining how our ancestors fought reveals what steps they took to defend their cultural sovereignty. For example, T.J. Desch Obi, who utilizes the notion of

“martial arts,” highlights that Afrika's history of combat art traditions has not fully been studied.480 Furthermore, there is a lack of direct studies that discuss these martial art traditions and their relation to the legacy left among enslaved populations in the Americas.481 It can even be argued that the first set of combat arts was developed on the Afrikan continent.

Doing this sort of deep examination illuminates that Afrikan combat arts are dynamic and open to variation based on the developments made by unique practitioners. Different circumstances also contributed to these variations by encouraging or even compelling further innovation. Obi notes that Afrikan combat arts are not as regimented as Japanese and other Asian combat styles. Nonetheless, the various martial art principles remain consistent. He explains that this is the case with individual practitioners of Afrikan combat arts/sciences who stress particular aspects of a style and develop their unique variations of techniques without jeopardizing the fundamental paradigms of the tradition.482 To prove his point, he provides an example from our oldest civilizations on the Afrikan continent. For instance, Obi states:

Possibly the best example of this continuity in change is Egyptian stick fighting. Using hieroglyphics, detailed descriptions in the Ramesseum Papyrus (circa 1991 B.C.) of the techniques of the stick fighting priests of Osiris, the observations of Herodotus, all the way through to modern ethnographies, Poliakoff demonstrates that while the religious and social

480 T.J. Desch Obi, “Introduction: Divining an Approach,” Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008), p. 6-7. 481 Ibid. 482 Ibid. 255 contexts had changed radically, the art of stick fighting was a constant in Egyptian culture, Similar studies have shown continuities in Nubian wrestling over two thousand years.483

Ọbádélé Kambon provides more details and evidence of what he sees as Afrikan combat sciences. Kambon argues that the term “martial arts” is derived from the Roman god of war,

Mars. He argues for the notion of Afrikan combat sciences because when one examines the numerous forms of Afrikan combat techniques, each of the movements is applicable and fluid, much like a dance. In other words, all Afrikan combats arts or sciences have a rhythm and flow in the techniques. Kambon's paper is important because he provides a Pan-Afrikan tri-continental analysis of Afrikan=Black combat arts and challenges the erroneous notion that the dance-like movements of Afrikan combat traditions originated from enslaved Afrikans in their attempts to trick European enslavers.484 Kambon makes an important note of the early depictions of what some call “Afrikan martial arts” in ancient Kmt/Kemet. He explains that the combat arts in ancient Kmt/Kemet were linked to the falcon divinity of war MnTw/Montu.485

It is imperative to note that Toya Montou, last name may be linked to this great divinity and further reinforce her deep ancestral role as an Afrikan warrior. Another note is that the lioness goddess sɛk mɛt/ Sekhmet/Sekhmet (trans: “the one who is powerful/mighty”) is also a deity of warfare in Kemet. She was a protector of the Pr-aA/Per aa (trans: “Great House,” e.k.a

Pharaoh) and would lead them in times of warfare. Therefore, it is safe to assume that combat art and science traditions developed around her name, much like MnTw/Montu. Kambon continues to

483 Ibid. 484 Ọbádélé Kambon, “Afrikan=Black Combat Forms Hidden in Plain Sight: Engolo/Capoeira, Knocking-and-Kicking and Asafo Flag Dancing,” Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies 12, no. 4, (2018): 327. 485 Ibid, p. 328. 256 discuss what was known as the MnTw/Montu arts and provides an illustration of Nubian wrestling forms/techniques depicted in the tomb of Baqet/Baget III at mnt-xwfw/Monet-Khufu. He goes on to state that:

This depiction can be found at Monet-Khufu (modern-day Beni Hasan) and dates back to ca. 3000 BCE. According to Leonard, “Not far from the banks of the Nile in the temple tombs of Ben Hasan wrestlers are depicted in almost every position known. We need but to look at them to realize that we have made no material advancement over the ancient Egyptians” (1897, pp. 4- 5). Thus, it is quite ironic that when people think about so-called “martial arts” they think about Eurasians like Bruce Lee and Jackie Chan. However, given that we invented these arts, it behooves Afrikan=Black people to think about ourselves.486

Kambon raises a very important point and is correct to emphasize that the notions and concept of “martial arts” began with the Afrikan people. Obi reinforces this and provides a breakdown of what we know as “martial art traditions.” For instance, Obi is correct to label

Afrikan combat arts as traditions, despite various combat adaptations due to the stable fundamental concepts. He does emphasize that the etymological term “martial arts” does not distinguish the various types of activities the term can describe. As a result, he identifies three sub-categories of martial arts: Combat sports/games, Fighting skills, and Martial ways.487

Obi defines Combat sports/games as forms of stimulated combat to win a contest that has a fixed set of rules.488 Obi loosely define fighting skills as “combat systems that prioritize the killing or incapacitating of an opponent by any means available in a real combat situation.”489

Finally, Martial Ways is defined as systems that develop self-defense skills with philosophical

486 Ibid, p. 328-329. 487 Ibid, “Introduction: Divining an Approach,” Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008), p. 8. 488 Ibid, p. 9. 489 Ibid. 257 and stylistic considerations that outweigh the importance of defeating an opponent.490 In other words, “martial ways” are simply self-perfection methods utilized through technique, discipline, and spiritual codes.

The notion of martial ways can be seen in Ancient Kemet and other ancient Afrikan Nile valley civilizations. For instance, KAS/Kush (e.k.a. Ancient Sudan), much like Kemet, also shared the same spiritual code reflected in their combat arts and military traditions. Robin

Walker reinforces this when he points out the burial practices in ancient Kush, indicating that their main deity was also Atum/ Atum (supreme divinity in Kemet). Walker also points out how Kush soldiers were notorious for their war tactics and great skill with the bow and arrow.491

Their skill with the bow and arrow is even reflected within their region's name, known as

Ta-Seti/Ta-seti (trans: Land of the Bow).

Tailing Tene Rodrique gives another perspective to the understanding of Afrikan combat arts and would most likely agree with Obi's articulation of martial ways. For instance, she utilizes the term “martial arts” and defines it as cultural body practices related to attack and defense, which humans use to deal with their opponents (both human and non-human).492 In other words, Afrikan combat arts must be understood as a cultural complex of body knowledge, beliefs, and practices created by Afrikan people in the course of history and by following Afrikan

490 Ibid. 491 Robin Walker, “Chapter Six: The Early History of the Nile Valley,” When We Ruled: The Ancient and Mediaeval History of Black Civilisations, (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2006), p. 175. 492 Tailing Tene Rodrique, “Deepening the China-Africa Cultural Understanding: difference Between Chinese and African Martial Arts Conceptions,” International Journal of African and Asian Studies 49, no. 1, (2018): 12. 258 needs when dealing with adversity or adversaries.493 However, Tailing does good to emphasize that from an Afrikan perspective:

The understanding and definition of the concept African Martial Arts may differ from that of the West and the East, due to the cultural factors and the uniqueness of African people to deal with nature and their opponents. In fact, Africa is a diverse society with many languages, different ethnic groups have different words to represent their understanding of martial arts. Such as Nekang in Bamilekes people of Cameroon, Laamb in the Wolof people of Senegal, Umladlo Wezinduku in the Zulu of Southern Africa, and Mgba in Igbo people of Nigeria, etc. If the core philosophy of African Martial Arts could be summarized in three words, it should be Combat+Spirituality+Dance.494

In a similar fashion to Obi, Tailing breaks down each of the three components she sees within Afrikan combat arts' core philosophy. She explains that the combat component is understood as the military skills or fighting techniques utilized in the practical pursuit of defeating an opponent through physical body combat.495 Of great interest and importance is

Tailing breakdown of the spiritual component. She understands that spirituality is the basis for all Afrikan beliefs expressed through ritual practice. As emphasized in chapter six, Afrikan spirituality cannot be separated from how one navigates everyday life. Therefore, it should be no surprise that spirituality is a fundamental core within Afrikan warfare and combat. In other words, one needs spiritual grounding when they are preparing to go to war or to kill. By doing so, they can maintain not only their sanity but also their humanity.

Tailing reinforces this point by emphasizing that Afrikan combat arts' spiritual component's ultimate goal is to connect the human body with the spiritual realm.496 By doing so,

493 Ibid. 494 Ibid. 495 Ibid. 496 Ibid. 259

Afrikan combatants can elevate to a supernatural dimension where combat could be won most efficiently. She states, for example, that:

The fighter can be protected from attacks or can easily defeat an opponent with less possible effort on the counterattack. In certain cases, the African martial artist could be paired with non- human or bodiless entities to achieve its goal. For instance, herbs, invisible consciousness or beings, or the simple usage of words such as poetries, incantations, etc., are often involved through rigorous ritual and initiation processes and are generally used for ‘self-defense’ or ‘counterattack’ purposes.497

In this sense, when one examines Afrikan combat arts' utilization in Ayiti during the revolution, they will encounter the various accounts of Afrikan soldiers and fighters who would call upon the lwa they served to assist them in battle. In turn, the lwas would mount the fighters who would go on to perform astounding feats on the battlefield to the utter shock and horror of the European forces who had to face their wrath. In terms of the last component, it is pointed out that Afrikan dance is more of an ideological expression of the combatant/dancer’s soul through the music's rhythm. In other words, the music is organized, beautified, and expressed through the body’s movement.498 But as Kambon points out, there is a logic to dance-like movements of

Afrikan combat arts.

The goal of most Afrikan combat arts is to initiate an attack before an opponent can move. In other words, within the dance movements are the fighting techniques. If one can move before being attacked, one can avoid their opponent's moves and be in a position to attack. One example given is the Congolese people's use of dance in Afrikan rituals and initiations, containing numerous fighting techniques. In this sense, Afrikan war dances were pivotal for their

497 Ibid. 498 Ibid. 260 practical application. Unlike the katas of traditional Asian martial arts, where the practitioner stands still, Afrikan combat arts emphasize the importance of movement to initiate effective attacks in a real situation. In his third episode on Afrikan combat sciences, Kambon quotes

Muhammad Ali to reinforce the importance of rhythmic movement when Ali rhymes: “In the ring, I can stay until I am old and gray Cause I know how to hit and dance away.”499

Tailing takes time to highlight Cheikh Anta Diop's pivotal text An African Origin of civilization: Myth or Reality and his discussion of the images within the Stone Tablet of Per-aa,

Nar-mr/Narmer (e.k.a. Menes), the unifier of ancient Kemet. The image depicts Nar- mr/Narmer and his army preparing a sacrifice to the gods after their victory in battle. Tailing is correct to point out that this illustration suggests that Afrikan military and spiritual/religious practices were connected.500 The illustration is also important because it demonstrates that in the armies of various ancient Afrikan nations/kingdoms, ritual sacrifices to Afrikan deities before and after a battle were common. The tradition of calling upon one’s ancestors and Afrikan deities during warfare was reciprocated during the Afrikan revolutionary war in Ayiti and other Afrikan resistance movements throughout the western hemisphere. The tradition of ancestral veneration persists to this day.

Afrikan combat arts would continue to develop as Afrikan societies grew in number. But many of the combat systems would be distorted or forgotten due to foreign invasion and

499 Ọbádélé Kambon, “Episode 3,” Short Wave | African Combat Sciences with Dr. Ọbádélé Kambon, (Accra: DANDANO, 2019), Jul 9, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xd10TwzFa_I, accessed Oct 5, 2020. 500 Ibid, “Deepening the China-Africa Cultural Understanding: difference Between Chinese and African Martial Arts Conceptions,” International Journal of African and Asian Studies 49, no. 1, (2018): p. 13. 261 interference. Tailing reinforces this by citing Diop, who goes on to explain the fact that the

Afrikan continent suffered three major invasions.501 These invasions would cause irreparable damages to the Afrikan people and civilizations on the continent. The first invasion occurred around 525 BC when Kmt/Kemet suffered from continuous and successive attacks from Persian,

Assyrian, Greek, and Roman invaders.502

Following these successive foreign invasions, many Afrikan people on the Nile Valley migrated toward the south. After several decades, the second phase of foreign invasions would occur around the 7th century AD with the coming of the Arabs and other middle eastern Asiatic groups. These groups would conquer large parts of the north in an attempt to incorporate the region and people into Arab culture. Finally, the last foreign invasion would occur with the coming of the Europeans under the doctrine of expansionism and imperialism throughout the 14th and 15th centuries. Tailing goes on to state that:

The westernization of Africa took place from languages to traditional customs, from the ways of living to the ways of worshipping. The martial arts cultures as well did not remain unchanged. Many African soldiers and military chiefs were gunned down or caught as war prisoners then traded into slavery to the Americas. Therefore, many combat systems and martial techniques mainly developed and practiced by African fighters went extinct or re-emerged but westernized.503

It is important to critique Tailing’s notion that many Afrikan martial art traditions went extinct or became westernized. However, she does admit that some Afrikan combat art styles did indeed survive and can still be found in Afrikan societies today.504 Obi’s text is significant in this

501 Ibid, p. 15. 502 Ibid. 503 Ibid. 504 Ibid. 262 sense because he provides an in-depth examination of the Afrikan combat arts that survive and persist to this day. He begins by first examining Afrikan combat arts preceding capoeira, which is practiced widely by Afrikans in Brazil. Next, the ancient Afrikan combat art known as engolo is widely practiced by the Kunene people throughout Angola and other Afrikan societies like

Ayiti. Finally, Obi explains that engolo is the unarmed combat art of the region that utilized inverted kicks.505

Engolo emerged as a gift from the ancestors from across the Kalunga506 and was advanced by numerous predecessors to raise warriors' combat standards gradually. Kalunga, the spiritual and inverted world, is a basic concept within Afrikan Bantu cosmology's reciprocation.

Tailing and Obi reinforce that within this spiritual world, the ancestors walked upside down. This understanding explains why many practitioners of engolo utilize kicks in the air while supporting the body with two arms on the ground.507 The ancestral mythology around engolo is also reinforced by Afrikan music and dance, which are inherent features of this combat art. Obi reinforces this statement when he explains that:

In its ritual practice the engolo, like most African combat forms, was inseparable from music and dance. Language evidence indicates that the art’s early history included inverted kicks, sweeps, and evasions. However, our description of how these techniques played out in ritual practice must rely on twentieth-century ethnographic evidence. Neves e Sousa documented the ritual

505 Ibid, “Part I: Birth of Tradition-Chapter one: From across the Kalunga: Pastoral pugilism in Southern Angola to 1860,” Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008), p. 17. 506 According to Obi Kalunga is a spiritual paradigm that was used by the Afrikan Kunene people to identify aspects of the natural world (ocean, rivers, lakes, caves) and the supernatural world (ancestors, God, and the land of the dead/ancestors). 507 Ibid, “Deepening the China-Africa Cultural Understanding: difference Between Chinese and African Martial Arts Conceptions,” International Journal of African and Asian Studies 49, no. 1, (2018): 16. 263 practice of engolo as taking place in a circle of singers/potential combatants, which was at times controlled by a Kimbanda, or ritual specialist.508

Obi's explanation reinforces that Afrikan combat arts were not separate but rather a major component within Afrikan war traditions. It is also important to note that despite the harsh reality of enslavement, the art of Engolo was not lost. To strengthen their bodies, minds, and dignity, enslaved Afrikans utilizing the original form of engolo created the basis for capoeira. Tailing reinforces this, explaining that capoeira dance was an artistic-oriented form of engolo that allowed captured Afrikans to adapt to their enslaved conditions.

Within its original form, engolo was more brutal due to be utilized mostly for war. For instance, there are later degrees/dimensions as one progresses through the art where weapons are even utilized. However, a smoother variation of engolo is often used for religious/spiritual rituals and ceremonies. These rituals and ceremonies are important because, as stated before, the practitioner must balance their mind and spirit before entering combat. This feature still exists within capoeira which is applied mostly to performances and entertainment but is well known as the Afrikan Brazilian war dance.

When one truly engages with the origin of engolo, they will find, like most Afrikan martial arts, that the art evolved from Afrikan ancestor’s observation of animals within nature.

The Afrikan ancestors of old specifically observed the fighting styles of animals in both attack

508 Ibid, “Chapter one: From across the Kalunga: Pastoral pugilism in Southern Angola to 1860,” Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008), p. 36. 264 and defense. Most of these observations or origins within various Afrikan martial art styles are passed down orally to each generation. Within the context of engolo origins, obi explains that:

The only story of engolo’s origin in the oral history of the Kunene is that it was passed down to each generation by the spirits of their deceased ancestors. Therefore, if Neves e Sousa is correct engolo would have been associated with zebras well after the art’s inception. Zebras were noted for being especially abundant in Kunene lands by Brochado in the 1840s and by Moller, who hunted there in 1895. The zebra may not seem a likely role model to emulate for combat, but they are adept at defending themselves.509

Obi later states that the zebra as a model for combat also makes sense in the context of engolo by stressing the importance of one evasive ability or dexterous defenses in combat.510

From this understanding, it is clear that the zebra was considered sacred amongst the Afrikan

Kunene people, and one can assume that totems were in place to prevent the killing of this animal. Obi supports this assumption when he discusses an engolo tournament within the omuhelo wedding ceremony. It is argued that the tournament within this wedding ceremony had many social parallels to the ritual combat of zebras during their mating season. It is pointed out that during their mating season, a young bachelor zebra that wishes to take a stallion’s young foal to start his herd must first compete against other young bachelor zebras in ritual combat.511

It is observed that within this ritual, much of the combat amongst the zebras consists of kicks, neck wrestling, and head butting, which can last up to an hour. Obi suggest the Kunene people observed this and implemented this into engolo tournament ceremonies where the ablest bachelor among the Kunene could take a daughter's hand in marriage. Further evidence can be

509 Ibid, p. 37. 510 Ibid. 511 Ibid. 265 seen within the techniques of engolo, which resemble a zebra fighting style. For instance, Obi states:

The zebra combined ability for lethal kicking and nimble defense relate it to the practice of engolo. Neves e Sousa argues that the engolo was named after the zebra and that the kicks executed with the hands on the ground were direct imitations of the kicking of the zebra. These ‘zebra’ or inverted kicks executed with the hands on the ground were the most distinctive and characteristic kicks of the engolo, as well as its American derivatives.512

Obi is correct to point out that despite the parallels between engolo and zebras fighting style, Afrikan linguistic evidence suggests that the combat art's real origins can be seen within the ancient Afrikan Bantu cosmological system.513 For instance, it is argued that the word

“engolo” does not appear to have evolved from the Bantu term “ongolo,” a term for “zebra.” Obi explains that there is a difference between the tone of the two words. For instance, engolo for the combat art has a high-low tone. Ongolo, on the other hand, has a low-high tone, and its related meanings seem to derive from the term “-gol,” which is an ancestral Bantu root word that means

“to bend a joint, twist, or bend over.”514

Engolo would not just be reciprocated in Brazil through capoeira but also in Ayiti, which will be discussed shortly in the final section. It is important to note that engolo was not the only martial art technique utilized by the Kunene and other Afrikan groups in the region. Obi also highlights the martial technique of Kandeka, which slab boxing. During matches, two opponents would attempt to slap each other either in the face or body while attempting to dodge and parry each other blows.515 The art of slap boxing is a form that would be reciprocated even amongst

512 Ibid, p. 38 513 Ibid. 514 Ibid. 515 Ibid. 266 many Afrikans in the United States. It is a form that many black/Afrikan youth in the United

States utilize to this day. The purpose of Kandeka was to train and prepare young fighters for combat utilizing sticks or open hand slaps. Upon mastery, they would begin to hone their bodies through engolo by learning techniques to launch acrobatic kicks and sweeps with precision.

Other Afrikan combat art techniques include Dambe, a fighting system primarily practiced by the Haussa people and other Afrikan people throughout Yorubaland (Nigeria), southern Niger, and northern Cameroon.516 This combat style is said to have originated from ancient Afrikan civilizations, such as Kmt/Kemet, based on the concept of the spear and shield utilized by Afrikan soldiers. Tailing reinforces this when she points out that despite the lack of written accounts of Dambe's origins, there are scholars such as Edward Powe who noticed that

Dambe’s spear-shield pattern is reciprocated and very similar to the images depicting Afrikan soldiers of the 12th and 13th dynasties in ancient Kmt/Kemet.517

As a result, fighters reciprocated this by tightly wrapping their hand with a cloth or glove, which would be their spear to attack. The other hand would act as a shield and was not wrapped because it would not be used to attack but only for defense. Dambe is still practiced today but is used mostly in traditional competitions and modern sports. Another Afrikan combat art is Donga, developed by the Suri people in Ethiopia and other eastern Afrikan parts. Donga is an ancient

516 Ibid, “Deepening the China-Africa Cultural Understanding: difference Between Chinese and African Martial Arts Conceptions,” International Journal of African and Asian Studies 49, no. 1, (2018): 16. 517 Ibid. 267 aggressive stick fighting art practiced by Afrikans south of the Nile from ancient times to the present day.518

The purpose of this combat art was not to kill but to seriously incapacitate/dismantle one opponent. Duels are very fierce because each attack was initiated with full force as fighters were expected to show no mercy. Fighters were also expected to have no armor or body protection.

Competitions were flexible, with over 20 contestants on each opposing side who would challenge each other in turns. This competition is similar to how many martial art tournaments are held today. Each contestant can only utilize one stick, and victory was achieved when the opposing party bleeds down or surrenders. In this fashion, the model of Donga was based on the construction of Afrikan warfare, which will be discussed in the next section.

It is also important to discuss the Afrikan combat techniques around wrestling, which

Afrikans have widely practiced since ancient times, such as the Nubians. Specifically, the traditional wrestling art of Laamb developed by the Serer people reciprocated wrestling's ancient practice. Laamb is said to have been used formally as a preparatory exercise amongst Afrikan warriors going to war. It was also an important initiation rite for Afrikan men in the Serer clan.

Tailing provides details of the deep Afrikan spiritual roots within Laamb and states:

It is said that the word Njom derives from the Serer principle of Jom (from Serer religion), meaning heart or honour in the Serer language. The Njom principle covers a huge range of values and beliefs including economic, ecological, personal, and social values. Wrestling stems from the branch of personal values of the Njom principle.519

518 Ibid. 519 Ibid, p. 17. 268

The Afrikan spiritual aspect of Laamb is also reflected in the openings of competitions preceded by dance performances and other necessary ritual ceremonies. Unlike the current and western forms of wrestling, punches are allowed in Laamb competitions.520 Laamb, as a result, is unique and popular in many parts of Senegal, where it is even more popular than football (aka

Soccer in the United States). A similar Afrikan wrestling form developed by the Igbo people is

Mgba. Within this style, the practitioner would utilize leg wrapping techniques to seize an opponent’s legs, arms, or head.521

Another Afrikan combat art is Donga (playing sticks) and Nguni stick fighting. Donga is a stick fighting form utilized by the Suri people of Ethiopia, while Nguni stick fighting was a martial art utilized by the Nguni people. It is important to note that the Nguni are a large group of

Afrikan people who speak Bantu languages comprised of the Zulu, Xhosa, Ndebele, and Swazi people. Most Eurocentric scholarship incorrectly labels the combat art of Nguni as “Zulu stick fighting.” It is important to understand that Nguni was not just a combat art exclusive to the

Zulu’s. Instead, it was a combat art practiced by other groups within the southern Afrikan region.

Regarding the Nguni stick fighting form developed by the Zulu people, as with other

Afrikan combat arts, much of the techniques were developed for the dimension in which bladed weapons would be utilized for war or battles to the death. One example is Shaka Zulu's revolutionary development of the assegai short spear. Xolani Mkhize explains that this was a

520 Ibid. 521 Ibid, “Chapter Two: Bloodless Duels-Combative Custom in Biafra to 1860,” Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008), p. 63. 269 flat-bladed spear named after an important Afrikan tree of the same name.522 Mkhize explains that Shaka was frustrated with the Zulu's conventional spears at the time of this new weapon development. These were long throwing spears, much like the javelin used in Kemet and Nubia.

These spears tended to snap at the shaft in close combat, so the assegai was developed to limit these issues.

The assegai was also utilized with a cowhide shield carried in the opposite hand to serve as protection. This tactical combination is present even within Nguni stick fighting, where the practitioner is armed with two long sticks where one would serve for offense while the other was used for defense. Enslaved Afrikans would later reciprocate these stick fighting forms brought to the Caribbean, generally categorized as Kalenda (Kalinda/Calinda). One variation of Kalenda in

Ayiti is Tiré baton/bwa (trans: to pull [the] baton), which will be discussed very shortly.

As discussed earlier, the art of engolo was also transferred to Ayiti when Afrikans were kidnapped and brought to the island. Although Afrikans from Dahomey/Benin and the Kongo made up significant numbers of the population, there was also a large number from Angola. Obi reinforces this statement stating that:

While Africans who embarked from the Bight of Benin and Biafra were brought to Saint Dominque in significant numbers, Angolans had the strongest demographic presence there. Individuals taken from the Bight of Benin were brought to the island in a steady stream and carried with them many elements of what would later become the most widely visible religious tradition on the island, vodun.523

522 Adrian Greaves & Xolani Mkhize, “Glossary of Terms,” The Zulu at War: The History, Rise, and Fall of the Tribe that Washed Its Spears, (New York: Skyhorse publishing, 2014), p. xx. 523 Ibid, “Chapter four: Return Passages-Ritual and Revolutionary Liberation from Bondage in the Francophone Caribbean,” Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008), p. 124 270

Along with Afrikan spiritual systems such as vodun, enslaved Afrikans also transferred and practiced both unarmed and armed combat art traditions. For instance, engolo is widely regarded as an unarmed combat art. But there are degrees within the art and variants such as capoeira, where weapons are utilized in combination with engolo movement techniques. Obi reinforces this notion by stressing that it was clear in the Caribbean that both open-handed and armed combat techniques coexisted in the French-controlled colony.524

Many of the Afrikan armed techniques would be veiled and also utilized in Afrikan spiritual rituals and ceremonies. Obi points out that the performances provided a visible context of combat styles which were generally called Kalendas or bamboula (refers to a small drum within Afrikan dance circles).525 But the term Kalenda, as mentioned briefly before, refers to the widespread employment and utilization of stick fighting martial arts.526 Obi points out that many

Afrikan stick fighting forms are said to not only smooth one's transition into the ancestral realm.

More importantly, the fighting stick became a tool of honor that allowed Afrikan people to fight for liberation and defend against the oppressive system of European enslavement.

In Ayiti today, the specific stick fighting traditions are known by many names but, as stated before, are commonly known as tiré baton or tiré bwa.527 Afrikans in Martinique also utilized a similar form known as komba baton that utilizes the same postures and techniques of the general Kalenda stick fighting art. There are six or more distinct stick fighting styles in the

524 Ibid, p. 127. 525 Ibid, p. 127-128. 526 Ibid, p. 143. 527 Ibid, “Notes to Page,” Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008), p. 282. 271

Latibonit (L'Artibonite/ Artibonite) region of Ayiti.528 One form that is documented through video recordings is Bâton de l'artibonite. Obi makes an important note that the technical aspect of Afrikan stick fighting arts may not be traceable to any one particular Afrikan ethnic group’s style, but the ritual or spiritual utilization of the stick fighting techniques has specific influence from the Kikongo and other Bantu speaking Afrikan people who came from nations such as the

Kingdom of Kongo (Angola).

A dimension above the Afrikan stick fighting styles is the blade/sword combat styles that utilize the same movement techniques. Despite the lack of documented evidence, it may be possible to assume that Afrikan fighters during the revolution in Ayiti utilized the movement techniques from combat arts such as engolo in tandem with blades. The most common blade on the Caribbean islands and other parts of the western hemisphere was the machete. Once again, it is important to note that Afrikan stick fighting techniques are applicable and could be modified for utilization with a machete.529

The French bondsmen Moreau de Saint-Méry's observations provide evidence for this when she describes the use of fighting sticks utilized by enslaved Afrikan people in Ayiti during duels which began with a ritual.530 Scholars such as Obi and Bello reinforce that Afrikan stick

528 Rodney Salnave, "The origin of Macandal," BWAKAYIMAN, November 2, 2018; Updated Aug. 8, 2020, https://bwakayiman.blogspot.com/2018/11/the-origin-of-macandal.html, Retrieved on Aug 25, 2020. 529 Ibid, “Chapter four: Return Passages-Ritual and Revolutionary Liberation from Bondage in the Francophone Caribbean,” Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008), p. 147. 530 Maurel L. E. Saint-Méry, “Description topographique, physique, civile, politique et historique de la partie française de l'isle Saint Domingue,” Société de l'histoire des colonies françaises, (Paris, 1958), p. 52-53. 272 fighting techniques and skills in Ayiti also helped trained free and enslaved Afrikan people in the mastery of the machete.531

Specifically, when one examines the Afrikan spiritual systems of the Yoruba, Fon, Ewe, or people, they will see that the machete is also a revered symbol to honor the Orisha and lwa

Ogun/Ogou.532 Much like tiré baton/tiré bwa, Afrikan machete fighting would further be developed and later be widely known as tiré machèt (trans: pull [the] machete/pulling machete).

This Afrikan combat art of utilizing the machete is rooted in the two-hundred-year struggle for

Afrikan independence and freedom in Ayiti. For instance, before enslavement, Afrikan people from nations such as the Kingdom Dahomey, Yorubaland (Nigeria), or Wagadu (ancient Ghana) utilized the machete as the primary weapon for war.533 The machete, as stressed before, is still the symbol of the war deity Ogun in places like Benin today. Obi takes time to discuss the training process with machetes connected to other combat art styles, such as tiré bwa.

It is discussed that within this Afrikan combat system, only after a trainee exhibited proficiency in tiré bwa. If the student showed a level of proficiency in tiré bwa, the combat instructor would then begin to teach the student the art of tiré coutou (pull [the] knife), which

531 T.J. Desch-Obi, “Peinillas and Popular Participation: Machete fighting in Haiti, Cuba, and Colombia,” Memorias: Revista Digital de Historia y Arqueología desde el Caribe, no. 11, (2009): 148. 532 Ibid, “Chapter four: Return Passages-Ritual and Revolutionary Liberation from Bondage in the Francophone Caribbean,” Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008), p. 147. 533 Ibid, “Peinillas and Popular Participation: Machete fighting in Haiti, Cuba, and Colombia,” Memorias: Revista Digital de Historia y Arqueología desde el Caribe, no. 11, (2009): 146. 273

Obi states are one of the many branch styles of tiré machèt.534 One interesting aspect mentioned by Obi is the training system associated with Jan Jak Desalin. For instance, he states that:

Although basic proficiency could be attained in less than half a years training, mastery required much higher levels. The test of graduation to mastery often involved defending oneself blindfolded or in a completely dark room. In order to pass this, test the student had to master a system called “the secret of Dessaline,” which developed the skill allowing a master to fight without the use of his eyesight.535

The fact that current Afrikan practitioners of tiré machèt have a secret combat system named after Jan-Jak Desalin reveals much for us. For instance, as noted in chapter five, Desalin was trained in Afrikan combat arts by none other than Toya Montou, a renowned Dahomey warrior. Therefore, it is not far-fetched to assume that Desalin utilized, revised, and advanced the

Dahomey combat techniques he was trained in. Based on this information, it is perhaps safe to assume that Desalin reciprocated the training he received from Toya amongst his many soldiers and students. Another important point to note is that the training regimen described above is very similar to the training done by Afrikan practitioners of Engolo and Capoeira.

According to several testaments from Afrikan practitioners of Capoeira and Engolo, there also exists a dimension where the more advanced students train with blades in darkness. Based on this evidence, Afrikan people's training systems in the Caribbean and other parts of the western hemisphere reflected the natural environments one would find themselves in on the

Afrikan continent. More importantly, is the fact that the utilization and training with the machete play a key role in terms of warfare. For example, Obi mentions the important role machetes

534 Ibid, p. 148. 535 Ibid. 274 played for Afrikan soldiers fighting during the Cuban Wars of Independence.536 The importance of Afrikan warfare will be made shortly in the next section.

Jason Jeffers and Jonathan David Kane, who produced the documentary Papa Machete diminish Afrikan people's agency by describing it as a “synthesis” of European and Afrikan martial arts. Much like how Europeans describe Vodou as a “syncretism” or synthesis between

European Catholicism and Vodun, this notion of synthesis attempts to remove Afrikan people's unique power by claiming that they could not come up with this combat system without the aid of Europeans. This agency reduction is further reinforced by journalists such as Linda Poon, who reviews the documentary to reinforce their description and quote Jeffers, who calls tiré machèt the “Excalibur” of the Caribbean and “third world.”537 Once again, one sees that tiré machèt is not allowed to stand on its own as an Afrikan combat art when Jeffers compares the machetes used in the art to a British mythological sword.

Jeffers and Kane production partner Keisha Rae Witherspoon considers the art to be the

“pocket knife of the Caribbean” to add insult to injury.538 The minimization and reduction of this

Afrikan combat art are clear. By claiming and documenting that tiré machèt is a synthesis with

European fencing, Europeans can reinforce that Afrikan people are not intelligent enough to develop their combat arts, especially with blades. They do so to reduce and claim that Afrikan

536 Ibid, p. 151. 537 Linda Poon, “ ‘En Garde’ Takes On New Urgency In A Duel With Machetes,” NPR, Jan 24, 2015, https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2015/01/24/379333823/en-garde-takes-on-new-urgency-in-a-duel- with-machetes, accessed October 10, 2020. 538 Ibid. 275 people only developed combat arts around sticks and clubs. These tactics are clear attempts to reinforce the racist notion that Afrikan people are not civilized.

But reality and history demonstrate that Afrikan people have an expansive history of making and utilizing bladed weapons. Afrikan people were the first to do so when examining the earliest civilizations on the Nile Valley, as demonstrated by intellectuals and scholars such as

Diop, Asante, Hilliard, Walker, and others. In turn, Afrikan people have a long history of developing combat arts around dueling, fencing, and dancing with blades. As discussed before,

Afrikan dance is a pivotal aspect of Afrikan combat techniques. Unlike Asiatic or European combat, the emphasis on flowing and moving while attacking is effective in real battles. Poon observes this when she states how the training sessions in tiré machèt resembled a graceful dance as practitioners twist and turn their bodies while exchanging blows.539

Therefore, tiré machèt is not a synthesis between European fencing and Afrikan combat arts. Instead, tiré machèt is the synthesis between the various Afrikan combat traditions that emphasize wielding a blade while utilizing the precise dance-like movements and techniques observed in combat arts such as engolo. Professor Alfred Avril, the military-trained Ayisyen master of this Afrikan combat art, calls tiré machèt a gift. Avril understands that it is not a simple combat art that one does for the sake of practice. He understands that tiré machèt is a gift from his Afrikan ancestors that must be guarded and passed down to future descendants. Even after

Avril's passing, his sons and students continue to pass down tiré machèt, which is important in

539 Ibid. 276 the long, continuous, and much-needed reciprocation of Afrikan combat arts. This continuous process is needed in the war against Afrikan people that is still being waged today.

The Reciprocation of Afrikan Warfare

The aspect of peace and war is a consistent theme of humanity. But it is important to acknowledge the differences between the diverse groups of human beings on how war and peace are understood within their own distinct culture. Despite the small distinct variations between various Afrikan people, there is a commonality and reciprocation in all aspects of Afrikan culture. In other words, there is a commonality whether one is examining the numerous Afrikan languages, spiritual systems, combat arts, and warfare tactics.540 But more specifically, there is a continuum of Afrikan dance and fight techniques that persist in the various combat arts. For instance, whether one views Engolo as the parent style or looks at both Capoeira and Engolo as siblings of Afrikan parents, in either case, they are both Afrikan in their foundation.541 As

Chancellor William notes, many western European writers attempt to divide Afrikan people by emphasizing differences and cultural variations. European emphasize these differences in their racist attempts to show how unrelated Afrikan people were.542

Even more revealing is how European scholars typically discuss the context of Afrikan resistance against enslavement. For instance, some scholars label them as “slave revolts” or

“rebellions.” By using such terms, many do not truly engage with the ethics of why free and

540 Ibid, “Afrikan=Black Combat Forms Hidden in Plain Sight: Engolo/Capoeira, Knocking-and-Kicking and Asafo Flag Dancing,” Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies 12, no. 4, (2018): 346-348. 541 Ibid, p. 347. 542 Chancellor Williams, “Chapter I: The Overview,” The Destruction of Black Civilization: Great Issues of a Race From 45000 B.C. to 2000 A.D., (Chicago: Third World Press, 1974), p. 46. 277 enslaved Afrikan people took up arms to kill people who they considered their enemies. From an

Afrocentric perspective, Afrikan resistance against enslavement must be viewed in the context of

Afrikan warfare. As also emphasized and contended by Manuel Barcia, many Afrikan military leaders and troops resisting European enslavement in regions such as Ayiti, Cuba, or Brazil exhibited an ethical behavior associated with Afrikan warfare. Enslaved and free Afrikan held this stance because it was tied to their own cosmologies and spiritual systems.543 Barcia specifically states that her article contends that:

West African military commanders and troops in both regions exhibited an ethical behavior associated with war, which was strongly tied to their cosmologies of the world. These cos- mologies were the result of a learning process that had begun and developed – at least until they were enslaved and sent to the Americas – in their African homelands.544

Barcia does good to refuse to refer to Afrikan resistance movements as “slave revolts” or rebellions because, in reality, they were actions of war. In other words, all the actions taken by

Afrikan people against European enslavement were justified because those actions were initiated in the context of warfare. Therefore, the Afrikan leaders and organizers of Afrikan resistance movements had no issue defending against and killing Europeans who were foreign threats attempting to impose on their existence. For example, if one were to examine Jan-Jak Desalin declaration to remove and kill all whites in 1804, this brilliant move was done so in the context of Afrikan warfare. Further Discussions on Desalin political decisions will be made in the last chapter.

543 Manuel Barcia, “ ‘To Kill all Whites’: The Ethics of African Warfare in Bahia and Cuba, 1807-1844,” Journal of African Military History 1, no. 1, (2017): 72. 544 Ibid, p. 73. 278

A specific battle that illustrates the context of Afrikan warfare is the famous Batay Vètyè

(Battle of Vertières) in Kap-Ayisyen/Cap-Haïtien (at the time Cap-Français). Much attention is given to this battle because it signified: (1) one of the final phases in the Afrikan war for liberation in Ayiti and (2) the unity amongst all Afrikan=Black people in Ayiti under the command of Jan-Jak Desalin. European scholars such as Jean-Pierre Le Glaunec describe this case as an alliance between Blacks and those who saw themselves as mulattoes.545 But such statements do not capture the significant fact that all Afrikan people, whether mixed or not, were united to go to war against the French.

It is during this battle where significant Afrikan fighters made their name. One powerful

Afrikan soldier who comes to mind is General Cappoix-la-Mort (François Cappoix). There are several debates and interpretations around the origin of his nickname. One interpretation that

Glaunec points out is from Thomas Madiou, who explains that Cappoix proved himself so pitiless to Europeans who died by his hand that the French began to call him “Capois-la-Mort”

(Capois [the] Death). This interpretation is reinforced by an account by Philippe-Albert De Lattre in Campagnes des Français a Saint-Domingue: Et Réfutation des Reproches Faits Au Capitaine-

Général Rochambeau, 1805 (trans: Campaigns of The French In Santo Domingo: And Refutation of The Reproaches Made to Captain-General Rochambeau, 1805). This account is from the point of view of a former landowner in the colony who described General Cappoix as being one of the fiercest men produced by Afrika.546

545 Jean-Pierre Le Glaunec, “2. The Final Act of an Atlantic Revolution,” The Cry of Vertières: Liberation Memory and the Beginning of Haiti, (Montréal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2020), p. 29. 546 Ibid, p. 30. 279

The second interpretation of his nickname comes from Ayisyen authors such as François

Dalencour, who wrote Cappoix biography in Dictionnaire Historique de la Révolution

Haïtienne, 1789-1804 (trans: Historical Dictionary of the Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804).

Dalencour explains that Cappoix was an Afrikan warrior who never retreated in the face of danger or death.547 As a result, from an Afrikan perspective, it can be argued that he feared nothing, not even death, and symbolically represented Desalin revolutionary motto of “Libète ou lanmò” (trans: liberty or death). It is important to note that Cappoix was born on a plantation in the Port-de-Paix commune.

Ironically, this was the same town that Padre Jean fled to decades earlier to form a free

Afrikan community on Tortuga island, as mentioned in chapter 5. This fact is important because

Padre Jean is one of the first enslaved Afrikans to help light the initial sparks for Afrikan warfare against European enslavement and imposition. One can assume that Cappoix is familiar with

Padre Jean's significance and earlier Afrikan movements against enslavement. It is important to mention that Cappoix was most likely instilled through Vodou with the spiritual understanding that Afrikan people are a people of life. Therefore, there was no need to fear physical death in the face of an oppressive enemy.

Cappoix's military unit was also a significant factor in the victory achieved at the Battle of Vertières. For instance, it is described that on the fateful day of November 18th, 1803, General

Cappoix was the head of two Afrikan battalions known as the 9th Brigade.548 The 9th Brigade

547 François Dalencour, “Biographie du général François Cappoix,” in Dictionnaire Historique de la Révolution Haïtienne, 1789-1804, (Paris: CIDIHCA - Co-édition Educa Vision Inc., 2019), p. 66-71. 548 Ibid, “2. The Final Act of an Atlantic Revolution,” The Cry of Vertières: Liberation Memory and the Beginning of Haiti, (Montréal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2020), p. 32. 280 within the Afrikan revolutionary army in Ayiti is renowned for its fierce raids against French military posts stationed during the war, including those on Tortuga Island. Both Jan-Jak Desalin and Cappoix would deliver the historic, devastating final blow to General Donatien de

Rochambeau and his French expeditionary forces.

To further understand the context of Afrikan warfare in Ayiti, it is vital to briefly deal with the historical context of early Afrikan resistance against enslavement and foreign imposition. Although some scholars continue to highlight the destructive impact of European imperialism and their ongoing war against Afrikan people, William is correct to note the admission/ignorance about the Arab culture's imposition on Afrikan people. Even more revealing are the early invasions and impositions of Asiatic groups on ancient Afrikan civilizations. These invasions and impositions dislocated several Afrikan leaders who adopted foreign religions such as Islam. Thus, it was a necessity for many Afrikan kingdoms and empires to expel these foreign forces who specifically attacked the Afrikan spiritual and cultural systems in those societies. As a result, fierce wars needed to be fought to override the destruction of Afrikan civilizations.

Williams reinforces this sentiment when he states:

For one of the most remarkable chapters in the history of the Blacks is that dealing with those dauntless leaders and people who, having lost one state after another along with three-fourths of their kinsmen, nevertheless overrode all the forces of destruction and death and began to build- always once again-still still another state. From the earliest times, the elimination of these states as independent African sovereignties had been an Asian objective, stepped up by Muslim onslaughts after the Seventh century A.D. So, the re-established black states were still being conquered and Islamized when Europeans began to arrive in greater numbers to impose their rule over both Asians and Africans.549

549 Ibid, “Chapter I: The Overview,” The Destruction of Black Civilization: Great Issues of a Race From 45000 B.C. to 2000 A.D. (Chicago: Third World Press, 1974), p. 49. 281

Williams eloquently highlights that what happened during these periods was that Arab imperialism was simply replaced by European imperialism. Furthermore, when examining

Afrikan warfare history from its earliest periods, the fiercest wars were not necessarily fought amongst other Afrikan kingdoms or empires expanding. The fiercest wars were often fought against foreign non-Afrikan/black forces. Williams, for this reason, closely studies the periods of

Assyrian, Persian, Greek, Roman, and Arab invasions, as well as the impact of their imposition/rule on Afrikan people. One example is the Hyksos invasion of Kmt/Kemet, explained in chapter four. As stated in chapter 4, Ahmose I would achieve his ancestors dream of expelling the foreign Hyksos from the land.550

An important note that must be made is how enslavement came to be confined to only

Afrikan people in 1272. Williams mentions how both the Arab and European slave trade was specifically confined to Afrikan people who had initiated numerous attempts to forestall Arab raids and occupations launched by the Sultans decades before. But although Williams claims to attack the pattern of the notion that Afrikans led themselves to their self-destruction, he confirms this was the case during the late 1200s.551 Williams wrote this text in the seventies and was not equipped with the right theoretical concepts such as cognitive hiatus and the white validation syndrome. If he had access to Afrocentric methodological tools, Williams would have come to a different conclusion.

550 Molefi Kete Asante, “chapter 5: Governance and the Political Stability of Kemet,” The History of Africa: The Quest for Eternal Harmony 3rd edition, (New York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2019), p. 55. 551 Ibid, “Chapter V-The Two That Carried On,” The Destruction of Black Civilization: Great Issues of a Race From 45000 B.C. to 2000 A.D. (Chicago: Third World Press, 1974), p. 151. 282

Nonetheless, Afrikan people, especially in Ayiti, still fought, and the core foundations of their civilizations, such as Afrikan spirituality, were never truly destroyed. Examples can be found in the wars initiated by Afrikan people fought throughout the earlier periods of European colonialism and enslavement. A comparative case that serves as a good example of Afrikan warfare's reciprocation against White expansionism and enslavement is the Afrikan war for independence in Ayiti and the Zulu War (e.k.a. the Eight Frontier Wars) against the British.

Xolani Mkhize and Adrian Greaves point out that in 1486 when Europeans first found out about the Cape within the southern Afrikan region, they immediately began to kill the Khoi people who had never contacted whites before.552 This initial contact would inform other Afrikan clans in the region not to trust the Europeans. Many of the earlier Portuguese sailors who had set up stations (many of which were established on sites of earlier Arab slave-trading posts) near the region made accounts of how fearsome the Bantu Afrikan people were if you were to fight against them.553 This trend is consistent with the accounts of early European contact with the

Taino people upon landing in Ayiti.

Over time European invaders (French, German and Dutch settlers) attempting to immigrate into the region began to cooperate and adopted the name “Boer” to describe their similar European culture and agricultural way of life.554 The point is important because one will see that despite the divisions amongst European people, they will unite due to their insecurities

552 Adrian Greaves & Xolani Mkhize, "Chapter 4: White Expansionism in South Africa and the Eight Frontier Wars,” The Zulu at War: The History, Rise, and Fall of the Tribe that Washed Its Spears, (New York: Skyhorse publishing, 2014), p. 35 553 Ibid. 554 Ibid, p. 38-39. 283 about people of color. Furthermore, they will unite amongst themselves to attack other groups that they deem to threaten white genetic survival.

The Afrikan societies within the region, such as the Xhosa, were not ignorant of this fact or incoming invasion and launched numerous cattle raids on the Boer territories.555 Thus by

1780, the first of many conflicts would occur as the Boers began to go to war with the Xhosa,

Gaikas, Zulus, Tslambis, and other Afrikan clans in the region. Soon the British would encroach and attempt to claim dominion over the region only to face continuous friction from the

Kingdom of KwaZulu (aka Zulu Empire or the Kingdom of Zululand).556

Similarly, Afrikans in Ayiti would free themselves, establish their communities, and like the Zulu, would also utilize the strategy of raids to attack European plantations and settlements.

Therefore, it is safe to assume that Afrikan women leaders in free Afrikan communities

(mawon/maroon societies) may have served a similar function, much like the queen mothers of the Zulu and other Afrikan societies. Alvin O. Thompson provides evidence that may clarify this assumption when he discusses key Afrikan female figures in Ayiti and Jamaica, such as Marie-

Jeanne Lamartiniére, Henriette Saint-Marc, or Grandy Nanny.557 Like the Afrikan women leaders in older societies and civilizations, Afrikan women in these communities, much like the queen mothers, held significant political and religious/spiritual power. Thompson proves this by

555 Ibid, p. 39 556 Ibid, “Chapter 7: Defending their Nation,” The Zulu at War: The History, Rise, and Fall of the Tribe that Washed Its Spears, (New York: Skyhorse publishing, 2014), p. 91. 557 Alvin O. Thompson, “Gender and Marronage in the Caribbean- Maroon Women in Military and Paramilitary Roles,” The Journal of Caribbean History 39, no. 2, (2005), p. 274. 284 comparing Grandy Nanny from Jamaica and Nzinga of Angola, who displayed and utilized

Afrikan spirituality when they went to war against European powers.558

Another commonality between Afrikan people in Ayiti’s war against the French and

Zulu’s war against the British is that both familiarized themselves with the western war tactics utilized by their foes. As a result, they could easily read their opponents and launch counter- offensives that could cripple their opponents. Salnave reinforces this when he provides Afrikan fighters accounts in 1791 who had acquired enemy tactics on the battlefield. For instance, he points out that some Free Afrikans and mulattoes had served in the maréchaussée (the colonial police), and when the major phase of the revolution began, they would use this knowledge to their advantage.559

Salnave is also correct to point out that this acquisition did not lead Afrikan fighters to reject their Afrikan war methods and strategies, as some European scholars would insinuate. On the contrary, as in most warfare, they merged the two strategic approaches to fit their advantage better. However, it is important to note that a consistent theme of Afrikan warfare is the war of attrition, which is communally referred to today as guerilla war tactics. For instance, Jan-Jak

Desalin initiated a war tactic known as Chikannen (trans. to harass), similar to the hit and run tactics utilized by many Afrikan Bantu warriors. The Zulu use this tactic in tandem with an encircling war strategy known as Impondo Zankhomo (trans. Horns of the bull).560 Salnave

558 Ibid. 559 Rodney Salnave, "Boukman wasn't Muslim," BWAKAYIMAN, Sept 10, 2017, Updated May 20, 2020, https://bwakayiman.blogspot.com/2017/09/boukman-wasnt-muslim.html, Retrieved on June 15, 2020. 560 Ibid, “Glossary of Terms,” The Zulu at War: The History, Rise, and Fall of the Tribe that Washed Its Spears, (New York: Skyhorse publishing, 2014), p. xxii. 285 reinforces and provides more details on the connection between Desalin Chikannen and the hit and run tactics of the Zulu, stating:

However, the black soldiers having gained this new Western military know-how did not cause the French loss. For never the insurgents would have won, by using Western aligned fighting, an archaic method whose limits they have demonstrated. The Haitian revolutionaries' victory stems more from what Dessalines called Chicaner, Chikannen, in modern Creole, that is to say, "To harass" the enemy. Chikannen, this "African" warlike method, corresponds to the "hit and run" practiced by the so-called Bantu peoples of Central and Southern "Africa." In the South of the continent, "hit and run" was in operation until 1810-1816, when Chaka Zulu introduced the method of hand-to-hand combat (footnote 133: Angus McBride. The Zulu War. London, 1976. pp.4-3).561

The use of agents/spies to conduct espionage is another important aspect of Afrikan warfare that can be seen utilized by the Zulus and Afrikans in Ayiti. Marie-Jeanne Lamartiniére and Henriette St. Marc are considered the most pivotal agents during the major phase of the revolutionary war in Ayiti. As demonstrated in the last chapter, Lamartiniére would lead

Desalin’s security and bodyguard unit. The functions of this unit can be compared to the intelligence agencies seen throughout many nations today. Similarly, King Cetshwayo would send Zulu spies to report on the British troop movements gearing up to invade the kingdom.562

Overall, it is not surprising to see this similarity between the warfare initiated by Afrikan people in Ayiti and Afrikan people on the continent. For instance, the Zulu’s, who are also culturally akin to other Afrikan ethnic groups (generally called Congo by French authorities at the time), is just one of the many Afrikan nanchons (nations) composing the Afrikan ancestral religion of Vodou in Ayiti. As pointed out earlier Afrikan spirituality/religion is a major

561 Ibid, “Boukman wasn't Muslim," BWAKAYIMAN, Sept 10, 2017, Updated May 20, 2020, https://bwakayiman.blogspot.com/2017/09/boukman-wasnt-muslim.html, Retrieved on June 15, 2020. 562 Ibid, “Chapter 7: Defending their Nation,” The Zulu at War: The History, Rise, and Fall of the Tribe that Washed Its Spears, (New York: Skyhorse publishing, 2014), p. 92. 286 component of Afrikan combat and warfare traditions. It is also the glue that is needed for any

Afrikan nation to thrive and persist.

As a result, the enemies of Afrikan people specifically attack Afrikan spiritual systems.

By doing so, they can fill Afrikan people's minds with European cultural values and move them around as they see fit. Suppose one were to prevent this reduction of Afrikan agency truly. In that case, it becomes imperative that one fights both intellectually and physically to safeguard

Afrikan spiritual systems, languages, institutions, and other aspects of our ancestral culture.

287

CHAPTER 9

CONCLUSION-BIRTH OF THE AFRIKAN NATION OF AYITI AND ITS UNFINISHED REVOLUTION!

“Sonje byen, mwen te sakrifye tout bagay pou m te ka defann ou. fanmi, timoun, fòtin, e kounye a, mwen rich sèlman avèk libète ou; non mwen te vin yon laterè pou tout moun ki vle esklavaj. Despòt ak tiran madichonnen jou a ke mwen te fèt. Si tout tan ou refize oswa bougonnen pandan w ap resevwa lwa sa yo ke lespri a veye sò ou dikte m 'pou byen pwòp ou a, ou ta merite sò a nan yon pèp engra. Men, mwen rejte lide terib sa a; ou pral kenbe libète a ke ou apresye ak sipòte lidè a ki kòmande ou. Se poutèt sa, fè sèman devan mwen pou mwen viv lib e endepandan, epi pito lanmò pase nenpòt bagay ki pral eseye mete ou nan chenn. Sèman, finalman, pou pouswiv pou tout tan trèt yo ak lènmi endepandans ou.”563 (Remember that I sacrificed everything to rally to your defense; family, children, fortune, and now I am rich only with your liberty; my name has become a horror to all those who want slavery. Despots and tyrants curse the day that I was born. If ever you refused or grumbled while receiving those laws that the spirit guarding your fate dictates to me for your own good, you would deserve the fate of an ungrateful people. But I reject that awful idea; you will sustain the liberty that you cherish and support the leader who commands you. Therefore, vow before me to live free and independent and to prefer death to anything that will try to place you back in chains. Swear, finally, to pursue forever the traitors and enemies of your independence.) -Anpere Jan-Jak Desalin (Emperor Jean-Jacques Dessalines)

Thus far, the chapters in this study have highlighted several consistent themes in which

Eurocentric scholars who have written on Ayiti have diminished Afrikan people’s agency. These themes include the minimization of (1) Afrikan spiritual systems, (2) other Afrikan resistance movements and wars related to Ayiti history, (3) Afrikan languages such as Ayisyen Kreyol, (4)

Afrikan male-female complementary forces, and most importantly (5) important Afrikan leaders

563 Jan-Jak Desalin, “Ayisyen (Haitian) Declaration of Independence, January 1, 1804,” translation of the Haitian Declaration of Independence by Laurent Dubois and John Garrigus as published in: Slave Revolution in the Caribbean 1789 – 1804: A Brief History with Documents, original document: http://downloads.dadychery.org/Independence_Declaration.pdf. 288 and personalities such as Jan-Jak Desalin. The purpose of this chapter is to examine Jan-Jak

Desalin “national consciousness” and vision for Ayiti. Marimba Ani defines national consciousness as:

A political consciousness in which members of a group understand themselves as sharing a common destiny, based on a shared cultural history and racial origin. An Afrikan national consciousness exists when we identify with Afrika, a symbolic point of origin, a mothering or creative principle, which determines our collective being.564

This definition is important because when one looks at the official establishment of the

Empire of Ayiti on January 1st, 1804, it is one of the most defining moments in the history of

Afrikan self-determination and the idea of national consciousness. The case of Ayiti is also one of the few cases in the western hemisphere where Afrikan people successfully expelled their

European oppressors and established their own nation. But this did not mean that new challenges would not arise. The above quote by Jan-Jak Desalin in the declaration of independence highlights his charge to his Afrikan people to always live free and prefer death to anything that attempts to enslave them. It can be argued that Desalin had a Pan-Afrikan vision for the future

Afrikan nation, which is reflected in the decision to call Ayiti an empire. The vision for Ayiti was not just to be a haven for all Afrikan people oppressed by European enslavement. The vision was also for Ayiti to expand as an empire and incorporate more independent territories that

Afrikan people in the western hemisphere would control.

This establishment and vision threatened the European power structure and establishment. If Ayiti were to truly capitalize on its potential as a new empire and island

564 Marimba Ani, “Kuugusa Mtima: The Afrikan “Aesthetic” and National Consciousness,” To Heal a People Afrikan Scholars Defining a New Reality, edited by Erriel D. Roberson, (Baltimore: Kujichagulia Press, 1996), p. 92. 289 surrounded by water, the scales of power would quickly tip. They would not only inspire other colonize Afrikan societies in the western hemisphere to become independent but would also begin trade with them and their kin back on the Afrikan continent. Napoleon Bonaparte, who aspired to establish a French empire in the Caribbean, feared the idea of Afrikan people in Ayiti establishing an independent “Black nation.” This fear of Napoleon would further come to fruition when Toussaint promulgated a self-rule constitution on July 12th, 1801 and declared himself governor for life. This fact is proven based on Napoleon’s decision to send his general

Leclerc and an expedition of French soldiers to exterminate and re-enslave the Afrikan population.

Napoleon’s plot was fully thwarted after the renowned Afrikan victory in the battle of

Vertières and the departure of French troops in December 1803. But despite this success, Ayiti still had a major hurdle despite expelling the French from the newly established Afrikan nation.

Ayiti had to deal with the dislocation of the small population of Afrikans who accepted the label of mulatto and the black elites who all were mentally attached to Europeans. What needed to be expelled was not just the French but also the European person and ideals that had infected the minds of some Afrikan people in Ayiti.

As a result, this chapter will discuss the agency reduction of certain political leaders who betrayed the newly founded nation's vision. The first section will begin by articulating how

Vodou needed to be more politicized because it was necessary for forming the nation. In other words, Afrikan spirituality must also relate to the political needs of Afrikan people, as emphasized in chapter six. Simply put, Afrikan spirituality is the glue that connects and

290 consolidates the people within a nation. The last section shall then examine the first constitution of Ayiti and the depreciation of Jan-Jak Desalin character and contributions made by his opponents. Scholars will see that aspects of the constitution detail the original vision for Ayiti, such as eliminating “whiteness” from the nation. This fact is evident when one observes

European people's expulsion from the island, except for naturalized Germans and Poles, and banning any foreign person identified as “white” from owning property inside the new empire.

One of the major arguments that will be made is that Ayiti had an unfinished revolution due to Emperor Desalin assassination from dislocated Afrikan traitors suffering from white validation. As a result, the Afrikan national consciousness of the people was not fully realized.

For instance, Henry Christophe and Alexandre Sabès Pétion, who would succeed Desalin after his assassination, will be given a deep analysis. Despite both men’s contributions to the Afrikan fight for freedom in Ayiti, both were suffering from the white validation syndrome and had betrayed the original vision for Ayiti. Much of the problems in Ayiti to this day stem from the long legacy of Ayisyen elites upholding white values and minimizing Afrikan agency. If Ayiti is to complete its revolution truly, then the task of removing white validation from the minds of

Afrikan people must be a priority.

Vodou in Ayiti: The Soul & Glue of a Forming Nation

Historically new nations come into existence in waves. With each new wave, the people unite to develop a nation that can maintain and protect their culture's best aspects derived from ancestral memory. The binding force that maintains the nation's values and philosophy is spirituality and religion. Therefore, spirituality and religion are the necessary glue needed to

291 maintain any nation's stability and balance. An important component within Afrikan spirituality is initiation ceremonies and rites. In her studies on the Kingdom of Kongo, Sylvia Wynter argues that we as Afrikans should do better to refer to education as initiation.565 In Afrikan societies, like the Kingdom Kongo, education consisted of an initiation process into a master script containing the society truths.566 Afrocentricity International understands the importance of initiation as a form of education.

As a solution to deal with the white validation that has infected Ayiti throughout the decades, the Afrocentricity International Ayiti chapter opened the first Afrocentric Leaning and

Cultural Safeguard Center in Fò Jak (Fort Jacques) on January 25th, 2020.567 Under the leadership of the Shenuti of AI Ayiti, Yaa Asantewaa, the chapter revitalized the original vision for Ayiti children. Yaa Asantewaa offered up her home in Fò Jak to be the sight for this historic inauguration. Asantewaa, much like Suzanne L'Ouverture and Empress Félicité, made the necessary sacrifices to ensure a strong future for Ayiti’s children. The school reinforces the importance of Vodou and initiation within education. For instance, the first day of Afrocentric instruction was held on Monday, January 27th, 2020. The school reassured parents in the community that:

The children will not only learn to read, write, and count, but also, and quite importantly, to value and honor themselves, their ancestors, their history and their culture. Every day will start with a libation for the great African spirits, men and women that have forged our path, despite the many difficulties created by white supremacy and black alienation. Another critical part of their education is a practical skills component —the children learning gardening, carpentry,

565 Bedour Alagraa, “What Will be the Cure?: A Conversation With Sylvia Wynter,” Offshoot Journal, January 7, 2021, https://offshootjournal.org/what-will-be-the-cure-a-conversation-with-sylvia-wynter/, (February 23, 2021). 566 Ibid. 567 Afrocentricity International, “Inauguration of Afrocentric School Led by AI Haiti,” Dyabukam, March 3, 2020, https://dyabukam.com/images/docs/Ayiti_School_Press_Release_01_25_2020.pdf, (February 23, 2021). 292 animal husbandry, etc. The center has already acquired a pig and intends to engage in pig raising and selling. It will also offer dance and drumming classes in order to become self-sufficient.568

AI Ayiti chapter has made an incredible contribution to the true revolutionary vision for

Ayiti’s Afrikan people. The process they have demonstrated is very reflective of how education was conducted in the Kingdom of Kongo and Dahomey. As demonstrated in chapter six, African religion is also a necessary force needed to cement political relations between different ethnic groups of Afrikan people. The Kingdom of Dahomey's case during Agaja rule demonstrates how

Vodun was utilized to consolidate political power and maintain unity amongst the people. As

Akinyele Umoja points out, it is clear that Vodou played a critical and major role in the Afrikan fight for freedom in Ayiti.569

But an important question Umoja asks is how did Vodou play a role in promoting Pan-

Afrikan solidarity in Ayiti? One answer to this important question is that Black=Afrikan pride and solidarity were promoted through the communities developed by enslaved and free Afrikans.

These communities were built around the organizing principles of Vodou. Akinyele reinforces this point stating:

The influence of the Bight of Benin, in general, and the Evhe, Fon, and Aja ethnic groups are clearly evident in Haitian Voudou. The use of the term Voudou is clearly linked to the Evhe, Aja, Fon cultural zone. The words Vudu of the Evhe and Vodun of the Fon both related to the name of the religion and a generic name for secondary divinities. The primary name for a male Voudou priest, houngan, and Voudou initiate, hounsi, has Evhe, Fon, and Aja origins. In the dialect of the coastal Hweda hun is a spirit. In Fongbe gan is chief and si is wife. A houngan is the male chief of a religious community. A hounsi is a wife or servant of a particular deity or loa. Besides these linguistic retentions, an entire rite is named Rada after Allada, the root kingdom of Aja Kingdoms (Deren, 1953, 60, 335; Blier, 1995, 46-7, 52).570

568 Ibid. 569 Umoja Akinyele, “From Dahomey to Haiti: The Vodun Paradigm as a Manifestation of Pan-Africanism,” International Journal of Africana Studies 8, no. 1 (2002): p. 104. 570Ibid. 293

Another form of evidence that provides answers comes from Agaja’s wife, Na Hwanjile, discussed in chapter six. Hwanjile’s influence is said to have traveled to areas in the Americas and Caribbean, such as Ayiti, Martinique, and Guadeloupe. Within these regions, it is stated that her spirit has been elevated to the level of a secondary deity or lwa named Ouan-Guile.571 The important point is that Afrikan spiritual systems provide the models needed to unite the various

Afrikan ethnic groups. For instance, Vodou emphasizes the incorporation of various spiritual rites that represent a diversity of Afrikan origins.572 Umoja points out that this incorporation process emphasized by Vodou provides a re-ethnicization for Afrikan people, which is evident in

Cuba and Brazil. He provides more details of this process in Ayiti by stating that:

Not only are local deities incorporated under one spiritual community but ethnic origins themselves are recognized as rites. Haitian Voudou recognizes the various “nations” or spiritual essences. Examples of the “nations” recognized are Rada (Allada, Evhe, Aja, Fon), Congo (Kongo, West-Central Africa), Senegal (Senegambia region), Mandingue (Mande speakers), and Ibo (southeast Nigeria, particularly Igbo speakers) (Riguad, 1985, 265). The recognition of various ethnicities lays the basis for a unified diversity. This unified or Pan-African diversity allows the various ethnicities to cooperate together in one community. The large numbers of West-central Africans forcibly transported to the colony also reinforced their cultural heritage in Voudou and resistance.573

In the context of Ayiti, Umoja is correct to point out the commonality of Afrikan linguistic and ethnic groups. Both Afrikan linguistic and ethnic groups in Ayiti had a place of recognition instead of submerging and losing themselves in the process of Afrikan nation- building.574 At the same time, maintaining aspects of their unique ancestral cultural heritage,

571 Ibid. 572 Ibid, p. 105. 573 Ibid. 574 Ibid, 106. 294

Afrikans in Ayiti and other parts of the western hemisphere consolidated into communities to fight a common enemy. This type of organization and unity was very effective in Ayiti because it called for a collective political struggle against European slavery.

When one looks for examples today, Ama Mazama points to Afrocentricity, which as an emancipatory movement, inscribes itself within a tradition of Afrikan resistance to European and other foreign oppression. One commonly noted feature of African resistance that Mazama notes is its reliance on spirituality.575 Mazama and other Afrikan intellectual warriors understand that people create sacredness. Therefore, when one begins the deep examination of religion's role, one must first understand that religion is the deification of a people’s culture and ancestors.

Every culture venerates its ancestors when the people have political and theological clarity of who they are as a society or nation. When people are not connected to their culture or history, they will begin to venerate their enemies' ancestors and become spiritual prisoners.

When one deeply studies Afrikan culture, one will also uncover common Afrikan philosophical principles. Mazama notes that one of these common philosophical principles is the notion and principle of “the unity of being.”576 The unity of being is a philosophical principle consistent within various Afrikan spiritual systems that go as far back as ancient Kmt/Kemet.

Mazama explains that there is an energy of cosmic origins that permeates through all life, minerals, objects, and events.577 In other words, this common cosmic energy shared by all in

575 Ama Mazama, “Afrocentricity and African Spirituality,” Journal of Black Studies 33, no. 2 (2002): p. 219. 576 Ibid. 577 Ibid. 295 existence gives human beings a common essence and connection to everything in the world.

Furthermore, this understanding calls for the fundamental unity of all that exists in the universe.

The philosophical understanding of the unity of being also helps explain how Afrikan soldiers in Ayiti overcame the fear of death. As explained in chapter six, Afrikan people are a people of life and do not believe that the death of one’s physical body is the end of life. Within all Afrikan spiritual systems, it is stressed that life is continuous and never ends. Therefore, life and death are not separated. Because death is seen more like a transformation or a transition into the spiritual realm, Mazama reinforces this and provides more context stating that:

There is no major difference between death and life. Both are perceived as different modes of being. In the African universe, Elungu told us (1987) that “dans l’homme, le corps n’est pas l’antithèse de l’âme; le présent est chargé du passé et gros de l’avenir. Dans l’univers, le ciel et la/ terre se rejoignent et la vie naît de la mort [the body is not the antithesis of the soul or mind, the present is filled with the past and carrying the future. In the universe, the sky and the earth meet, and life is born out of death]” (pp. 23-24). Life is infinite and knows no end, and therefore death is simply another form of existence, a rite of passage that allows one to gain another existential status, that of an ancestor, that is of a purely or almost purely spiritual being.578

Overall, Vodou reinforces one's unity being thus allowing one to overcome fear.

Evidence of this can be found in Jan Jak Desalin motto and proclamation of “Libète ou lanmò”

(Liberty or Death). Ayisyen attorney Ezili Danto (formerly Marguerite Laurent) takes time to point out that Desalin notion of freedom or death was one of the three major ideals he would continue to push even after the establishment of Ayiti as an Afrikan=Black nation.579 The first

578 Ibid, p. 220 579 Ezili Danto, “Jean Jacques Dessalines - The women who influenced him, his ideals and legacy remembered,” MargueriteLaurent.com, September 20, 2009, http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/Desalin09.html#janjak_women_warriors, accessed on June 15, 2020. 296 was that “Black is the color of liberty,” followed by the second, which was that “Self-defense is a human right.” Finally, that last major ideal was that one should “Live free or die!”

Although Desalin did not consolidate Vodou as the national religion, he strategically understood that Afrikan people more widely practiced Vodou than European Catholicism. For instance, in the 1805 constitution, Desalin made three specific articles (articles 50-52) to address the role of worship in Ayiti. Much like what Agaja had done in Dahomey, Desalin, as emperor, created laws around worship to consolidate political power and unite the people. Furthermore,

Desalin also had to find a way to remove the power of the Pope and the Catholic Church. During the revolution, the Catholic Church was severely weakened, and Afrikan resisters' fears drove many Catholic priests to flee Ayiti or go under hiding.580

But, in 1801, Toussaint had seized power and revived the Catholic Church to restore what he saw as “the position of dignity” it had previously. Desalin, who had more theological clarity than Toussaint, took a different position when he created articles 50-52. For instance, Article 50 of the 1805 constitution states that the law of Ayiti admits to no predominant religion. By initiating this first article in terms of worship, Desalin effectively removed the church from political power. Article 51 then states that freedom of worship is tolerated.

Article 51 was an important strategic move for several reasons. One reason is that it was a method for incorporating other Afrikan spiritual systems along with Vodou. Secondly, Desalin had to make attempts to quell resistance from opponents made up largely of Afrikan elites,

580 Leslie Desmangles, “2. Historical Setting: The Shaping of Two Religions in Symbiosis,” The Faces of The Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992), p. 35 297 including many of those who considered themselves a mulatto class. Desalin’s opponents were very much attached to European Catholicism and ideals. Leslie Desmangles provides evidence of this when he explains how Desalin, who was anticipating the French and other European armies' return, divided Ayisyen citizens into two categories: (1) the laborers and (2) the soldiers.581

Desmangles and other scholars who have written on Ayiti argue that the socioeconomic structures created by Desalin, and later endorsed by Christophe, provided the roots for the peasantry that exists in Ayiti to this day. But such assessment should be challenged when one examines the gravity of Desalin’s predicament and the new nation. He understood that they, as

Afrikan people were still in a state of war against the European powers that existed. As a result,

Ayiti’s military and agriculture were prioritized to maintain the empire's sovereignty and power.

Unfortunately, Desalin would be betrayed and assassinated within two years of his reign by his opponents.

Within this context, for any ruler of a new nation, two years is not enough time to develop and solidify policies that could prevent class divisions among citizens. Desmangles at least admit to this reality and points out that Desalin and even Christophe were forced to depend on the black elite and mulatto class to govern the new nation.582 As a result, Desmangles is correct to assume and state that:

It may be that this new bureaucracy used economic pressures to precipitate what Dessalines and Christophe vehemently resisted in Haiti: the creation of social classes on the basis of skin color. Also, it was perhaps inevitable that the slave mentality of the earlier colonial days carried into the new era: an affranchi whose rights had been taken away during the latter days of the colony was performing the duties of the slave master, and his children were liberated from field labor to

581Ibid, p. 38 582 Ibid, p. 39. 298 direct the work of others. Out of this group arose a few ambitious men and women who later became Haiti’s elite.583

This statement made by Desmangles is important because although he does not state it, he identifies that the Afrikan elites were suffering from white validation as a result of the

European plantation when he makes a note of the “slave mentality.” In other words, Desalin had to grapple with a population of dislocated black citizens in the upper class who made numerous attempts to undermine his rule. Finally, article 52 explains that the state does not provide for the maintenance of any religious institution or minister.

This point is important because institutions and spaces for Vodou practice were always maintained by the Houngan or Mambo and the larger Afrikan community. Michel S. Laguerre reinforces this point when he discusses the societies developed by Vodou spiritual leaders. For instance, Laguerre explains that after independence, to protect their freedom and land, former enslaved Afrikans and Afrikan mawons congregated in secret societies around influential Vodou

Houngans Mambos.584 For instance, he explains that many participated in and organized peasant revolts throughout the nineteenth century. They did so to fight against the appropriation of their lands from influential politicians and army officers.585 What Laquerre describes as secret societies may, in reality, be the free Afrikans communities of Afrikan mawons that have

583 Ibid. 584 Michel S. Laguerre, “Introduction,” Voodoo and Politics in Haiti, (Berkeley: University of California at Berkeley, 1989), p. 1-2. 585 Ibid. 299 persisted even after independence. Laquerre seems to confirm this in his fifth chapter when he provides examples with the case of the Bizango586 Afrikan society and argues that:

After the independence of Haiti in 1804, cells of maroon communities have continued to exist through the formation of secret societies. Secret societies are thus seen as the channels that the ‘maroons’ of contemporary Haiti use to protect their personal interests and those of their own communities.587

On the other hand, when one examines the institutions around Catholicism, the churches are maintained by the European state and the elite. Therefore, Desalin had presented a dagger to

European Catholicism and had effectively removed its power in Ayiti. So much so that in the same year the constitution was passed in 1805, the Roman Catholic Church had decided to leave

Ayiti.588 The two main reasons why the church left Ayiti were (1) in protest of the revolution and

(2) to protest the new constitutional laws that would allow Vodou to predominate in the new nation.589 An interesting note that Margarite Fernandez Olmos and Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert make about the aftermath of the Roman Catholic Church’s decision to leave was that Roman

Catholic congregations abandoned many of their churches in Ayiti. As a result, the abandoned churches would be adopted and utilized for Vodou rites.590

586 Bizango according to Laguerre is not only a secret Afrikan society but also an agricultural association. The name is said to have been derived from the name of one of the Afrikan clans from the Bissagot Islands whose members were kidnapped, enslaved, and brought to the plantations in Ayiti by the French. Bizango is said to operate in the northern, western, southern and central portions of Ayiti. 587 Ibid, “5. Secret Societies,” Voodoo and Politics in Haiti, (Berkeley: University of California at Berkeley, 1989), p. 72. 588 Margarite Fernandez Olmos and Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert, “Chapter 4: Haitian Vodou,” Creole Religions of the Caribbean: An Introduction from Vodou and Santería to Obeah and Espiritismo 2nd ed., (New York: New York University Press, 2011), p. 119. 589 Ibid. 590 Ibid. 300

Desmangles gives us some evidence of Desalin’s intentions for passing laws around religion and worship. He points out that as soon as Desalin assumed ascendancy, he proclaimed himself head of the church in Ayiti.591 As a result, Desalin now had the right to supervise the limits of each priest's jurisdiction and appoint previously enslaved Afrikan men to the vacant positions. As a result, Desmangles explains that:

The provisions of the 1805 constitution did not go unnoticed. The Vatican refused to recognize Haiti as a republic and declined to send priests into the country, resulting in an open schism between the Haitian state and Rome which lasted for fifty-six years. The longer this schism lasted, the further Haitians parted from the teachings of the church. By the time the break was healed in 1860, it was too late: Haitian religion had become a strange assortment of Catholic and Vodou beliefs.592

The evidence and historical facts Desmangles presents, in this case, are important for many reasons. For one, as demonstrated in chapter six, these facts further debunk the notion that there was a syncretism or fusion between the catholic and Vodou religion. Aside from the small population of dislocated Afrikan elites, most of the Afrikan population in Ayiti practiced Vodou as demonstrated by intellectual authorities such as Desmangles, Claudine Michel, and Patrick

Bellegarde-Smith. Furthermore, it is important to note that it would be Henri Christophe who, amid his white validation, would go on to make Roman Catholicism the state religion.593

Christophe, much like Toussaint before him, was also dislocated due to his fascination for

European culture. For instance, he also wanted to restore the Catholic Church's status to what it

591 Ibid, “2. Historical Setting: The Shaping of Two Religions in Symbiosis,” The Faces of The Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992), p. 41. 592 Ibid. 593 Ibid. 301 had been during the colonial period in Ayiti. Desmangles reinforces the fact that Christophe was dislocated when he states that:

As the first king of Haiti, he created a nobility, and he wanted to revive the church in order to dignify his northern kingdom and his aristocracy. In 1811 and in 1814, therefore, he recognized the clergy with the formation of an archbishopric and three bishoprics. He also sent a small delegation of young black Haitian aspirants to the priesthood to Rome to be ordained, hoping that they would return to their homeland to train and ordain curates to fill the country’s various parishes.594

Christophe’s initiatives are a clear contrast and betrayal to what Desalin had previously attempted to do when he removed the Catholic Church's administrative power from the nation.

The lesson that can be learned from this brief examination is that Vodou indeed needed to be made the state religion, despite numerous pressures from the elite. Therefore, it is clear that the dislocated elites also needed to be removed from Ayiti. Similar to how Fidel Castro removed the racist Cuban elites who were still attached to American ideals. This sentiment is drawn from a closer examination of the European condemnation of Jan-Jak Desalin as an effective leader.

It is also clear that many of these military and political leaders were dislocated and suffering from white validation. As a result, some began to disassociate with Vodou. Many of these leaders, including Pétion and Christophe, still wanted to be acknowledged by the French and other European powers as equals. Others specifically wanted to be accepted as good

Catholics rather than free Afrikans. The dislocation is even present in Ayiti today amongst some

Vodou practitioners who see no contradiction between Vodou and Catholicism. As mentioned in

594 Ibid. 302 the previous chapters, the European plantation mentality was not fully removed from Afrikan people's minds.

The next section shall examine what is assumed to be Desalin attempts to stamp out the infection of white validation in the new nation. By examining the 1805 constitution more closely, several answers are provided. Furthermore, this final section will illuminate Desalin attempts to unite all Black=Afrikan people in Ayiti. The section shall also include a discussion about the traitors who assassinated Desalin and betrayed the true vision for the empire of Ayiti. Some of

Desalin close generals involved in the plot for his assassination shall be specifically located and discussed.

Unfinished Vision: The Formation of Ayisyen National Identity & the Traitors of Jan-Jak

Desalin Vision

In various attempts to diminish Jan-Jak Desalin’s character, scholars have made several accusations about some of Desalin’s actions during the revolutionary war. As pointed out in chapters five and seven, one accusation is that Desalin sold out Charles Belair. The specific archival source in question that is used to reinforce this accusation is a letter supposedly signed by Desalin and sent to General Leclerc on September 10th, 1802. Within the letter, Desalin provided information about Charles Belair's location and his involvement in recent activities.595

595 Jean-Jacques Dessalines to General Leclerc, 23 Fructidor/10 September 1802, The Philadelphia Gazette & Daily Advertiser, 8 October 1802, p. 3, https://haitidoi.com/2016/01/25/dessalines-reader-10-september-1802/#more- 1648, (accessed January 23, 2021). 303

It is at this point where one must be wary of these types of archival sources. For instance,

Kersuze Simeon-Jones, details various plots of divisions designed to divide the Afrikan revolutionary fighters in Ayiti. She notes a notable division scheme, detailed by King Henri

Christophe in 1814, of a plot devised by the French general Gabriel, comte d'Hédouville.596

According to Christophe, Hédouville had created a plot to turn André Rigaud against

Toussaint to weaken the latter’s work toward freedom and equality for Afrikan people in

Ayiti.597 Within his plan, he had given the “mulatto officer,” Rigaud permission to disobey all orders from the “Afrikan general governor,” Toussaint L’Ouverture.598 Christophe later explains that Hédouville’s agent had succeeded in inciting civil war and division among the Afrikan revolutionary forces in Ayiti. The French conducted these shameful measures to ensure the success of their military expedition in Ayiti. Concerning the accusation made of Desalin selling out Charles, it is stated that:

In a letter sent to France during his final months alive, Leclerc admitted his repeated approach of manufactured conflicts of division among Black officers: “not being strong enough to finish up with Dessalines, Maurepas and the others, I use one against the other.” Cognizant of the impact of such destructive tactics employed in colonial Saint-Dominque, in his proclamation, Jean- Jacques Dessalines warned against the continuance of those stratagems in the new Republic of Haiti.599

596 Kersuze Simeon-Jones, “The Words of JJ Dessalines and H. Christophe: An Appeal to the Nations and Citizens of the World,” The Intellectual Roots of Contemporary Black Thought: Nascent Political Philosophies, (New York: Routledge, 2021), p. 55. 597 King Henry Christophe (Roi Henry 1er), Manifeste du Roi (Cap-Henry: Chez P. Roux, Imprimeur du Roi, 1814), p. 15. 598 Ibid. 599 Ibid, “The Words of JJ Dessalines and H. Christophe: An Appeal to the Nations and Citizens of the World,” The Intellectual Roots of Contemporary Black Thought: Nascent Political Philosophies, (New York: Routledge, 2021), p. 55. 304

Ironically, Malcolm X would make a similar warning at the Civil Rights Movement's height. In response, there was also increased action from United States Intelligence and law enforcement agencies (CIA, FBI COINTELPRO, etc.). This point becomes even more evident when one considers that J. Edgar Hoover before he was appointed as FBI director, was a part of the Library of Congress, which controls the national archives. Therefore, one must consider how much tampering or manipulation is done to these archives and records regarding Afrikan people.

As stated before, both external European forces and the dislocated Afrikan elites in Ayiti did everything in their power to undermine Desalin until his eventual assassination. Ayisyen politician, Timoléon C. Brutus, discussion of Dessalines rule is of great interest. For instance, according to Brutus, Desalin should not have appointed those who lusted for personal power or the black elites.600 But as stated before, it is evident that Desalin’s dependence on the military was due to the predicament that Ayiti had to face after declaring its independence. The circumstances of this reality were that Afrikan people globally were still in a state of war against

European powers.

Furthermore, the masses of Afrikan people in Ayiti were comprised of farmers. Brutus and other Eurocentric scholars who have written on Ayiti like to emphasize that the masses of

Afrikan people in Ayiti at the time were also illiterate.601 But such continuous rhetoric is problematic and assumes that Afrikan people could not rule independently and effectively during this period. For this reason, one must critique this notion of illiteracy which privies that one

600 Jacob H. Carruthers, “Chapter VIII-The Black Imperium,” The Irritated Genie: An Essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: The Kemetic Institute, 1985), p. 105. 601 Ibid. 305 knows how to speak, write, or read European languages. The masses of Afrikan people were technically illiterate to European languages and writing.

As a result, it can be argued that the masses of Afrikan people in Ayiti were not illiterate to their own sources of knowledge and therefore had no need to rely on European writing or languages. Brutus and other authorities acknowledge and agree that Desalin could not have depended on the whites. Given this factual reality faced by Afrikan people, it is difficult to determine how anyone could have managed such intense challenges in two years, even Jan-Jak

Desalin.602 This point is also a sentiment that Carruthers and others also express. Nonetheless,

Afrikan people must always speak from a place of victory. The evidence and accounts presented in chapter four reinforce that there is no fear of future challenges or threats when one is in tune with their ancestors, culture, and history.

Therefore, it is important to understand that the charges or condemnation against Desalin seem to be based on the underlying assumption made from European logic that he was guilty of his assassination and the bad motives that inspired it.603 In other words:

This ‘underground struggle’ for power was to a large extent the product of Dessalines’ refusal to allow the old “Freemen of Color” elite and the newly freed black generals to monopolize the property. His nationalization of the property and declaration that it would be shared equitably by all Haitians and his defense of the “poor blacks” from “the sons of the colonists” were policies that alienated the men to whom he had given authority to govern.604

Another aspect of the opposition against Desalin was that several educated elites did not like the idea that all Ayisyen citizens would now have a predominance of power in the new

602 Ibid. 603 Ibid, p. 106. 604 Ibid. 306 nation. This pivotal factor would become more evident after Desalin assassination when the island was split between the north and south. The narrative that would unfold would be that

Christophe would be the “black” who ruled the north with his establishment of the Kingdom of

Ayiti. Pétion, on the other hand, would be the “mulatto” who ruled the south and west with his establishment of the Republic of Ayiti.

An important note to make is that the assassination plot against Desalin was bred in the west. Furthermore, Pétion wrote a constitution for his region that would give citizens classified as “mulattoes” the real power of governance.605 On the other hand, Christophe would establish a land-owning nobility and a hereditary kingdom that mimicked governmental systems in Europe.

A deeper discussion on the dislocation and white validation exhibited by both leaders will be made very shortly. Dislocated Afrikan elites within the leadership, such as Christophe and

Pétion, had betrayed the vision of what Ayiti needed to be as a newly founded Afrikan empire and nation.

As a result, the people of Ayiti remember and praise Desalin not only for being a great

Afrikan warrior or leading them to independence. They also praise him for promoting

Black=Afrikan unity and his attempts to eliminate the class divisions between those classified as mulatto or black.606 Upon closer examination of his 1805 constitution, this claim becomes fact and reveals that Desalin made great strides to eliminate the European constructed class labels around skin color designed to reinforce whiteness. Nonetheless, European and dislocated black

605 Ibid. 606 Ibid, p. 99. 307 intellectuals would go on to describe Desalin as an incompetent and cruel tyrant who was hostile not only to the black masses but also specifically to “the freemen of color.”607

Therefore, it is important to illuminate the reasons behind Desalin assassination and the criticisms aimed at his constitution and governance. For instance:

The criticism of Dessalines’ constitution grows out of the Eurocentric political fashion that emerged in the wake of the social contract theorists of the 17th and 18th centuries in Western Europe. The themes of “Democracy," “Republic,” and “Constitutional Monarchies maintained chattel slave systems, colonial systems and systems of racial oppression from their emergence until the present time.608

This critique of the European systems of governance is very important for many reasons.

For instance, it (1) provides the setup to discuss the types of states and governments established by Afrikan people, and (2) allows us to contrast the governmental systems created by Afrikan people versus those created by Europeans. For instance, in the original 1805 constitution, Desalin had strategically established that the institution and title of “emperor” would be the protector and race avenger for Afrikan people. In other words, the Emperor of Ayiti would be the guardian of the Afrikan revolution.609

Thus, the constitution appointed Desalin as emperor, a title that had charged him to be not only a liberator for his citizens but an avenger for all Afrikan people suffering under the confines of European enslavement. Ironically, the title of “Emperor” in Ayiti is similar to the

“Black Panther” title and mantle as seen in the Marvel comic book series. Within this series,

607 Ibid. 608 Ibid. 609 Ibid. 308

King T’Challa earned the title of “Black Panther” and would be a symbol, protector, and avenger for his people.

Desalin office as emperor was not hereditary, although he had the authority to appoint his successor.610 This decision is another brilliant political move because Desalin had essentially prevented the establishment of a nobility system by proclaiming that he was the only noble. The establishment of nobility is a theme that originates and is prevalent in Europe. Such a system like nobility is unsuitable for an Afrikan nation such as Ayiti because the system encouraged further class divisions. When one examines the reality, Desalin construction of the seat of emperor followed the Afrikan models of governance as seen with the seats of Pr-aA/Per-aa in

Kmt/Kemet or Kandake in ancient KAS/Kush. Amongst the Aja (Fon) people, the ߏߙߊߊߘ Daato is the father of the nation/royal father.

As an alternative to the Eurocentric nobility system, Desalin established the Council of

State and the Chief Administrators and local tribunals through the constitution. This system provided a piece of the adequate governmental machinery that was necessary. Therefore, when discussing the commonality or reciprocation of Afrikan governance, scholars must recognize that this was a good conscious political move on Desalin part because it was in: keeping with the principles of government from the African tradition as well as the dictates of 19th-century reality in the Caribbean. In fact, the Emperorship as constituted, compares favorably with the Ancient Egyptian institution of Pharaoh as well as the monarchies in the West, East, and Southern African Kingdoms.611

610 Ibid. 611 Ibid, p. 99-100. 309

Upon closer observation, Henri Christophe's government in the north would greatly contrast Desalin’s system. The reality is that Christophe wanted to replicate and model his kingdom after the kingdoms in Europe. One can safely assume that from the perspective of

Christophe, the European model for governance and establishing kingdoms was ideal. The evidence that adds weight to this claim is Christophe’s Monarchical constitution, as described by

Carruthers.612 There are indeed major differences in the form of government established between

Christophe and Desalin. These differences also illuminate the conscious theological clarity that

Desalin had and the white validation exhibited by Christophe.

For instance, although both constitutions note that absolute authority would be given to a designated individual, Christophe’s designation of the monarch/leader was hereditary. As in

Europe, Christophe’s monarchy was hereditary because it based succession on the King's surviving firstborn male heir.613 Early scholars such as Thomas Madiou and specifically Walter

Monfried provide further evidence by pointing out that Christophe had named his legitimate son,

Jacques-Victor Henry, heir apparent, which gave him the title of Prince Royal of Ayiti.614 What is clear is that the European construction for succession, which expressively barred women, differed greatly from Afrikan hereditary succession.

As mentioned briefly in the previous chapters, the rulers of ancient Kush were chosen from the King’s mother or sister lineage. On top of making Catholicism the state religion of

Ayiti, Christophe’s infliction of white validation syndrome is further proven when he

612 Ibid, p. 98. 613 Ibid. 614 Walter Monfried, “The Slave Who Became King,” Negro Digest 12, no. 12 (1963): p. 43. 310 implements a nobility system (princes, dukes, counts, barons, and knights).615 This system differed greatly from Desalin stance on nobility which he wanted to eliminate to avoid further class divisions amongst the Afrikan/black citizens. Finally, the last major difference was that

Christophe’s constitution reintroduced Toussaint’s system of forced labor.616 Desalin had not forced the citizens to work but instead gave every citizen a plot of land and encouraged them to work it for the nation's future security and prosperity.

Compared to Christophe or Pétion, Desalin had made great strides to eliminate whiteness, both physically and mentally, from the island. Desalin, in his genius, had implemented two of the most powerful and important articles within the constitution to place Afrikan people in a position of power and victory. The first was article 12, which asserts that no white person will ever set foot in Ayiti with the title of master or proprietor, whatever their nation may be. Most importantly, they would not be able to purchase property in Ayiti.617 Article 14 would be the second, which would state that all Ayisyen citizens, whatever their skin color, are members of the same family and shall be known under the general name of “black.”618 It is with this article one sees the formation and foundation of Ayisyen national identity.

Therefore, the notion of “Ayisyen national identity” must be synonymous with being

Afrikan. In other words, to be black was to be Afrikan, and all citizens in Ayiti were now part of

615 Ibid. 616 Ibid, “Chapter VIII-The Black Imperium,” The Irritated Genie: An Essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: The Kemetic Institute, 1985), p. 98. 617 “THE 1805 CONSTITUTION OF HAITI-SECOND CONSTITUTION OF HAITI (HAYTI) MAY 20, 1805. PROMULGATED BY EMPEROR JACQUES I (DESSALINES),” document posted in New York Evening Post July 15, 1805, http://faculty.webster.edu/corbetre/haiti/history/earlyhaiti/1805-const.htm 618 Ibid. 311 the larger Afrikan family tree. However, it is important to note that the Europeans allowed to remain in Ayiti (example: Polish), culturally and spiritually, could never be Afrikan. As stated before, Desalin, in his attempts to eliminate whiteness, probably assumed that those Europeans who were allowed to stay might flee (unless they did not accept the notion of whiteness) now that every Ayisyen citizen was considered “black” based on the constitution. It can be argued that Desalin should never have allowed any Europeans (or those who accepted the label of mulatto) to remain at all and should have removed all Europeans in the quest to eliminate whiteness.

Nonetheless, an important factor that may have led to this final decision was the pressures from the elites who desired European validation. These interpretations help explain the reasoning behind Desalin’s decision to allow some German and Polish to remain in Ayiti when adding the 13th article to the constitution. For example, the 13th article of the constitution states that:

The preceding article cannot in the smallest degree affect white women who have been naturalized Haytians by Government, nor does it extend to children already born, or that may be born of the said women. The Germans and Polanders naturalized by government are also comprized (sic) in the dispositions of the present article.619

Despite the critiques, Carruthers is correct to state that such a move showed that Desalin had much more humanity and restraint than the European narratives that enjoy stressing his lack thereof.620 These were narratives that labeled Desalin as a tyrant who committed a “French

619 Ibid. 620 Ibid, ““Chapter VIII-The Black Imperium,” The Irritated Genie: An Essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: The Kemetic Institute, 1985), p. 93. 312 genocide” after independence. Many of these Eurocentric narratives disregard the fact that the

French collectively opposed black liberation from European enslavement.621 As a result, it is more accurate to say that the French committed genocide with their military expedition to re- enslave the Afrikan population. Evidence demonstrates that Desalin showed:

Remarkable restraint in view of the mass Black sentiment which was justly enraged against the white race as a whole. Dessalines is also known to have protected British, American, and Polish whites and offered peace to Spaniards. These acts of limitation on ridding the island of white supremacists if anything, demonstrated not a brute, but a degree of humanity which has often caused the Black race to weep. All in all, Dessalines did not cause the deaths of a fraction as many whites as the French oppressors had caused among Blacks. But he executed enough guilty ones to put the fear of hell and damnation in all white racists.622

With this deep understanding of Desalin position, it is clear that he was no fool or tyrant.

On the contrary, he was an Afrikan leader who truly loved and cared for his people’s freedom.

This response was a very different stance compared to someone like Toussaint. As demonstrated in chapter five, Toussaint wanted to prove that Afrikan people could conceptualize reasoning, just like the French. Sudhir Hazareesingh confirms this when he provides archival evidence of the European endorsements for some of Toussaint’s policies. Hazareesingh stresses this is important because:

White enthusiasm was based on Toussaint’s capacity to maintain stability, especially in the plantations; this was a time when Europeans were happy and peaceful in their properties, and blacks worked hard.623

Despite the white validation behind many of Toussaint’s policies, he was not excused from European critics' attacks. For instance, several French condemnations toward Toussaint

621 Ibid. 622 Ibid. 623 Sudhir Hazareesingh, “10. Rapid and Uncertain Movements,” Black Spartacus: The Epic Life of Toussaint Louverture, (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2020), p. 281. 313 when he proclaimed himself governor-general of the colony in 1800. At the time, many

European authorities recommended that the French government remove or eliminate

Toussaint.624 Hazareesingh demonstrates that many of these European authorities and authors at the time claimed that Toussaint was incapable of logical thinking.625 They based this on the fact that Toussaint did not speak French fluently and conversed mainly in Kreyol. As a result, many

Europeans assumed that it would be difficult for this “tropical” Afrikan dialect to handle their abstract ideas.626 Hazareesingh reinforces this statement pointing out that:

The belief that black people were incapable of conceptual reasoning because they did not speak French or any other European language was one of the enduring myths of white-settler racism, and was expounded at length in the ‘Lettre d’un colon de Saint-Domingue au premier consul,’ written in early 1802. Its author, a planter who had lived through the revolutionary years, claimed that words such as “citizenship, patriotism, human rights, and liberty” were “incomprehensible” to the average black inhabitant of the colony.627

This reality, therefore, reconfirms why Desalin policies around eliminating whiteness were essential. Alexandre Pétion would be a different case compared to someone like Desalin or

Christophe. For instance, Pétion was born free to a wealthy white father and was sent to France when he was eighteen to be educated in the Military Academy in Paris. This fact is important to note because the French creation of the label “mulatto” and “Gens de Couleur” (trans: Free

People of Color) would serve as a buffer class between the whites and enslaved Afrikans

(labeled black). The creation of buffer classes that reinforce one’s proximity to whiteness would have serious ramifications on Afrikan people's consciousness in Ayiti even to this day.

624 Ibid, p. 283. 625 Ibid. 626 Ibid. 627 Ibid. 314

Decades prior, the Spanish had implemented a similar strategy when they enslaved the

Taino Arawak people and created the label of “mestizo” (a person who had Spanish and indigenous parents). In Brazil, the Portuguese white supremacists would implement the métissage policy that promoted intermixing to remove the large Afrikan population gradually.

These various examples must be understood as Europeans continuous attempts to confuse

Afrikan people in their efforts to avoid white genetic annihilation as pointed out by Frances

Cress Welsing, “Cress Theory of Color-Confrontation and Racism (White Supremacy).”

Although Pétion is an important leader and figure during the fight for Afrikan freedom in

Ayiti, he is incarcerated by white validation and what Carruthers calls the “Phantom of Liberty.”

In other words, much like Toussaint, Pétion’s philosophical position aligned him with French ideals of liberty and equality. Suppose one were to examine Toussaint’s constitution in 1800. In that case, they will see that his idea of liberty and equality in Ayiti was the abolishment of enslavement and the declaration that all people born in Ayiti were to be French citizens.628

Toussaint’s concept of equality was based upon merit rather than race, in which observers such as Marcus Rainsford compared his governance to European models.629 Others, such as

Rochambeau, argued that his government was simply a perversion in which inferior blacks ruled over superior Frenchmen.630

An important note that must be made is that before the 1791 Afrikan uprising, which would spark the major phase of the revolution, the free people of color did not necessarily

628 Ibid, “Chapter V: The Phantom’s Masquerade,” The Irritated Genie: An Essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: The Kemetic Institute, 1985), p. 47. 629 Ibid. 630 Ibid. 315 believe that enslaved Afrikans/blacks should be considered French citizens. Evidence for this is proven by a rebellion that took place before 1791. They had planned this rebellion to gain political rights due to them as French citizens. This sentiment was further pushed after the aftermath of the French Revolution.631 Interestingly, Pétion, who identified as “mulatto,” generally supported the “mulatto” factions. Evidence is presented based on the nine-month conflict between “blacks” and “mulattos” from June 1799-March 1800, known as the “War of

Knives.” After a failed insurrection attempt against Toussaint, Andre Rigaud, who led the

“mulatto” faction with Pétion, and other principal leaders were exiled to France in 1800. Nobles make an interesting note of the aftermath of this decision, stating:

Interestingly, Pétion and the other exiled mulattos returned with Napoleon Bonaparte’s brother- in-law, Charles Le Clerc, whose mission was to re-establish French control over Saint Dominique. With Le Clerc’s betrayal of Toussaint and his subsequent death and replacement by Rochambeau, Pétion and the other Mulatto leaders realized that France’s real mission was genocide, so they joined forces with the Africans under the leadership of Jean Jacques Dessalines.632

What is clear from this historical fact is that Pétion and other mulattoes fought to be recognized as French due to their obsession with what Carruthers calls the Phantom of liberty.

But when faced with the reality of European white racism, they were forced to realign with their

Afrikan reality and their true allies. Nonetheless, many free people of color and even some elites such as Christophe could not fully remove the white validation syndrome impacting their psyche.

In other words, their political orientation was still in line with whiteness, whereas Desalin orientation was in tune with the majority of the Afrikan population and Afrikan reality. This

631 Wade Nobles, “Chapter 5: The Cache of Consciousness and the Haitian Revolution,” The Island of Memes: Haiti’s Unfinished Revolution, (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2015), p. 121 632 Ibid. 316 point helps explain the challenges presented to Desalin in his attempts to properly deal with the power struggle that Carruthers states “thwarted the application of numerous measures” that would have maintained the empire and newly founded Afrikan nation.633

Therefore, when one deeply examines the assassination of Desalin, it is not just fair to attribute the plot to justify the Mulattoes or black elites. Many of the early historical Ayisyen debates around the “noiriste (black) position” or “mulatto position” regarding Desalin assassination both miss the point.634 The important point was that the assassination plot included free people of color and black elites inspired by the “phantom of liberty” and impacted by white validation. Although the motivation for Desalin assassination is complex, Carruthers sees two prominent strands involved in the motivation pattern and states that it included:

Those who were simply greedy and wanted to gobble up as much wealth as possible at the expense of the masses and who further wanted to reestablish a semi-slave system similar to Toussaint’s new order from which they would be the chief benefactors. Another feature intertwined with the first is the philosophical opposition to Dessalines’ Black nation with its anti- European ethos and its equalitarian context.635

It is important to understand that both strands emerge from the European mentality and reinforces white validation in the minds of leaders such as Christophe and Pétion. Under Pétion, the elites in Ayiti created a new constitution that was modeled off European democratic republics. At the start, Christophe would be placed as president and a legislature dominated by those classified as “mulatto” and a small number of “black” elites.636 This theme of having a

633 Ibid, “Chapter VIII-The Black Imperium,” The Irritated Genie: An Essay on the Haitian Revolution, (Chicago: The Kemetic Institute, 1985), p. 105. 634 Ibid, p. 107. 635 Ibid, p. 107-108. 636 Ibid, p. 108. 317 black titular leader and an executive council dominated by mulattoes would be the recurring pattern from the 19th to 20th centuries. Nonetheless, Christophe and his faction saw through the rouse, revoked Pétion’s revised constitution, and engaged in a conflict that would divide Ayiti between the north controlled by Christophe and the south and the west controlled by Pétion.

Some scholars assume that Pétion or Christophe were the main initiators of Jan-Jak

Desalin assassination and should be recognized as traitors to the revolutionary vision. But such claims like this are dangerous to make. While both men consciously did indeed have different political orientations than Desalin, they may not have been the main initiators of his death for several factors. For one, both Christophe and Pétion chose to serve and fight under Desalin command in the revolution's final phases. In Christophe's case, he was one of Desalin’s top generals after the French imprisoned Toussaint. Despite his fascination with European culture

Christophe still maintained the duty set forth by Desalin of defending the nation from future

European invasions. Evidence to prove this is Christophe's completion of the construction of the

Citadelle Laferrière fortress.

As for Pétion, after Toussaint's deportation, he specifically joined and supported Desalin in October 1802. Pétion had specifically given his support to Desalin at the secret meeting in the

Arcahaie commune region of Ayiti.637 The more reasonable suspect or initiator of the assassination plot is Desalin minister of War, Etienne Elie Gérin. Bayinnah Bello provides

637 Louise Fenton, “Alexander Sabès Pétion (1770-1818),” Encyclopedia of slave resistance and rebellion. Vol. 2, ed. Junius P. Rodriquez, (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2007), p. 375. 318 primary archival evidence with a letter by Empress Félicité to General Etienne. The letter is as follows:

General,

One might have thought after the heinous crime at Port Rouge, that you were going to allow people to forget about you; but on the contrary, you go, in your vengeful madness, to the point of threatening the wife of a man, who, after all, has done nothing but good for his country that you claim to want to take to a higher level. I have noted with much satisfaction that you deserve contempt for the insults which you are lobbying on my late husband, after having so cowardly murdered him. I did not want to respond to your stupid attacks, but enough is enough, I only want to make sure you know, that you are nothing but a murderer, even if I too, must die by your blows.

Eagerly, receive my civilities.638

The words of Empress Félicité hold weight when one considers that Etienne could organize the troops and had significant authority along with Pétion, Christophe, and other significant military leaders at the time. It is safe to assume that all in the upper echelon within the military elite camp were involved in the plot to assassinate Desalin and undermine his Afrikan vision for the nation. The historical legacy of Ayisyen elites in Ayiti today is tied to the

Eurocentric values that have remained. Although Desalin constitution was abandoned, although he was betrayed, his spirit and vision remain. As Carruthers also reinforces, Desalin spirit of

Race vindication and Afrikan agency is still very much the framework of Ayisyen national identity and unity.

The 1915 U.S. occupation and the current corrupt administration of Jovenal Moise are two cases in which Afrikan resistance, agency, and the intellectual appreciation for ancestral

638 Bayyinah Bello “Letter of Empress Felicite to General Etiene Gerin, named Minister of War and Sea,” Sheroes of the Haitian Revolution, (Bowie: Thorobred Books, LLC, 2019), p. 23. 319 wisdom were revived. Ayiti revolution is not yet complete as a model for Afrikan nation- building in the western hemisphere. There must be a return to the values indicated in the original constitution. Furthermore, the people must be willing to do away with European values, religions, and people both physically and internally. As Afrikan people in Ayiti, in the United

States, on the continent, and globally continue to rise, they must politicize their Afrikan spiritual systems and build communities and nations that draw upon the best of Afrikan epistemological foundations. The first step needed to do so is the reclamation of our history by promoting

Afrikan victories and contributions to humanity.

320

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