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Walter Benjamins Concept of Anthropological Materialism As Critique of Soviet Marxism in His Essay Moscow (1926/27) Caroline Adler (M.A

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Walter Benjamins Concept of Anthropological Materialism As Critique of Soviet Marxism in His Essay Moscow (1926/27) Caroline Adler (M.A Walter Benjamins Concept of Anthropological Materialism as critique of Soviet Marxism in his Essay Moscow (1926/27) Caroline Adler (M.A. Cultural History and Theory (HU Berlin)) There is one thing for sure the negative: My presentation (Darstellung) will be void of theory. Walter Benjamin wrote to the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber in 1927. By presentation Benjamin alludes to his essay Moscow, which had been commissioned by Buber for his ecumenical German Journal Die Kreatur (The Creature) and was published in 1927. Walter Benjamin himself had spent almost three winter months before in the new Russian capital, that was marked by the political unrest and aftermath of Lenin's death few years prior. Benjamins Moscow experiences have been documented in his Moscow Diary, which gained posthumous academic fame. Whereas the diary seems to give intimate insights into Benjamins life in Moscow, the essay Moscow (to which the diary serves as source material) clearly lacks all those personal details, particularly his discussion of contemporary Russian literature and his thoughts of joining the KPD and for this has never gained the wide reception the diary did. This is most notably due to the apparent theoretical void, which has been recognized by Benjamin as constitutive method to his essay in his letter to Buber. However, the theoretical emptying of the Moscow essay does not signify the absence of theory and political positioning within the text. Rather, it points to Benjamins attempt of absorbing deductive abstraction, prognosis, in certain regard all judgement within a certain method of presentation, that gives favour to the optical, tactical and phonetical phenomena of the metropolis, which, at that time, resembled a laboratory of modernity. The decision upon the succeeding of this experiment relies, in Benjamins eyes, not upon the spectator (as in the Romantic concept of experiment) but the concreteness/presence of the material itself. This paper aims at recognizing the Moscow essay in its unwieldy form as an experiment in Benjamins attempt of absorbing the theoretical and conceptual within a presentation of phenomena a method of presentation (Darstellung) he finds in Goethe delicate empiricism (zarte Empirie) and opposes with his concept he will later call Anthropological Materialism where sensible experience cannot be thought independently from its historical and cultural contingency and mediation. In this light, the essay Moscow and its theoretical void is not only a formal experiment in literary method, but through its method presents a critique of Marxism in his (specifically Soviet) orientation towards exclusively economical and scientific discourse. The Meaning of Wahhabism: Origins, Afterlives and Alternative Explanations Safia Albaiti (New York University) Explanations for the continued staying power of Saudi Arabias monarchical and anti- democratic regime, well after other monarchs in Egypt, Iraq and Iran were overthrown have largely oriented around three main reasons: the curse of its oil reserves, its historic alliance with the United States, and the particularly reactionary conservatism of its clerical class. In this narrative, oil bought the ruling family social peace and allowed it to pacify any challenge to its authority, and its alliance with the United States has protected it and enabled it to export its reactionary and repressive form of Islam abroad to challenge liberal and left-wing organizations and politics around the world. Although oil prices have declined over several years, forcing Saudi Arabia to enact greater austerity measures on its population, it is the last argument about the power of ideology that has gained ground more recently among leftists and Marxists, seeking to understand the rise of the Islamic State, and the aftermath of the Syrian counterrevolution. In this last account, Islam, in its extremely intolerant and puritan Wahhabi variant, maintains the regimes survival, while contending for influence elsewhere in the region and the world, in order to just as effectively be used to destroy revolutionary possibilities elsewhere. But does the argument for the power of Wahhabist reaction possess the kind of analytical value conferred upon it for understanding the unique features of Saudi society? This culturalist reading repeats conventional historiographical narratives of the formation of the modern Saudi state, and mirrors, rather than challenges, the dominant mystification of Saudi Arabia. This paper will survey recent historical literature on the formation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, in the political economy of the Najd province, the fiscal changes in revenue extraction that allowed for a shift to expansionary wars, the political alliances that led to the disappearance of the vibrant presses and political parties and associations that had existed in the Hijaz province prior to its conquest and incorporation into the Saudi state and that could have portended a different future, the alliance of the new state with the British and then the United States, and the history of the indigenous Saudi working class in the history of the labor force of the Arabian American Oil Company (Aramco). Wahhabism did not prevent a layer of Saudi students, workers and professionals in the state bureaucracy from being influenced by and supporting pan-Arab nationalism and socialism in the fifties and sixties, it is unable to quell domestic opposition, unrest and discontent, and this paper argues that the disappearance of a native working class from the realm of Saudi life is the greater material barrier to demands for greater democracy in that society, and not predominantly the influence of Islam. These two approaches in fact signify diverging strategic implications for challenging the role of Saudi Arabia in the counter-revolution. Hungary 1956, Lessons of a Forgotten Revolution Philippe Alcoy The Workers Councils Revolution of 1956 in Hungary is maybe one of the most important socialist revolutions in the 20th century. One of its main characteristics was the fight against Stalinist regime and in the same time against the return of the regime of capitalists and landlords. It’s without doubt for that reason that this revolution is a “forgotten revolution”, sometimes even in militant circles. Seen as “anti-soviet”, the Hungarian revolution of 1956 was a deeply “soviet revolution”. If we analyze its methods of struggle, its organization, its claims, its class nature, etc. all that is deeply linked with the experience of Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, specially the role of soviets (or councils). Hungary 1956 also exposed the counter-revolutionary role and the contradictions of Stalinists regimes in Hungary, in USSR and in other countries of Central and Eastern Europe. In the same time, the Councils Revolution showed the revolutionary possibilities for the working class in its struggle for real socialism, even in the bureaucratic workers states. The Hungarian revolution of 1956 and the revolutionary working class showed, contrary of what liberals and Stalinists said, that for workers in bureaucratic workers states, during the so called “Cold War”, there was more than the choice between capitalism and Stalinism. There was a third option: a political revolution against Stalinism, for real socialism, and against capitalist restoration. 100 years after the Bolshevik Revolution and the following degeneration, the Hungarian revolution of 1956 helps us to understand this degeneration, the role and the contradictions of Stalinists regimes but also it helps us to think about the strategic challenges for workers to fight for the socialist revolution, then and today. For Humanism David Alexander Alderson, Kevin Anderson, Barbara Epstein and Robert Spencer This panel marks the publication of the timely collection of long essays, For Humanism (Pluto, 2017), and will feature three of the five contributors: David Alderson (Manchester), Kevin Anderson (UC, Santa Barbara) and Robert Spencer (Manchester). Through critiques of dominant forms of antihumanist thought - queer theory, poststructuralism and postconial discourse theory - the panelists will argue for the importance for the revolutionary tradition of a humanist thought that champions human subjectivity, agency and freedom. This tradition represents the plausible and necessary alternative to both the authoritarian nationalism that is now globally dominant and the alienated freedoms of the market (neoliberalism) such nationalism falsely claims to oppose. Humanism must inform socialist theory, strategy and goals. Understanding and Changing the World: From October Revolution to May 68 Dimitra Alifieraki (M.A. student, Technical University of Berlin) The famous 11th thesis on Feuerbach assumed that philosophers only explained the world the task would then be to change it. Reading the thesis backwards, it would state that in order to change the world, it needs to be explained. This paper will focus on the inner relationship between the two parts of the Marxian thesis through Lenin's remarks and Althussers readings of Lenin on that theory-praxis relation. The Social Democracy of Lenin's time understood the raising of capitalist condition being realized through a struggle for satisfaction of partial economic interests, a struggle that claimed to be purely economic but actually reflected the political understanding of a bourgeois trade-unionism. n the other side, Lenin, having grasped the significance of the Marxian thesis on theory-praxis relation, emphasized the need of exercising
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