Coping and Material Culture During Second World War Internment: an Historical Archaeology Investigation of Agency and Anglophone Prisoners of War in Europe

Coping and material culture during Second World War internment: An historical archaeology investigation of agency and anglophone prisoners of war in Europe

Stacey Nichola Barrett Astill

Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by Stacey Astill

December 2020 Table of Contents

Maps, Figures, and Plates ...... i Tables ...... v Abstract ...... vi Dedication ...... viii Acknowledgements ...... ix 1 Chapter 1 Introduction ...... 1 2 Chapter 2 Literature Review ...... 8 2.1 Introduction ...... 8 2.2 Internment and Archaeology ...... 9 2.3 Experimental Archaeology ...... 17 2.4 Identity ...... 20 2.5 Differing treatment ...... 22 2.6 Logistics ...... 24 2.7 Coping ...... 28 2.7.1 Treatment ...... 29 2.7.2 Sport ...... 31 2.7.3 Craft ...... 34 2.8 Conclusion ...... 37 3 Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 39 3.1 Introduction ...... 39 3.2 Structuration Theory ...... 40 3.3 Method ...... 49 3.3.1 Folkloristics ...... 50 3.3.2 Prosopography ...... 51 3.3.3 Experimental Archaeology ...... 53 3.3.4 Attributes Table ...... 53 3.3.5 Data Analysis ...... 56 3.3.6 Research Design ...... 57 3.4 Sources ...... 58 3.4.1 Material Culture ...... 59 3.4.2 Web Resources ...... 61 3.4.3 Organisations ...... 62 3.4.4 Facebook ...... 62 3.4.5 Forums ...... 63

3.4.6 Oral History ...... 63 3.4.7 Archival Research ...... 65 3.4.8 Subjects ...... 65 3.5 Conclusion ...... 66 4 Chapter 4: Setting the Scene ...... 67 4.1 Disclaimer ...... 67 4.2 Introduction ...... 67 4.3 Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War (1929) ...... 67 4.4 Capture ...... 71 4.5 Camp Life ...... 72 4.6 Food ...... 80 4.7 Transfer ...... 89 4.8 Landscapes ...... 91 4.8.1 Camp Layouts ...... 92 4.8.2 Camp Accommodation ...... 102 4.9 Conclusion ...... 111 5 Chapter 5: Symbols of Captivity: Barbed wire and mental health ...... 113 5.1 Introduction ...... 113 5.2 Why Barbed Wire? ...... 114 5.3 WWII: Known links between captivity and mental health in 1939 ...... 115 5.4 The 10 Articles concerning physical health ...... 118 5.5 The 6 Convention articles concerning both mental and physical health ...... 119 5.6 The Articles concerning mental health ...... 119 5.7 Symbolism and captivity ...... 122 5.8 Barbed wire as representation ...... 126 5.9 Art ...... 127 5.10 Physical space, identity, and health ...... 131 5.11 Conclusion ...... 134 6 Chapter 6: A Wartime Log ...... 136 6.1 Introduction ...... 136 6.2 Interplay of text and object ...... 137 6.3 Wartime Logs: An introduction ...... 140 6.4 The Wartime Logs ...... 141 6.5 Content ...... 147 6.6 Identity ...... 151 6.6.1 Prisoner of War: Kriegie ...... 151

6.6.2 Inclusion ...... 154 6.6.3 Othering ...... 164 6.6.4 Civilian ...... 178 6.7 Coping ...... 182 6.8 Agency ...... 190 6.9 Conclusion ...... 204 7 Chapter 7: Smokeless Heaters, or Heatless Smokers?: Blower stoves and their construction ...... 206 7.1 Introduction ...... 206 7.2 Why blower stoves? ...... 207 7.3 The Development of the Blower Stove ...... 209 7.4 Building a Blower ...... 212 7.4.1 Construction and Materials ...... 213 7.4.2 Fuel Sources ...... 214 7.4.3 Mark I – test ...... 215 7.4.4 Mark II Phase 1: Fan Blower ...... 219 7.4.5 Mark II Phase 2 ...... 228 7.4.6 Mark II Phase 3: Refining ...... 232 7.5 Testing ...... 235 7.5.1 Test I ...... 235 7.5.2 Mark II Phase 4: Final Modifications ...... 237 7.5.3 Test II ...... 239 7.6 Conclusion ...... 240 8 Chapter 8: “We wanted wings” Identity representation in air force prison camps during the Second World War...... 244 8.1 Introduction ...... 244 8.2 Identity ...... 246 8.3 Casting ...... 251 8.3.1 Sand Casting ...... 251 8.3.2 Lost Wax Casting ...... 253 8.4 Materials ...... 255 8.5 Airforce Insignia ...... 255 8.5.1 Non-Air Force Pin ...... 257 8.5.2 Navigator Pin ...... 259 8.5.3 Aircrew Badge ...... 262 8.5.4 Bombardier ...... 264

8.5.5 Aerial Gunner/Air Gunner ...... 269 8.5.6 Observer ...... 273 8.5.7 Pilot ...... 276 8.5.8 PoW ...... 281 8.5.9 Clipped Wings ...... 282 8.5.10 PoW Pilot Wings ...... 284 8.5.11 Parachutes...... 287 8.5.12 Original Design ...... 296 8.6 Conclusion ...... 299 9 Chapter 9: Conclusion ...... 303 9.1 Introduction ...... 303 9.2 Kriegie Identity ...... 303 9.3 Shared Culture ...... 305 9.4 Transfer of Knowledge ...... 306 9.5 Theory ...... 307 9.6 Future Research ...... 308 10 Bibliography ...... 310 10.1 Primary Sources ...... 310 10.2 Web Sources ...... 312 10.3 Secondary Sources ...... 318

Maps, Figures, and Plates

(Credits attached to images as used)

Figure 1 PoW Camp Structuration ...... 45 Figure 2 Camp Condition Rankings ...... 74 Figure 3 Geneva Convention Violations ...... 75 Figure 4 Frequency of activities referenced by camp...... 78 Figure 5 British prisoners cultivating tomatoes at Stalag XXI A...... 79 Figure 6 Ode to the Red Cross...... 81 Figure 7 Number of camps mentioned in logs ...... 90 Figure 8 Map of camps published by Red Cross & St. John War Organisation 30th August 1944 ...... 91 Figure 9 Bird's Eye View of Stalag Luft III (hutted camp)...... 93 Figure 10 Map of Stalag Luft III (hutted camp)...... 94 Figure 11 Map of Stalag Luft III (hutted camp)...... 95 Figure 12 Stalag VIIIB Layout (hutted camp)...... 96 Figure 13 Map of Marlag Milag Nord (hutted camp)...... 97 Figure 14 Map of Oflag VIIIF (repurposed Benedictine Abbey)...... 98 Figure 15 Map of Oflag 79 (repurposed German parachute regiment buildings)...... 99 Figure 16 Map of Stalag Luft III (hutted camp)...... 100 Figure 17 Busy Day in Room 6 Stalag Luft I...... 103 Figure 18 Bunks Stalag Luft III...... 104 Figure 19 Dulag Luft...... 105 Figure 20 Oflag 79...... 106 Figure 21 Oflag VB...... 107 Figure 22 Bunk Stalag Luft III...... 108 Figure 23 Bunks...... 109 Figure 24 Bunk...... 110 Figure 25 PoW Coping Mechanisms...... 122 Figure 26 Time! ...... 128 Figure 27 Churchill! How long – How long? ...... 129 Figure 28 Churchill – How long – How long? ...... 130 Figure 29 Wartime Log Usage Breakdown ...... 149 Figure 30 Mediums used in Wartime Logs ...... 150 Figure 31 Colour of ink used in Wartime Logs ...... 151 Figure 32 Cat and Mouse...... 152 Figure 33 Wartime Log identity...... 154 Figure 34 Addresses...... 156 Figure 35 Addresses...... 157 Figure 36 Addresses...... 158 Figure 37 Addresses...... 159 Figure 38 Camp slang...... 162 Figure 39 Slang...... 163 Figure 40 I don't understand...... 167 Figure 41 Elderly PoW...... 169 Figure 42 Signatures and crest...... 171 Figure 43 Sagan coat of arms...... 172

Figure 44 Bulldog chews swastika flag...... 173 Figure 45 American and British Identity...... 174 Figure 46 “People I have met”...... 177 Figure 47 “A Child's Soliloquy.” ...... 180 Figure 48 Friends Departed...... 184 Figure 49 Hold on Skipper...... 185 Figure 50 In memory...... 186 Figure 51 Map of capture...... 192 Figure 52 Map of Oflag 79...... 193 Figure 53 Death of a PoW...... 194 Figure 54 Solitary confinement...... 195 Figure 55 Plastic Wallets...... 197 Figure 56 Art made from labels...... 199 Figure 57 Appreciation of Red Cross poem and image...... 200 Figure 58 Fold out Red Cross box and contents...... 201 Figure 59 Camp administration layout...... 203 Figure 60 PoWs cooking on a blower stove, Stalag 383, 1939-1940 ...... 211 Figure 61 Tin can, medical shears, and two nails used to puncture tin...... 215 Figure 62 Rework of grate - snipped and folded down sides of can...... 216 Figure 63 Door tapped and then cut into tin can...... 217 Figure 64 Using nail to puncture tin and create a line to cut along ...... 217 Figure 65 Blower Mark 1 (left) and control can during testing...... 218 Figure 66 Control can producing more smoke than blower Mark 1, even after flames subsided...... 219 Figure 67 Mark 1 debris…………………………………………………………………………………………………. 218 Figure 68 Control Can debris...... 219 Figure 69 Cook stove design listed in PoW diary...... 220 Figure 70 Hole for pencil in can...... 221 Figure 71 Corned beef can and can with fan hole...... 221 Figure 72 Fan can, fan material, and medical shears...... 222 Figure 73 Fan blades made from aluminium can ...... 223 Figure 74 Fan blade secured to central spoke...... 224 Figure 75 Fan blades installed on spoke and inside fan can...... 224 Figure 76 Fan blades attached to pencil...... 225 Figure 77 Fan blades inside fan can...... 226 Figure 78 Corned beef can to form the air inflow pipe next to fan can...... 227 Figure 79 Flaps of metal holding the air inflow can in place...... 227 Figure 80 Fan blades after modification of shape...... 228 Figure 81 Hole in the top of the syrup tin, matching the one in the base...... 229 Figure 82 Metal fan portions inserted into split pencil. Note the weak portion of pencil on the left centre which is pulling away from the remaining three sections...... 230 Figure 83 Pencil stabilised by syrup tin lid holding it together...... 230 Figure 84 Assembled body of blower stove...... 231 Figure 85 Wooden spool attached to fan spoke...... 232 Figure 86 Corned beef and spam can sealing air inflow pipe...... 233 Figure 87 New fan design attached to stick spoke...... 234 Figure 88 Equipment for test laid out, blower, water can, fuel, and matches...... 236 Figure 89 Bubbles forming in the water as it heats...... 236

Figure 90 Choked with ash...... 237 Figure 91 New air inflow pipe ...... 238 Figure 92 Modified fan blades ...... 238 Figure 93 Fan can and fire can joined with air inflow pipe...... 239 Figure 94 Test II: water at rolling boil...... 240 Figure 95 A summary of wings by affiliation and total ...... 248 Figure 96 Detailed breakdown of wings by affiliation ...... 249 Figure 97 Comparison of insignia - loops or flat back ...... 249 Figure 99 Insignia 1 - front ...... 258 Figure 100 Insignia 1 - back ...... 258 Figure 101 Original cast of LRDG badge – front ...... 259 Figure 102 Insignia 2 - front ...... 260 Figure 103 Insignia 2 - back ...... 260 Figure 104 Front of official issue USAAF Navigator wings ...... 260 Figure 105 Back of official issue USAAF Navigator wings ...... 261 Figure 106 Insignia 3 - front ...... 262 Figure 107 Insignia 3 - front ...... 263 Figure 108 Front of official issue USAAF Aircrew wings – dual layer wings ...... 263 Figure 109 Front of official issue USAAF Aircrew wings - triple layer wings ...... 263 Figure 110 Insignia 4 - front ...... 265 Figure 111 Insignia 4 - back ...... 265 Figure 112 Insignia 5 - front ...... 265 Figure 113 Insignia 5 - back ...... 266 Figure 114 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings ...... 266 Figure 115 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings ...... 266 Figure 116 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings ...... 267 Figure 117 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings ...... 267 Figure 118 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings ...... 267 Figure 119 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings ...... 269 Figure 120 Insignia 6 - front and back ...... 269 Figure 121 Insignia 7 - front ...... 270 Figure 122 Front of official issue USAAF Aerial Gunner wings ...... 270 Figure 123 Front of official issue USAAF Aerial Gunner wings ...... 271 Figure 124 Front of official issue USAAF Aerial Gunner wings ...... 271 Figure 125 Front of official issue RAF Air Gunner wing ...... 272 Figure 126 Front of official issue RAF Air Gunner wing ...... 273 Figure 127 Insignia 8 - front ...... 274 Figure 128 Insignia 9 - front ...... 274 Figure 129 Front of official issue RAF Observer wings ...... 275 Figure 130 Insignia 10 - front ...... 276 Figure 131 Insignia 11 - front ...... 276 Figure 132 Insignia 11 - back ...... 277 Figure 133 Insignia 12 - front ...... 277 Figure 134 Insignia 12 - back ...... 277 Figure 135 Front of official issue RAF Pilot wings ...... 278 Figure 136 Front of official issue USAAF pilot wings...... 280 Figure 137 Insignia 13 - front ...... 282 Figure 138 Insignia 13 - back ...... 282

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Figure 139 Front cover of Clipped Wings by O.M. Chiesl (1948) ...... 283 Figure 140 Insignia 14 - front ...... 284 Figure 141 Insignia 15 – front ...... 284 Figure 142 Official USAAF Pilot wings - central shield buffed flat...... 286 Figure 143 Insignia 16 - front ...... 286 Figure 144 Insignia 16 - back ...... 286 Figure 145 Insignia 17 - front ...... 288 Figure 146 Insignia 17 - back ...... 288 Figure 147 Insignia 18 - front ...... 289 Figure 148 Insignia 18 - back ...... 289 Figure 149 Insignia 19 - front ...... 289 Figure 150 US Airborne Jump Wings...... 290 Figure 151 UK Parachute Jump Wings...... 290 Figure 152 Insignia 20 - front ...... 291 Figure 153 Insignia 20 - back ...... 292 Figure 154 Insignia 21 - front ...... 292 Figure 155 Insignia 21 - back ...... 293 Figure 156 Insignia 22 - front ...... 293 Figure 157 Insignia 22 - back ...... 293 Figure 158 Insignia 23 - front ...... 294 Figure 159 Insignia 23 - back ...... 294 Figure 160 Insignia 24 - front ...... 294 Figure 161 Insignia 24 - back ...... 295 Figure 162 Insignia 25 - front ...... 297 Figure 163 Insignia 25 - back ...... 297 Figure 164 Insignia 26 - front ...... 298 Figure 165 Insignia 26 - back ...... 298

Tables

Table 1 PoW Mortality Rates by Nationality and Capturing power ...... 69 Table 2 German Rations Oflag 79...... 82 Table 3 German rations per week in Stalag Luft I ...... 83 Table 4 German ration per week Oflag IIID...... 83 Table 5 German rations per week Stalag Luft III Belaria (Jan 1944-Jan 1945) ...... 84 Table 6 German ration per day Stalag IIIA (Feb-May 1945)...... 84 Table 7 Italian rations (year unspecified)...... 85 Table 8 Contents of American Red Cross Parcel...... 86 Table 9 Core contents of a British Red Cross Parcel...... 87 Table 10 Examples of the terminology relating to mental health found in PoW accounts. 124 Table 11 Wartime Logs Sample Grouping ...... 142

Abstract

This thesis explores the experience and culture of prisoner of war camps containing Allied PoWs in Europe during the Second World War. It seeks to discover more about the identity of PoWs and the universal elements of the experience of the Kriegie group (Chapter 2.4). It will identify cross-camp and cross-nationality similarities which counterbalance the uniqueness of individual biography and camp narratives.

There is a rich seam of academic literature surrounding the lives and experiences of PoWs during this period, but there is a lack of discussion around the role of the material world and its interplay with PoW identity, the agency of the PoWs, and the way they shaped their camp life. The breadth of experience is an important issue for this thesis. Much existing work hinges on the experiences of small groups (e.g. British PoWs) or specific interests (e.g. theatre) but does not address the shared culture of the camps.

This thesis uses common strands to explore the extent of universality in the Kriegie experience. Furthermore, alongside the lens of identity, this thesis highlights the agency which prisoners exercised, ways in which they chose to cope, and the impact these elements had on the wider Kriegie experience.

Strong Structuration Theory has informed this research due to its ability to address the duality of structure and agency. Both factors influenced the experience of Kriegies during this period and structuration is able to address the role of agency in structure and the significance of structure in the choices which the PoWs made.

The key conclusions of this thesis are threefold. A Kriegie identity was formed. It was part of a series of nested identities, but serves as an overarching identifier for men who similarly experienced the camps. Secondly, a level of cultural understanding was significant in the formation of Kriegies – PoWs needed a frame of reference to understand the culture of other prisoners. Thirdly, there were cultural objects and artefacts which were a key part of the Kriegie identity, the language and culture which grew through the camps allowed for some general conclusions to be drawn around common themes of camp life. It is impossible to provide a definitive answer to the question of a singular experience of PoW camps during this period. But it is possible to draw together commonalities of experience. The implications of this research are that the study of PoWs who fell outside of the Kriegie identity is much less represented in academic literature. When searching for information

vi on the life of prisoners there is a strong presence of information from Kriegies due to the nature of their captivity (free time, lower mortality rates). This thesis also implies that there is much more room for broader studies of the PoW experience, and where the author hopes to expand on the Attributes Table and build a wider picture of the experience of these groups of PoWs.

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Dedication

This thesis is for my Grandfather, Alan Platts Barrett. He set me on this path, and I wish he could have seen me reach the end of it.

It is also for my Father, Nicholas Astill. He supported me unfailingly, and I know he would have been proud.

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Acknowledgements

I wish to acknowledge the Isle of Man Government who supported this research.

I could not have completed this thesis without the help of my supervisors, Harold and Phil, or the support of Catriona Mackie. I am grateful for their valuable advice and insight.

My family and friends have, in turn, been supportive, patient, and not complained too much as I became a professional war bore. I appreciate each and every one of them.

1 Chapter 1 Introduction

This thesis contributes to the existing scholarly knowledge of the life of prisoners of war (PoWs) in European camps during the Second World War by drawing together a range of information about the experiences of PoWs with similar life experiences and cultural backgrounds. Common themes present in a variety of experiences are highlighted to address the question of whether there was a relatively homogeneous experience of capture for a group of PoWs referred to as Kriegies. This approach will allow for comment on the disparities in the broader experience of captivity and identify areas for further study regarding both Kriegies and PoWs outside of that grouping. This thesis initially sought to explore the breadth of the experience of Allied prisoners of war in Europe. It became apparent, however, that although there was room for a broader exploration of PoW experience, it would not be possible to compare all Allied prisoners. Therefore, this thesis now focuses specifically on the Kriegies. The concept of Kriegies is defined in Chapter 2.4, and some of the common themes of men who were part of this identity will be highlighted to allow for exploration of their time in captivity.

The topic of prison camps and the life of PoWs during this period have been studied by both academic scholars and laypersons, and there are a wide variety of resources ranging from Pat Reid and David Rolf’s seminal texts to volunteer-created websites dedicated to exploring the experience of life in individual camps.1 However, although there has been much exploration of topics ranging from sport in PoW camps to the archaeology of the escape tunnels at Stalag Luft III, there is less information about the breadth of experience. Scholarship largely falls into two groupings: information about a specific thing happening in a range of camps (e.g. performance arts or sports), or many things in a specific camp (such as life in Stalag VIIIB).2 This thesis begins the process of broadening the scope of current research by looking at the breadth of experience across camps and nationalities – it is the author’s belief that there are strong common factors in the experience of PoWs, alongside camp specific differences.

The key research questions which this thesis answers are threefold. Firstly, by using the lenses of coping, identity, and agency it explores the commonalities of PoW experience and

1 Reid 1984; Rolf 1988. 2 Franks 1995; Wickiewicz 2017.

1 the ways in which a community was built throughout the camps. A series of explorations of iconic aspects of PoW life discuss the wider themes and the flow of information between camps. This will begin to address the question of the experience of Allied PoWs in the Second World War by drawing together evidence from a range of sources. The secondary research question will focus on the similarities, and therefore also the differences between the experience of Allied PoWs. By identifying common threads of experience, this thesis is also able to determine the differences. Thirdly, the thesis explores the layers of PoW identity and the points which may have changed the overall prisoner experience – such as the influence of a PoWs wartime role. The thesis concludes that there are many shared elements of the PoW experience which form a PoW culture – some elements of which are recognisable in wider interned communities, and others which are more specific to the period or communities involved.

By beginning the process of expanding the breadth of scholarship surrounding the experience of Allied PoWs, this thesis hopes to contribute to the continued development of knowledge about detention. Throughout, there will be references to the wider topic of internment including recent scholarship on civilian internment in the British Isles through the First and Second World Wars and Japanese internment during the Second World War. Mental health conditions identified during civilian internment in the First World War will be referenced also, highlighting similar themes which not only span the experience of Allied PoWs during the period of the thesis’ study but wider significant themes in internment in general. The topic of internment is currently significant due to the political situation in the United States of America and China, both of whom are currently interning civilians.3

The summary above highlights the breadth of the topic of internment. The scope of this thesis is Allied prisoners of war held in Europe during the Second World War, specifically those who were part of the identified shared Kriegie culture. It is important to note that the majority of resources included in this research are by PoWs writing in English. But not all of the resources used are limited to English, American, New Zealand, Australian, or Canadian PoWs. As the principal aim of this thesis is to cover a broad spectrum experiences it will include prisoners from a range of nationalities, religions, and types of armed forces including Polish, Jewish, and Danish. It also includes the experiences of those held in officer camps or camps for Other Ranks.

3 Roberts 2020; Roth, Grace et al. 2020; Kassie; BBC 2019.

There are many and varied explorations of the experience of PoWs during this period and rich primary source material including artefacts, letters, and Wartime Logs. Pat Reid’s seminal work is one of the key resources on wartime prisoner taking.4 As an ex-prisoner of war Reid sought to write about the experience using his academic knowledge to build an informative text which serves as a solid introduction to its topic. David Rolf’s Prisoners of the Reich provides a similar background specific to PoWs held in Europe.5 More recently scholars such as Clare Makepeace have provided extensive insights into topics such as gender in the camps and the experience of British prisoners.6 Gilly Carr’s work on internment in Jersey and Guernsey has allowed insight into crafts and activities undertaken by prisoners and the importance of remaining active during incarceration.7 Their work provides the base for this thesis, allowing strands of commonalities which they have highlighted to be woven together. Excavations such as those that located the tunnels at Stalag Luft III demonstrate the agency which PoWs employed, choosing to cooperate in large scale operations to achieve the common goal of freedom.8 By building on and further developing the varied scholarship which exists in this area, this thesis adds to the understanding of the PoW experience and the groups which existed within it. Current scholarship is rich and has provided an invaluable grounding in the understanding of the life of Kriegies. This research will also focus on drawing together academic and biographical information, combining this with primary source material to begin to further assess broad themes of PoW experience across Europe.

Strong Structuration Theory is the methodology that shapes this research. This theory permits exploration of the active role of PoWs in their experiences of camp life, while also acknowledging the role of existing structures in their choices. It is a methodology which is developed from Anthony Giddens’ Structuration Theory.9 It retains focus on the duality of structure and agency, while also allowing for the application of the theory to specific situations. It was selected because of its ability to focus on both structure and agency equally while acknowledging that both are inherent in the other. In terms of PoW camps, structure refers to aspects such as the social structures in place in the prisoners’ home countries, the rules and regulations of the camp, and the relationship of the camp

4 Reid 1984. 5 Rolf 1988. 6 Makepeace 2017a. 7 Carr & Mytum 2012, Mytum & Carr 2013. 8 Doyle, Pringle & Babits 2013. 9 Giddens 1986.

3 authorities with external groups such as the Red Cross. Agency refers to the actions undertaken by the prisoners. Their actions were influenced by the cultures they were socialised into up to that point, however, their reproduction of aspects of culture was also influenced by their own decision-making processes. Day to day life in camps was a product of structure which was recreated by the Kriegies. Structuration accounts for the autonomous action of men in shaping their everyday life in the camps, while also acknowledging that they were products of the societies in which they were socialised. The shared culture between prisoners of similar backgrounds made the formation of a relatively homogeneous Kriegie culture possible even when each camp community was relatively isolated from each other. This thesis explores the role of independent invention in contrast to the migration of PoWs between camps or the dissemination of ideas via the written word, thus informing a long-standing debate within archaeology.10

The existence of a collective PoW culture is addressed in the primary research question of this thesis, which asks if there was a common experience for Anglophone PoWs held in Europe. Secondary questions include researching the development of blower stoves in PoW camps and whether similar conditions led to similar solutions being found. The research will also focus on the role of prisoners in building their own PoW identity. The research is designed to highlight the shared culture which sprang up across prisoners of war camps. However, it will stress that the described culture was not applicable to all Allied PoWs. Although there were strong collective identifiers between prisoners in certain camps there were some men who had different experiences of imprisonment due to their nationality, race, or religion. The concept of a collective PoW identity is an essential part of this research and allows generalisations to be made about the broader experiences of a large group of prisoners. There is strong evidence of a PoW culture which spanned camps and allowed many PoWs to transition easily throughout them. Simultaneously, it is important to note that PoWs who were not protected by the Geneva Convention or who were black, Indian, Jewish, or from other marginalised backgrounds, were treated very differently to the PoWs described in this thesis. Therefore, the experiences discussed here cannot be generalised to them. It is also important to note that the camps themselves differed, officers camps were organised differently to Other Ranks (OR) camps. Officers were not required to work, had orderlies to help care for them, and were usually men of higher class than those in the OR camps. Therefore, although there are similarities in the experience of

10 Renfrew 1990, 236.

4 men in OR and officers’ camps, there were also differences which allowed higher ranks more leisure time to make records about their experience of captivity.

Methodologically, the majority of this thesis utilises a prosopographical approach. Prosopography is described as "... the investigation of the common background characteristics of a group of factors in history utilising a collective study of their lives."11 It has been selected as it will allow an analysis of a group of individuals who have been drawn together, this avoids too deterministic an approach which could lead to the separation of individuals from the inventions and societies that their influence formed. This approach is fitting with Strong Structuration Theory as the focus falls on individuals as well as the society they operate within.

The thesis will include the following chapters which seek to examine cross-camp and cross- nationality similarities between Allied PoWs held in Europe during the Second World War, to counterbalance the uniqueness of existing individual biographical accounts and camp or activity focused narratives.

After this chapter (Introduction), Chapter 2 (Literature Review) provides an overview of the academic work surrounding internment. This includes archaeological work which focuses on the landscapes of PoW camps, historical explorations of camp life, experimental archaeology, and the development of legislation which protects prisoners of war during conflict. This leads to Chapter 3 (Methodology and Method) which describes the theory of Strong Structuration and the intersection of agency and structure which PoWs used to create their new camp culture. It describes some of the relevant approaches which have informed this research, including folkloristics and the study of material culture. It then goes on to describe the methods used to complete this research, including the use of web-based groups, archival resources, and the prosopographical Attributes Table.

Following on from the introduction to the literature surrounding the topic and the methods which will be employed, Chapter 4 (Setting the Scene) introduces the reader to the landscape of captivity. This chapter provides a breakdown of the different camps in which PoWs were held and provides a background to the experience of their capture. It also contains a description of some of the common features of a PoW camp which transcended geography. The physicality of camps is carried over into Chapter 5 (Symbols of Captivity) where the interplay of physical surroundings and mental health are explored. This chapter

11 Stone 1971, 46.

5 highlights the significant role that barbed wire played in the representation of ailments affecting PoWs’ mental health. It considers the prominence of barbed wire imagery in PoW writing and art from the Kriegies and internees of more recent conflicts.

These initial chapters which broaden the readers understanding of the physical and mental landscapes of captivity are then followed by Chapter 6 (A Wartime Log). This chapter offers a thematic analysis of a range of Wartime Logs, the chapter includes the logs of PoWs from a variety of forces and nationalities. It highlights the common themes which run throughout, as well as breaking down the contents of an average log to highlight how the men chose to engage with the resource. Wartime Logs were provided to prisoners for free and required no skill to obtain or operate. Their ownership was based on luck or the ability to purchase them. The blower stoves in Chapter 7 (Smokeless Heaters, or Heatless Smokers?) required a greater level of skill or resource to acquire. This chapter uses an experimental archaeological approach to assess the accessibility of the stoves to see whether the implements were available to all prisoners. Using experimental methods was important in the deeper understanding of the process PoWs underwent to construct the blower stoves. There is, at this time, no known set of instructions for the creation of blower stoves, and therefore I was able to, as closely as possible, to reproduce the conditions and circumstances of creation which many PoWs would have experienced.12 Although the first two artefact types considered in this thesis were relatively common, Chapter 8 (We Wanted Wings) focuses on a more specialised object. This chapter uses a data set of PoW made insignia to compare the techniques being employed by PoWs to create their own badges and insignias while imprisoned. It details the variety of materials and techniques used by referring both to the objects themselves and written testimony by PoWs who were involved in the creation of insignia in the camps.

This thesis has found that there was a thriving PoW culture in European PoW camps during the Second World War. There are a series of common threads running between the experience of many PoWs, which can be exemplified in the various case studies in this thesis as well as the construction of a language of capture and transfer of knowledge between camps.

Furthermore, research regarding the Kriegie identity has highlighted the great disparities in the treatment of prisoners. Some of these differences were based on the camp and its regime, but the significance of different treatment based on race and religion cannot be

12 Outram 2008, 2.

6 understated. PoWs who were protected by the Convention of Treatment Relative to Prisoners of War (1929) were still discriminated against based on their religion or race – Black prisoners of the Commonwealth were killed in large numbers for negligible crimes such as eating potatoes from the fields they were harvesting because they were being provided insufficient rations, Black American airmen were specifically targeted by German propaganda and killed upon landing in numbers comparable to the total held in PoW camps.13 Jewish PoWs from Britain and the United States of America were at some points in the war held in Jewish only barracks in the camps while senior British officers discriminated against the Commonwealth troops in their care.

It is also important to stress that the findings of this thesis can be applied widely to English speaking PoWs from nations who had signed the Geneva Convention, but there are many prisoners who stories are less readily available due to language barriers and the treatment they received. It would be disingenuous to imply the experience detailed in this thesis could be applied to Russian and Polish prisoners as their treatment differed so drastically to that of the Kriegie to the point where the Kriegies make note of it. Other marginalised PoWs shared some of the experiences described throughout (e.g. Black American and Jewish PoWs were able to use Wartime Log diaries, make blower stoves, and may have created or owned wing insignia, taken part in shows and plays and sports in camps), but due to layered identities, they had their own experiences of imprisonment during this period which may have differed to that of the general Kriegie experience.

Other findings include the first scholarly experimental archaeological attempt at creating a blower stove, finding that the stoves could be reasonably easily created by prisoners with a limited skill set. The research indicates that the development of the blower stove was simultaneous across various camps and not designed by one PoW and disseminated from a single point, suggesting independent invention based on similar prior experiences and desires and similar camp resources.

13 Kesting 1992, 32-34.

2 Chapter 2 Literature Review

2.1 Introduction This chapter reviews the literature around prisoners of war, captivity, material culture, and identity to help situate the contents of this thesis. It will focus largely on military PoWs, however broader themes of internment will also be considered. This chapter will examine the historical and archaeological context of imprisonment during conflict to offer a wider view of the recording of lived experience during imprisonment. By reviewing literature on the topic of internment and conflict it will draw together these themes and attempt to build a clearer picture of the background of this topic.

Although unintentional, it has become apparent while writing that this chapter is largely focused on white and western cultures due to the availability of narratives. Initially, the thesis intended to look for themes spanning the experience of all PoWs in Europe, but this was not possible. This decision has been addressed in the Differing treatment portion of this chapter and will also be explored throughout the thesis. This chapter will also discuss material culture and the formation of the PoW identity.

The study of prisoners in the Second World War began during the war itself, PoWs with medical experience were able to write studies on the psychology of captivity which are discussed further in Chapter 5. Much of the scholarship immediately after the war relating to PoWs focused on the long-term effects of captivity, however in the aftermath some prisoners wrote autobiographical accounts of their own experience.14 David Rolf, in 1988, published an academic book about prisoners of the Reich. Yet the topic of capture remained largely neglected in the public sphere at this point, most PoWs did not relay their experiences publicly immediately after the war. Films such as The Great Escape (1963) came later and shaped wider beliefs about the experience of PoWs. These initial works allowed an insight into the lives of prisoners, however archaeological research allowed for a better understanding of the physical space the prisoners inhabited and the objects which were part of their time in captivity.

14 Unlisted 1945; Ludden 1945; Markowski 1945; Charters 1945; Cochrane 1946; Harris 1947; Jones 1947.

2.2 Internment and Archaeology The archaeology of internment is now an established field which developed through the late 2000s and early 2010s and focuses on the physical boundaries both natural and manmade.15 William Everdell traces the first reconcentration camps to Cuba in the latter half of the 1800s, these camps had features similar to those we expect from modern internment including barbed wire fences, armed guards, and at this time were not intended as extermination camps.16 He describes the initial growth of camps as mental, requiring those involved in the process as being capable of thinking of human populations as divisible by features which mark them out for internment, stating that "the camp begins in the minds of those who have begun to see the human species as fundamentally discontinuous."17 The concept of the physical bounds of captivity was further explored in The Politics of War Memory and Commemoration. Here Roper, Ashplant, and Dawson discussed the significance of objects and the focus that ex-internees can place on them. Despite existing outside of the space of confinement, small items acted as private memories, commemorating and embodying survival of those who were interned. Although these objects are discussed as being removed from the camps, there is a strong focus on the physical trappings of captivity, not just the role of memory, but the physical objects to which it is intrinsically linked.18

Although prisoner of war camps are often temporary, designed to last only for the period of conflict, their archaeological remains have provided rich information about the lives of those who resided in them. Artefacts do not always retain their significance to the groups using them, yet they can still provide information and value to researchers.19 Within the bounds of captivity, the value of objects changed, however, objects which were no longer significant to PoWs still provide insight to researchers. For example, the blower stove was of high value in the camps, providing a way of cooking and making hot drinks, but once PoWs were liberated they no longer needed the stoves. Now, however, the process of their construction is of educational and academic significance. Similarly, information from the latrines of a civil war camp has provided data on camp hygiene, and specific soil conditions as a US Civil War period camp in Texas provided conditions contusive, 130 years on, to

15 Myers & Moshenska 2011, 1-3. 16 Everdell 2009, 116. 17 Everdell 2009, 117. 18 Roper, Ashplant & Dawson 2000, 20. 19 Carr 2018, 533.

9 understanding the PoWs’ use of space during their internment.20 Camps are not commonly found fully preserved, but their architecture often has similar hallmarks such as the barbed wire Casella describes in The Archaeology of Institutional Confinement.21 In his 2004 work, Barbed Wire: An Ecology of Modernity, Reviel Netz considered the role of barbed wire in the quick construction of internment camps, and therefore described a key element of the environment of captivity and is discussed further in Chapter 5.8.22 By 2008 the archaeological study of Second World War landscapes had become more popular, to the point where Alfredo González-Ruibal wrote about what archaeologists would be able to add, stating "… it is obvious that as archaeologists we can tell something else from the ruins, construct other tales… [but] do we always need more stories and more voices?"23 He concluded that the role is to preserve the thingliness of things, to highlight the objects left in the wake of fascism whilst avoiding the trivialisation of these spaces of internment.24 Spaces of internment are part of this narrative, themselves an object which represents conflict and containment and recognisable patterns which occur throughout captivity. Also highlighting the significance of objects and their links to situations of internment, Gilly Carr describes the binding of memory to objects in the Channel Islands.25 There is no longer a German occupation, but the artefacts left behind are tied to the remembrance of that period. Similarly, the PoW camps are no longer functional, but their landscape and the objects which remain from the period are tied to the experience of the PoWs.

Myers and Moshenska’s work on internment highlighted the relative lack of archaeological exploration in the field of interment prior to the Second World War.26 Although at the time of their research archaeological work had been undertaken on camps in Europe, much of this was initially based on the extermination camps. In 1995 work was undertaken by Gabriele Isenberg at Witten-Annen (a sub concentration camp of Bochum).27 Ronald Hirte undertook excavations of Buchenwald in 1999 which allowed researchers to understand the physical layout of the camp but also revealed a large number of objects which had been made by prisoners or personalised by them, as well as fostering a large scale finds database.28 Further research on the layout of camps was also undertaken at Rathenow and

20 Bush 2000, 62; Thoms 2004, 92. 21 Casella 2007, xv, 146. 22 Netz 2004, 154. 23 Gonzalez-Ruibal, Edensor et al. 2008, 250. 24 Gonzalez-Ruibal, Edensor et al. 2008, 251, 258. 25 Carr 2014, 76. 26 Myers & Moshenska 2011, 5. 27 Isenberg 1995. 28 Myers & Moshenka, 2011, 5-6; Hirte, 1999; Colls 2015, 36.

Ravensbruck in 2000, Dachau in 2001, Flossenburg in 2002, Bergen-Belsen in 2003, and Gross Schonebeck in 2006.29 In 2004 work by Pawllicka-Nowak was undertaken at Chelmno with the intention of enhancing understanding and education about the site, this often thought of as the first archaeological project which focused on an extermination camp.30 In 2007 work began at another extermination camp at Sobibór, followed by a geophysical study in July 2008.31 In 2007 Adrian Myers explored the materiality of Auschwitz while it was in operation.32 Although the PoWs who are the focal point of this thesis were not treated comparably to those in the death camps, his focus on the importance of objects and the significance of their acquisition to how camp was experienced is highly applicable.33

The typical construction of PoW camps is largely ephemeral and similar in design to army camps (as laid out in the Geneva Convention).34 Due to their lack of permanence and often hasty construction, many of the camps bore similar hallmarks (as discussed in Chapter 4.8), however, the majority of them are no longer visible. Despite the near-universal presence of barbed wire, watchtowers, bunks, and barracks there is now minimal traces of the camps which existed to house hundreds of thousands of prisoners.35 However, archaeological research of PoW camps across mainland Europe has been possible. The best well-known of these studies was the multi-disciplinary investigation of Stalag Luft III undertaken by Peter Doyle, Jamie Pringle, and Lawrence Babits. Their publications (2007, 2010, 2014) contributed to the understanding both of the physical attributes of the camp, the benefits of remote sensing, and the construction of the famous escape tunnels.36 Iain Banks also published on the conditions at Stalag Luft III, detailing the difficulty of attempting to sink a new shaft at the camp due to the sandy soil.37 Banks’ research benefitted from the presence of veterans who were able to help guide the researchers and locate George, a fourth tunnel dug for self-defence in case the Germans decided to kill more PoWs after the Great Escape.38

29 Colls 2015, 36. 30 Pawlicka-Nowak 2004; Colls 2015, 25. 31 Gilead, Haimi et al. 2010, 10-11. 32 Myers 2007, 59. 33 Myers 2007, 61. 34 Myers & Moshenska 2011, 3. 35 Ferguson 2004, 159. 36 Doyle, Pringle & Babits 2013; Pringle, Babits & Doyle 2007. 37 Banks 2012, 938. 38 Banks 2012, 939.

Archaeological research into internment during the Second World War has focused on topics from the complexities of camp soil to the construction of ventilation in escape tunnels and the layout of camps.39 Each of these studies has added significant knowledge to the existing scholarship on prisoner experience, yet they largely focus on dramatic events or specific locations which are well known. The evidence presented in this thesis uses such earlier work as a platform to weave together the smaller strands of personal experience research and begin to build a broader picture of a cross-camp, cross-nationality experience of captivity during this period.

Archaeological investigations of other sites of internment from this period have also been undertaken, not least on the internment of German, Italian, and Japanese PoWs, such as extensive work at Knockaloe on the Isle of Man, sites on Jersey and Guernsey, and in the mid-1990s ex-Japanese PoW camps in America.40 As suggested by Moshenska and Myers, Michael Waters’ reconstruction of life in Camp Hearne in Texas provides an excellent outline for other researchers hoping to understand the day to day experiences of camp life.41 Waters’ research was assisted by a large oral history archive, but archaeological exploration played a significant role in understanding the experience. The study of internment straddles a variety of disciplines. Moshenska and Myers discuss the significance of historical material culture to the field, asserting that cross-disciplinary work is essential to build knowledge of the topic.42 However, the tradition of the discipline lies in archaeology, with conflict archaeology and historical archaeology providing the basis from which the study of internment has grown. Although multi-disciplinary approaches are beneficial, because of the physical aspects of internment, space, objects, and sites, it is clear that the key elements are tied to the study of archaeology. This thesis uses historical archaeology, aiming to contextualise the studied objects and avoid divorcing them from their place and significance in history. In doing so, it also adds to the archaeological record by using historical records to recreate the physical aspects of camp, or better understand the creative process of PoWs. As per Hiller and Hanson’s theory, there is a logic to every artefact’s design. 43 By considering each artefact alongside its content this research hopes

39 Doyle, Babits & Pringle 2010, 418; Pringle, Doyle & Babits 2007 418; Gilead, Haimi & Mazurek 2010. 40 Burton, Guthrie et al. 1996; Burton, Farrell et al. 2011. 41 Waters 2006. 42 Myers & Moshenska 2011, 7-8. 43 Hillier & Hanson 1989, i, 1.

12 to help find the logic behind the designs whether it is routed in their function, style, or both.

The ordering of the space in internment situations sets such places aside from other buildings. Internment camps are designed in a specific way which aims to influence the relationship that prisoners have with the space they are inhibiting. Architecture can imply the way in which it is to be experienced.44 Prison camps were not built for comfort, but efficiency. They were designed to contain, to communicate capture. The archaeology of internment is a topic which delves further into the structuring of the camps as well as the artefacts which come as part of it. The archaeology of PoW camps in the UK was explored by Banks. Although they differed from the camps studied in this thesis, similar principles applied, such as the creation of leisure spaces within the camps to minimise the reason any PoW would need to leave the compound.45 The synchronicities between the layouts of various camps are explored in Chapter 4.8.1.46 Structuration also plays a role in the perception of architecture, as interaction with buildings tends to be based on the human perception of how we think they should be interacted with – therefore socialisation influences the way humans interface with physical structures around them.47 The role of inside and outside is significant when considering internment, each cell of space is not only what is inside it, but also what is outside.48 Camps in the Second World War were the physical space in which the prisoners were held, but their existence was an inherent reminder of the space which fell outside of them and the different social ordering present there. Internal structures differed to external ones, no matter how much the prisoners tried to recreate the trappings of home.

The collection of essays edited by Gilly Carr and Harold Mytum further developed understanding of the PoW experience, highlighting the cultural aspects of prisoner of war existence and the heritage of mass internment during the 19th and 20th centuries. Their 2012, Cultural Heritage and Prisoners of War: Creativity Behind Barbed Wire offers an exploration of the physicality of internment. This collection is not focused exclusively on the physical spaces of each camp or group of camps referenced; they instead explore the objects of captivity and the knowledge they can provide to us about the lives of internees. The discussion of high-low art which begins in the introduction and runs throughout the

44 Hillier & Hanson 1989, 1-2. 45 Banks 2011, 116-117. 46 Hillier & Hanson 1989, 2. 47 Hillier & Hanson 1989, 2-3. 48 Hillier & Hanson 1989, 21.

13 work is also strongly linked to the lived experience which prisoners brought with them to the camps – such as Sizek’s assertions about the musical preferences of German and Austrian internees of certain class backgrounds.49

The role of boredom, a staple of existence as an internee, is explored throughout Carr and Mytum’s work.50 It is attributed as a major cause in the development of creative pursuits in the camps by many of the contributors, and in some cases, they write of specific encouragement of creative pursuits by belligerent powers.51 A great strength of the volume is that it does not minimise any aspect of creativity. The chapter in that book which helped to inspire this research was Peter Doyle’s on tin bashing. It valued the men's artistic endeavours to create works of art or practical objects from tin cans. Doyle’s study of blower stoves provided an excellent basis for Chapter 7, explaining the significance of tinwork as part of the captive experience of many Allied PoWs across Europe.52 Although the contributions in the volume are disparate and spread across the frame of the World Wars and military and civilian internment, they bind together the concept of universality. This universality implies that some aspects of captivity can be viewed across a spectrum and not just traced within narrow parameters of nationality or specific camps.

Carr and Mytum closely followed their first publication with a second, which focused more on the archaeology of places of internment. Prisoners of War: Archaeology, Memory, and Heritage of 19th- and 20th-Century Mass Internment reviewed a similar period but stressed the relatively unique situation of PoWs who were often fit and healthy, had not broken any laws, and were imprisoned based on their role in conflict. 53 The editors emphasised the significance of material culture in understanding interned prisoners' experiences, the construction and management of camps, and the activities of belligerent powers who administered the camps. Their assertion that "…material culture can challenge established myths propounded by all sides during conflict, and can also assist in healing wounds and confronting our heritage" shows the impact of material objects in the scholarly understanding of internment. This collection focuses more closely on the landscape of the camps, including aerial photography to benefit the understanding of their layouts and boundaries.54 Studies such as that by Doyle, Pringle, and Babits considered the physicality

49 Carr & Mytum 2012, 41. 50 Carr & Mytum 2012, 6, 21, 40, 73, 106, 228, 261, 277. 51 Somma 2012, 261. 52 Doyle 2012, 275-291. 53 Mytum & Carr 2013, 3. 54 Mytum & Carr 2013, 95.

14 of the camp landscapes and the remains which allowed reconstruction of an accurate layout using contemporary photographs to provide references for mapping.55 Mytum and Carr both contributed research which focuses on the materiality of internment, with Mytum introducing the role of material culture in coping with camp life, and Carr discussing the focus of life during internment.56

Although both of Mytum and Carr’s edited collections span diverse geography and time periods, which could lead to them verging towards the anecdotal, they instead drew together a range of experiences and investigations which demonstrated the varied commonalities of camp life. There are strong themes evident throughout, including the boredom experienced by PoWs and their response to captivity throughout the volumes. This thesis builds on these approaches, drawing together a range of experiences to highlight internment's broader themes.

The excavation of Lager Wick on Jersey was the first of any Atlantic Wall labour camp in Europe.57 Carr argued that this camp differed from other PoW camps across Europe which date to this period, although she also acknowledges the similarities.58 Similarly, Doyle, Pringle, and Babits, and other aforementioned excavations use oral testimony and aerial photography to inform the investigation.59 In 2015 excavations led to the erection of a display board by the site to inform members of the public of the camp's layout and other information. This example highlights archaeology's role in public education alongside its scholarly value, archaeological sites such as this move from legacies of occupation, sometimes totally barren of obvious evidence of what stood there before, to places of heritage, education, and memorial.60

Jasinski's 2018 paper on the role of objects and social memory relating to Nazi terrorscapes discusses the physical remains of internment camps. During a 2014 excavation of Falstad camp in central Norway, many artefacts were uncovered, which lead to difficult decisions about what to retain for further analysis. Raising the difficulty of this decision-making process also highlights the researcher's influence on the scholarship of the field. One person's experience can shape knowledge, their choices of priorities displace other artefacts. This thesis considers both objects which have been widely studied (Chapter 6: A

55 Mytum & Carr 2013, 132. 56 Mytum & Carr 2013, 169, 189. 57 Carr 2016, 135. 58 Carr 2016, 137. 59 Carr 2016, 155. 60 Carr 2016, 154.

Wartime Log) and those which have little scholarship (Chapter 8) and no known surviving examples (Chapter 7).61 There are complexities which come with the use of material culture as a focal point for study. However, one could conclude that material objects provide insight without bias; many spaces of internment were removed or repurposed after their temporary use. The remaining artefacts are those which internees considered significant enough to retain, able to withstand conditions before being excavated, and be considered important enough to study.62

Excavations have also raised ethical issues. The use of technological advancements such as Google Earth has lead to greater accessibility for archaeologists wishing to examine an area (especially places to which access would usually be limited). However, Google Earth places high-quality photographs online without considering privacy preferences.63 Using this resource allowed me to undertake background research into the current state of the camps via Google Earth. Although I am unaware of objections to the camp locations being on Google Earth, it is essential to be aware of the ethical implications. Another area of morality is the long-term plans for specific items, such as those owned by deceased people. This complex topic is addressed by Carr, Jasinski, and Theune who discussed the plausibility of attempting to locate family members to pass the items to, or reburying them.64 Discussion about the looting of archaeological sites to sell the goods on eBay for profit is also highly relevant for this thesis. There is demand for artefacts such as camp made wings and other PoW memorabilia, and their sale can be profitable. Therefore there is a risk of forgeries or artificially constructed groupings of PoW memorabilia being advertised for sale. This was a practice which meant it was important to be conscious of the provenance of artefacts included in this thesis.

In the literature surrounding internment, James Gibb summarises the role of institutions on the lives of those they impact, writing "…institutions permeate our lives... they structure our lives, or, to look at it from a less deterministic perspective, they create irregular, often ill-defined boundaries to behaviour."65 Although Gibb was not writing directly about a specific theory, Structuration Theory (the theory above, which focuses on the intersection of structure and agency) is relevant. The themes of structure (institutions) playing a large role in the lives of those in captivity is evident – however, so is the need to move away

61 Jasinski 2018, 655. 62 Jasinski 2018, 643. 63 Myers 2010, 461-462. 64 Carr, Jasinski & Theune 2018, 425. 65 Beisaw & Gibb 2009, 2.

16 from pure determinism. This thesis, therefore, uses Strong Structuration Theory to stress the interplay of structures and agents. POWs shaped their own captivity and how they did so helped them cope with the circumstances in which they found themselves.

2.3 Experimental Archaeology Experimental archaeology is the process of using experimentation to help bridge a knowledge gap. Nearly all studies using the method selected it to better understand the gaps in archaeological material.66 Experiments allow researchers to use contemporary and geographically available resources to attempt to reconstruct a process as closely as possible to those undertaken in the past. In doing so, they build on the experimental process to develop a more precise understanding, allowing observations to lead to a conclusion.67

The use of experimental archaeology has been a tool used by scholars from early and antiquarian periods. During that time, however, it was most commonly used to reproduce artefacts.68 Scientific experimental archaeology’s beginnings are primarily associated with the 1960s and 1970s. John Coles laid out the eight rules of the discipline in Archaeology by Experiment (1973) and Experimental Archaeology (1979). Initially, the scholarship surrounding experimental archaeology focused on prehistory, and Coles described "production of copies of prehistoric objects, of wood, stone, bone, or metal" as fundamental to experimental archaeology, be it imitative or functional.69 The process involves considering not just the shape and design of an object, but the type and condition of material which is used to create it. Although it is not always possible for me to understand the method of creation, it is necessary to understand that I can learn the most about the process of manufacture by using the most similar equipment possible.70

In 1966, John Coles wrote about the current state of the process. Up to this point experimentation had taken place across the world, Coles lists some of the work pre-dating his article, which he breaks down into rough themes of food and cooking, construction, and metalwork. The examples begin with skull trepanning research which dates back to 189771

All of this work focused on pre-history or early history, which is still the most common period for this type of research. It covered a range of topics but helped to build an

66 Coles 1966, 15. 67 Coles 1966, 16-17. 68 Shanks & Witmore 2010, 97. 69 Coles 1966, 1. 70 Coles 1966, 2. 71 Coles 1966, 7-20.

17 understanding of processes and practices. Despite gaining popularity in the later years of the list, the method of research was used throughout the last hundred years. Coles subsequently published Archaeology by Experiment, in which he attempted to contextualise the study of experimental archaeology and provide recommendations for the future of the field. He described the common strands of experiments, stating:

“All experiments, or almost all, have common features. All represent problems in archaeological material, through incomplete survival, through loss of understanding of purpose, through doubts about presumed function. All begin with reconstruction, and all go on to tests for function of for suitability. All represent a series of steps: problem -> idea -> procedure -> result -> assessment.”72

He also stressed the significant role that ethnography can play in amplifying the understanding of topics and future directions, including further development of recipe research.73 His work provided a broad base which was developed by further researchers.

In the latter half of the 20th-century experimental archaeology began to gain traction and better seating in rigorous scientific method. One seminal contribution that helped shape and affirm the scientific role of experimental archaeology was Schiffer et al.’s 1994 paper on the clay cooking pot. This laid out the history of experimental work, and helped to shape its future:

“Sometimes several trials are needed to develop the techniques and know-how for performing a full-scale experiment. Clearly, the techniques and knowledge acquired by trial and error through individual experiments enrich the technological tradition.”74

By indicating the need for ongoing experimentation, and not just the less informative archaeological experimentation, that paper helped to reinforce the need for scientific rigour in the experimentation.

The increased awareness and popularity of experimental archaeology as a methodology is discussed in the Proceedings of the 2007 Experimental Archaeology Conference and the recognition that it had also become a more diverse field.75 This statement demonstrated the development of the field, and also the new challenges which faced researchers, at this

72 Coles 2014, 14. 73 Coles 2014, 17, 142, 170. 74 Schiffer, Skibo et al. 1994, 2. 75 Cunningham, Heeb et al. 2008, vii.

18 point, namely sharing their research and involving craftspeople and those with inherent knowledge in the process.76

Experimental archaeology holds a place in popular culture and public life. Various television series have focused on reconstruction of techniques or ways of life and locations. Butser Ancient Farm and the Lejre Experimental Centre are involved in long-term experiments related to Bronze and Iron Age processes. The long-running experiments at the Vindolanda Roman fort, Overton Down Experimental Earth, and Castle Henllys highlight experimental archaeology's value in public engagement with the past. 77 Examples of this engagement include Vindolanda’s work in recreating smellscapes of the Roman fort, earthwork at Overton Down, and ramparts at Castell Henllys.78 Reconstruction archaeology is also used in Jorvik’s sensory experience recreation and West Stow’s study of insect fauna of Anglo- Saxon houses.79

A limitation of experimental archaeology is that observations about material cultural production can be generalised to all practitioners of technology. By using experimental archaeology in tandem with an ethnographical approach in relation to blower stoves, this thesis’ experimental research deepens the understanding of the production process.80 Although experimental archaeology has not been commonly used to study the period of interest in this thesis, it has benefitted the understanding of the physicality of the creation of blower stoves. There are no previous studies which have looked at PoW blower stove development. Currently, there are no known surviving camp created blower stoves; however, many PoW resources discuss blowers or bear pictures or drawings of them. The research described here makes tangible the process of blower stove construction. Chapter 7 describes an attempt to recreate a stove with minimal knowledge or equipment, similar to the conditions in which PoWs would have created them. Although experimental archaeology is usually used to understand ancient technology, it has also been used previously in relation to captivity. Examples include Miranda Aldhouse-Green’s exploration of the loss of personhood experienced due to shackling from 300BC to the Roman period in Roman Britain and Europe and Richard Osgood’s experimental approach when recreating the maps and tunnels used in the escape from Stalag Luft III.81 In Stalag Luft III, veterans

76 Cunningham, Heeb et al. 2008, vii. 77 Jewell & Dimbleby 1966; Mytum 2013b. 78 Jewell & Dimbleby 1966, Derrick 2017, Mytum 2013b, 195. 79 Crothers 2008; Kinghorn & Willis 2008, Jenner 2011, 336; Kenward & Tipper 2008. 80 Ferguson 2010, 1. 81 Stone & Planel 1999, xix; Aldhouse-Green 2004, 321; Osgood 2013, 128-129.

19 helped explain the purposes of and processes behind items excavated from the site. Speaking to veterans about the construction of blower stoves was not possible, but the writing and drawings of those in the camps informed the experiments.82 The use of experimental archaeology is also valuable to conflict archaeologists. Recreating aspects of the micro-levels of conflict experience aids understanding of the lives of those who lived through it.83 The use of experimental archaeology in this thesis furthers understanding of a common element of PoW life, not just considering the value of the stoves to PoWs, but their accessibility and ease of creation with limited resource or instruction.

2.4 Identity This thesis intends to examine a broad swathe of PoW experience. Therefore, it was important to find a middle road which encompassed the breadth of experiences, yet one homogeneous enough to draw a common thread between them. Instead of focusing exclusively on PoWs of a specific nationality (such as British PoWs or Americans), this thesis instead considers the group of men who had similar experiences but were not necessarily tied together by nationality, class, or rank. This group will be referred to throughout the thesis as Kriegies. This name is one which PoWs themselves developed, playing on the German word for prisoner of war, kriegsgefangener. Various sources demonstrate the men referring to themselves as Kriegies; however, the term is often not clearly defined – the PoWs themselves apply no parameters.84 Prisoners did not apply any conditions to the term and, therefore, although PoWs used it, this thesis will not use the term Kriegie in the same way the prisoners did. Some parameters will be applied to define a specific group. Academics have used the term Kriegie to refer to PoWs; however, some use it interchangeably with the term PoW. Because of the gulf of treatment between certain groups of prisoners, this thesis will use the term to speak about specific prisoners without using a catch-all term which devalues the different experiences of some groups.

The term Kriegie was used in 1948 research by American ex-PoW Homer Aschmann, who spent time in Stalag Luft III. He wrote about the language of prison camps which he termed Kriegie Talk. Although his account focused explicitly on language and not a fuller Kriegie identity, Aschmann asserts that certain groups of prisoners identified with the term Kriegie and shared a similar culture.85 Doyle also speaks of Kriegie terms and Kriegie inventions

82 Osgood 2013, 129. 83 Brouwers 2012, 16. 84 Naylor, 44; Younger 2013, 124; Willatt, 91; Sekine, 32; Jefferson & Carlson 2005, 82; Arct 1988, 58. 85 Aschmann 1948, 217-222.

20 describing ingenuity in PoW camps, where he highlights the self-styled identity which some groups of prisoners adopted.86 The use of Kriegie as a term is not novel, however, this thesis will use it to group together certain PoWs and make it clear that this research is not focused on other marginalised groups. Therefore, this thesis's Kriegie grouping was imposed on its members and was not self-selected despite some PoWs referring to themselves as Kriegies.

The idea of applying Kriegie Identity to a specified group of PoWs was implemented by Clare Makepeace in her seminal work on British prisoners of war, and described the “peculiar way of life prisoners had developed.”87 Makepeace’s consideration of both the similarities in the humour and descriptions in PoW diaries, alongside their self-othering from those at home who they felt misunderstood them, demonstrated an active separation and identity formation. Identity was also strengthened by movement between camps, all of which were part of the larger Kriegie community.88 Makepeace uses the term to refer to British POWs specifically; however, this thesis expands the definition. Instead of focusing on a single nationality, here the term includes the groups identified as sharing commonalities. By broadening Makepeace’s application, this thesis discusses an experience broader than national identity, but does not encompass all PoWs.

Here, the term Kriegie refers to all English speaking prisoners from predominantly Western countries with similar cultural backgrounds and who were signatories of the Geneva Convention such as Britain and the Commonwealth nations and the United States of America. Often, prisoners who were part of this grouping were white, although black American airmen were accepted as Kriegies despite the American armed forces' segregation policy.89 Jewish prisoners from the countries described above were part of Kriegie culture. However, their treatment was sometimes different both structurally (with the decision to group all Jewish prisoners into the same bunks) and socially (some fellow PoWs expressed anti-Semitic sentiments).

PoWs have discussed the concept of a Kriegie alongside the aforementioned scholars, R G Johnson of Oflag VIIC, Stalag XXID, Oflag VB, Oflag VIB, Oflag VIIB, Oflag VIIF, and Oflag 79 used the term throughout his Wartime Log diary.90 H C Macey of Marlag-Milag

86 Doyle, 2012, 275-277. 87 Makepeace, 2017 a, 79. 88 Makepeace, 2017a, 82-84, 105. 89 Jefferson & Carlson 2005, 70. 90 Johnson, 23, photo page 1, 107.

Nord uses the same term to describe PoWs queuing for food.91 In fact, men from various nationalities and backgrounds use the term.92 However, none of the men or the scholars aside from Makepeace provided their definition of the identity. Makepeace considered the characteristics to be shared jokes, similar drawings in logs, othering those writing insensitively. However, this thesis attempts to re-clarify the parameters of Makepeace’s concept of Kriegie Identity, while also narrowing down the broader references which generally refer to the PoW population.

2.5 Differing treatment As part of this research, it was essential to be informed about the variance of experiences. The protection afforded by countries which had signed the 1929 Geneva Convention was significant, as was the impact of retaliation. PoWs who were from occupied or non-Geneva signatory nations were treated differently from Kriegies. Germany asserted that occupied states technically no longer existed and therefore PoWs were released from prisoner of war status and held as civilian workers. Because there were no legal protections for prisoners from non-signatory countries or those in occupied territory, they were used for mining and other heavy industries and armament factories.93 Prisoners without protection included Soviets (non-signatory) and Polish and Yugoslavians (who were converted to civilian status on occupation). As France still existed as a state it was not possible to apply the same process to it as Poland and (the then) Yugoslavia, however, PoWs were coerced into volunteering to be ‘free’ contract labourers.94 In practice, those who volunteered for the change in status gained very little, and indeed lost many protections afforded to recognised PoWs.95 French prisoners not only suffered the changes mentioned above, but were also greatly affected by their race. When, in June 1940, 120,000 soldiers from the French empire were taken into German custody they were split by race. The majority were transferred to camps in Germany, whilst non-European PoWs were kept in occupied France.96 Black French prisoners were abused when being transferred to camps and while

91 Macey, 80. 92 Mogol, 53, 94-5; Naylor, 44, 47, photo page 1, 98; Wood, 32, photo page 5, photo page 6, photo page 8, photo page 13, photo page 14, photo page 15, 72, 85-91, 96-98; Rumsey, 20; Cunningham, contents page, 9, 101; Bell, photo page 15, 65; Watts, front right, 131-133; Boychuck, this book belongs to page, 73, 80, 133, 137, 148; Veronick, 15, 96, 112; Johnson, 102; Miller, 102; Lambert, 10, photo page 11, 57, 92-97, 104; Arct, 58, 72, 75, 80, 85, 106, 127, 136; Cole, photo page 15; Oliver, photo page 8. 93 MacKenzie 1994, 500. 94 MacKenzie 1994, 500-501. 95 MacKenzie 1994, 501. 96 Scheck, 2010, 420.

22 held in them, and their mortality rates were “extremely high”.97 Both MacKenzie and Scheck highlight the significance of retaliation as a factor in the treatment of PoWs.98 The ability to threaten retaliation was afforded to the countries Kriegies were from and shaped their experiences; although issues such as the shackling crisis in the wake of the Dieppe Raid did cause the treatment of prisoners to change.99 The Raid in August 1942 was an Allied assault on a French port in German held territory and official Allied plans contained instructions to bind any (German) PoWs to prevent document destruction.100 Doing so was against the terms of the Geneva Convention, and when the plans were captured by the Germans along with Canadian troops, it led to reprisals.101 However, the British government's ability to retaliate with reprisals against German PoWs held in Britain meant that the situation was eventually de-escalated.102

Jewish PoWs from the Palestine Pioneer Corps and black PoWs were also regularly mistreated beyond what would be considered a normal part of the Kriegie experience. More details about this are discussed in Chapter 4.3. Various reports were made after the war about the treatment of black PoWs by the German troops, including an instance on 21 June 1944 when it was instructed that all black soldiers be killed and not taken prisoner. The order was executed by the commander of the 17th SS- Panzergrenadier Division (Gotz von Berlichingen) and reported by a captured Dutch national who had also been part of the unit. He also reported witnessing the murder of a black American. 103 The various war crimes investigations were often closed, reasons included the interview of the wrong suspect and failing to locate suspects.104 Palestinian PoWs felt that their best opportunity for fair treatment was to be captured with British troops. For example, during the failed Greek campaign on the 28th April 1941 in Kalamata when the decision was taken to surrender Palestinian officers recommended that their men avoid escape so that they were not left as individuals if recaptured.105 Jewish troops were aware of the German attitudes towards them, and Arab Palestinian troops were also concerned. Many wanted to commit suicide instead of surrendering because of anxieties about the treatment they faced.106

97 Scheck, 2010, 421. 98 Scheck, 2010, 421; MacKenzie 1994, 491. 99 Vance 1995, 483. 100 Vance 1995, 485. 101 Vance 1995, 485. 102 Mackenzie 1994, 491-493. 103 Kesting 1992, 31. 104 Kesting 1992, 31. 105 Gelber 1981, 3. 106 Gelber 1981, 5.

Palestinian PoWs were held separately from British prisoners, despite serving in the British Army.107 German Jews from the Palestine Pioneer Corps were investigated and any possible criminal charges were brought against them. While those investigations were ongoing, they were separated from the other PoWs; because of this fact the British deleted place of birth and nationality from the service records of those in the Palestine Pioneer Corps.108

For these reasons, it is impossible to write an analysis that considers the breadth of captivity as initially intended. Instead, this thesis focuses specifically on Kriegies, offering a reflection of their specific experience of PoW culture instead of one that ignores the treatment of large groups of prisoners.

2.6 Logistics The logistics of imprisonment have always provided difficulties for the belligerent powers in any conflict where prisoners were taken. Although prisoner taking was not common in the Classical period, most often the men would be killed or sold into slavery soon after capture, however, there are some exceptions.109 In early Mesopotamia (mid-late 2000BC), there was a combination of approaches to enemy men. There are references to their slaughter alongside depictions of humiliating treatments.110 There are some limited references to prisoners of war in the detailed Mesopotamian administrative texts, but not enough for the taking of prisoners to be considered a common occurrence.111 Religion also impacted prisoner taking; Classical Muslim jurists applied limitations to warfare when Muslims were fighting troops of their own religion.112 Imprisoned male Muslims could not be executed or enslaved and were released after the conflict ended. Overall, however, the practice of taking male prisoners and keeping them for extended periods was uncommon.113 By the time of the Napoleonic Wars, British and French troops were held in varying conditions by the detaining powers, and again some groups (depending on class and nationality) were treated differently. A similar variety of conditions were reported in Britain for the more than 100,000 French prisoners held there.114 Nine prisons housed most French prisoners in Britain; however, 33% of non-ranked French PoWs were held on decommissioned ships by

107 Abbasi 2019, 3. 108 Gelber 1981, 11-12. 109 Gelb 1973, 72. 110 Gelb 1973, 73. 111 Gelb 1973, 78. 112 El Fadl 1999, 144. 113 Davis 1913, 522. 114 Daly 2004, 361.

24 the end of the conflict.115 However, those of officer rank and above were offered parole and allowed to live in designated parole towns with minimal supervision.116 This scenario is similar to that described in the wartime journal of John Robertson, a British PoW held in France in the early 1800s. He described a separation between officers’ camps and those of the non-commissioned PoWs. The Gentlemen’s clubs and gambling houses that British officers enjoyed contrasted against Robertson's more restrictive captivity.117 That the treatment differs between groups (such as the British troops from the UK and colonial soldiers) is also evident in Second World War PoW experiences.

Robertson’s journal bears similarities to the Wartime Logs kept by Allied prisoners of war during the Second World War. It contains many illustrations and poems and is another indicator of the significance of free time for the prisoners and the need to fill it. Although Robertson complained of his treatment in comparison to that of the officers (whom he terms “English Nobbs”) the existence of his journal proves that he was in a situation which allowed him both the time and resource to create it.118 Creativity was obviously an outlet, even used in what Robertson felt to be reasonably harsh living conditions – and this was true not just for the British and French PoWs, but for prisoners across a range of conflicts. However, despite some similarities, there is insufficient literature to assess whether a similar Kriegie culture existed between British PoWs at this time.

The perception of prisoners of war has long been complex. During the American War of Independence, roughly 5,400 common German soldiers (hired by the British) were captured by Americans. In his work on the topic, Daniel Krebs states “Soldiers who surrendered or were captured were morally suspect, seen as not having given everything - including their lives, if necessary - for cause and country." Therefore, their stories were not publicised at the time and were not considered worthy of recording.119 There were similar attitudes displayed by some PoWs during the Second World War. Misunderstanding and misconceptions of their experience are discussed in Chapter 6.6 as outward perception of PoWs and accusations of cowardice were a reality of captured status.

115 Daly 2004, 364. 116 Daly 2004, 364-5. 117 Robertson, 1806-1811. 118 Robertson, 1806-1811. 119 Krebs 2013, 3.

Accurately representing the total number of captured PoWs in any conflict has regularly proved difficult. For example, during the American Civil War, the totals of captured men and those who died have varied. The figures include:

• 220,000 Confederates of whom 26,436 died and 126,952 Union soldiers, of whom 22,576 died - Major General E.A. Hitchcock 1866 • 220,000 Union and 220,000 Confederate - William B. Hesseltine 1930 • More widely accepted 194,743 Union soldiers with 30,218 deaths and 214,865 Confederate soldiers with 25,976 deaths - General F. C. Ainsworth (Chief of the U.S. Record and Pension Office) 1930.120

These various totals expose the complex issue surrounding the production of figures of PoW deaths – personal bias, lack of official records and conflicting testimony. It is similarly challenging to provide Figures for PoWs from the Second World War. Scholars such as Niall Ferguson have attempted to gather these Figures (which is explored further in Chapter 4.3)

The logistics of camps, the total number of PoWs, overcrowding, and other management issues have been explored in many academic publications about prison camps in the American Civil War. Baker’s study of the infamous PoW camp at Andersonville concentrates on the management of the camp itself, including daily food rations, monetary policy within the camp and the issues caused by an influx of prisoners which lead to overcrowding.121 There is some attempt to discuss life inside the camp, but it stems from discussion of the extraordinary, such as a group of thieves operating internally who robbed prisoners. Therefore, it does not provide an insight into a prisoner’s daily life and only hints at the camp experience.122

The logistics of prisoner taking changed drastically during the 1800s and 1900s due to the scale of conflict and awareness of the brutality of war. The Napoleonic Wars of 1803-1814 marked the beginning of the modern conception of prisoners of war. Traditional troop exchanges were ended, and prisoners remained in enemy hands from their capture to their liberation.123 Similarly, the internment of PoWs in the British colonies during the Second Boer War of 1899-1902 marked a further change. This conflict has been seen as an experience that provided a level of preparedness for future larger-scale troop

120 Sanders 2005, 318. 121 Baker 1972, 9. 122 Baker 1972, 12. 123 Daly 2004, 361.

26 detainment.124 White and black civilians were interned separately and in concentration camps which spanned South Africa, India, Bermuda, and St Helena.125 Although the Second Boer War provided an initiation to modern prisoner taking and holding for the British, during the First World War the level of captives was unprecedented.126 During the First World War, roughly one out of every nine men in uniform were captured, totalling 8.5 million prisoners from all sides.127 This total is stark when contrasted against the estimated 9 to 10 million who died in the conflict. The number of men captured falls just short of the total loss of life, indicating the high numbers of PoWs during the First World War. An estimated 750,000 of the total number of combat deaths were prisoners in captivity, including an estimated one in three of the three million PoWs held by the Russian empire.128 Because of the large numbers involved, captivity during the First World War shifted understanding of modern warfare. This conflict was large scale, and the number of PoWs taken on all sides required the combatants to establish a network of secure camps on a level never experienced before.129

During the Second World War more than 170,000 British PoWs were taken by the Germans and Italians of which 41,000 were in captivity for more than four years.130 Estimates are more difficult to make for those captured by the Japanese as there are few records of the PoW numbers and the higher rate of deaths; however, it is estimated that roughly 140,000 Allied PoWs were captured.131 The American Department of Defence estimates that there are still 54,000 American personnel missing in the Pacific, Burmese, and Indian theatres who are unaccounted.132 The figure indicates the difficulty of estimating the total amount of British or Allied PoWs taken during the Second World War. Over 200,000 Commonwealth servicemen alone were placed in PoW camps after their capture by the Germans, which gives at least an indication of the numbers of PoWs held throughout the camps.133

124 Mytum & Carr, 2013, 6. 125 Mytum & Carr, 2013, 4. 126 Jones 2008, 20. 127 Rachamimov, 2006, 364. 128 Moeller 1998, 130. 129 Jones 2008, 19. 130 Kochavi 2004, 56. 131 Twomey 2008, 296. 132 Defence Technical Information Centre n.d. 133 Wylie 2010, 2. Satow, Sée 1950, 16, give totals for 30 November 1944 of 180,000 British Imperial servicemen of whom 140,000 were from the United Kingdom; Nichol, Rennell 2003, 416-420.

For these captives, the theme of boredom is evident in most accounts of capture. It is also a common theme in contemporary incarceration and is seen in Helen Elaine Lee's writings. Her novel A Life Without describes the proximity and the hopelessness of incarceration in American prisons:

“They pray for peace and sleep and a silence that’s benign. Over there one is clinging to her Jesus. Over there one is clinging to her temporary butch. Over here one is wishing she could believe in anything. Is this the end of the world, they wonder? Is there only winter up ahead?”134

There are strong commonalities between the sentiments expressed, the need for sleep and peace, something to do, and ways to ease the strain of captivity.

2.7 Coping The need to cope is inherent to the state of captivity. Any prisoner of war has undergone extreme stress to bring them to that point, and captivity can significantly impact mental well-being, as discussed in Chapter 5.3, 5.6, 5.7, and 5.10. The endemic boredom in PoW camps is discussed in many accounts of PoW life and considered by Panayi and Myers among others to be significant for the activities and crafts within them.135 The crafts and activities which prisoners created and developed in the camps can also be attributed to their need to maintain their identity and, arguably most importantly, to ensure that the camps in which they were interred met their needs.136 This thesis considers coping to be a motivator for many of the activities in PoW camps, which is evidenced in captivity beyond this specific period in time. Two of the key methods of coping that crop up repeatedly in the literature of internment are sport and craft; their significance to PoWs will be explored below.

German prisoners in the UK engaged in a wide range of crafts during their captivity in the First World War. Education was a large part of daily life at Handforth in Cheshire, with a catalogue in 1916 listing 2,522 books donated to PoWs by German charities. In 1917, 56 courses were run in the camp. At Knockaloe camp on the Isle of Man and Lofthouse Park in Wakefield, there are also records of many texts being available. Orchestras were also typical with concerts performed, theatre groups staged regular plays, choirs sang religious

134 Lee 2013. 135 Panayi 2014, 9; Myers & Dodson 2014, 93. 136 Myers & Dodson 2014, 93-94.

28 for and non-religious purposes, and sports teams were commonplace.137 However, these activities required equipment which was often supplied by relief agencies or fashioned out of available materials. Education was also a common activity for Ottoman prisoners held in the Soviet Union, along with crafting, sport, and performance arts.138

2.7.1 Treatment By the Second World War, treatment of some PoWs (e.g. those from countries which had signed the Geneva Convention and were not occupied) was regulated. Their position was, however, privileged and not experienced generally by those captured during conflict. Complaints about prisoners' treatment during the American Civil War began to emerge soon after the first prisoners were taken. Memoirs were in high demand after the war with captives from the North and South attempting to highlight the conditions in which they lived and the abuses they suffered at the hands of their captors; while lauding the treatment of prisoners by their own governments.139

The aforementioned skewing of perceptions of imprisonment also stemmed from those experiencing it. During the Napoleonic Wars a collective of British prisoners held in Longwy in north-east France described their captivity as “worse than slavery”. These claims were exaggerated and not comparable to colonial prisoners' experience or that of slaves.140 It is therefore important to apply a level of scrutiny to the experience described by PoWs. Although this thesis leans heavily on prisoners' voices, it also corroborates material by triangulating data where multiple sources are available to do so. Although the men involved in this study definitely experienced extreme hardship, their main comparison is their civilian lives. Some PoWs did mention the harsh treatment experienced by the Russian prisoners, but were mostly unaware of the death camps and other appalling treatment which was concurrently being experienced by other prisoners or interred communities.

The 1907 Hague Convention governed the treatment of prisoners during the First World War. The convention was a culmination of peace meetings in Europe and is credited to a bourgeois class who were uncomfortable with the brutality of conflict. The regulation of warfare aimed to reduce human suffering, which was now more visible due to developing technologies such as photography.141 Article 6 of the Hague Convention allowed prisoners

137 Panayi 2014, 9. 138 Yanikdag 1999, 76. 139 Sanders 2005, i. 140 Duché 2017, 108, 120. 141 Rachamimov, 2014, 70-71.

29 to be set to work, but did not enshrine their right to be paid - instead stating their wages should be used for their maintenance with any balance paid on their release. However (as with the earlier Geneva Convention), officers could not be forced to work and were paid at the same rate as officers in the detaining country's forces.142 The Hague Convention reinforced a divide between officers and non-ranking prisoners and did little to set minimum standards of care for non-ranking PoWs.

Insomuch as it is true that the First World War marked a large mass killing, it also marked a huge humanitarian effort. Alongside the massive death toll came an outpouring of humanitarian aid, both from international organisations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA). There were also national efforts due to people’s imagined communities, and the sympathy people felt towards the prisoners.143 Although religious organisations such as the Quakers were strongly involved in humanitarian efforts, this marked a change in the broader social conscience. Keeping the prisoners entertained was, once again, of significant importance. The YMCA focused on promoting and enabling sports, libraries, religious practices, and performance arts in the camps to ensure the prisoners were entertained.144

During the Second World War men from Ordinary Rank camps could be required to work. This could involve joining working parties who left and returned to Stalag camps daily, or moving to one of the Arbeitskommando offshoot camps. Working life was often hard, some men were required to work 11 hours a day 6 days a week.145 Given the poor rations received this level of already difficult physical exertion was made even more difficult.146 Both the amount of time spent engaged in work and the physical nature of it meant it was likely PoWs would have less time to spend on recording their experiences. The Geneva convention specified that men should not be engaged in work which aided the German war effort, but any level of assistance to the Germans was morally difficult for some of the men to cope with. They often engaged in acts of resistance as part of their working life to help them cope with this dilemma.147

142 Rachamimov, 2014, 73. 143 Jones 2009, 697-699. 144 Rachamimov, 2014, 171. 145 Rolfe 1988, 68. 146 Rolfe 1988, 72. 147 Rolfe 1988, 70.

2.7.2 Sport Sport in PoW camps is a commonly researched topic and there is extensive evidence of prisoners playing sports.148 This can, in part, be explained by the minimal requirement for resources (running races require runners and little else, football requires a ball), however, sport was also a familiar behaviour for prisoners to engage. Even if they had not previously taken part in organised sports or the specific sport, the concept would be familiar. Sports often provided a method of coping with captivity difficulties, providing purpose and activity for the captured prisoners. The spread of baseball is also credited to captives held during the American Civil War. Although some accounts credit Union soldiers with teaching their Confederate captors how to play, the first recorded baseball game in Ohio was actually played by Confederate PoWs held captive on Johnson's Island. The PoWs at this camp were largely well educated, and therefore extensive records exist of the match.149 One account from a PoW describes the audience of nearly all the prisoners in camp and bets being taken on the game.150 The US Sanitary Commission also recommended that baseball was beneficial to the men in army camps, and considered exercise to be "...conductive to health, strength, agility, and address."151 Because of this recommendation, it follows that men would also consider activity important once imprisoned.

In his analysis of sports in the British prisoner of war camps, Floris J. G. Van Der Merwe addressed the significance of boredom, declaring it the greatest enemy of all prisoners of war.152 Stephen Royle’s research into the British Boer War era camps on St Helena also highlights the issue of boredom. Royle discussed the varying degrees of difficulty experienced by the men on St Helena, both captives and captors. Officers were described as “bored to death” and non-ranked officers experiencing mental health issues due to their captivity.153 Boer prisoners organised their own sports, perpetuating a known activity (organised sport) and used it to create a camp society in which it was more pleasant to live. In a later paper which focused on rugby, Van Der Merwe discussed the significance of the Boer PoWs introducing sport to the other nationalities of PoWs in the same camps who had not previously played them.154 In doing so, he acknowledged the mental impact of camp

148 (Dreifort 2007, Mason, Riedi 2010b, Davison 2006a, Ariotti, Crotty 2014, Noonan 2009, Allen 2003, Van Der Merwe, Floris J. G. 1992, Davison 2006b, Franks 1995, Witkowska 2012, Wilson 2005, Cohen , Mason, Riedi 2010a) 149 Husman 2008, 58. 150 Kirsch 2007, 46. 151 Kirsch 2007, 31-32 152 Van der Merwe 1992, 439. 153 Royle 1998, 62. 154 Van der Merwe 1998, 76.

31 life and credits organised sport in the camps as a defence against psychologically destructive drudgery – a theme addressed in Chapter 5.3.155 Dean Allen’s paper on Afrikaans nationalism also touched on rugby's role in the camps and agreed with Van Der Merwe that the sport provided “…deliverance from the adversity of the camps.”156 Both papers included the theme of activity in fighting the strains of capture, helping shape this research and providing a wider frame for human behaviour patterns that extend beyond the Second World War and instead apply to many prisoners across time.

During the First and Second World Wars, external influence also encouraged prisoners to engage in sport to help keep them occupied. In the First World War, the YMCA offered aid to prisoners of all nationalities and improved the conditions in prison camps.157 Sport was a relatively unilateral activity, engaged in for its mental and physical health benefits. Studies have regularly theorised that the role of sport was closely tied to coping for PoWs.158 In a discussion of static images and their reflection of camp life at internment camps on the Isle of Man Mytum states that crafts, sports and other activities were used in the camps to create an identity within their inward-looking world.159 This theory is evidenced in Rodney Noonan’s exploration of rugby league and Australian patriotism. Similarly to much of the other research, it concluded that “…sport helped the PoWs maintain fitness, alleviate boredom and strengthen morale” but also credits it with allowing a form of dissent.160

The Second World War prisoner of war camps for Allied prisoners held in Europe are often studied in terms of specific camps and certain sports, focusing on clear elements of camp experience and providing valuable insight into the daily lives of some prisoners.161 There is, however, a deficit of more extensive comparative analysis of the availability of different sports in the various camps of the European theatre. This research expands on these specific studies by providing a broader analysis of the availability of certain sports across the camps – as well as other camp activities. Issues of class and nationality impacted how sporting cultures manifested; for example, football was played widely across many camps. However, other nation-specific sports – such as curling – were not played as broadly.

155 Van der Merwe 1992, 493. 156 Allen 2003, 49. 157 Tlusty 2015, 32, 34. 158 Ariotti & Crotty 2014, 2362. 159 Mytum 2012,148. 160 Noonan, 2211. 161 Czabański & Lester 2013; Kelly 2014; Vercoe 2006; Millozzi 2004; Hill 2008; Wickiewicz 2012; Doyle, Pringle & Babits 2013; Emeljanow 2015; Niemann 2012; Vance 1955; Franks 1955; Davison 2006; Witkowska 2012; Mason, Riedi 2010; Davison 2006.

Nationality is often a focus when discussing sport in PoW camps. In an analysis of cricket in Stalag 344, Franks concentrated on the Australian prisoners, the types of sports they played, and the changes once mixed with other nationalities of prisoners. Franks references two memoirs which mention the Canadian and American influence on the Australian nationals – the introduction of basketball, volleyball, baseball and softball in one camp, and the Canadian introduction of ice hockey in another.162

Depending on the activity, physical construction could be involved in arranging sports. At Stalag Luft III, the PoWs created a golf course on the camp’s sandy soil – the course was only possible because of the camp's physical attributes. If the soil were clay or the camp’s space more limited, the course could not have been created in the same way.163 Not only did the PoWs make the course, but the author states that all prisoners wishing to use it were also required to create their own ball. The only club available was a lady’s five iron.164 At the same stalag, one prisoner wrote of the creation of small ice hockey rinks. Prisoners would allegedly dig shallow trenches and fill them with water during the winter. These would then freeze over to create an ice rink.165 This process provides little material culture which would survive as testament to the creation of these rinks. This culture was tangible only while the winter temperatures were low enough to freeze the water. Prisoners had to manipulate their physical space to produce outcomes for entertainment or comfort.

The process of working with the physical environment to produce the conditions the prisoners required is demonstrated again in a report in The Cricketer magazine which discusses how the PoWs in Camp IX A/H used the moat of their castle prison to play a match. Although this type of game would be inherently different from those elsewhere, there was a comparable effort to play cricket despite the restrictions placed on PoWs in other locations.166 At Lamsdorf, Franks’ exploration of sports in camps demonstrates that prisoners also considered changes in rules to fit with the dimensions of the pitch available. He also writes about the dimensions of the pitch itself – which was developed from part of an area also used for other sports. Some prisoners assert that this area was covered by a lining of pebbles which was removed before each day’s play, demonstrating the dedication

162 Franks 1995, 82. 163 Franks 1995, 82. 164 Franks 1995, 83. 165 Franks 1995, 82. 166 Franks 1995, 83.

33 prisoners had to ensuring that sporting events could take place in the camp.167 The men chose to invest their time and energy in preparing the pitch.

The material culture of cricket moved beyond the pitch itself. Franks asserts that prisoners in the camp hospital created mats to create a sports field. Looms were constructed to allow the weaving of mats using the string from Red Cross parcels. However, due to the lack of uniformity in the maths used to make them, they created an uneven pitch which led to further adaptations of the game.168

Playing sport, in turn, bred betting on the result. The camp currency – cigarettes – which prisoners chose to use due to their portability and their standardised nature – ensured consistent units and their durability were used as money.169 Although Franks’ intent is to discuss the sport, material culture is so inherent within camp life that it is impossible to separate the two. Although sport is not studied directly in this thesis, the scholarship of sport in PoW camps offers insight into prisoners' daily lives and other aspects of their existence. Examples include the limitations imposed by their location and captors, as well as the time the PoWs took to ensure sporting events could run.

2.7.3 Craft The role of craft is one of the mechanisms for coping explored throughout this thesis. There is a historical precedent for the role of this activity as a therapeutic one, as well as a practical method of income for prisoners.

During the Napoleonic War PoWs were able to use their creativity to accrue the means to alleviate the harshness of their circumstances. French prisoners, for example, sold objects they had created at the camp gates.170 The prevalence of these items, which included ships carved out of bone, ivory, wood, and other materials, or made out of paper, was widespread among French prisoners.171 The details and variation of the ships produced demonstrate that this was an extensive practice that bridged nationalities, for there are examples of Spanish, American and Dutch prisoners building ships.172 In his 1973 Prisoner of War Ship Models, Ewart Freeston writing focused on the objects themselves and how they were created, exploring the methods of tool creation such as the pieces of hoop iron,

167 Franks 1995, 85. 168 Franks 1995, 85. 169 Franks 1995, 88; Croushore 2006, 48-49. 170 Carr & Mytum, 2012, 11. 171 Freeston 1973, 83. 172 Freeston 1973, 86.

34 bolts or nails from their knives.173 This approach considered the objects used to create items, similar to scholarly analysis of prisoners taken in more modern conflicts. Many archaeological, historical, and anthropological assessments focus closely on the minutiae of prison life. However, despite this similarity, Freeston’s assessment again focuses on one very specific aspect of the PoW experience.

There are other discussions of prisoner’s efforts at this time, including Bell's exploration of board and table games which includes reference to PoW work such as a series of domino sets made in the Napoleonic era.174 Less extensively studied, but well represented in auction houses and websites are the straw work from camps for Napoleonic prisoners and those curated in museums and galleries.175 There is not extensive evidence of crafting during the Boer War. However, some British PoWs did alter Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) coins, adding hats, pipes, and other items to Paul Kruger's image. One coin was also cut to create a Victorian 3D image, implying there was some time for craft and that tools were available or were created by the PoWs.176 The tendency to create while held prisoner did not extend just to Western prisoners. If there are very few extensive studies on the topic, there has been some work such as the production of an illustrated guide to trench art and publication of work on beadwork snakes made by Turkish prisoners in British PoW camps.177 The snakes were intricately beaded and often included identifying features such as the prisoner's nationality and the year “Turkish Prisoner 1917” is written in beadwork on the belly of one snake.178

The importance of activities in the lives of prisoners of war is exemplified by the 34,000 German prisoners who were transferred to Canadian control by the British during the Second World War. Camps and satellite camps were arranged to hold them. Crafts and hobbies were typical in these camps; entertainments spanned theatre, painting, model shipbuilding, and woodwork.179 In Myers’ exploration of the creation of canoes at the Riding Mountain Camp in Canada, he focused largely on the elements involved in producing canoes. In the process of this research, Myers considered the treatment of the PoWs – compliant with the Geneva Convention – and the other items created within the camps. His

173 Freeston 1973, 33. 174 Bell 1981, 3. 175 The Straw Shop; Invaluable.com; Birmingham Museums and Art Gallery; Wrexham County Borough Council Archives; Burghley Collections. 176 Token Coins. 177 Recklies 2005. 178 Australian War Memorial Museum REL/09785. 179 Myers & Dodson 2014, 93.

35 research involved analysis of oral histories, diaries (translated by the Canadian Security Forces), and archaeological field surveys both pre-existing and undertaken by the author.180 Myers’ exploration provides a valuable window into the lives of German PoWs as a counterpoint to the day to day of Allied PoWs held in Europe. Both groups of PoWs can be seen to attempt to recreate social practices and actively choosing to engage in crafting activities.

Art in prison camps spanned the Pacific and European theatres during the Second World War. A book of artwork created by Des Bettany, drawn during his time in the notorious Japanese prison camp at Changi, shows different aspects of camp life and includes a camp coat of arms.181 This insignia contains elements similar to one drawn in Stalag Luft III.182 Both of these designs include references to camp life and focus heavily on barbed wire imagery. Similar items were also crafted during the First World War.183 Although there is no extensive current analysis of the coats of arms designed by prisoners, there is clear evidence that they existed in different types of camps spread widely in terms of geography and time. Wartime Logs were also richly illustrated, and PoW art was present in camps across Europe.

The rich culture of crafting during imprisonment has helped inform the case studies used in this thesis. The research does not focus purely on the craft aspect of the wartime logs, blower stoves, and insignia, but each item has an element of crafting involved in its creation. Instead of considering artefacts purely for their worth as artwork, this research looks at their significance and meaning.

This thesis builds on the aforementioned academic sources and includes references to newspaper articles, forums, and other non-traditional sources. Despite their regular brevity and lack of references, they provide small insights that offer a clearer insight into PoW life when combined. They can provide small snapshots that can be used in tandem to build a broader picture of the experience of camp life and the culture that sprung up there. An example of such articles is an article detailing the creation of a rug in Stalag IVB, knitted by Jim Simpson, an Australian PoW. He used socks spun into 12 ply thread to create a map of Australia and knitted it with needles created from the handles of dixies.184 The article does

180 Myers & Dodson 2014, 95-98. 181 Changi POW Art. 182 Jefferson, Rathje & Schiffer 1974, 69. 183 Australian War Memorial Archive. 184 Delaney 2008.

36 not give any more information about when Simpson was captured or the camp he was in, but demonstrates the importance of representing his national identity in his creation. The level of information which can be gleaned from articles such as this is significant. They provide PoWs who may not have previously shared their story a chance to tell a small bit of it. In doing so, they offer researchers another window into aspects of camp life that can be juxtaposed against further evidence. That is the intention of the case studies in this thesis: to provide small windows of analysis through which to look at the broad themes in PoW life. Objects such as the blower stoves discussed in Chapter 7 are included because of their existence across the breadth of PoW camps. Crafted objects represent solutions to problems, coping mechanisms, and methods of channelling identity.

2.8 Conclusion The rich body of scholarship around the topic of coping and the role of crafts and sports as methods for PoWs to alleviate the strains of capture has guided this enquiry, helping stress the importance of the prisoners’ role in shaping their experience of captivity. This research reflects the stuff of camp life because of the significance of material culture to the lives and folklore of any group, lesser-studied items and objects were part of camp existence even if not automatically seen as objects relevant to coping.

Blower stoves were everyday objects, known to most PoWs and relatively simple to make. These objects were part of the breadth of PoW identity, but their development was also purposed as an outlet for boredom, measurable achievement, and competitions. This thesis exemplified the intertwining of objects and identity. By considering items that largely spanned the breadth of PoW experience, and interrogating their function, this thesis is able to discuss the ways in which they interplayed with PoW identity, agency, and coping. The approach builds on previous research which has focused on the PoW experience across time. Although this thesis deals exclusively with the Second World War, there is value in the patterns which emerge throughout the historical record. The commonality of sport, the importance of crafting, and the role which identity plays is evident in the literature explored throughout this chapter.

The existing literature of PoW camps and experiences has helped shape this thesis by identifying patterns of behaviour common to prisoners. The approaches used to examine places of internment have highlighted a lack of broad analysis of the experience of PoWs. Without highly specific research that focuses exclusively on the PoW population's small sectors, it would not have been possible to draw strands together. Only in reading

37 specialised studies of specific camps or national groups was this research guided in identifying commonalities that highlighted the Kriegie grouping. The scholarship surrounding this thesis situates this study of coping, agency, and material culture in amongst existing scholarship. However, it focuses on aspects which have not been previously considered, such as the role of PoW made insignia, and experimental approaches to blower stoves.

3 Chapter 3: Methodology

3.1 Introduction This chapter describes the methodological framework which underpins this thesis. The use of a framework is essential to ensure that an enquiry is formed and executed systematically and efficiently. To allow for efficient and guided research that produces valid and useful findings it is essential to ensure a guiding structure underpinning and targeting the process. Anfara and Mertz state a ‘theory’ should:

“…(a)… provide a simple explanation of the observed relations relevant to a phenomenon, (b) should be consistent with both the observed relations and an already established body of knowledge, (c) is considered a tentative explanation and should provide means for verification and revision, and (d) should stimulate further research in the areas that need investigation.”185

The theoretical methods shaping this thesis allow for a structured analysis of existing and newly accessed sources of a variety of types – including previously established research. This builds into a broader understanding of camp life and allows further avenues of research, building on the knowledge developed in the Attributes Table. The intention is not to produce a complete or self-contained concept of camp life, but instead to begin to provide some explanation of what was happening across PoW camps more widely.

Anfara and Mertz also assert: “A useful theory is one that tells an enlightening story about some phenomenon. It is a story that gives you new insights and broadens your understanding of the phenomenon.” This thesis focuses on experience, objects, and agency. Therefore it must be underpinned by a methodological approach which supports the significant interplay between the prisoners and their environment. This research utilises Strong Structuration Theory and a prosopographical method to explore each of the chosen aspects of camp life. These tools allow this thesis to better understand the phenomenon that was everyday life for Allied PoWs in Europe.186 Strong Structuration Theory acknowledges the role of internal and external factors in the decisions made by the prisoners.

185 Anfara & Mertz 2015, 5. 186 Anfara & Mertz 2015, 6.

3.2 Structuration Theory Structuration Theory is a bridging theory between structure and agency, in which structure refers to the larger social forces such as government and social rules; and agency denotes the decisions made by individuals. Structuration Theory allows exploration of the feedback loop between the choices made by PoW agents and structures such as their socialised cultures and larger organisations such as the Red Cross. This thesis uses the theory as its overarching methodology because of its ability to acknowledge prisoners as knowledgeable actors who shaped their role in the society that was formed, yet also understands the contribution of structure in the decisions they made and the cultures they created. It allows for the prisoners' role in their own coping and identity formation, while also acknowledging the significance of their social backgrounds and inherent beliefs.

A more refined version of Structuration Theory which underpins this research is Rob Stones’ Strong Structuration Theory. It was chosen not only for its ability to comprehend the intersection of structure and agency, but for its recognition of the feedback loop which runs between them. If this thesis focuses on the actions of Kriegies, still their actions were informed by their life experience up to the point of capture, and therefore it is impossible to look at them as isolated actors. Strong structuration provides the context for their actions, the culture they created, and the material objects which formed part of their camp experience.

Ontologically, Structuration Theory focuses on structures being upheld in societal norms, interpretation, and the power of resources.187 By applying what Stones refers to as "ontology in-situ" he states that:

"…concepts are geared less to what all agents at all times have in common, and more towards identifying the degrees of difference between agents in their relationship to the specific internal structures that inhabit them."188

Prisoners of war did not function in a vacuum, but brought their existing knowledge of civilian society and military convention with them to the camps. Although Kriegies were from a range of different backgrounds, there were common threads between the men. Although factors such as class, education, and nationality would have divided them, they were also part of societies linked by proximity and imperialism. Therefore, they had a frame of reference by which to understand each other. Therefore it is reasonable to

187 Stones 2005, 52. 188 Stones 2005, 76.

40 assume that an identity was formed between men with shared cultural touchstones and backgrounds. The Kriegie identity was not a total reflection of each man's character, but one of many nested identities. There were, naturally, differences between each PoW. They were not carbon copies; however, they certainly had more in common with each other than the Slavic prisoners and other groups who were treated differently. The decisions they made about how they shaped their existence in capture were informed both by structural influences and their own agency. The men looked out for abnormal behaviour (see further discussion in Chapter 5.1) and checked for those operating outside of the norms of the society they had formed. However, the formation of Kriegie identity cannot be attributed solely to structural forces, nor wholly to the agency of the men in the camps - both factors interplayed.

When Giddens initially formulated Structuration Theory, he was clear that it would prioritise ontology, which was done at the cost of epistemology.189 Stones, however, rejected Giddens' belief that "...far too much time had been spent on the finer questions of 'knowing.'"190 This research will focus on knowledge gained from primary sources such as the artefacts and logs used throughout – drawing knowledge from the PoWs who lived through this period.

Structuration Theory was developed by the sociologist Anthony Giddens between the mid- 1970s and 1980s. It was intended as a set of loose guidelines that could be selectively and critically applied instead of a direct set of instructions for research.191 Giddens considered Structuration Theory to provide "an account of the constitution of social life, the generic qualities of the subject-matter with which the social sciences at large are concerned."192 Structuration Theory set itself apart from existing theories by focusing on both structure and agency instead of considering one element over the other. It acknowledged the interaction between the two by placing philosophy, interpretation, and practice at the centre of this intersection and acting as “the hinge… between structure and agency” while also being at the heart of structure and agency themselves.193 Structure and agency do not function independently of each other, but further to this, each contains the other. Agents perpetuate structure, however structure is also a product of agents themselves; while agents also contain inherited and learned structures; each concept cannot exist without the

189 Bryant 1992, 139. 190 Stones 2005, 32. 191 Giddens 1986, 1; Stones 2005, 2-3. 192 Giddens 1986, 13-14; Cohen 1989, 1. 193 Stones 2005, 4.

41 other. They intersect and interweave.194 By the processes of signification, legitimation and domination, Giddens argued that agents reflexively monitor their own behaviour and that of those around them. Rules and routines always exist in societies, normal accepted behaviours and sanctions, both legal and social, add legitimacy to the rules and routines, and agents functioning within societies exercise their available power to attempt to maintain what is accepted. These conditions allow certain behaviours and features of society to become ingrained and perpetuated. However, Giddens’ original theory was highly philosophical and difficult to apply to specific situations in specific time periods. Later in his career, Giddens distanced himself from structuration, likening it to a youthful indiscretion; however, Stones felt there was enough merit in the approach to rework it into a more suitable tool.195 Stones developed Strong Structuration in 2005, addressing many of the criticisms of Giddens’ original theory and acknowledging its value. He created a more ontologically sound theory that allowed for the application of Strong Structuration to specific studies, not purely its use as a broad and conservatively applied concept.196

Giddens’ original emphasis on social practice as part of the rules which govern society aids the understanding of the formation of the Kriegie identity. However, as much of the criticism of his theory states, the concepts are highly philosophical and abstract, which makes it difficult to apply directly to specific times and places.197 This is resolved in Stones’ work, which argues against Giddens’ proclivity for generalisation and helps formulate relevant framework and methodology for considering case studies alongside a broader context.198 Giddens’ theory offered a useful lens with which to consider the experience of Allied PoWs during the Second World War, yet simultaneously argued against using it for that purpose. Strong Structuration Theory allows for application of the theory in a sympathetic way that considers the agency of the prisoners of war involved in forming Kriegie culture while concurrently acknowledging the structure inherent within them.

Although Structuration Theory is often applied in accounting and management fields, its value in understanding how behaviours are formed and perpetuated is also highly pertinent here.199 Strong Structuration Theory provides a method of considering the intersection of agency and structure which occurred in the camps. Strong Structuration

194 Stones 2005, 4. 195 Stones 2005, 3. 196 Jack 2017, 212. 197 Stones 2005, 7. 198 Giddens, 1984, 22; Stones 2005, 83, 87. 199 Jack 2017, 211.

42 allows for an analysis which focuses on the actions of PoWs in the camps. It does not attribute the actions of PoWs to purely deterministic reasons, while also acknowledging the role of structure in the choices they chose to make. This methodology also accounts for the importance of cultural understanding between the men in camps, allowing those from varied nationalities to share a common Kriegie culture.

Structuration Theory considers the modern drive behind social life to be power. Capitalist society, it is argued, is divorced from past authoritarian social behaviours which were dictated by religion and absolute state rule. There are still, however, elements of structured social behaviour in capitalism.200 Power in the camps was not purely in the hands of the Axis forces. The senior Allied officers in each camp were allowed by its German Commandant to have a level of control over their own men and, therefore, influence the social practices in the camp. Strong Structuration Theory makes room for the understanding that there were structural influences which formed the practices in the camp. However, the actors in the camps also exercised agency by choosing which elements of society to perpetuate. Their social background led them to make certain decisions, but the decisions were theirs to make.

Structuration Theory also considers power in a way which is fitting for the camp situations. Giddens theorised that some actors hold more power than others, allowing them more influence over structures.201 This is exemplified in the men of confidence in camps, Allied troops who were given the power of organising their fellow PoWs. Military rank followed the men into camps. It shaped both their personal experience (non-commissioned officers and other higher ranks were not required to work, those of lower rank could be) and the experience of those around them (PoWs in positions of power such as the senior officers in camp who were able to affect the experiences of lower-ranked prisoners). The concept of power, as described by Giddens, also considers the importance of power being permitted. Although actors can use their power, it must first be permitted to them in some way. The permission of power is most evident in prisoner accounts which show disregard for the German guards, which is only corrected once action is taken against the PoWs (a demonstration of power). However, no one party holds power over the other until power is afforded to them. Power was granted because of PoWs’ socialisation into respecting

200 Stones 2005, 47. 201 Giddens 1986, 15.

43 military hierarchies (and therefore the senior officer in camp) or the seniority of the detaining powers.

There is currently some minimal exploration in the area of Kriegie identity, however much of this is still focused on national divisions such as Makepeace’s aforementioned work on the British Kriegie identity, or Aschmann’s linguistic approach which considers the language of Kriegies, but focuses on the different linguistics of British and American PoWs.202 By using Strong Structuration Theory, this thesis can consider a broader range of PoWs because of their common background and shared cultural experiences. Strong Structuration broadens the scope of the thesis and draws together research that crosses camps and nationalities. Strong Structuration acknowledges the complex interplay of influences which informed the actions of prisoners of war during this period. It has been used in archaeological research to examine the reproduction of social institutions in contexts from the Delaware Valley elites, to prairie farming, to corn milling.203 Various scholars employ different branches of Structuration and prioritise different factors as the driving force behind outcomes. However, the theory remains beneficial for understanding the interplay of societal rules and habits and the decision-making of actors in given situations. Figure 1 provides a visual representation of structuration as applied to life in the camps.

The research for this thesis included English language (or English translation) resources. The majority of the research will focus on a specific group, the Kriegies. Broader reading was required to identify the groups who were not part of the common identity due to a range of different factors. The other groups included prisoners who were treated differently due to their nationality or race, and includes those not protected by the Geneva Convention.

202 Makepeace 2017a; Aschmann 1948. 203 Lembo, Gall & Veit 2000, 376-377; Proebsting 2016, 115; Riley & Yoward 2001.

Prisoners arrive •POWs from various backgrounds arrive in camps with prior with inherent knowledge of society both of their knowledge civilian and military lives.

Prisoners •POWs choose which aspects of life to recreate in their camps recreate society such as theatre shows, sports, in camps and education.

Prisoners •POWs look for reflexively behaviour which breaches the new monitor conventions of behaviour their society.

Figure 1 PoW Camp Structuration

Strong Structuration Theory focuses on shoring up Giddens’ original theory. Giddens' initial concept was abstract and philosophical. Stones strengthened it by using a more empirical approach, instead of a broad and loose application. Thus, Stones’ theory allows for a specific concrete example to be empirically analysed, which was not possible in Giddens’ original version.204 Instead, broader concepts are able to signpost substantive research based on observation of specific times or events.205 Stones explicitly addressed the role of ontology in empirical analysis. He developed a tri-level approach which allows not just generalisation, but the application of specific concepts to agents in a specific time and place, informed by broader concepts.206 For example, this research looks at the intended actions of PoWs and how they acted to improve their experience of captivity as informed by the wider concept of PoW experience. It examines the conscious choices they made and the unintended benefits (such as the time-consuming nature of tin tapping, which helped alleviate boredom).207 Stones also states the importance of discriminating and focusing attention on a small number of points or places in time, as too broad a study (for example, one applying study to all prisoners of war across time and space) would not allow for the application Strong Structuration Theory. If too broad a swathe of time or place is considered, the importance of interpretation is lost. In this case, Kriegie PoWs were

204 Giddens 1984, 19. 205 Stones 2005, 76. 206 Stones 2005, 76-77. 207 Stones 2005, 78-80.

45 selected because of common factors such as their language (predominantly English) and the features of European camps (Kriegie PoWs were protected by the Geneva Convention and camps were run by German forces). Expanding this grouping too far (e.g. to include PoWs held in the Far East (FEPoWs) who were not protected by the Geneva Convention), it would be impossible to adequately comprehend the ways in which PoWs were choosing to act and how to interpret the sources and information because of the variance of their experiences. FEPoWs were treated very differently to prisoners held in Europe; the lack of Geneva Convention protections meant that FEPoWs could be forced to work on projects such as the Burma Railway regardless of their rank.208 They could also be killed without fear of breaching the Convention.209 Because of these factors, it would be disingenuous to compare the experience of FEPoWs with PoWs held in Europe.

In using Strong Structuration Theory, this thesis contributes to understanding of the camps by examining common culture and experiences that ran throughout many of them. Recognisable language, crafts, and themes span a breadth of camps in Europe. Using Strong Structuration Theory to attempt to understand the reasons for these commonalities aids the understanding of the significance of structural reproduction by agents with culturally similar world views and experiences. By prioritising the knowledgeability of the men who brought their own identities to camp and their active role in forming their own collective identity, while also acknowledging the vital role which internal structures played, this thesis provides a novel insight into the breadth of Kriegie experience. Although the use of this theory is not common in the field of archaeology, it does allow for the exploration of the complex PoW identities, drawing on structural reasons for similarities and differences in the prisoner experience.

The key concepts of Strong Structuration, which this research has chosen to focus on, are threefold. Primarily, agents will continuously seek to reproduce familiar structures. This is a cyclical process inherent in structuration in which agents constantly perpetuate structure.210 Agents uphold structure, and any changes to it come from the actions of agents, even if not intentional. The series of perpetual reproduction is the foundation on which society is based. Secondly, structure and agency are both inseparable, interdependent, and each inherent in each other.211 This thesis hinges on the philosophy

208 Kratoska 2006, 378-10. 209 Kratoska 2006, 161. 210 Stones 2005, 20; Giddens 1986, 24. 211 Stones 2005, 4.

46 that structure and agency are both equally as important as each other in terms of influence, but also that structure is upheld and created by actors, and actors contain structures they were born into or have learned. Thirdly, the principle of relevant relationships adapted from Pierre Bourdieu’s Networks of Relevant Relationships theory is significant to the formation of the specific Kriegie identity.212 This principle stresses the importance of context for mutual understanding. Because PoWs had some similar cultural background, had experienced military service during the Second World War, and had all been captured by the Axis forces they had context by which to understand each other. Therefore, it follows that each prisoner involved in the Kriegie group must have a level of understanding of the other PoWs’ backgrounds for them to have a mutual understanding of each other.213

Although Actor Network Theory (ANT) and Agency Theory were considered for this thesis, neither seemed to fit fully with the intended research. ANT is mostly used for studies of science and technology. It focuses on connections between humans and non-humans who are part of any given situation and hopes to understand the interaction between people and objects.214 Application of the theory to social topics were encouraged by Bruno Latour’s Reassembling the Social which argues that ANT is a term which lacks clarity, and, instead describing a “sociology of invention.”215 However, this research did not want to focus on objects to the detriment of the men who created them. The theory of agency is applied widely across disciplines, however in reference to Archaeology, both Christopher Tilley and Ian Hodder state that agency theory applies to human intention and the meaning of objects in relation to this.216 The objects in this thesis are entangled with the men who created and used them; they represent the "thingly interactions" Hodder described in his work on the interactions between agency and objects. The PoWs invested time, resources, and skills in objects. They made decisions about design, content, and construction, and these factors impacted the use and functionality of the objects.217 The power for the decisions mentioned above cannot solely be attributed to the agency of the PoWs. Although they brought knowledge and skills to the camps, they were limited by the materials available to them and the regulations of each camp. In this way, the structures

212 Bourdieu 1998. 213 Stones 2005, 83. 214 Latour 1996. 215 Latour 2005, 9. 216 Tilley 2001, 260; Hodder 2004, 32. 217 Hodder 2012, 212.

47 around the men also influenced the decisions they made about the objects which were part of their camp experience.218 There is also debate around the application of agency to objects; Carl Knappet argues that any psychological presence held by an artefact is residual - only possible through connection with human agents.219 220 Yet, a year later, Janet Hoskins stated that agency applies to spirits, machines, signs, and collective entities. She argued that objects would not be created if they were unable to create an impact.221 This lack of clarity is addressed by Marcia-Anne Dobres and John E Robb in Agency in Archaeology. They state "…absence of a theoretical critique adds to the slippery imprecision with which "agency" is currently used."222 Overall, agency is a theory that centres on self- determination and personhood and how actors shape their existence. Mytum and Carr have used this theory, and although similar themes are in this thesis, agency theory did not strongly enough address the role of society on the individual’s actions and vice versa.223 Previous research has understood the importance of PoWs as agents, however, this research will focus more closely on the intersections of structure and agency.

Agency Theory was most strongly considered of the two theories. However, its over-focus on self-determination does not afford enough allowance for the structure that shaped and was inherent in agents' actions in the camps. This thesis demonstrates that the prisoners of war who built and participated in the Kriegie culture were aware of what they were choosing to do, and also self-aware to a point about why they were making choices. However, the role of structure also played a significant role in their choices, and therefore, agency was not the most appropriate methodology by which to tease out these intersections. Strong Structuration Theory, however, accepts both the knowledgeable actor consciously perpetuating social behaviours and unconscious actions. It addresses reflexive self-monitoring by agents which is applicable especially to Chapter 5, as agents were able to acknowledge and act when they noticed behaviour which fell outside of the norm for the group.

Epistemologically this thesis emphasises the previously mentioned three elements of Strong Structuration. It is underpinned by the firm belief that actors are knowledgeable, and even though some actions are unconscious, many of the choices actors made are

218 Hodder 2012, 213. 219 Knappet 2005, 29. 220 Knappet 2008, 94. 221 Hoskins 2006, 74. 222 Dobres & Robb 2000, 3. 223 Carr & Mytum 2012.

48 undertaken knowingly. It prescribes to constructivism, the belief that reality is socially constructed, that the existence experienced by PoWs was shaped by human action, both their own and that of their captors. Structural factors influenced these decisions, but would not have been possible without individual choices. Ontologically this thesis is based around the belief that structures are in place in every society and inform the actions of everyone who exists at any given point in time. It subscribes to the belief that reality is understood only via the medium of the human mind – the way in which humans perceive their actions and the actions of others is the way in which reality is understood. Society is made up of socially constructed meanings which cannot be comprehended without the lens of human actions.

This thesis is the first time Strong Structuration Theory has been used to address the topic of PoW experience. Although an uncommonly used theory in this area, it addresses the intersection in which PoWs functioned and allows for the men's agency to be prioritised in their identity formation. Strong Structuration is often used in relation to people management, and although that may at first appear to be at odds with this thesis, both disciplines aim to ensure people are at the forefront of research. This thesis focuses on recognising the agency of PoWs and elevating their testimony, while also considering the constraints placed upon them by the structures they operated within. Although it is intended as a cross-cultural study, it also highlights the role that individuals across the breadth of the European PoW camps played in shaping their own experience. Although heavy criticism of Structuration Theory was an initial concern, Stones’ modified Strong Structuration Theory has assuaged these worries. Overall, Strong Structuration is a suitable tool to consider the intersection of agency, coping, identity, and the role external structures played in Allied PoWs' decisions.

3.3 Method The overarching aim of this body of work is to draw together a breadth of experience and seek out cross-camp and cross-nationality themes which move away from an individual experience. There will be a focus on coping and the identity PoWs carved out for themselves during their time in camp. However, this thesis will also consider their agency's role in the way the men shaped their experience. Therefore, it was important for this research to draw together a wide range of resources. Using established bodies of evidence and knowledge, the research also actively sought out new sources and was conducted in the ways described below.

Understanding the culture which grew and developed in the PoW camps of Europe was a significant part of this research. Comprehension of this culture is essential to identifying the shared identity and broad PoW experiences of coping. An ethnographic approach to research was used because of the importance of understanding the group involved in this study. Learning about the lived experience of PoWs was crucial to developing knowledge about their culture, and therefore broad research was essential. Although PoWs are no longer a tangible group with whom I could live to attempt to better understand their culture, there are extensive first-person accounts of their period of capture which have allowed me to immerse myself in the experience.

3.3.1 Folkloristics Folkloristics is a branch of study dedicated to folk lore and folk life. As this thesis focuses on the lived experience of PoWs, it has been useful in understanding the concept of how a culture or lore develops. Simon Bronner’s paper on material culture study in American folkloristics offers a method of analysis sympathetic to the Strong Structuration Theory underpinning this research. The term folklore was originally intended to refer to antiquities or literature, focusing on relics and their significance to British tradition. This definition was further expanded in the 1880s by anthropological folklorists.224 Instead, the term folk became less associated with a specific class of people, and instead represented processes of informal learning - regardless of social group or affiliation. Both the initial school of thought and anthropological schools of folklore developed. The concept of folk no longer became specific to a class of people, but to mean “knowledge, tradition – gained from word of mouth, repeated imitation and demonstration, and participation in customs.”225 The concept of folklore developed further to include more than just oral testimony, and is now inclusive of objects, architecture, and writing. It became the ‘knowledge of the folk.’226 Alan Dundes writes that

“…the term “folk” can refer to any group of people whatsoever who share at least one common factor. It does not really matter what that linking or isolating factor is – it could be a common occupation, a common language, or common religion – but what is important is that a group formed for whatever reason will have some traditions which it calls its own.”227

224 Bronner 1983, 316-317. 225 Bronner 1983, 317. 226 Bronner 1983, 317. 227 Dundes 1966, 232.

Botkin’s Treasury of American Folklore reinforces the relevance of folklore to PoW identity.

“Folklore is a body of traditional belief, custom, and expression, handed down largely by word of mouth and circulating chiefly outside of commercial and academic means of communication and instruction. Every group bound together by common interests and purposes, whether educated or uneducated, rural or urban, possesses a body of traditions which may be called its folklore.”228

As this thesis focuses on the lived experience of PoWs it has been useful in understanding the concept of how a culture of lore develops. Although it will not directly use word of mouth sources, it includes many references from books written by PoWs and their oral histories. Folkloric attitudes are highly relevant to the study of PoWs. The men in camps formed integrated communities and demonstrated informal learning, teaching each other techniques to build tools that they used as part of their daily life such as the blower stoves and insignia discussed in Chapters 7 and 8. The formation of Kriegie lore was an inherent part of the experience of PoWs during this period. They were a group of people, brought together by circumstances, with military service and capture in common. This thesis explores the traditions formed by the group of folk held in Allied PoW camps in Europe and highlights some of the commonalities of their general experience. Movement between camps allowed for behaviours to spread, and the research described here examines the wider PoW experience which sprung from the relatively homogeneous camp culture.

3.3.2 Prosopography The identified need to broaden the study of PoW experience across European camps underpins this study’s research design. By drawing together many strands of experience, the thesis focuses on the identified commonalities. It was important to me to ensure the research was based on a variety of resources. Doing so required the consideration of a range of sources, including memoir literature, oral histories, academic papers, and artefacts that could indicate common trends and themes. The purpose of doing so was to ensure information from various recognised and previously unexploited resources were combined efficiently to highlight themes. The approach thereby allowed a better understanding of camp experience using themes identified through research. The use of diverse sources helped identify patterns in PoW and, more specifically, Kriegie behaviour. As the underlying theme of breadth of experience is a crucial element of this thesis, prosopography provides

228 Botkin 1944.

51 an underpinning, stressing the importance of triangulation of sources to better understand Kriegie identity, coping, and agency.

Prosopography is described as “…the investigation of the common background characteristics of a group of factors in history by means of a collective study of their lives.”229 It can offer “...a straightforward route from individual biography to the analysis of the background characteristics of... [a] key group of individuals..."230 Therefore, prosopography was selected as an approach for this thesis to allow analysis of a group of individuals who were drawn together, just as were the Kriegies. Although the prosopographical approach can lend itself to focusing on a limited range of self-identified subjects, this is avoided here as the time period was relatively recent. There is a clear grouping of subjects and PoW status can be checked and confirmed via service records. These conditions allow for a wider range of data than some more niche topics. The inclusion of oral histories was also important to this project and is a type of evidence fitting for prosopography, thereby avoiding too deterministic an approach that would risk the separation of individuals from the inventions and societies that their influence formed and focus on the average and not the unique.231 There are documented studies, biographies, and films focusing on the role of ‘unique’ individuals, such as those who escaped the camps; however, this thesis aims to explore day to day life, how PoWs coped with it, and how they responded to and shaped the camps.

There is a risk that sample sizes of the analysed material will be relatively small, and conclusions drawn from using this method could be misleading. However, by acknowledging the groups who fall outside of the Kriegie identity and working to source a range of artefacts and testimonies, this thesis hopes to demonstrate the common shared nature of PoW experiences. The other significant limitation of prosopography is the time taken to build a full analysis of the data to produce a larger picture of an experience. However, as smaller case studies have been selected to look at the broader experience and the collection of information in the broader Attributes Table is ongoing, this thesis, while highlighting significant findings, acknowledges that more work is required in this area.232

229 Stones 2005, 46 230 MacLeod & Nuvolari 2006, 761. 231 Verboven, Carlier et al. 2007, 37. 232 Coles, Netting et al. 2018, 88.

3.3.3 Experimental Archaeology Chapter 7 of this thesis, Smokeless Heaters, or Heatless Smokers? utilises experimental archaeology to attempt to better understand the process by which blower stoves were made. Experimentation is a key part of hypothesis testing and allows researchers to move beyond the limited information available to them.233 In the case of this thesis, the experimental approach allows a re-creation without available instructions, testing the accessibility of the blower stove to PoWs. John Coles defines the use of experimental archaeology as:

“…a way of examining archaeological thoughts about human behaviour in the past. It deals almost entirely with elements of subsistence and technology, and does not therefore encompass the whole range of human culture…”234

However, this thesis contextualises the creation of blower stoves and explains their significance to prisoner of war culture. Because no instructions exist for the creation of stoves, the use of experimental archaeology allows for fragments of information to be combined and used to attempt to re-create them.235

The use of experimental archaeology in PoW studies is not common, and no previous experimental work has taken place in the field of blower stove creation. Chapter 7 details the process of trying to recreate a blower stove using tin cans. This was an admittedly initial exploration into the subject; however, it provided a valuable insight into the process PoWs would have undertaken to make such stoves and broader issues such as the noise caused by the process and the physical impact of cuts to the hands due to the realities of fashioning metal and cutting it with improper equipment. Such appreciations have added a depth of understanding to the process which text-based resources alone would not have allowed. Although this forms a single chapter of the thesis, the use of experimental theory is both novel in its application and a ripe area for further research – some of which is already underway.

3.3.4 Attributes Table An Attributes Table is used in Chapter 4.5 to better understand the similarities between camps. I identified cross-camp patterns by collected a log of the attributes of various camps. Sources added to the Attributes Table or data sets used in this thesis focused on

233 Outram 2008, 1. 234 Coles 1966, 13. 235 Coles 1966, 15.

53 concrete mentions of, or physical artefacts relating to an activity or craft within a specific camp. The Attributes Table is an ongoing piece of research designed to learn more about general trends in European camps by collating PoW resources. The table employs an inclusive approach to evidence collection; any PoW information I sourced was included. The only criteria used to search for information specifically for inclusion in the table are the terms “prisoner of war” “Second World War” and “Europe”, thereby avoiding prioritising any specific activities or camps. If information was sourced for the table with the intent of finding out more about a specific activity (e.g. football), then it would invalidate the significance of the frequency of mentions.

Although I used memoir literature (which is self-reporting, and memory-based), it is important to note that a single reference was not considered enough evidence to consider an activity as definitely occurring in each camp. I corroborated information about an activity using other memoirs or artefacts attributed to the same camp. Therefore, although memoir literature may not automatically be considered factual evidence, the need for multiple sources stating the same activity is present alleviates this concern. There was no specific training required for the application of this method of analysis. It is a simple principle of recording the mentions of activities. In choosing inclusion classification, I set the framework to consider any direct reference to an activity, hobby, or craft as a mention, as long as there was a clear indication of which camp it related to. Any discussion of more general activities throughout various camps was omitted from the Attributes Table as they could not be traced to a specific camp. Nevertheless, such mentions are, if relevant, included in case studies of wartime logs, blower stoves, or PoW made insignia.

Adding the requirement for sentiments to be echoed by multiple PoWs raises the issue of men who were acting in small groups or undertaking individual activities outside of the Kriegie ‘norm’. This is a valid concern; however, this approach helped build a broad picture of PoW experience. Even if a specific prisoner did not engage in playing football, there was a high chance he lived in a camp in which the option to play or watch it was available due to the high amount of camps in which the sport is referred. There is room for further study of the men who discuss activities which are not yet triangulated with other sources. However, it is also worth noting that minority groups such as bird watchers have attracted study and therefore, are included in the Attributes Table.236 Although their activities were not necessarily part of camp life for every PoW, it was still part of the fabric of the broader

236 Niemann 2012.

54 experience. Some camps had activities that others did not, but they have not been discounted from the Attributes Table. The sources used in the table and thesis were selected based only on their availability and procured from a range of countries and locations. The sources reflect men of varied classes and nationalities and have, in combination, produced evidence of clear patterns in the camps.

An important aspect of this research was reading widely enough to understand common themes in camp life. As has been previously discussed (see Chapter 2), sport was prevalent in camp and common across the breadth of PoW internment. Sport is a phenomenon which has been studied extensively, but still, other aspects of camp life stood out as being significantly common enough to represent purposeful action among PoWs. During this initial research phase, the Attributes Table tracked common themes.

The initial steps to creating the Attributes Table began with planning the design in Excel. The top row of the table contained details of the activities logged in camp, the left-hand column contained the camp names – references were then plotted on the chart, including the relevant phrase and the full reference so that other researchers could easily find the relevant material. I added camps organically as they were mentioned. Because of the large number of PoW camps in Europe in this period it would have been impractical to list them all as information was not available for every camp. The same approach was used for activities, adding only those mentioned in the literature and not attempting to guess what would be present. The sources included in the Attributes Table range from memoirs to academic literature, unpublished papers, wartime diaries, and artefacts. All of these were referenced so that further researchers may access the information.

Once the table was completed and reviewed, the information was split into broader themes (see Figure 4), which could then be broken down further if required. The Attributes Table has provided a tool to contrast the varied realities of PoW life in Europe, but is not complete. One of the difficult aspects has been the inclusion of sources from Arbeitskommando, there are less available resources which discuss the experience of men in work camps. Stalag VIIIB alone had over 600 subsidiaries which housed men engaged in mines, railways, and other heavy work, and Blechammer work camp housed 20,000 men of varied nationalities including British PoWs and Jewish civilian prisoners.237 Working camps were extensive and are currently underrepresented in this sample.

237 Rolfe 1988, 66-67.

3.3.5 Data Analysis The Attributes Table is the most extensive single collection of raw data in the thesis. When collection began, the primary hypothesis was that there would be a significant difference between the Oflag camps (for NCO grades and above who were not required to work). Working camps (those of lower rank who could be compelled to work) – however, this may be mitigated by camps such as Stalag VIIIB which held such a large number of men that there was more free time than in smaller camps where everyone was engaged in daily work. This hypothesis is tested using the evidence-based method discussed above, analysing the amount of evidence in each camp to correlate patterns between camp type or geography and availability of specific activities.

Included in this thesis was available information written by a PoW or based on their testimonies, oral histories, papers, drawings, and other ephemera from the time along with academic articles, newspaper articles, and artefacts. I excluded short anecdotes without evidence shared online as it was difficult to verify their legitimacy. It would be impossible to compile and fully analyse every available source – even outside of the project's imposed time limits; however, even though the research in the Attributes Table is incomplete and ongoing, it still provides insight into the PoW experience.

As an attempt to limit researcher bias, I formulated inclusion criteria for the Attributes Table. To be included in the table, a source must:

• Clearly mention a specific activity, hobby, or craft. • Specify where it occurred (i.e. Stalag Luft III, Oflag 64) • Be a direct reference and not a mention of someone else saying something was occurring.

By framing the task within the criteria, I hoped to reduce some of the ambiguity. However, there is still a large margin for personal difference in what is considered an activity, hobby, or craft. There are some referenced behaviours or occurrences which I have chosen not to include in the Attributes Table as I feel they are too common a topic (such as food syndicates, which were more of a social coping strategy than a planned activity). I have clearly specified what is included, as each activity is individually labelled. Future research may wish to consider the topic of food sharing syndicates, as well as the mental and social health implications thereof.

Lastly, it is important to note that the activity classifications were based on the description in the sources from which they were taken. Some aspects were classified jointly, as they are strongly connected (plays and pantomimes, funerals or memorials). It would be impractical to have separate columns for each as the categories overlap. Other areas have been split into smaller categories - such as sport - because there is such a variance in the types which were played.

Artefacts included in this thesis such as the Wartime Logs (Chapter 6), blower stoves (Chapter 7) and PoW made insignia (Chapter 8) have been analysed differently depending on their availability, context, and content. I treated Wartime Logs simultaneously as texts and artefacts. While they provide drawings and written information about camp life, I also analysed them for information about how PoWs chose to use them and the available materials. Blower stoves were complex. They are artefacts which exist only on the page, not physically represented, but tangible physical objects to PoWs. Therefore, the most effective method of understanding them was to use experimental archaeology to recreate the physical object. I analysed PoW made insignia for symbolism and construction processes, but also in comparison to official wing badges and their significance to PoWs.

3.3.6 Research Design The majority of sources in this study are qualitative in nature. However, the purpose of some elements of the research was to convert aspects of the qualitative accounts into quantitative data by considering the weighting, percentages, and numerical value of evidence. One particular example of this process was through the use of the prosopographical Attributes Table in Chapter 4. Here data was primarily formulated from quotations sourced from various diaries, newspapers, letters, books, and oral histories and then converted to numerical representations of the available evidence. The weighting of data is based on the number of independent sources referencing the event/occasion/item/occurrence – the more sources which evidence a specific occurrence in camps, the heavier the weighting given to them. It is important to note that individual types of sources were not held in higher esteem than others in the assessment. For example, artefacts were not prioritised over newspaper articles. The significant factor in the Attributes Table was the reference to an activity and not the type of source from which it came. In Chapter 4 Figure 7 or Chapter 6 Figure 29 mentions of camps or ink type were converted into quantitative evidence which could be represented in graphs and tables.

Some of the sources used in this thesis could be perceived as weak due to being self- reported or being representative of only an individual experience. However, this research has been developed to focus on the breadth of experience and therefore requires the use of various personal accounts in tandem with academic resources, reports, and newspaper articles to incorporate single experiences into a wider tableau. This study’s strength lies in its ability to use individual experience as part of a larger body of evidence. It uses the experiences of PoWs and the objects they created to discover more about their lives in camp, the ways they chose to act to help ease the effects of imprisonment, and the identities they formed. The research was undertaken with the view that it was essential to represent the men’s experience in their own words. However, it was also essential to ensure that the evidence was analysed and considered as rigorously as possible. By comparing, and assessing the evidence as a collective instead of individual sources, the study adds legitimacy to them – for this reason, concurrent triangulation is essential.

3.4 Sources The population of the European camps was diverse, spanning religion, race, and culture. I have tried to diversify the sources collected and reviewed as part of this study. Efforts have been made to include source material relating to each branch of the military, the merchant navy, medical corps, and religious roles. Evidence relating to men of varied religious backgrounds, races, and nationalities has been included. Despite best efforts, however, it is impossible to guarantee that every man present in the camps is represented. This might be due to either a lack of physical evidence, language barriers (I have only included English language accounts), or availability restrictions. Currently, samples have been taken from English, Scottish, Manx, Palestinian, American, and Canadian PoWs, including black American airmen from the Tuskegee Institute, and Jewish PoWs. Further diversification of sources would be beneficial to research which moves beyond the Kriegie identity.

The collection of data has largely been based on sources' availability - a pragmatic approach was taken for their inclusion. Marshall talks of the need for flexibility when sourcing information.238 With this in mind, I sourced information from families of PoWs, PoWs themselves, museums, web forums, or dedicated websites alongside academic and memoir literature. This process was necessary to include as much evidence as possible and allow a broad analysis of trends.

238 Marshall 1996, 524.

3.4.1 Material Culture Another critical element of this research is the physical objects associated with the camps. The key theory of material culture, developed in 1980, holds that “…social worlds were as much constituted by materiality as the other way around.”239 Material culture is as much an influencer of social groups as it is influenced by them. This explanation is an embodiment of the Structuration Theory which underpins this thesis; groups are influenced by material culture just as material culture is influenced by the groups creating it. Appreciation of this fact allowed the development of different approaches to the treatment of material culture, including Tilley’s concept of objects being analogous with text.240 To avoid a reductionist approach, I selected an area of study that is ‘undisciplined’ and not tied to any specific subject area. In the same way that capture is considered part of the PoW experience (see Chapter 4.4), this thesis also provides inclusive commentary of the significance of objects to PoW life, considering their creation's social significance will avoid purely examining them as objects. One of the most significant motivators for PoWs to undertake creative pursuits was passing the time or representing their identities and experiences. Wartime Log books, blower stoves, and insignia were methods to pass the time and cope with boredom. The objects included in this thesis are considered not just for their physicality, but also their contextual significance.

Christopher Tilley wrote that “…material culture does not communicate meaningful content in the same way as speech or the phonetic script.”241 This statement summarises the necessity of considering diaries, letters, and other forms of writing created by camp internees which were composed in a colloquial manner - as evidenced when analysing the culture within camps. Such writings were highly reflective of speech patterns, can give the reader a clearer idea of the lore of camps, or, in the case of this thesis the lore of the Kriegie. The language used will obviously reflect aspects of the writer’s education, nationality, their military training and experiences, and other personal traits, yet it will also be an indicator of the language of camps.

In Tilley’s words “…speech and writing signify”.242 Speech, and writing in speech patterns signify more than just their meanings, they constitute a full structure of meanings. Just as a dixie is not just a dixie but a term which holds military association (in this context), etchings

239 Miller 2002, 3. 240 Tilley 1991. 241 Tilley 1991, 16 242 Tilley 1991, 20.

59 are more than scratches on the metal, and writing itself is a signifier.243 Within the camps, knowledgeable actors with socialised traditions were brought together from across the world, and this knowledge formed part of the camp lore along with military traditions. However, much of the culture that developed in the PoW community came into being hastily and was specifically relevant to the situation of the prisoners at a specific point in time. Using terms such as Kriegie to describe themselves was a language developed during camp life which in turn fed into a self-formed layer of identity for the prisoners. PoWs captured later in the conflict entered a developed community with lore already in place and one needing to be learned upon entry into the camps. The PoWs captured in the early years of the conflict had the flexibility to make decisions about their camp experience and choose which aspects of their lives they would recreate in the camps. In the early days of capture the lore the PoWs produced was organic. They developed code words and camp behaviours and formed societal rules in which actors in the camps encouraged others to participate. It should be noted, however, that these behaviours were not individual to each camp. PoWs were regularly moved, so although they had limited contact with each other, there was a spread of knowledge via movement and community feeling between the camps. It is not possible to pinpoint the exact timeline for when specific phrases began to be used in camps. However, a basic comparison between diaries shows similarities in language use throughout the European theatre. It should be noted that diaries are often fragmented. The maintenance of a daily diary throughout the entirety of imprisonment was not universal, and not all PoWs were provided with a Wartime Log. Not to acknowledge this would be a disservice to those PoWs who did not have the time or means to keep a log during their captivity. Nevertheless, the role of the written word in understanding the lore of the camps is significant (see Chapter 6.5).

The significance of texts such as the Wartime Logs is discussed by Tilley who stresses the importance of critically analysing material culture texts as they are an embodiment of ideologies and powers present at the time of their creation.244 The need for critical assessment of information was evident when interviewing PoWs between 2013 and 2020 and in accounts of PoW life which address only the more ‘positive’ side of camp life. There is a tendency for PoWs sometimes to gloss over theft and crime in camps in a possible attempt to portray a rosier picture of the behaviour of the Allied prisoners. This is also true of accounts written since the war which can suffer from collective remembering, or a

243 Tilley 1991, 21. 244 Tilley 1991, 149.

60 glossing over of events. These accounts are still of use but should be considered carefully in terms of their limitations. The logs will be the focal point of Chapter 6 as they were created during captivity. Although there must be considerations such as whom the logs were written for, they are artefacts of captivity, regardless of their intended audience.

This thesis is conscious of the fragmentation that must occur when describing specific objects or practices. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett’s work on ethnographic objects highlights the fragmentary nature of excising objects or artefacts for display. Removing an object from its situation can change its meaning or divorce it from its wider significance.245 Many PoW fragments are self-selecting as they are the items prisoners chose to take with them, or those that could be recovered later from the camp sites. The case studies used in this thesis consider three types of artefact, and although these examples provide context there is still an element of severance. As Kirshenblatt-Gimblett states, when exhibiting an item or concept, there is an inescapable element of incision and removal from full context. Although she discusses physical displays, her concerns about divorcing an object are also valid for written work. Each object or artefact displayed in this thesis is divorced in some way from its total context. Pragmatically, it is impossible to avoid dividing an object or concept from its full context; however, this will be done as sympathetically as possible throughout this research. Chapter 4 and 5 provide a wider context about PoW life in an attempt to assuage this issue. I will also avoid considering only the objects that could be detached and removed from the camps.246 When discussing how camp landscapes were mapped (Chapter 6.5) and considering the physical trappings of captivity (Chapter 5.7), the broader landscape of camp will be addressed, including the physical trappings of captivity such as barbed wire and watch towers. Although Wartime Logs and camp made insignia were both items removed by PoWs, they both bear hallmarks of identity and experience that could not be taken away or divided from the broader Kriegie culture. They may have been removed from camp, but they retain their value.

3.4.2 Web Resources Due to the popularity of family history, tracing ancestors, and researching family war stories, there are various sites dedicated to remembering prisoners of war either generally, by nationality, regiment, or by specific camps. Many relatives have posted details regarding, or even scanned copies of, camp ephemera in open access forums. Specifically,

245 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1991, 388. 246 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1991, 389.

61 sites such as Facebook, which has groups including Pal. Pioneer Corps 1939- 1945, Stalag Luft III, STALAG VIIIB/344 LAMSDORF PRISONERS OF WAR; USMilitaria Forums Prisoners of War/PoWs sub forum; and sites such as www.stalag383.co.uk have been used to gain novel access to items such as camp made insignia and wartime logs which were part of private collections. They have also allowed access to ex-POWs for interviews. Gilly Carr explores the significance of post-war generation collection as nostalgia in relation to the post-Occupation generations in the Channel Islands.247 The practice of post-war generations collecting stories and artefacts relating to the experience of PoWs has benefitted this thesis greatly. Connecting with such people via social media has added novel resources that would otherwise have been inaccessible. 3.4.3 Organisations Groups such as the Manx and British Legions and Escape Lines Memorial Society (ELMS) have been useful for linking with PoWs to interview.248 These groups were formed by and for ex-servicemen, or those involved with the movement of prisoners of war escaping in Europe. As the PoW experience was on the edge of living memory when this research began, many groups faced dwindling membership of ex-prisoners. On the Isle of Man, only two ex-PoWs from the Manx Regiment remained, and one died during the research process. I attended the ELMS reunion in 2015 and, after discussion with the organisers, I met two ex-PoWs who were also members of ELMS. One had dementia and was unable to provide an interview; the other was able to consent to speak with me about his experiences. The ELMS membership is supplemented by family members of those involved in the original escape lines operations or other interested parties. Although groups for ex- PoWs existed, much of the experience had been lost by the time this research was undertaken.

3.4.4 Facebook Facebook is a social networking tool, which according to a 2012 study “…with over 800 million active users… is changing the way hundreds of millions of people relate to one another and share information”.249 This figure has only grown and as of 2019, Facebook reported 1.66 billion active daily users.250 The universal nature of Facebook allows people with web access from any country in which the state does not block Facebook to engage

247 Carr 2014, 50. 248 Escape Lines Memorial Society. 249 Wilson, Gosling & Graham 2012, 203. 250 Facebook 2019.

62 with one another. In 2010 users of the site had formed 620 million ‘groups.’ These groups, including PoW specific groups and pages, are areas for Facebook users to discuss shared interests.251 The groups formed are often very specific to a particular camp, group, or classification of prisoner. For example, the Jewish (Pal.) Pioneer Corps (1939-1945) group is primarily written in Hebrew and focuses on the Palestinian volunteer, many of whom were captured. Other groups focus more specifically on camps, such as Stalag 383, or Stalag Luft III. These act as forums where researchers and family members seeking further details can post questions or provide answers. Articles of interest, as well as photographs, and excerpts of information are also shared with the group members. In some cases, full Wartime Logs or other information is referenced – and users were individually approached to see if they will consider sharing scans or photographs of their memorabilia. These groups often also allow for an introductory post upon joining the group. This policy allowed me to introduce myself as a researcher and state my objectives. In doing so, I connected with Bryan Kasemann, who provided access to his collection of PoW made wings (used in Chapter 8). 3.4.5 Forums Similar to specific interest groups on Facebook, topical forums exist as meeting places for those who wish to share knowledge about certain topics. Forums such as Stalag 383, and USMilitaria (PoW sub-forum) have allowed me to engage with family members of ex- PoWs, or collectors of memorabilia – many of whom have been happy to share their materials. Using such sites has allowed access to items that would not ordinarily have been available – some of the Wartime Logs are scanned copies of privately owned diaries that would not ordinarily have been accessible to researchers. With the collectors’ need to authenticate their purchases, many of the Logs provided have been strongly researched and can be linked directly to individuals. I connected with Kurt Stauffer through the US Militaria forum, he kindly provided access to his collection of Wartime Logs (see Chapter 6), and PoW made insignia (see Chapter 8). 3.4.6 Oral History As the PoW experience is now on the very edge of living memory, this thesis draws on oral testimonies. I recorded a portion of these, and some were pre-existing. Mikołaj Kostyrko and Dawid Kobiałka have previously used oral history to research Tuchola Great War PoW camp in Poland.252 Although oral history can be classified as stories passed down by word

251 O'Neill 2010. 252 Kostyrko & Kobiałka 2020, 597.

63 of mouth, in this case, Kostyrko and Kobiałka specifically focus on recorded testimonies directly from the ex-PoW themselves. Oral history is already inherently prone to biases of collective remembering and self-censoring. The further limitations of recording second or third-hand testimonies were considered to outweigh the benefits of doing so; therefore, interviews were only conducted with individuals who had first-hand knowledge of the camps as PoWs. This included those from the USA, the Isle of Man, and the UK.

The process of interviewing ex-PoWs was challenging as they often wanted to discuss the exciting parts of their capture. One interviewee described how he had escaped and climbed a mountain range into Switzerland in his socks; and another his experience of gliding a burning plane to safety then being attacked by a lynch mob. However, my questions focused mainly on the every-day parts of the captive experience. It became evident in most of the interviews that these were the parts of their experience that the men were less used to discussing. There were layers of rehearsed anecdotes to work through before they were able to talk more earnestly about their daily lives. In some cases they were not comfortable doing so, and the interviews were terminated without gleaning much novel information. The way in which their memories of camp experience were constructed was likely at play here. Many of the veterans interviewed for this research had belonged to memorial groups that had facilitated our contact. These groups included societies dedicated to the Red Tails, the Manx Regiment, and the Escape Lines Association. Because of the men's active involvement in these groups, many of their stories had been told as part of the ritual of their meetings, were rehearsed over time, and had clear boundaries as to what was included.253 Oral history can also be impacted by the interviewees intent to portray an event in a specific way due to political or social reasons.254

The significance of the role of memory in oral history is also important when considering PoW testimony. Alistair Thomson highlights the ways in which memory can impact the telling of a story. In the Oxford Handbook of Oral History, he highlights the difference between a written diarised account of a moment and a later interview of the same moment.255 Memory is constructed; it is not a pure moment of recall without flaws or biases. Consciously or unconsciously, the person recalling the memory will apply something to it, be it recentring the focus of the account, or modifying the retelling for different

253 Murakami 2014, 346-7. 254 Niethammer 2012, 57-59. 255 Thomson 2012, 78.

64 audiences. However, oral history has been robustly defended despite these limitations and is significant as it allows non-traditional stories to be told. These can include women’s and working-class histories.256 Historically, sceptics criticised those who uncritically accepted oral testimony. However, prioritising written documents over oral testimony ignores the role of oral accounts in said written sources.257 In Early Modern England, legal documents were produced based on oral accounts, and literate elites and illiterate populations alike could manipulate these.258 The written word is not inherently reliable. Those collecting oral history benefit from clear aims and transparency in their approaches.259

In each case, the interviewees themselves largely guided the questions, with parts of what they had said being repeated to them to engage further with their experiences. A mental health professional was on call during all interviews in case of any adverse effects on the men – their safety was prioritised, and topics were not pushed if they were uncomfortable discussing them. 3.4.7 Archival Research The Imperial War Museum in London has provided various artefacts and online resources which helped to inform this research, as has the Museum of the Manx Regiment on the Isle of Man, the Durham Light Infantry Museum, and various online archives. The internet was used (as discussed previously in this section) to ensure there was still a varied and extensive set of data.

3.4.8 Subjects The sample of sources used was based on accessibility. The only selection criteria I applied was that artefacts must relate to Allied PoW camps in Europe during the Second World War. Aside from that, the selection was based on what was available. Because of this, most of the information analysed is publicly available, although there are some private collection items which are included. I did not set a specific amount of resources to be included in the research – time constraints were the only significant limiter. To make the best use of the resources, everything I read to inform this thesis was also included in the Attributes Table. The Attributes Table is an ongoing research project, but it has provided valuable insight into the commonalities of the PoW experience even in its incomplete state.

256 Thompson & Bornat 2017, 380. 257 Thane 1999, 161. 258 Thane 1999, 163. 259 Bosworth 2013, 20.

3.5 Conclusion This thesis uses various methods of analysis to identify trends in the behaviour of prisoners of war. The combination of artefact analysis, thematic analysis, and prosopography provides a base of evidence from which broad commonalities can be drawn. This thesis brings together a wealth of experiences by looking at diverse sources and accessing novel resources from private collections.

It was necessary to use a variety of methods to access PoW testimony, artefacts, and oral histories. Combining traditional archival sources with online groups and resources has allowed access to a wide range of sources. Interviews with PoWs based in the USA and UK have been possible because of the online connections formed throughout this research.

Identifying broader themes and behaviours in coping, identity, and agency was possible because of the openness of PoWs in their written and oral testimonies. It helped to highlight common activities undertaken to help the men through captivity, including sport and creative pursuits. Patterns emerged naturally and demonstrated commonalities which spanned the Kriegie experience. By using a prosopographical approach it was possible to visually represent some of these similarities to allow for easier recognition of patterns.

The identity of PoWs is an area which the production of data sets from Wartime Logs and camp made insignia has illuminated for me. By comparing and contrasting these artefacts it has been possible to highlight the nested identities held by the men. They were not merely PoWs, but Fathers, husbands, bricklayers, and various other things besides.

The use of Strong Structuration Theory helps to consider the choices the PoWs made when acting in specific ways in the camps. It also helps to understand the role of a prisoners’ life experiences in influencing his decision-making process. By focusing on the intersection of agency and structure, the theory allows for the exploration of the interplay of structures such as the camp management structures, military influences on the men, and the role of external agencies such as the Red Cross. Structures and resources shaped the men's decisions, but their own life experience also played an important role in the way they experienced camp life.

4 Chapter 4: Setting the Scene

4.1 Disclaimer An earlier version of this chapter was published in 2015 under the title Disruption of Freedom: Life in Prisoner of War Camps in Europe 1939-1945. It has been expanded and developed to form this chapter.260

4.2 Introduction This chapter will explore the layout of the PoW camps throughout Axis controlled Europe during the Second World War. It will also use a prosopographical approach to the camp experience and attempt to build a general idea of the landscape of captivity. These camps are referred to throughout the thesis, both generally (e.g. as Stalags, Oflags), or specifically by their numeric signifier. Camps were usually referred to by Roman numerals; however, Arabic numbers were also applied to some camps.

This chapter discusses the legal aspects of PoW existence and the status of captured prisoners. It also covers the day to day realities and physicality of the camps.

4.3 Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War (1929) The Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War (hereafter the Geneva Convention or the Convention) was the first international treaty to govern the treatment of PoWs. Although there had previously been philosophical discussion about the status of prisoners of war, there were no widely used regulations regarding their treatment. The 1929 Geneva Convention was the third version of the convention, but the first to “…mitigate as far as possible, the inevitable rigours thereof and to alleviate the condition of prisoners of war…”261 Compromising 97 articles, the contents of the convention address various aspects of conflict, including the treatment of PoWs. It is impractical to discuss each article of the convention; however, those pertaining to prisoners’ treatment are discussed below and in Chapter 5.5 and 5.6. One of the articles that most shaped prisoners' lives during this period was the provision for societies for the relief of PoWs.262 Neutral organisations such as the Red Cross played a significant part in upholding the Geneva Convention. They helped to monitor compliance with the convention and thereby shape

260 Astill 2015b. 261 International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) 1929, Preamble. 262 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 78.

67 the experience of life in the camps. However, as will be shown below, the basic tenets of the Convention were still not always met.

The treatment of prisoners included expectations that the prisoners be treated humanely, protected from violence, and not be subject to any reprisals. 263 As one might expect, this was not always the case, not least in the Second World War when prisoners were often subject to acts of violence both by members of the public and by their guards. This treatment is exemplified in German measures such as Hitler’s Commando Order of 18th October 1942 which called for the execution of Allied troops captured behind British lines.264 There was also discriminatory treatment towards the black Tuskegee Airmen in German propaganda.265 This treatment was blatantly in breach of the Geneva Convention and could leave PoWs in dangerous situations.

The mortality rates of PoWs in Table 1 also indicates the levels of harm which befell Allied PoWs. Although the death rate of British and American PoWs may appear low when compared to the other groups, when one considers that the Germans, British, and Americans had signed the Geneva Convention, which prescribed strict rules about the treatment of PoWs – the figures evidence a large gulf between the British PoWs held by the Germans and vice versa. The table also goes some way to demonstrate the significance of the Geneva Convention in the lives of PoWs. Although it is not possible to directly compare Western Allies with Eastern European groups due to German attitudes towards Russian and Polish PoWs, there are very distinct differences that imply that without the Geneva Convention regulation, it is possible that survival rates would have been much lower.

Although the Convention provided some elements of protection for the general PoW population of signatory countries, there were many breaches. The Convention stated that prisoners were to be treated equally (unless differences were based on rank) yet black and Jewish prisoners were both discriminated against.266 Prisoners were not supposed to be subject to any interrogation, however as early as 1940 orders were given to German troops to take prisoners from Alsace for interrogation.267 As well as this, PoWs passing through Dulag (interrogation) camps were fresh from the forces and therefore could hold valuable knowledge. At Dulag Lufts questioning was completed by experienced interrogators.

263 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 2. 264 Lippman 1999, 20. 265 Bytwerk 2015. 266 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 4; Scheck 2006, 2; Johnson, 9; Klem, 64. 267 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 5; Kahn 2001, 2.

Aircrew were prisoners who moved freely in and out of the war zone, and the Luftwaffe intelligence units valued their knowledge of new technology being used by the Allies.268 Interrogation was not supposed to be a reality of PoW life, yet it was for nearly all aircrew and some prisoners from other forces.

Table 1 PoW Mortality Rates by Nationality and Capturing power269

Percentage of

PoWs that Died Russian PoWs held by Germans 57.5% German PoWs held by Russians 35.8% American PoWs held by Japanese 33.0% German PoWs held by Eastern Europeans 32.9% British PoWs held by Japanese 24.8% British PoWs held by Germans 3.5% German PoWs held by French 2.58% German PoWs held by Americans 0.15% German PoWs held by British 0.03%

Despite assurances that PoWs were supposed to be supplied with lodgings and food which equalled that of troops of the detaining powers, prisoners often found themselves in much less optimal conditions.270 The German rations supplied to PoWs were notoriously poor, and prisoners regularly noted this.271 Accommodation was addressed in poems such as In our Barracks and Fleas which circulated in the camps. Lines such as “It’s a small extremely dirty place” and “[bed] Boards are scarce and B.S. deep, fleas are thick, and bed bugs creep” described the less than ideal living situations.272 Prisoners were also supposed to be supplied clothing, footwear, and underwear, but until 1943 PoWs often found themselves clothed inadequately. The situation was assuaged by the Red Cross supplying clothing and the Allied forces providing uniforms.273 Similarly, other assurances in the Geneva Convention had to be provided for by Allied countries and other relevant organisations. As

268 Kahn 2001, 3. 269 Ferguson 2004, 186. 270 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 10-11. 271 Staniland, 93, 95; Hauser, 13; Johnson, 106, 108; Arct 1988, 60. 272 Rumsey, 20; Veronick, 78. 273 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 12; Doyle 2008, 24.

69 previously discussed, sporting and intellectual pursuits were supported both internally and externally.274

The most senior officer in any Ordinary Rank compound ensured discipline, and in officer camps this was ensured by the Man of Confidence (an elected position).275 There were also instances of internal vigilantes or official groups policing PoW behaviour (this was especially common in cases of food theft).276 The Axis’ camp commandant liaised directly with the senior Allied officer, but the camp guards were responsible for overseeing roll calls and meal times. PoWs, as a collective, were permitted to bring forward petitions pertaining to the conditions of their captivity. This right was supposed to be protected; the Geneva Convention stated that no punishment or retaliation should occur if the petitions were found to be groundless.277 More generally, the laws of the detaining powers’ armed forces governed the prisoners, punishments for breaking them were also supposed to be equal.278 Prisoners were not supposed to be punished en masse for individual acts (e.g. a PoW or group of PoWs escaping should not have resulted in camp-wide punishments).279 The right to a defence and appeal in cases where PoWs were accused of crimes was also laid out in the Convention.280 Prisoners were allowed to retain their insignia (although this was not always permitted, as discussed in Chapter 8.2) and rank was recognised. Officer PoWs were not required to salute any German guards below their rank, and were not expected to work.281

Transfers between camps were common, and PoWs often passed through multiple sites. The Convention laid out provisions for the retention of personal effects, forwarding of correspondence, and communication of transfer to the PoWs.282 Prisoners of officer level or above were also not required to work in manual roles, and could only be compelled to operate in supervisory roles. Men below non-commissioned officer (NCO) level or NCOs who chose to work were employed in ‘suitable work’ which was not supposed to be part of the war effort, dangerous, or beyond their physical ability.283 These tenets were frequently

274 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 17. 275 Durand 1988, 109. 276 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 18; Johnson, 22. 277 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 42. 278 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 45. 279 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 47. 280 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 61, 65. 281 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 18, 19, 27. 282 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 24, 26. 283 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 27, 29, 31, 32.

70 violated, and PoWs were used in both wartime work and dangerous pursuits.284 Prisoners were reimbursed for their work; however, this was in lagergeld (official camp currency) which was, by the prisoners’ own admission, largely useless. Instead, PoWs created their own currencies, using cigarettes (or sometimes chocolate), and forming their own barter economy.285

The Geneva Convention specified that PoWs were to be allowed to send a certain number of letters home each month and receive parcels containing food or clothes.286 Letters could, however, be censored, although the Convention specified this should occur as quickly as possible.287 Some PoWs received regular post, but this was not the case across the board. Towards the end of the war when advancing troops disrupted supply lines, and PoWs movement increased due to the advancing Allied powers, there was less frequently delivered correspondence.

4.4 Capture In order to understand the experiences of imprisonment, it is also essential to understand the situation of the men when they arrived in camp. Every man had either been a career soldier before the war, joined up voluntarily, or been conscripted into the services, but each of them would have experienced disruption to their daily lives. Research into the psychological effects of enlistment on WWII veterans undertaken by Glen Elder Jr indicates that entry into the forces before the age of 21 (enlisted or conscripted) “…maximized changes for redirection of the life course through development growth, delayed entry into family roles, and greater opportunity to get ahead.”288 Men older than 21 were most likely to experience greater disruption in their careers and family lives. Elder found that the older the man at his time of service the more significant the impact, concluding that “…delayed entry into the service extracts more from and offers less return to the lives of men.”289 Involvement in the armed services had already disrupted the lives of the men, and capture was a step towards further unsettling their lives.

As noted above, the Geneva Convention should have protected the prisoners from signatory countries captured by the Germans and Italians. Yet, semantically, men were not

284 Davis 1977, 627. 285 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 34; Astill, 2015a, 3. 286 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 36, 37, 38, 39. 287 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 40. 288 Elder 1987, 449. 289 Elder 1987, 449.

71 actually prisoners of war until they were registered as such by their captors. Article 1 of the Geneva Convention acknowledged that exceptions could be made depending on the conditions of capture, but that the deviations were not to be long term (e.g., they did not continue once prisoners arrived at a PoW camp) and did not infringe on the principles of the Convention.290 Although the final sentence implies that prisoners’ rights should be maintained throughout capture, there is no direct definition for how far deviations could range, or what was considered acceptable. Therefore, in the period after capture, prisoners were vulnerable. The sheer logistics of attempting to contain men once captured could sometimes prove impossible and lead to the killing of those who had surrendered.291 Capturing powers were faced with the surrender of a previously hostile enemy and the risk the captured troops may pose to them. Logistically, there is an enormous gulf between the surrender of one or two men and the surrender of an entire garrison.292 There are various situations such as insufficient rations, low captor to prisoner ratios, and logistics, including the surrender of an entire ship, which left only the option of killing prisoners to avoid them overpowering their captors or returning to battle. These challenges all affected any sense of security the men may have felt when they initially surrendered. Prisoners lived through a liminal period before their official registration as PoWs, unsure of what would befall them and totally at the mercy of their captors.

4.5 Camp Life This section explores the physicality of the camps and some of the commonalities and differences between them. These differences may also explain the prevalence of resources from certain camps and a dearth from others. The mental health of the men in relation to the camps is discussed in the following chapter.

There were five general types of camp, Stalags (general prison camps for soldiers), Stalag Lufts (camps for flight crew), Oflags (officers camps), Marlags (naval camps), and Arbeitskommandos (working camps for those below Non-Commissioned Officer (NCO) status who were forced or chose to work). There were also Dulag Luft camps in which many air force PoWs were interrogated.

The Red Cross monitored the conditions in the camps due to their neutrality. It was responsible for inspecting Axis and Allied camps. Vourkoutiotis compiled its reports of the

290 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 1-2. 291 Reid & Michael 1984, 38. 292 Reid & Michael 1984, 62.

Stalag Lufts, Marlags, Oflags, and Stalags to create Figures 2 and 3 below. The majority of reports described fairly satisfactory conditions and no, or minor problems in the camps. Although conditions were not excellent, they were not an immediate cause for concern; however, a significant number of reports of harassments increased as the war progressed despite the aforementioned article in the Geneva Convention. Both figures demonstrate that PoWs experienced a variety of hardships both in relation to the camps themselves and their treatment by civilians and guards.

Graph titled "Material conditions as % of all

visits to each type of camp" removed due to copyright restriction.

Figure 2 Camp Condition Rankings293

293 Vourkoutiotis 2005, 698.

Graph titled "Geneva Convention

violations" removed due to copyright restriction.

Figure 3 Geneva Convention Violations294

294 Vourkoutiotis 2005, 699.

The landscapes and physiology of the varied camp locations were diverse. They affected the types of activities that were available to or could be developed by the PoWs at each camp. For example, at Stalag Luft III the sandy soil allowed for the fairly easy construction of a golf course, but the terrain also hampered the PoWs who tried to grow items in the camp gardens.295 Prisoners were resourceful with their surroundings, banking up low walls of earth or snow to fill with water which would freeze in the low temperatures and allow an ice rink to form. PoWs also filled ditches to provide the same effect.296 However, nearly all camp activities were dependent on permission from their captors and ‘poor behaviour’, such as escape attempts, or even activities by Allied powers in the war (such as the handcuffing in the Dieppe Raid), could lead to sudden decisions to reduce activities. In some cases, there were also retaliatory actions against the PoWs which limited their activities and mobility and therefore their camp experience.297 The camp(s) in which PoWs were interned affected their conditions and experiences of capture. This was especially true of those in working camps who were influenced day to day by their roles and employers' schedule.

Despite these differences, some common themes are apparent across a broad spectrum of camp experiences. Sport and theatre were prevalent as they were easy recreations of civilian life. These endeavours were helped by the Red Cross, which supported PoWs in their efforts to hold such events by sending sporting equipment and costumes and props for shows. This research involved randomly sampling PoW resources which cumulatively referenced 70 camps; Figure 4 is a generalised picture of camp activities. I used sources from diverse locations and applied a prosopographical approach. Resources used included search engines and databases, blogs, dedicated web pages, archives, letters, and academic articles. Doing so helped to build a broader idea of common trends in the lives of PoWs. The frequency table will be developed in further research, but it shows a clear indication of live entertainment and sport throughout many camps. It also highlights the variance of available resources, with much of the readily available information providing a sample biased towards Stalag VIIIB, Stalag Luft I and III. The abundance of resources from the aforementioned camps is possibly due to the status of PoWs in them, who were not required to work. This allowed for more free time, both for correspondence, and to undertake pastimes such as the bird watching and mammal observation groups in Oflag

295 Franks 1995, 81. 296 Farr 2016; Franks 1995, 82. 297 Vance 1995, 483.

VIIB.298 PoWs were able to arrange basic sports such as running races without any additional items. Choirs also did not always require equipment, songs such as hymns would be familiar to many of the men, and therefore, sheet music was not an essential item.299 Sporting and singing are universal activities, and although there may be differences (such as baseball, softball, rugby, cricket, American football, and football), there were many similarities. In essence, the activities above would have represented a familiarity for PoWs. Regardless of the sport, being able to partake as a player or spectator was a common part of civilian existence, even if up until that point the PoW himself had not been an avid fan or player. An inherent and implicit knowledge is present in the meeting of men to sing or play sports. This familiarity is represented in the 195 references to live performances and 177 references to sport in the camps.

Alongside the commonalities, Figure 4 also highlights the divisions in camp activities. There are 22 references to gardening in the source material, of which 16 are associated with camps for NCOs. This pattern is in fitting with the expectation that PoWs in NCO camps would have more free time. However, it would then follow that larger stalags such as VIIIB in which the residents were not all compelled to work would also have evidence of gardening. There are also examples of gardening in camps such as Stalag XXIA, where gardens and the men working in them were pictured in the Red Cross bulletin (see Figure 5).

298 Nieman 2012, Kindle Edition, 1306, 1353, 1503-1608, 1680-1686 (Bird watching book left with instructions for other bird watchers who will be keeping notes as Condor is leaving camp), 1691 (Waterston finds 5 eggs in egg box. Nest abandoned), 1705 (German guards assisting bird watchers), 2325-2353 (mammal observation group), 2369 (requesting rings for birds). 299 Emeljanow 2015, 186.

Stalag XIID (12D) XIID Stalag

Stalag VIIIB working camp E250 camp working VIIIB Stalag

Stalag III C III Stalag

Crete Transit Camp Transit Crete

Campo 65 Campo

Campo 87 Campo

Stalag XXID Posen XXID Stalag

Stalag XIA Stalag

Stalag Luft IV Luft Stalag

Stalag IXA Stalag

Gleiwitz aerodrome prison camp prison aerodrome Gleiwitz Gardening

Dulag Luft Dulag

Campo 21 Campo

Stalag XXA Working Camp E109 Camp Working XXA Stalag

Stalag XVIIIB Stalag

Stalag VIIIA Stalag Stalag VIIA Stalag

Clubs groupsandClubs

Stalag Luft VII Luft Stalag

Stalag 283 Stalag

Oflag VII Oflag

Campo 70 Campo

Campo 52 Campo

Oflag VIIIF Oflag

Oflag IVB Oflag

Neurode (Nowa Ruda) (Nowa Neurode

Campo 75 Campo

Stalag XXIA Stalag

Stalag XVIIIA Stalag

Stalag XIB Stalag brewingCooking, baking, or alcohol

Stalag 344 Stalag

Stalag 18a Stalag

Oflag IXA Oflag

Tarhuna (transit camp) (transit Tarhuna Libraries

Marlag Milag Nord Milag Marlag

Stalag XVIIID Stalag

Campo 66 Campo Sport

Stalag IVB Stalag

Stalag IIID Stalag

Oflag XXI Oflag

Oflag VB Oflag Education

Oflag VA Oflag

Oflag IIIC Oflag

Oflag 79 Oflag

Campo 78 Campo

Stalag XXB Stalag

Frequency of activities referenced by camp by referenced of activitiesFrequency 357/XXA Stalag

Oflag VIB Oflag

Oflag VIIC Oflag

Oflag VIIB Oflag

Stalag VIIA Stalag

Oflag 64 Oflag

Stalag XVIIB (17B) XVIIB Stalag

Live Live entertainment theatre) (music or

Stalag Luft VI Luft Stalag

Stalag 383 Stalag

Stalag Luft I Luft Stalag

Stalag VIIIB Stalag Stalag Luft III Luft Stalag

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Frequency of references of Frequency

76 39 69 27 38 23 20 21 32 Figure 4 Frequency of activities referenced by camp.

Graph titled "Geneva Convention violations" removed

due to copyright restriction.

Figure 5 British prisoners cultivating tomatoes at Stalag XXI A.300

It would be logical to assume that most gardening was undertaken to produce food, but PoWs also grew flowers that were not for consumption.301 The diversity of both food and flora cultivated by the PoWs and the low representation across a range of camp types implies that gardening was not always an essential response to starvation rations. Instead, it represented a means of activity in the face of boredom, or perhaps even a link to home. Undertaking an activity such as gardening or attending a library (35 references) or religious services helped the PoWs pass the time, but, like sports and entertainments, also provided a link to their civilian lives.

The practise of religion was permitted, and many camps had resident PoWs who were members of the clergy and organised their respective services. Although PoWs would not be with their usual religious leader or in a familiar building, there was still an element of familiarity. Another common link to home was cooking and baking, which occurred in a range of camp types. As discussed in Chapter 7.2, prisoners could access cooking stoves, and all PoWs received similar ration parcels from the Red Cross. As there was an equality of resources, the ability to cook or bake was based entirely on the prisoners’ inclination. However, their skill level would also influence what they could make. Popular items

300 American Red Cross, 9. 301 Farr 1942.

79 included Christmas and birthday cakes, and some PoWs noted recipes in their logs so that they could recreate them.302 One PoW’s diary from Christmas day 1944 reads “One thing I must comment on here. A civilian would be flabbergasted if he saw the cakes and pies the boys made from ground crackers, or oatmeal, sugar, milk, raisins, chocolate, etc. With the “trimmings” they looked ‘swell, marvellous!”.303 Recreating the trappings of celebrations provided prisoners with the chance to enact their common social behaviours and provided them comfort – in the case of the above diary entry they felt others without the same life experiences as them would marvel at their ability to similarly enjoy the festival.

In these ways, and many others besides, prisoners were consciously able to recreate aspects of their day-to-day lives in their new realities. Legal systems such as the Geneva Convention assisted them in laying out their rights to do so. Ultimately though, prisoners undertook the decisions to utilise equipment provided to them and create items that were not supplied to them. Because of the influences of the PoWs’ pre-existing knowledge, the role of organisations in supplying items, and the choice of the prisoners regarding which activities to undertake, camp life was an intersection of structure and agency. Structures worked to suggest behaviours to actors, but actors chose how they created their society – bringing together new patterns of behaviour and the cultural touchstones of existing practices.

4.6 Food Food provision in the camps was notoriously poor. It was common for PoWs to write about the paltry rations they received in camp and to praise the Red Cross for providing food parcels which sustained them such as Figure 6.

302 Watchorn, 28; Mogol, 27. 303 Klem, 44.

Figure 6 Ode to the Red Cross.304

304 Rumsey, 1.

The rations issued to PoWs in German camps varied, but the consensus was that they were poor. RI Bell, interned in Oflag 79, detailed the rations in Table 2 between 1943 and February 1945.

Table 2 German Rations Oflag 79.305

Ration 1943 & Early ’44 in grams 1st cut 19th Feb ’45 in grams Per week Per day Per week Per day Bread 10 ½ 9 Potatoes 14 10 Meat + bone 8 Turnips 12 Dried veg 36 1 Millet/peas/barley 14 6 Dry Sugar 6 ¼ 6 ¼ Jam/molasses 6 ¼ 4 ½ Margarine 5 ¼ 5 ¼ Cooking fat 2 ½ 2 ½ Ersatz cheese 3 1 ¾ Flour 1 ¾ ¾ Mint tea ½ ½ Ersatz coffee ½ ½

Although the set rations were supplemented where parcels were available, Bell notes that at the end of August 1944 Red Cross parcels were reduced to half their previous supply. Between February 12th and March 18th, no parcels were received at all. On March 18th 1945 1,500 parcels arrived to feed 2,500 men.

In Stalag Luft I Colonel Charles Ross Greening also noted the rations per week (year unspecified).

305 Bell, 61.

Table 3 German rations per week in Stalag Luft I306

Food Grams per week per man Bread 2425 Margarine 150 Cheese 62.5 Sausage 100 Potatoes 2800 Cabbage 600 Sugar 175 Salt 175 Barley 200 Jam 175 Meat 140 Carrots 600

And JP Hauser, recorded the rations provided in Oflag IIID (year unspecified).

Table 4 German ration per week Oflag IIID.307

Food Grams Oz Bread 225 0.75 Jam or syrup 22.2 0.75 Margarine 13.5 0.46 Meat or 31.9 1.09 Sausage 31.9 1.09 Cooking fat 8.9 0.3 Potatoes 19.5 6.6 Tea 0.9 0.03 Coffee 2.0 0.7 Sugar 22.2 0.75

306 Greening, 43. 307 Hauser, 13.

Eric Stephenson detailed rations from both Stalag Luft III and Stalag IIIA.

Table 5 German rations per week Stalag Luft III Belaria (Jan 1944-Jan 1945)308

Food Grams Oz Margarine 165 6 Honey/Jam 165 Cheese 60 Bread (dauerbrot) 1800 Potatoes 1500 Sugar 160-170 Vegetables None given Bratlings/pulver/semolina 100 4 Sausage (blut wurst/bacon) 50 Meat (mince or beef or pork) 100-160 (every 2 weeks) Barley 250

Table 6 German ration per day Stalag IIIA (Feb-May 1945)309

Food Grams Mint tea 1 cup Soup (pea, cabbage, meat/barley) 2/3 litre Bread (dauerbrot) 300 Margarine 25 Potatoes 750 Sugar 25 Salt n/a Meat (in stew) 15 Sausage 30-40 (per week) Cheese or honey 50

Greening, Bell, Hauser, and Stephenson received different rations, but overall, the total nutrition was low, and PoWs often complained of rotten meat and vegetables in their soup

308 Stephenson 2000, 30. 309 Stephenson 2000, 30.

84 and stews. A poem in Bill Oliver’s wartime log titled Jerry Soup immortalises the low quality of the rations.

“While bummin’ ‘roun the country I’ve had some lousy meals I learned how luke-warm coffee tastes, And I’ve learned how ptomain feels.310 I’ve eaten meat so awfully tough ‘Twould wear your teeth off short; I’ve eaten hash that was so rough It would make a bulldog snort. I’ve eaten biscuits light as lead, And pies that taste like glue, And some the cakes would lay you dead, And I’ve had some lousy stew. I’ve had some eggs that were so rotten, The smell would make you sick. And bread that tastes like so much cotton; Stuff a brave pig couldn’t lick. But of all the bad things I have had; You could bunch them in one group; And they couldn’t be one half as bad As a bowl of Jerry soup.”311

JP Cochrane, captured and held in Italy before being transferred to Oflag 79 detailed the Italian rations (Table 7). The food was comparably low when compared with the German rations, but included pasta, rice, and tomato puree.

Table 7 Italian rations (year unspecified).312

Food Weight in grams To last in days Rice 66 5 days Macaroni 66 2 days Cheese 40 5 days Cooking cheese 38 2 days Meat 120 2 days Tomato puree 8 Unspecified Oil 13 Unspecified Salt 20 Unspecified Sugar 15 Unspecified Coal 280 Unspecified Wood 50 Unspecified Dried peas 30 Unspecified

310 Ptomain refers to food poisoning. 311 Oliver, 131. 312 Cochrane, 35.

Thankfully for the men, the standard rations were often supplemented by Red Cross parcels. Throughout the conflict, the American Red Cross sent more than 27,000,000 parcels and the British Red Cross and Order of St John sent around 20,000,000.313 Parcels were also sent from Canada (16,500,000), New Zealand (1,139,624), Australia, India, Turkey, and Bulgaria.314 Some parcels had set contents (see Table 8) whereas British parcels varied (Table 9); Scottish ones even included porridge oats.

Table 8 Contents of American Red Cross Parcel.315

Parcel contents Amount (lbs/oz) Evaporated Milk, irradiated 14½ oz. can Lunch Biscuit (hard tack) 8oz package Cheese 8oz package Instant Cocoa 8oz tin Sardines 15oz tin Oleomargarine (Vitamin A) 1lb tin Corned Beef 12oz tin Sweet Chocolate 2x 5½ oz bars Sugar, Granulated 2oz package Powdered orange concentrate (Vitamin C) 7oz package Soup (dehydrated) 5oz package Prunes 16oz package Instant Coffee 4oz tin Cigarettes 2x packets of 20 Smoking Tobacco 2¼ oz package

313 American Red Cross; Hilton, Crowson et al. 2012, 192. 314 Tisdall 1941, 279; New Zealand Red Cross; Patterson 2009, 5; British Red Cross. 315 Hill 2012.

Table 9 Core contents of a British Red Cross Parcel.316

Parcel Contents Amount (lbs) Beef 3x tins Tea 1/4 lb Cocoa 1/4 lb Biscuits 2x lbs Cheese or loaf goods 2x tins Dripping 1x tin Milk 2x tins Cigarettes 50

A parcel was designed to provide one week’s sustenance for two men and a maximum of 12,000 boxes could be kept at a camp at any given time.317 However, the stock of parcels was dependent on the supply lines functioning effectively across Europe and the provision of parcels being considered a priority. There were times where parcel stocks were low in camps, and this could lead to long periods with reduced boxes. The detaining powers also impacted on the supply of parcels, they decided how many to provide the PoWs with and whether the cans would remain in tact or be pierced. Some PoWs experienced all parcel items being poured into a single bowl together (including tea and coffee, butter, cured meat, and chocolate). This was supposed to reduce the risk of PoWs conserving tinned food to escape, but could also be seen as retaliation for previous escape attempts.318

Because of these periods of feast or famine, disordered eating was encouraged by circumstances in camps. The supplementary Red Cross parcels were infrequently delivered. Their arrival was highly dependent on the movement of the war and the ability to transport the parcels to the camps. Most PoW accounts speak of syndicates within huts or other social groupings where men chose to pool their resources and share.319 In Vaughan’s account of camp life however, he speaks of the ‘growing problem’ of men experiencing neurosis in relation to food. In this case, the neurotic behaviour focuses on PoWs acting in a way that diverged from the Kriegie norm of syndicates. Vaughan separates this neurotic behaviour from more general neurosis (discussed further in Chapter 5.3) as the type he

316 British Red Cross. 317 British Red Cross. 318 Dickinson n/d. 319 Vaughan 1985, 30.

87 identified focused mainly on food and eating behaviours. He attributed this to prison life. This growing neurotic behaviour could cause fights between the men and suspicion about food usage. The group which Vaughan identified as being the most problematic was the loners.320 He categorised three types of such men: 1) Scoffer – He who eats most of the Red Cross parcel immediately, causing illness; 2) Highly Disciplined – Those able to eat a small portion of each item and stop themselves; and, 3) Hoarder – A group unable to bring themselves to eat any of the parcel food.321

The scoffer mind-set is also touched upon in Calton Younger’s discussion about the movement of a group of prisoners to Stalag Luft VI. The Camp Commandant, Dixie Deans, and the Medical Officers, agreed that the lack of provision for individuals to cook in the new Stalag should not be remedied as this would alleviate the ‘woofing’ of Red Cross issues and subsequent hunger until the next. They considered woofing to be “the primary cause of ill health in the camp”.322 Despite different terminology, this phenomenon is essentially scoffing - characterised in the same way, and viewed as dangerous to the health of the PoWs by those tasked with their wellbeing.

Although considered outside the norm by Vaughan, men fitting into the highly disciplined category maintained a healthy relationship with food. Despite this, their refusal to join a syndicate was considered abnormal behaviour and therefore indicates an accepted set of behaviours from which they deviated.

The hoarder's mind-set is classified as beginning during the winter of 1942-43 due to an extreme food shortage. Vaughan claimed that such shortages usually ended with hospitalisation for malnutrition and sometimes the death of the hoarders. Yet, when the PoWs checked his bunk, they would often find that “…all the time secreted under his mattress would be found an accumulation of Red Cross food.”323 This unhealthy relationship with food was produced by the stresses of camp life, and the dangers of malnutrition which were ever-present if Red Cross supplies failed to reach camp. The severe external restriction of food can be a precursor to the development of anorexia in some people, with externally imposed food shortages can lead to the development of new patterns of behaviour.324 During the Second World War conscientious objectors were asked

320 Vaughan 1985, 30. 321 Vaughan 1985, 31. 322 Younger 2013, 91. 323 Vaughan 1985, 31. 324 Södersten, Bergh et al. 2006, 572.

88 to participate in a voluntary experiment to educate medical professionals about how to re- feed the starving populations of Europe. To do the latter, it was first required that the volunteers were starved. Speaking about the experience one of the men involved in the study, Marshall Sutton stated: "After you've not had food for a while your state of being is just numb.”325 External factors affecting the PoWs’ food intake impacted them. An experiment involving Canadian PoWs from the Second World War showed links between the amount of weight loss in the camp and the amount of binge eating seen in the men (including after the war).326 This information fits with Vaughan’s description of scoffers, binge eating when food was available, and then continuing to starve and perpetuating the behaviour when parcels were not plentiful.

4.7 Transfer It was not common for PoWs to remain in the same camp throughout their time as captives. One Manxman moved between camps so regularly that he brought news of more than 20 countrymen to their families upon his escape and repatriation to the Isle of Man.327 In a sample of 33 Wartime Logs, 6 PoWs mention only one camp, some talk about as many as 6 or 7. Figure 7 shows the number of camps mentioned in each log. This is a simple method of assessing camp transfer and relies on self-reporting. The most detailed logs are those with the highest number of camps mentioned; therefore some more sparse logs may not have referred to every camp in which the PoWs resided. Indeed, some of the men with one camp reference were air force PoWs who would likely also have travelled through Dulag Lufts. There may also have been different trends of movement depending on the type of camps the men were held in. Those in Stalags may have been transferred to work camps, but then remained there for long periods of time as their labour was required. Overcrowding, camp closures, change of purpose, and the end of work projects could all be the reason for movement. Further development of this graph will consider the movement by mapping the transfer of men to show whether they moved between Wehrkreis (military districts), the types of camp the men moved between, and the time they spent in them. Despite these limitations, the trend highlighted in this graph is for the movement of PoWs throughout the camps. This will be explored further in Chapter 6.5, which discusses the transfer of poetry between camps.

325 Ball 2014. 326 Eckert, Gottesman et al. 2018, 15. 327 Astill 2015a, 1.

Figure 7 Number of camps mentioned in logs

4.8 Landscapes The physicality of each area also shaped life in each camp. The camps spanned German- controlled Europe, and therefore very few were the same. Some were used in the First World War and were purpose-built, others could be disused monasteries or castles. The Red Cross published a map in 1944 to provide families with the locations of the principle camps for British and Dominion PoWs (see Figure 8). Although this was by no means a definitive list, it demonstrates the spread of camps across Europe and the number of camps in operation.

Figure 8 Map of camps published by Red Cross & St. John War Organisation 30th August 1944

4.8.1 Camp Layouts Due to the variance of camp locations, there was no single set layout for each prison camp; some were located in pre-existing and repurposed buildings such as the Saviour Monastery of St. Euthymius in Suzdal, Colditz Castle, or deserted Polish barracks. 328 However, others were re-opened camps from the First World War, or newly created spaces for mass incarceration such as Stalag Luft III. Luft III was a newly built camp constructed on fresh ground and specifically designed to deter escape attempts by the Allied air force PoWs.329 The camp expanded throughout the conflict with forest clearances to allow the required space. The camp consisted of evenly spaced wooden barracks and a double barbed wire perimeter with watchtowers spaced along it. German administrative buildings and individual punishment cells were separated from the general population. In the case of the North compound, it was by a wire fence.330 Some of the PoWs attempted to map the landscape of their captivity in their Wartime Logs, and although they drew different camps or compounds, many of the maps show similar groupings of barracks (see Figures 9 to 16).

Each of the maps in Figures 10 to 16 differs, but all of them show groupings of long barracks, as well as other areas such as spaces to exercise, theatres, and mess halls. Although the spaces in which the men were imprisoned differed, there were many common features. The similar layouts in camps were not exclusive to PoWs who were part of the Kriegie prisoner grouping; however, it did add a further common factor to their experiences. Because of the similar features of captive experience, PoWs were able to move between camps and recognise not only the language being used by the men there, but also the general layout. Kriegies would have been able to find familiarity in the general layout of camps, as well as their fellow prisoners, and the society they had built within the camps despite the obvious upheaval of being moved. Despite physical limitations, PoWs still managed to work around these factors to ensure activities were possible. Regimented sandy layers up to 10 metres deep below the camp characterised the soil in Stalag Luft III, but this did not preclude activities such as gardening or the formation of low trenches to form ice rinks in winter months. The lack of lake and boats did not prevent the formation of a yachting club in Stalag XVIIB, Oflags VIIC and VIB.331

328 Lipscombe. 329 Doyle, Pringle & Babits 2013, 130. 330 Doyle, Pringle & Babits 2013, 131. 331 Doyle, Pringle et al. 2013, 141, 742; Franks 1995, 82; Younger 2013, 119; Willatt, 63, 78, 92; Oliver, 33; Johnson, 10; Cunningham, 15.

Figure 9 Bird's Eye View of Stalag Luft III (hutted camp).332

332 Watts, 5-6.

Figure 10 Map of Stalag Luft III (hutted camp).333

333 Van Haeften, title page.

Figure 11 Map of Stalag Luft III (hutted camp).334

334 Staniland, 110.

Figure 12 Stalag VIIIB Layout (hutted camp).335

335 Rumsey, 14-15.

Figure 13 Map of Marlag Milag Nord (hutted camp).336

336 Allen, 6-7.

Figure 14 Map of Oflag VIIIF (repurposed Benedictine Abbey).337

337 Cochrane, 7.

Figure 15 Map of Oflag 79 (repurposed German parachute regiment buildings).338

338 Bell, 98-99.

Figure 16 Map of Stalag Luft III (hutted camp).339

339 Cochrane, back left.

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Prisoner descriptions of camps vary in detail, but often focused on the barracks and huts as described below:

• Stalag Luft IV “Divided into four compounds, each a self-contained unit. These were arranged in a square and bisected by a road from which a single gate led into each unit. Twin barbed wire fences about nine feet in height, and running parallel about the same distance apart, surrounded each of the four compounds as well as the entire camp, and along the perimeter were carefully spaced log towers serving as points of vantage for the guards. Searchlights and machine guns were mounted on the towers between which flood lights had been erected. Guards on foot, with police dogs, patrolled around and beyond all this.”340 • Stalag Luft VI “Four brick barracks, each divided into nine rooms a dozen or so wooden huts, two cookhouses, and two latrines.”341 • Stalag XXA “The camp area was something like a quarter of a square mile and the huts were built on eight inches of sand. The German guard’s accommodation, complete with three lookouts and machine guns, surrounded the outside of the wire perimeter. Our latrines were the usual long, deep trenches with crossed poles each end and centre, and for urinals there were large wooden barrels placed at different points around the camp. All these were placed so that searchlights could highlight anyone using them in the night. If you needed to use them you had to clap your hands on the way there and back, and kick the barrel with your clogs while you were using it! Both latrines and barrels had to be emptied. The barrels needed two men – one each end of a long pole, passed through two rope loops on each barrel. The barrels were emptied first, then taken back to be filled from the latrines by large saucepans on poles used to scoop out the contents. All this was carried two hundred yards down a treacherous path and emptied into the river Elbe.”342

As demonstrated in Figure 8, camps were disparate in their geographic locations and layouts, however, their constructed elements were often similar. This was true of the

340 Ludden 1945, 7. 341 Younger 2013, 89. 342 Lipscombe n.d.

101 physical camp surroundings created by the Axis forces and the cultures created by the men who existed in the camps.

4.8.2 Camp Accommodation In most camps, prisoners lived in low wooden barrack blocks, sometimes sub-divided into smaller rooms, and in which they usually slept in double or even triple bunks. Many and varied images reflect the living space, many of which have similar appearances despite being from different camps. Below are some examples of a selection of camps, featuring the PoWs’ own descriptions and sketches of the spaces in which they lived. This is by no means an exhaustive list, but it provides a sample of some of the landscapes of captivity experienced by PoWs at the time.

Figures 17 to 24 depict bunks in different camps, but common themes run throughout. Gilly Carr’s research on civilian internees on the Channel Islands identified the significance of the space around the bed. 343 The prominence of the bed as a central point is also emphasised by Allied PoWs in Europe who regularly depicted the space around their bunks. The walls and surrounding areas were often depicted littered with their personal clothing, sketches, letters, and other possessions (see Figures 17 and 20-22).344 The captive world of PoWs and the civilian internees Carr researched were geographically far apart, yet physically their realities were similarly constricted and focused on their bunks and the space around them.

343 Mytum & Carr 2013, 193-194. 344 Hauser, 58; Watts, photo page 3; Shaw, 5; Johnson, photo page 2; Lambert, photo page 5.

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Figure 17 Busy Day in Room 6 Stalag Luft I.345

345 Smith & Freer n.d.

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Figure 18 Bunks Stalag Luft III.346

104

Figure 19 Dulag Luft.347

346 Watts, 3. 347 Cunningham, 4.

105

Figure 20 Oflag 79.348

348 Bell, 6.

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Figure 21 Oflag VB.349

349 Allen, photo page 3.

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Figure 22 Bunk Stalag Luft III.350

108

Figure 23 Bunks.351

351 Rumsey, 9.

109

Figure 24 Bunk.352

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Bunks were a central point of the PoWs’ lives, and they represented their physical comfort or lack thereof. PoWs’ straw or cloth mattresses impacted their sleep and the lice and fleas which plagued them often infested their beds too. Bed boards were regularly taken to provide fuel or material for construction, which could further impact sleep quality.353 The bunks were also a point of politics for PoWs. Decisions about which level to take were significant. Lower levels meant easier access but being closer to the dirt and vermin on the floor, mid and topmost levels were warmer but involved climbing to reach the bunks. It was not uncommon for prisoners to fall through the bed boards in the night, and neighbours scrambling over a prisoner to reach their bed could be a point of annoyance as demonstrated in Figures 19 and 23 above. 354 Other forms of accommodation included tents; however, these were much less common in mainland Europe.355

4.9 Conclusion Although there was a large degree of difference in the physical location of the PoW camps, there were many similarities in the captive experience. Class and military status could impact factors such as the number of men to a room and the beds provided to them; Officers were more likely to have lower numbers per room and double bunks as opposed to triple-layered ones. However, regardless of class, captivity was characterised mainly by bunk beds and barbed wire. This thesis considers sources from a range of camps for all military and merchant navy branches because these common strands of experience make them comparable. The similar threads are evidenced in text and drawings describing the experience of capture. Their accounts differ to the experience of other groups of Allied PoWs such as the Russians or Polish prisoners who experienced more inadequate accommodation and standard of living.

The camp location also impacted the experience of captivity; for example, winter temperatures were low in Upper Silesia. This especially impacted men captured in warm weather kit (e.g., those on Crete). In the early years of the war, before the Red Cross began to provide clothing, the PoWs had to rely on whatever could be provided by the Germans or relatives sending clothing parcels. Bell wrote of the impact of the cold after his capture "…extreme heat in the day and at night intense cold, one did not seem to notice these extremes when there was plenty to eat, drink and the material to hand to keep warm

353 Oliver, 125. 354 Rumsey, 9; Naylor, photo page 5, 88. 355 Rumsey, 73; Klem, 73.

111 with."356 As PoWs, they no longer had some of the comforts to which they were accustomed. Even in the same locations, they experienced the weather differently. The temperature also affected the activities the men were able to undertake, in snowy conditions football could be exchanged for ice hockey.

The physicality of the camps also impacted the resources which were available to the PoWs. The method chosen to create camp made insignia (Chapter 8) could depend on the camp's attributes. Sandy soil or the presence of clay would, in turn, allow for different methods of casting. The presence of rivers or streams in the camp boundaries allowed men to form yacht clubs, and the soil quality would impact PoWs who were trying to grow the seeds provided by the Red Cross.

Types of camp also changed how the men experienced their captivity. Men at NCO level and above were not expected to work and therefore had more free time, leading to a larger variety of activities, or, more time to record their activities. Figure 4 reflects this. The three camps with the most contributions are Stalag Lufts, and Oflag camps are also highly represented in activity references.

Camps were experienced differently for various reasons, their geography, make up, management, and for whom they were intended. However, there were also common features: bunks, barbed wire, watchtowers. These symbols spanned the experience of captivity.

356 Bell, 43.

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5 Chapter 5: Symbols of Captivity: Barbed wire and mental health

"For years behind the barbed wire fence, Can warp the sanest mind, Unless you keep some sort of hold, Or somehow strength can find"357 5.1 Introduction Barbed wire is a common symbol of captivity. It signifies a barrier, a point of division, the line between captivity and freedom and the violence that is implicit in any attempt to cross it. The term behind barbed wire is linked inexorably with captivity. The words appear in many writings about camp life and experiences. Even prisoners of war who were not encircled physically by barbed wire have been described as being metaphorically so.358

PoWs used the term the wire as a reference point when discussing the boundaries of the camps. They used it in images to denote captivity and describe mental health in the camps. The link between barbed wire and captivity is intrinsic, and this chapter will further argue that the presence of barbed wire also impacted the prisoners' mental health.

The wire is, in some ways, the ultimate representation of captivity. In its simplest form, barbed wire denoted a barrier that the men could not cross – the ultimate disruption to freedom. However, the wire was not only a symbol of the physical barriers placed around the camp, but also the mental impact of captivity. As part of his discussion of Structuration Theory, Giddens states that routine is vital for a feeling of wholeness and wellness. When routine is broken, even if this is caused by trivial circumstances, it can lead to agents being left without the wedge of the everyday which prevents them from experiencing “…the potentially explosive content of the unconscious.”359 Being removed from their routines, placed into military training and active combat, experiencing capture, and eventually becoming a PoW, took a man far away from the “…minor conventions of daily social life [which are no longer] curbing the sources of unconscious tension that would otherwise preoccupy most of [their] waking lives.”360 The camp structure afforded the men the agency to define their own new routines, leaning heavily on their socialised knowledge from civilian life (plays, education, religion, clubs and other trappings of their prior existence). However, the very physicality of the structure played heavily on their minds,

357 Watchorn, 61. 358 Hilton, M. et al 2012, 121. 359 Giddens 1986, xxiii. 360 Giddens 1986, xxiii.

113 providing a visual representation of their situation. In the comfort of daily routine agents would usually feel able to make different choices if they so wanted. Within PoW camps, there was an awareness that the structure of which they were now part ruled their routine. All prisoners had knowledge of the norms of civilian life and were, therefore, able to see the impact that their new situation had on their fellow PoWs. They were able to see how it could lead to deviation from previous societal norms and accepted camp behaviour.361 Using their stocks of knowledge, some prisoners, both medical professionals and PoWs without medical training (hereafter medical and non-medical PoWs respectively) began to assess, diagnose, and treat the resulting mental illnesses.

This chapter will use the physicality of camp as a conduit to explore the impact of captivity on the mental health of the PoWs, specifically, the barbed wire which surrounded the men. Reference will be made both to medical and non-medical PoWs in camps, groups who were knowledgeable and motivated to attempt to rationalise the forms of the illness they witnessed around them.

5.2 Why Barbed Wire? Barbed wire provides a simple and somewhat universal symbol of captivity. When describing camps in Europe, Schnieder simply stated: “Inside the camps, entirely surrounded by barbed wire, the tents were pitched in compounds, also defined by rows of barbed wire”.362 Although Schnieder is discussing specific camps, this is true of much of the PoW experience. For example, in discussing creativity in captivity, Carr and Mytum’s edited volume chooses the phrasing “behind barbed wire.” The term is used in many other similar works about the PoW or internee experience.363 The presence of barbed wire alone does not make a camp; they were a product of the people in them, and the objects contained within them.364 Yet, the wire's presence is inherent to the experience of captivity and runs throughout the writing, images, and oral testimonies relating to camp life.

Culturally, there was already a negative association with barbed wire before 1939. Despite being created as the "perfect fence," it instead evoked thoughts of destruction and blood.365 Edwin Ford Piper's 1919 poem Barbed Wire describes the death of a horse, ending

361 Legitimation is the process by which actions, rules, or laws are legitimised by the person interacting with/perceiving them because of the context provided by their knowledge and experiences. 362 Schneider 2013. 363 Carr & Mytum 2012. 364 Kostyrko & Kobiałka 2020, 597. 365 Krell 2002, 36.

114 with "But it's barbed wire for the devil's hat band, And barbed wire blankets down in hell."366 However, Alan Krell links negative associations with barbed wire to soon after its invention. It was used as an offensive weapon by Kitchener in South Africa, and is strongly associated with no man’s land in the Great War.367 Ivor Gurney's poetry from this period contains reference to the horrors of barbed wire in the conflict, describing "[men] Who died on the wires, and hung there, one of two - Who for his hours of life had chattered through... Yet faced unbroken wires; stepped over, and went..."368 These previous associations provide context for the references discussed in this chapter. Barbed wire had strong negative symbolism before the Second World War, and then the men then found themselves surrounded by it in camp.

5.3 WWII: Known links between captivity and mental health in 1939 This section will provide a background of what was known and accepted about mental health and captivity prior to the Second World War, building the same background of information which would have been available to the prisoners of war (although the medical community is more likely to have had a greater awareness than the non-medical PoWs).

The connection between captive conditions and mental health within the military is a longstanding one. For example, during the early 1860s, some British troops waiting for transport out of a camp at Mumbai became affected by an illness described as doolally tap – this was however considered to only affect those in India, with professionals believing it was the heat that caused the change in behaviour, as opposed to the restrictive environment in which the troops were living.369

In the latter years of the First World War, there was limited recognition of the impact of prison conditions on the mental health of those captured. Red Cross personnel highlighted concerns that camp conditions were causing negative impacts on mental wellbeing; however, at this point, shell shock was considered the only cause of ‘mental disturbance.’ Therefore, it was assumed that any mental distress would abate during a PoWs time in camp as they were thought to be both secure and peaceful.370 Despite the acknowledgement by Red Cross workers in contact with affected parties in the camps, there was no development of an explicit professional agreement on the existence of an

366 Krell 2002, 37. 367 Krell 2002, 49. 368 Mattison 2012, 156. 369 Jones & Wessely 2010, 165. 370 Makepeace 2017b, 1483.; Jones & Wessely 2010, 164.

115 illness. Therefore, no diagnostic criteria developed. Significantly, there was only limited official recognition prior to the Second World War, ensuring that the landscape of knowledge afforded to medical staff during the conflict was barren. Men were unlikely to have been aware of what was happening to them as information about the mental impact of being a prisoner of war was not widely available. Therefore, the consideration of agency in this situation might indicate how the men in camps developed their own understanding and actions outside of what was commonly known and understood. At the same time, the men also brought with them the concept of mental illness and identification of those operating outside of accepted behaviours. The establishment of accepted behaviours was based on a combination of structural factors and the agency of the PoWs themselves.

In March 1915 an agreement was formed as part of the Stockholm Agreement to allow for repatriation of blind, amputee, and facially disfigured prisoners – again demonstrating a more apparent ability to provide specific physical health criteria for illness.371 Two years later, in July 1917, a conference held at The Hague (by Anglo-German agreement) officially recognised the term Barbed Wire Disease.

Barbed wire disease was described in detail by Dr Adolf Lukas Vischer, a Swiss physician. He examined prisoners in British civilian and military prisoner of war camps during the First World War. Despite the varied camp locations, the symbolism of barbed wire in each of them was still impactful enough to influence the name of the illness. The causes of the disease were attributed to long term imprisonment, coupled with boredom, sexual deprivation, and a lack of privacy.

Vischer and Dr Paul Robert Bing (a Swiss-German neurologist also working in the camps) wrote an observation of their time examining PoWs. They identified primary and secondary symptoms. Primary symptoms affected some (but not all) prisoners or some specific camps due to the conditions present. Common symptoms identified included: irritability, lack of judgement, loss of concentration, pathological fatigue, and memory loss pertaining to people or places pre-war. Secondary symptoms included: insomnia, vision loss, pessimism, torpors (where prisoners may not speak to another person for days on end), and sexual impotence.372 Vischer also noted that once present it was rare for PoWs to move past the symptoms unless they were outside of the internment situation. In parallel, however,

371 Beckett 2014. 372 Bing & Vischer 1919, 696.

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Vischer also claimed that there was no real way to avoid the illness once imprisoned for more than six months.373 He concluded that:

“…brutal treatment does not produce the disease, neither does good treatment prevent it. Even a beautifully situated camp is not preventative ... The disease is not cured by mere release from imprisonment.”374

Despite Vischer’s analysis of barbed wire disease being drawn from a breadth of patients and long-term analysis of the data he accumulated, there was still varied opinion within the medical community as to whether living as a prisoner of war would have a significant impact on one’s mental health.375

Leading German psychiatrists disagreed with Vischer’s assertions. Karl Bonhoeffer (chair of the Department of Psychiatry and Neurology at the Charité at Berlin) did not consider the French PoWs he came into contact with during the conflict to exemplify any form of negative conditioning from their time in captivity.376 Similarly, Fritz Mohr (a doctor who would later specialise in shock therapy) claimed not to have witnessed any cases of prisoner neurosis in any of the 12,000 French and British PoWs with whom he came into contact. Karl Wilmanns (a psychologist who later established the Heidelberg School of Psychopathology) cited only five prisoners out of 80,000 whom he believed to be experiencing mental health symptoms, and Captain Harold Wiltshire (a military physician) subscribed to the belief that PoWs were ‘safe’ and therefore would not experience any negative impact on their mental health.377 Furthermore, Hermann Oppenheim, a psychiatrist who was initially sceptical of the lack of cases reported by his colleagues, was unable to identify any instances of PoWs with a psychological disorder in the large number of men he examined, despite his willingness to believe that there was a significant impact on mental health caused by captivity.378

Divergent professional opinion translated to PoWs receiving no specific mental health support upon their return to the UK after the First World War. It also meant that medical

373 Ohry & Solomon 2014, 16.; Jones & Wessely 2010, 167. 374 Vischer 1919, 3. 375 Ohry & Solomon 2014, 17. 376 Jones & Wessely 2010, 165. 377 Jones & Wessely 2010, 165-166. 378 Jones & Wessely 2010, 165.

117 staff did not enter the Second World War with any official concept of the significant impact capture could have for PoWs.379

The Geneva Convention governed the legalities of the care of prisoners during the Second World War. The Convention comprised of 97 articles which directed behaviour towards prisoners. In 1929, 46 nation states were signatories to the Convention, of these, nine did not go on to ratify the treaty, and therefore it was not legally binding to them. However, by the beginning of the conflict in 1939, 39 of the states had completed the process of ratification or accession, legally requiring them to treat PoWs in accordance with the convention. These countries included the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and Germany; whereas Japan and the Soviet Union did not take part in the agreement.

None of the articles laid out in the Convention specifically focused on mental health; only one mentions it by name, others could be seen as implicit:

5.4 The 10 Articles concerning physical health 9 – Unacceptable to restrain or confine PoWs except in extreme circumstances. They are to be held in an area without risk of bombardment where possible and with an inhabitable climate.380 10, 13 – Prisoner hygiene (access to water, mould free accommodation), and prevention of epidemics.381 11 – Food rations should be equal to that of the troops of the captors.382 15 – Monthly medical inspections for prisoners.383 25 – Prisoners not to be moved if they are too sick or wounded for the journey.384 27 – Those below NCO level may be required to work if ‘physically fit’.385 32 – Prisoners can only be employed in roles which are not dangerous, and their labour must not be made more arduous for punishment.386 33 – Governs working camp conditions, which must be equivalent to the conditions mandated in the main camps.387

379 Jones & Wessely 2010, 168. 380 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 9. 381 ICRC1929. 382 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 9. 383 ICRC 1929, chapter 3 article 15. 384 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 8. 385 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 27. 386 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 32. 387 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 33.

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71 – Prisoners who are injured while working are still eligible for repatriation (unless the injury is self-inflicted).388

5.5 The 6 Convention articles concerning both mental and physical health 5 – “those incapable by mental or physical condition are to be sent to the Medical Service.”389 14 – Each camp is required to have an infirmary to provide “attention of any kind for which they may be in need”, including isolation units for infectious illnesses.390 36 – Prisoners should be allowed to send a postcard to family and notify them of health issues.391 58 – During any punishment measures PoWs are entitled to present themselves to a medical officer for inspection daily.392 68 – The severely ill or injured should be repatriated for treatment once stable.393 69 – A Mixed Medical Commission will examine unwell prisoners, and make decisions regarding their treatment/repatriation.394

5.6 The Articles concerning mental health No articles specifically concern only mental health. The Convention, including the criteria listed above, was established to ensure the fair treatment of prisoners of war, including maintenance of their health, and assured repatriation or treatment in a neutral country if their health failed. Despite this, nearly all the information pertaining to the health of the PoWs focuses only on the prisoners’ physical state. The information classified (for the purpose of this chapter) as pertaining to both mental and physical health is largely generalised only being classified as referring to mental health because it discusses ‘health’ as a wider concept which could plausibly include mental health.

388 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 71. 389 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 5. 390 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 14. 391 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 36. 392 ICRC 1929, chapter 3, article 58. 393 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 68. 394 ICRC 1929, section 1, article 69-71.

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The aforementioned lack of clarity continued in the accompanying Model Draft Agreement Concerning the Direct Repatriation or Accommodation in a Neutral Country of Prisoners of War for Reasons of Health, 1929.395 Mental health is not mentioned until Clause II, B, 2 – and is therein classified as a condition which requires treatment in a neutral country and is not considered serious enough to require direct repatriation (I, A). However in the same clause exclusions for treatment in neutral countries are listed, three of the four focus on mental health and addiction and the direction is given that if patients who have psychasthenia are not cured after “three months sojourn in a neutral country”, they are to be repatriated.396 Furthering the confusion, Clause III specifies that “…the conditions stated above must, in a general way, be interpreted and applied in as broad a spirit as possible.”. So medical professionals were supposed to generally, but broadly, apply the non-specific terms especially in cases of neuropathic or psychopathic disorders.397 This phrasing may, in part, be due to a lack of diagnostic criteria available for prisoner specific mental health issues during this period, unlike the extensive list of physical illnesses medical staff were primarily limited to psychasthenia, or mental affliction - terms which are much broader and more difficult to clearly evidence and diagnose than physical conditions such as tuberculosis or amputated limbs.398

This chapter explores how the prisoners (based on the above information, which is the extent of their possible prior medical knowledge of the situation) acted to process the illness they witnessed in camp, and provide treatment to their fellow PoWs where possible, and the symbolism of barbed wire in this process.

Although this chapter will mainly focus on the information available to the PoWs during the Second World War, there is a wealth of scholarship written on the topic since 1945. Much of this has focused on PTSD and the after-effects of capture, however, some research has also considered the camp conditions and the way in which affected the men.399 The impact of various factors including temperatures, extreme weight loss, beatings, physical health, death threats, type of confinement, torture, witnessing friendly fire, or experience torture were considered by Cook et al. when interviewing ex-PoWs.400 The stressors listed are similar to some of those factors discussed in this chapter; it is recognised that not all

395 ICRC 1929b. 396 ICRC 1929b. 397 ICRC 1929b. 398 ICRC 1929b. 399 Cook et al. 2004 37-42; Ursano, Benedek 2003, S22-23; Ursano, Rundell 1995. 400 Cook et al. 2004, 38.

120 experiences of capture were equal. Cook et al. identified that air force personnel in their sample group of ex-servicemen held captive during the Second World War were significantly less likely to experience PTSD symptoms than those in other branches of the armed forces.401 Although this could be attributed to airmen's preparation for the possibility of capture, Franklin D. Jones still identified that all PoWs were at a higher risk of mental illness than the general population.402 However, he did further reinforce the significance of treatment of the PoWs – victims of the holocaust and FEPoWs were more likely to develop mental health issues.403 Robert Ursano and James Rundell also theorised that "…the degree of severity of a traumatic event is positively associated with potential for psychopathology.... [but] social supports, cultural variables, and personality also play [a role]."404 Social support's significance is stressed heavily by the men working to help those experiencing mental health issues in the camp.

The general coping mechanisms for PoWs (Figure 25) identified by Ursano and Rundell’s research fit well with the trends identified by prisoners below and Chapter 6. The importance of caring for one another, humour, buddy systems, and strong chains of command is evident in medical and non-medical personnel accounts.

A 1996 study also highlighted the role of stress in the cognitive issues experienced by PoWs. Severe stress causes the release of glucocorticoid hormones, at high levels of stress the hormones continue to be released and remain at high levels. This can lead to the hippocampus being permanently damaged and could cause impairments in the long and short term.405 Although this study primarily focuses on the post-war effects, the impact of stress and malnutrition could have played a role in the mental health of PoWs. Stressful events can also cause somatic symptoms such as headaches, discomfort, pain, weakness, dizziness, and fatigue. Debate about whether these symptoms are caused by stress or are an "expression of the collective distress of powerless and persecuted people..."406

Often, captivity's physical and mental impact is viewed through the lens of post-war experiences; however, there are valuable resources that help to understand the experience of the PoWs. The impact of capture, combined with the effects of stress on the body was understandably unpleasant and unlikely to leave the PoWs feeling comfortable. Mental

401 Cook et al. 2004, 40. 402 Jones 1995, 421-424. 403 Jones 1995, 422. 404 Ursano and Rundell 1995, 433. 405 Sulway et al. 1996, 651. 406 Summerfield 2000, 232.

121 health is a complex topic, but one that can be tied closely to physical health, social relationships, and other factors that would have changed for the PoWs during their military service and after capture. Although this information would not have been available at the time, it demonstrates that trends highlighted by the PoWs were evident in post-war analysis.

Table titled "Prisoner of War Coping Mechanisms" removed due to copyright restriction.

Figure 25 PoW Coping Mechanisms.407 5.7 Symbolism and captivity During the 1930s, the understanding of mental health was not comparable to contemporary diagnosis, treatments, and comprehension. There was an acknowledgement

407 Ursano and Rundell 1995, 436.

122 of the convincing impact of hereditary, environmental, and situational factors on mental wellness, but not of the impact of imprisonment specifically.408

For the aforementioned reasons, there was no extensive knowledge of the impact of imprisonment on mental health. However, the PoWs themselves (both medical and non) tried to offer some understanding, in some cases sending articles to the British Medical Journal (BMJ) and other medical journals discussed the effects of their captivity. Major George Matthews, a member of the Royal Army Medical Corps captured in May 1940 and worked at a hospital near Stalag XIIIC, identified four factors in his mental health analysis in the PoW camps. Primarily he identified the lack of privacy as having a significant impact on the mental health of the men as this assured a lack of personal space. Secondly, he identified the physical representation of captivity and specifically included barbed wire as one of these factors. He also cited guards, severe restrictions in terms of the timing of daily rituals such as sleep, eating, and hygiene as representations of the restriction. Thirdly he listed the impact of monotony on the men – living the same patterns day on day without a change of scenery, or the ability to leave the small area in which they were incarcerated. Finally, there was the area of confinement itself, which he stated was often depressing in appearance – as well as lacking in basic amenities.409 Matthews felt that the impact of captivity could be felt as early as six months into capture, but that after two years the mental aberration could become permanent. His focus lay explicitly on the exact situation of the camp, leaning on the environmental, choosing to highlight the impact factors and outcomes of the experience in an effort to qualify it. The physicality of the camp was, in itself, distressing to the men held there.

The physical trappings of captivity, along with colloquialisms focused on the new camp existence, were used by both laymen and medical professionals to try and make sense of the illness that was impacting nearly all PoWs daily lives. The names they chose to assign to the ‘new’ illnesses often focused on slang for the camp or prisoners (stalag, gefanger, Kriegie) or the camp's physicality – largely barbed wire. The choice to consider the significance of the physical trappings of incarceration as well as the new social groupings formed as part of camp life shows a repeated theme of captivity, barbed wire, and the PoWs working to reclaim aspects of their old lives. They did this while also coping with the reality of their current existence. The landscape of PoW mental health was not comparable

408 Lewis 1938, 875. 409 Matthews 1944.

123 to the lived experiences the men were accustomed to - to understand what was occurring they had to move outside of their habitus. In this way, some of the men moved away from existing patterns of knowledge. Instead, they formulated new frames of reference which hinged on the specifics of their new identity and physical location. The PoW agents were aware that they were trying to diagnose illness based on their previous knowledge and were aware that their situation's somewhat unique aspects had not provided them with broad frames of reference to do this. Many PoWs, therefore, chose to focus on language specific to the camps to diagnose.

Table 10 summarises some of the names used by PoWs. It is by no means an exhaustive list, but it does evidence the decision to classify the new illnesses. The lack of existing criteria led to men using their own knowledge – formed through witnessing the illness around them – to offer a name for what was happening. Although the most terms in any single category are the pre-existing ones (8), the majority of included terms are related to the camp environment or imprisonment itself (12). Although existing terms were used as a frame of reference, new ones were also developed to reflect the men's situation.

Table 10 Examples of the terminology relating to mental health found in PoW accounts.

Physical General term Mental health Prison focused environment specific medical term focused term term Barbed wire disease Weakness Psychoneuroses Stalag Loopy Wire Happy Temporary Lapses Mental Kriegie Weariness depression Barbed Wire Despair Psychasthenia Acute Gefangenitis Madness Camp disease The Blues Manic depression Stalag Happy Barbed Wire Fever Stir happy Mental Kriegieism [sic] aberration Barbed Wireitis Gone off their heads Mental Bag Happy derangements Round the Bend Depression Schizophrenia

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According to Reid’s description, Barbed Wire Happiness is a type of mania which produces uplifting feelings in the prisoners; he described it as a mental camouflage. The uplifting feeling could last for a varied length of time, accompanied sometimes by repetitive motions.410 Similar ticks are also described by Vaughan who writes that “…men would act in various ways, staring through the wire at nothing, incessantly repeating things over and over, or a total lack of doing anything.” Although he does not clearly state that he viewed this as mental illness, Vaughan classified these men as Wire Happy or Stalag Happy.411 Similar behaviour is, again, described by Younger. However, he refers to it merely as a “harmless form of melancholia” and explains that a man would stand and stare out through the wire, regardless of the weather. He writes that this man was “obsessed with none knew what vision of liberty” – again, there is a common denominator of unexplained inertia and a focus outside the wire.412

Table 10 indicates a strong tendency to use pre-existing medical terminology with which they were already familiar. These men chose to discuss the illness around them in non- differentiated terms, using their knowledge of medical diagnosis to assess the men in the new situation. These agents acknowledged that captivity was impacting the men around them, but did not necessarily feel that a differentiated name was required. One such example is Major P. H. Newman of the Royal Medical Corps who described captivity in terms of the pre-existing Caisson Disease (decompression sickness).

Despite choosing to use an existing illness as a comparative standpoint in an article published in the BMJ in 1944, Newman examined how the situations in which PoWs found themselves, would affect prisoners in different ways. He focused on the specific camp situation to discuss why only some PoWs became unwell. Newman also argued that this would apply to the men even after they were outside of the situation (e.g. repatriated).413 He did so by modifying the three factors which are likely to affect symptoms of Caisson Disease: 1) the individual; 2) the length of time immersed; and, 3) the pressure to which the individual was exposed. He created a list of three parallel factors which increased susceptibility of the PoW to mental health difficulties once imprisoned: 1) the individual’s temperament; 2) the period spent within the camp; and, 3) the gravity of conditions (not necessarily the degree of physical discomfort and the occurrence of atrocities, but the

410 Reid & Michael 1984, 162. 411 Vaughan 1985, 31. 412 Younger 2013, 109. 413 Newman 1944, 8.

125 intensity of factors which the prisoner feels are of psychological importance).414 Newman did not provide any profound insights to what he meant by the latter two classifications, but one can infer that the factors which prisoners felt were important could include barbed wire and the general physicality of camp.

Newman’s attempt to use a physical illness to parallel the mental illness is made clear when he acknowledged that there was still a knowledge gap regarding the mental health of ex- PoWs. Physical issues, he wrote, “…are fully recognised and can usually be treated without difficulty [however] as doctors, we still tend to flounder in directing treatment [of mental health]”.415 Newman’s acknowledgement of the difference between physical and mental health reinforced the problems caused by the lack of clarity. Medical professionals had clear guidelines for physical complaints, but official bodies had not provided clear criteria for identifying and treating mental illness in PoWs.

5.8 Barbed wire as representation The use of barbed wire to denote captivity is not specific to the men discussed in this thesis. Throughout the First World War, there was a prevalence of PoW’s choosing to include barbed wire as backgrounds to their official photographs in Knockaloe Camp on the Isle of Man.416 In the early years of the war, some of the internees made an effort to downplay but not completely conceal the wire's prominence. However, some chose to work to emphasize its presence. In later years other trends came and went, but the inclusion of barbed wire remained steady. This could be attributed to its very presence in camp and the internees adjusting to its intrinsic presence; however, that would indicate the wire's perpetual nature as a signifier of entrapment.417 Barbed wire is an object present across the breadth of captivity; it was not exclusive to the European PoWs alone. Margaret Honda’s sculptural work about the internment of Japanese Americans also features heavy usage of barbed wire such as in the installation Helmet.418 She uses the wire to represent the issues around internment. The decision to use barbed wire to reflect on captivity is also evident in the creative output or accounts of PoWs during the Second World War who chose to use it in their drawing or describing camp life, as discussed in Chapter 6.

414 Newman 1944, 8. 415 Newman 1944, 8. 416 Mytum 2012, 133. 417 Carr & Mytum 2012, 140. 418 Kuramitsu 1995, 620.

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The use of barbed wire represents a myriad of wider connotations of camp and imprisonment – the physical presence of the wire itself, as a sharp and violent separator between the internee and freedom; the structural nature of the wire acting as a wall or structure both in photographs (the separator) and in sculpture forming the objects. Yet beyond the physical, there is further implication in representation with barbed wire. The wire inherently speaks of imprisonment, of structures larger than the prisoners themselves at work to ensure they remain contained, and more widely the social and structural connotations of the imprisonment itself – not just the imprisonment but why it has occurred, and the othering of the prisoners who are trapped behind it able to see society through the wire, but unable to interact with it.

5.9 Art In diaries, barbed wire is often used as a shorthand for a more extended discussion of captivity's impact. By writing about the wire or drawing an image with barbed wire visible in the back or foreground, there was a clear nod to the prisoners' situation. This phenomenon was not specific to Allied PoWs held in Europe during this period. There are also references to barbed wire in interned Japanese American civilians' art, using visual representations of wire to symbolise the pain they experienced.419

The constant presence of barbed wire is highly evident in many of the drawings produced in Wartime Logs. It is present on map sketches of camp layouts, in vignettes of PoW life, and in drawings of the camp in general. Many of the images which feature barbed wire use it as a prominent display of captivity. Figures 26, 27, and 28 show men leaning against or grabbing the barbed wire in the foreground, pleading with the viewer. The prisoners in these images are able to lean against the fence (usually separated from the PoWs by a warning wire, which, if crossed, could lead to the shooting of prisoners without warning). Using a fully barbed wire fence, despite the PoWs usual lack of access to it, demonstrates the power of the simple imagery. These images are not representations of an actual scene; instead, barbed wire is tantamount to captivity, providing a shorthand for their situation.

419 Kuramitsu 1995, 626.

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Figure 26 Time!420

420 Boychuck, 95.

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Figure 27 Churchill! How long – How long?421

421 Misc log 1, 23.

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Figure 28 Churchill – How long – How long?422

422 Misc log 2, 21.

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Although in some images, it is evident that the artist is drawing what they see and including the wire as it was present, this is not universally true. The wire's symbolism is significant enough for it to be present in portrait images, images of a boat race, running races, sketches of prior home comforts, and in cartoons of prisoners dreaming. Barbed wire features in every drawing in the Stalag Luft Fashions 1944 series by Bohdan Arct. Arct drew the series as a memento of time in camp, and he replicated the complete set or individual drawings from it in other PoWs’ Wartime Logs for a payment of cigarettes or D Bars. Each of them shows various comical outfits used by PoWs (who were poorly equipped with kit and had to take whatever was offered once their clothes wore out). In the background of every drawing is the ever-present wire.

Barbed Wire is also evident in photographs, with images of the warning signs, wire, and guard towers being assigned valuable space in some of the logs. The wire is also a symbol used when discussing resistance too. In another series of sketches in Bohdan Arct’s Wartime Log the wire is a constant in a set of jokes about escape.423 PoWs are seen cutting the barbed wire, catapulting over it, and passing under it using flaming torches to light their way. Each image is comical and cartoonish and, as above, designed to be collectors’ items and memoirs of camp for the prisoners. They were a simple way in which to use such a strong physical sign of captivity and subvert it. Escape, especially comedic escape, could have come in many ways and forms, but each of these images features the barbed wire being physically breached.424

5.10 Physical space, identity, and health Barbed wire is a common theme through many PoW diaries, and the physicality of the camp is discussed by many. A poem by H. G. Rumsey titled Per Ardua Ad Um Die Ecke (‘Through adversity to round the bend’) ruminates on going round the bend. It plays on the RAF’s Latin motto Per ardua ad astra (‘Through adversity to the stars’) and begins: “…Barbed Wire, Posterns, Dogs that bite, Huts without windows, black as night, Bed bugs, lice and flease galore…”[sic].425 Similarly, in the poem There’s Always Bloody Something (which features in various incarnations in different logs) the line “Bloody times is bloody hard, bloody wire for bloody guard” is a regular addition. Similar references to wire in writing include “Our small domain is encircled by wire, not even the ground can we

423 Arct 1988, 115-121. 424 Arct 1988, 115-121. 425 Rumsey.

131 roam”426 and “…to sweat out a parcel or better from home, it while imprisoned in barbed wire, so I couldn’t roam.”427

In R Watchorn's diary, a poem entitled To a Friend (continued) summarises the significance of the symbolism assigned to barbed wire. He writes:

“I did not die when my friends did But lived to share that lonesome hell Where hardship was a welcome thing That broke the grey monotonous[sic] spell Where men were ringed about with wire Which coiled and twisted through the brain Till each barbed strand became a shaft That seared like sharp relentless flame.”428

The wire in Watchorn’s poem moves beyond the purely physical. It rings the men, encircling and trapping them, and the descriptions fall with the physicality of the wire which did coil and twist around the camp periphery. It is also via the same medium of the wire which Watchorn is able to describe the impact on the mental health of the men. This method of description continues further into the poem with the lines “For years behind the barbed wire fence can warp the sanest mind”.429 Here the physical presence of the fence is the factor which causes the prisoners to experience mental illness. In this poem the very presence of the wire sears through the brain.

A similar theme emerged in an interview with Harold Brown, a Tuskegee airman who was downed on 9th December 1944. He spoke almost fondly about the forced marches at the end of the war (commonly termed Death Marches due to the harsh conditions and high mortality as underweight and unwell PoWs were marched long distances away from the approaching Allies). He states “… the two weeks march was actually enjoyable as you were out walking but you weren’t behind barbed wire and you were almost looking forward to taking a nice walk.”430 This quote does not lessen the difficulty or stress of the forced marches, but instead amplifies the impact of the wire's physical presence. These examples show that the wire was an ever-present reminder of captivity. Although the men had the

426 Boychuck. 427 Veronick. 428 Watchorn, 59. 429 Watchorn, 61. 430 Brown, 38:03.

132 chance to walk within the camp (which many did, tracing the path of the wire in laps), there was significance in movement, in walking without the wire as a guide and a limiter. The men were still imprisoned, still in danger, still in the hold of their captors; yet they were free from the physical representation of imprisonment which was ever-present in camp life.

Even in thoughts of the future, the presence of barbed wire was felt. In a fantastical article written from the perspective of civilians trying to understand the behaviour of newly returned PoWs, there was a strong focus on the wire the returning prisoners would use to encircle themselves. This article takes a joking tone - but the barbed wire is still present. This is also true of a letter stuck into Watchorn’s diary titled A Letter to my Stomach. The work is mostly a list of items that the author will eat upon release and apologies for the terrible food they have been consuming. One line of the apology reads: “… soon I shall remove you from the haunts of Kartofells, Saurkraut, broat, appels, and the confining limits of this, horrible barbed wire, that prevents you from indulging your magnificent appetite at your leisure.”431

Because of the significance assigned to barbed wire, and the purpose it was imbued with when used, the wire also developed agency. It became able to inspire the feelings described above in the men.432 Meaning is created by the people who create or place the object – in this case, the barbed wire is afforded agency by the intentional placement as a boundary. The Germans encircled the camp in wire with the intention of keeping PoWs in, and therefore the reaction it elicited in the PoWs was caused by the wire itself. Janet Hoskins also draws together various theories about the agency of objects, including Laura Ahern and Alfred Gell's work. Each of these scholars agrees that for an object to possess agency it must produce a mental or physical impact.433 The PoWs clearly demonstrated a mental reaction to the barbed wire, and therefore it possessed some level of agency.

However, it was not purely the agency of the wire which caused the reaction in the PoWs, arguably one of the key factors in their reaction was the socialisation they had experienced. On the whole, the men were accustomed a life of relative freedom, and to suddenly remove that, especially in stressful circumstances of war and capture, was disconcerting. The barbed wire was an easy focal point for this emotion. It was the item that encircled

431 Watchorn, 78. 432 Tilley 2001, 260. 433 Hoskins 2006, 74.

133 them, was designed to injure them, which had the purpose of keeping them inside the camp and at their captors' mercy. The barbed wire itself provided a focal point, a combination of agency and structure.

5.11 Conclusion In this chapter, I have reviewed the ways by which barbed wire is referenced. It is present in innocuous writings, in images that do not require it to make their point, and in day to day camp life. Although fences, watchtowers, warning wire, and guards were just as indicative of captivity as the wire, its sheer physical presence became a cultural touchstone and representation of PoW life.

To be captured and imprisoned is a stressful and challenging process, and the wire becomes a signifier of the effects of capture on mental wellness. Interestingly, prisoners described the wire in physical terms, even when discussing the mental impact it had. The wire was tangible as an object, but its other impacts were tangible too – the wire did not have to cut someone to cause them pain. By including barbed wire in images, photographs, and art, PoWs were able to use their own agency to choose to represent the pervasive element of their camp experience. The choice to include and represent the wire may have been both a shorthand for capture and a method of acknowledging the focus that many had on the perimeters of their captivity. Including the wire in images such as seasonal comedy cards, serious drawings representing the passage of time in camp, and official photographs shows the wire in duality. The wire fences were not purely the physical representation of capture; they were also the point of freedom. Once men crossed the wire they were no longer detained, drawing it, photographing it, writing it, allowed them to acknowledge a common enemy – the wire which kept them in. The use of comedic drawings to depict and denote the wire – including those showing PoWs escaping, or Father Christmas (or large breasted women dressed as him) entering the camp- shows an awareness of the wire's inherent boundary, but allowed the prisoners to poke fun at it too. Humour played an essential role in coping, and the approach to illustrating barbed wire was a similar effort to aid PoWs in their efforts to cope with captivity. The wire provided a shorthand - anyone can understand that it symbolises captivity - however, fellow PoWs had a shared knowledge which could also be drawn upon by the image of the wire. It was not merely included in drawings because it was there; it provided a quick point of reference for capture, a symbol of internment, and spoke to other PoWs about their shared experience.

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This phenomenon is also not specific to the Second World War, or the Kriegies studied in this thesis. The impact of barbed wire is a much broader commonality across incarceration, including civilian prisons. Further research on this topic should consider similarities between PoWs, internees, and incarcerated people to better understand the impact of the physical surroundings of capture. Although in wartime situations, it is less practicable to provide wire-free internment, reconsidering the appearance of modern prisons and detainment centres could benefit their residents' mental health. This chapter has highlighted the mental impact of barbed wire on incarcerated groups. PoWs focused on it more extensively than other physical representations of captivity and chose to use it to symbolise imprisonment's mental and physical constraints. The barbed wire which surrounded camp was a significant aspect of the captive experience.

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6 Chapter 6: A Wartime Log

6.1 Introduction This chapter examines the phenomenon of Wartime Log diaries, sent by the YMCA and Red Cross to PoWs between 1943 and 1945, to help keep PoWs occupied. They distributed three versions of the log: American, Canadian, and British. All three followed the same format, 151 blank pages sequentially numbered, and then 20 sheets of thicker and darker paper in the middle which are not numbered – these will be referred to as “photo pages” for the sake of referencing. In total, 21,000 American logs and 26,500 British and Canadian logs were sent to PoWs, beginning in 1943.434 The logs were printed in Switzerland and distributed to camps by the Red Cross and YMCA officials who visited them, so it is unclear as to whether certain camps would receive disproportionate amounts of the logs and therefore be overrepresented in samples.435 The logs all had the same structure, although the American and Canadian logs were larger (measuring 19.1cms wide by 24.13cms long) than British logs (measuring 12.7cms by 17.78cms) but formatted the same. Each of them also had six cellophane envelopes in the back, a blue cloth bookmark built-in, and a stiff card pocket on the inside back page.436 Wartime Logs are held in private collections, museums, and archives.

Because the logs were created with a set format, contained the same type and number of pages, and were specifically sent to PoWs they are used to examine the three themes of this thesis: agency, identity, and coping. This chapter uses a sample grouping of Wartime Log diaries and considers them as both text resources and artefacts to examine the nature of their use by prisoners during the Second World War. The logs were worth roughly the same as a loaf of bread (or ten cigarettes). However, the camp economies would regularly fluctuate depending on which camp the men were at and what resources were available.437 Items in demand would increase in value, and if there was a glut of a particular item there would be reductions in price. It is not possible to precisely calculate the value of a log; however, PoW rations remained notoriously poor throughout the conflict, and a loaf of bread was a significant amount of food. Although cost cannot be exactly pinpointed, the significance of the logs is clear. They were an item which could have afforded a starving man a loaf of bread, which were instead retained and used for diary entries, drawings, and

434 Beltrone & Beltrone 1994, 37. 435 Beltrone & Beltrone 1994, 14. 436 Beltrone & Beltrone 1994, 37. 437 Klem, 44, 58.

136 preservation of the PoW experience. Equally, obtaining one could cost a starving man a loaf.

6.2 Interplay of text and object PoW culture was a product of structure and agency meeting in the camps. Captured men were knowledgeable actors with previous experience of their own civilian and military culture and used their agency to attempt to recreate the society to which they were accustomed. Even without external supplies, PoWs worked to create known and comfortable trappings of their own societies (such as debate clubs, lectures, and national groups). These facts notwithstanding there were aspects of camp life which were completely unique: language was needed to describe their new situation and material culture was specific to the needs of the men. Aspects of Kriegie culture are evidenced throughout this thesis, but it was also something that many prisoners attempted to capture in their Wartime Log diaries. The logs themselves were not purely a diary for the prisoners to keep during their time in captivity, but a representation of external support. The logs were a token from home, a reminder to the PoWs that someone was thinking of them and trying to support them. This sentiment was demonstrated to the prisoners in the letters which came with the logs; the British version stated the log intended to “bring you greetings from friends.” The American and Canadian logs bore similar sentiments, representing the log as a “visible link between yourself and the folks at home.”438 The logs were a tether between the PoWs and their civilian lives, while also offering them an opportunity to capture aspects of their new identity as prisoners of war.

It would be easy to discount the physicality of the diaries discussed in this chapter and instead focus specifically on the text within them. Or, conversely, focus only on the Wartime Logs as objects. But this would be a disservice to the men who constructed them. Therefore, they are considered as texts and objects. The logs hold dual significance: both as items which were created for a purpose and held importance in a time and place in history, and also written works. To push the primacy of the written word without considering what materiality can also reveal does not fully reflect the weight of the efforts made to create, including through illustration and adaption, a personally significant artefact. The reasons why items were created and included in the logs can also be explored.439 Therefore, it is vital to consider them contextually and explore the role they served to the men in the

438 Naylor, letter with log; American National Red Cross 1943, 5. 439 Moreland 2007, 30.

137 camps who owned them. This analysis considers the content of the logs and what they divulge to us about that period and the physicality of the logs as objects. By doing so, this chapter explores the context in which the diaries came to be, the ways by which PoWs chose to use them for expression of identity, and to help them cope in the difficult conditions of camp life. The logs were not purely reactive, but were items used by PoWs who were discovering, compounding, or purely recording their identity as a part of Kriegie life.440 An external group provided the logs, but the Kriegies themselves chose how they used them and which aspects of life were important to capture. There are textual themes of identity and coping expressed throughout the logs that will be explored at length in this chapter; however, equal weighting will be given to the prisoners' design choices and how they chose to interact with the logs. Makepeace and Moore and Hatley have also recognised the value of these logs in understanding the lives of PoWs.441 Because the logs' function was to allow prisoners to record their lives they provide an excellent resource for academics looking to better understand the day to day of camp life, and the events that were significant enough for PoWs to record.

Although relatively few diaries are analysed in this chapter (when considered in the broader frame of total logs), they are not the oft dismissed elite texts which have been regarded by archaeologists and historians as un-representative.442 The Wartime Log books were offered to a wide cross-section of PoWs in various camps across German-occupied Europe. Alongside the logs, PoWs were also provided watercolour paints, pencil crayons, and writing implements by the Red Cross and other organisations. The free provision of these materials allowed any prisoner who was gifted the resources to use the diaries, providing a data set ranging from the most senior officers, to aircrew, to foot soldiers. No skill was required to possess a Wartime Log, however (as previously mentioned) they could be purchased, so PoWs with larger amounts of cigarettes or barterable items would have been in a better position to afford one if desired. There are examples of diaries PoWs kept on scrap paper or exercise books; however, they are less common due to the difficulty of gaining these materials.443 Wartime Logs were selected for this chapter precisely because of their comparability, they are largely the same shape and length and have the same prompts (e.g. the photo pages in the centre.)

440 Moreland 2007, 80. 441 Makepeace 2017a; Moore & Hatley, 2014. 442 Moreland 2007, 18-19. 443 Kemp.

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The Wartime Logs allowed prisoners to use their own agency in choosing how they used their diaries. Even those who could not write extensively were able to draw or stick items into the logs. This was stressed in the letter which came with the British logs. It began by indicating that the logs were intended to “...facilitate your recording of some of your experiences during these eventful years.” It was followed by the statement:

“Not everyone will want to use this book as a diary. If you are a writer, here is space for a short story. If you are an artist, you may want to cover these pages with sketches of your camp, caricature of its important personalities. If you are a poet, major or minor, confide your lyrics to these pages. If you feel that circumstances cramp your style in correspondence, you may write here letters to be carried with you on your return. This book may serve to list the most striking concoctions of the camp kitchen, the records of camp sports or a selection of the best jokes cracked in camp. One man has suggested using the autograph of one of his companions (plus his fingerprints?) to head each page, followed by free and frank remarks about the man himself. You may write a commentary on such photographs as you may have to mount on the special pages for that purpose with the mounting corners in the pocket of the book cover. This pocket may be used for clippings you want to preserve, or, together with the small envelope on the last page, for authentic souvenirs of life in camp.

Your own ingenuity may suggest to you many other ways of using this book, which comes to you with our greetings and good wishes.”444

Most of the logs contain a combination of the suggestions above, and sometimes more besides. Some entirely ignore suggestions such as the use of the photo pages in the centre of the books. The logs were curated personal items, defined by the prisoner to whom they belonged. Even though some logs bear the same stories, poems, or images, they are all unique. Choices are evident in the various ways logs usage; some became mementoes, some addressed to others, some as diaries. Not every log was intended to be read by anyone else, and not every log was an in-depth personal account of imprisonment. Each PoW brought their own experiences, thoughts, and knowledge to the creation of their logs. The creation of these records of capture demonstrate a society of PoWs who acted to document their time in captivity which is significant. The presence of logs demonstrates

444 Collings, loose paper in back pocket.

139 that PoW society kept accounts of life, which inherently differed from a society who did not prioritise keeping logs or diaries.445 Although these were supplied externally, the prisoners still chose to use them and chose how they would do so. It is unlikely that each man who created a diary in camp would have a comparable diary or log of civilian life, yet they brought their societal habits to the newly created PoW community and felt that the experience warranted recording.

6.3 Wartime Logs: An introduction The identities and the way in which the men detailed in this chapter held and navigated their layered personas is complex, but the Wartime Logs provide a portrayal of identities and their intersections.

This chapter considers the diaries through this thesis's three primary lenses: identity, coping, and agency. It will draw from the texts and images to explore these topics and examine the physicality of the logs. The value of the men choosing to interact with them is inherently significant and shows that they not only engaged with the logs, but also that they valued the items enough to preserve them and take them when they left the camps – as directed by the Red Cross in their letter. That the men have taken space in their diaries to highlight issues affecting them in camps, their thoughts about their own role, and the conditions they experienced shows how they have chosen to reflect their thoughts and feelings. When comparing a variety of logs, we can also see the different mediums by which the men decided to do so.

The discussion of each broader theme will use samples from the logs for context, exemplifying through the men’s own words their experience of life in the camps. Quotes will be used extensively throughout this chapter, as I strongly feel that it is essential to represent the men using their own voices. Each quote will be referenced as precisely as possible, although it should be noted that some references will refer to loose papers or un- numbered pages in the Wartime Log diaries.

Although merchant seamen were not technically prisoners of war, they were treated as such during the Second World War, largely due to fears that repatriated PoWs would return to the war effort. As merchant seamen were not technically military, the Geneva Convention’s conditions did not prevent them from returning to the merchant navy. Therefore, the Germans treated Allied merchant seamen as PoWs but did not compel them

445 Moreland 2007, 94.

140 to work; this approach was mirrored by the British in 1942.446 Because of this, the logs of merchant seamen are included below.

6.4 The Wartime Logs This section contains information about each of the 40 logs included in the sample group. The logs in the grouping were chosen to represent a broad range of experiences and include logs written by men of varied nationality and armed forces. This selection aimed to look for themes that were present across the breadth of PoW experience, and therefore I identified logs in varied collections. The samples are taken from the Imperial War Museum, online repositories which had scans of the entire logs available, and private collections. Logs which were only partially available (e.g. a few pages posted online) were not considered for this grouping.

The selection of logs initially based on what was available through the Imperial War Museum archives. I photographed as many logs as possible and later transcribed their contents. To supplement this initial sample and add a wider variety of logs, I sought other sources online. I located many of these through the web resources discussed in Chapter 3.4.2, including web forums and Facebook pages.

Although Wartime Logs have been used to understand more about the PoW experience, there is no existing page by page analysis showing a breakdown of their usage. Instead of looking at the logs specifically as texts like other researchers including Dreifort, Wolter, and, to an extent, Makepeace, this research considers the books as both text and artefacts.447 As artefacts the logs have helped demonstrate the availability of materials in the camps based on what was being used to write and draw in them. Comparing the use of logs has also helped reveal how the men chose to use them: indicating which methods of expression were most common. By considering both thematic similarities, which allow the tracing of commonalities of experience across the breadth of camps; and the physical representation of the resources available to prisoners and how they used them, this analysis offers new insight into prisoners' lives. Ideally, more logs would have been analysed as part of this research, however, due to limitations including the time-consuming nature of page by page analysis of each log it was not possible to include more in this grouping. However, even in the limited grouping analysed in this chapter, it is clear that there are strong themes repeated throughout logs. Further research on this topic that

446 Kochavi 2004, 68-69. 447 Dreifort 2007, 421; Wolter 2001, 21; Makepeace 2017, 13, 14, 23.

141 continues to add to the sample grouping would help confirm the findings of this chapter and help identify further commonalities.

Table 11 Wartime Logs Sample Grouping

Author Available history Location of resource 1 A G Edwards Edwards was a Navigator with the RAF 142nd Imperial War Museum, Squadron. He was shot down in November 1942 Document 8127 and held in Stalag Luft III until 1945, then Marlag Milag Nord until his release. 3 Arthur R. Hiner was part of the US Army who was Private collection, Hiner captured in late 1944 or early 1945. He was curtesy of Kurt Stauffer held in subsidiary camp G-9036 of Stalag IIB. 4 B. R. Wood Wood was Lieutenant in A Company, 1st Imperial War Museum, Battalion Princess Louise’s Kensington Regiment box 14/28/1-3 ('1st Kensington’s'). He was captured at St Valery on 12th June and held at various officer camps including Oflag VIIC, Stalag XXID, Oflag VB, Oflag VIB, and Oflag VIIB until his liberation in April 1945. 5 Bill Oliver Oliver was part of the USAAF who was captured http://306bgus.apolloh on 14th October 1943 and held in Stalag 17B osting.com/history/indi until his release in May 1945. vidual_histories/WWII %20War%20Time%20D iary%20- %20eric%2006-24- 2015.pdf 6 Bohdan Arct Arct was a pilot in the Polish Air Force who, Bohdan Arct, Prisoner escaped to France, and then to Britain when of War: My secret France capitulated. He then continued as a pilot journal, Devon: Webb, in the RAF commanding the 316 Polish and Bower, 1988. Squadron from June 1944 until his capture on (Wartime Log scanned 6th September 1944 and taken to Dulag Luft, and published as a and then Stalag Luft I. He was released in 1945. book)

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7 Bruce Worrell Worrell was part of the US Army 85th Infantry https://guestsofthethir Division’s 359th Regiment. He was captured in dreich.org/camp-life/ Italy on 13th May 1944 and was part of a work detachment based near Stalag IIB and liberated on 13th April 1945. 2 C W G Allen Allen was 4th officer on a Holt Line Steamer and Imperial War Museum, was captured between Trinidad and Brest in Document 3746 February 1943. He was then held in Marlag Milag Nord until his release in 1945. 8 Clement Resto Resto was a technical sergeant in the 358th http://www.valerosos.c Squadron of the 303rd Bomb Group. He was om/Stalag17BWarLog2. captured on 20th October 1943 and held in pdf Stalag 17B. He was repatriated in early 1945 due to an eye injury. 10 Edward Shaw Shaw was part of the US Army’s 319th Glider https://guestsofthethir Field Artillery Battalion 82nd Airborne Division. dreich.org/camp-life/ He was captured on 4th November 1944 and held in Stalag VIIA. 11 Edwin Tipple Tipple was part of the merchant navy. He was Imperial War Museum, captured in November 1940 and held on a Document 6641 prison ship before being taken to Bordeaux, Sanbostel, and finally Milag Marlag on 28th November 1941. He was released on 26th April 1945. 12 Herbert Cyril Macey was captured on 15th June 1942 and held Imperial War Museum, Macey at Campo 52, then Marlag-Milag Nord before Document 3282 being released in May 1945. 13 HG Rumsey Rumsey was a Sergeant in the 67th Medium Imperial War Museum Regiment, Royal Artillery. He was captured, box no 15/5/1 wounded, at Tobruk in June 1942. He was then held in a makeshift camp in Tobruk, and also Tmimi, Derna, and then Benghazi. He was then moved to Brindisi, Campo 85, Campo 87, Campo 66, Campo 68, and Campo 52 until the Italian

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capitulation, at which point he was transferred to Stalag VIIIB. He was released in 1945. 14 J F Kennedy Kennedy was a pilot in the RAF's 14 Squadron Imperial War Museum, and was captured in August 1943. He was held Document 16311 at Stalag Luft III until liberation in 1945. 15 J P Cochrane Cochrane was a Canadian in the No. 1 small Imperial War Museum, scale raiding force, of the 2nd Special Air Document 19040 Services (SAS) Regiment, 62nd Commando. He was captured in Sardinia in July 1943, and held in Oflag 79 until he was freed in 1945. 16 J P Cochrane Second log belonging to Cochrane. Imperial War Museum, Document 19040 17 J S Naylor Naylor was a Methodist Reverend working at a Imperial War Museum, hospital near Tobruk. He was captured on 20th Box No: P382 June 1942. He was then held in Campo 78, Campo 75, Stalag VIIA, and Oflag VA before his release in May 1945. 18 James Tickner Was part of the Royal Navy, and captured on Imperial War Museum, the 19th of June in 1942 in the English Channel. Box 13/50/1, He was held in Marlag und Milag Nord Documents 22155 Westertimke and then released in 1945. 19 Joe Moscoe Moscoe was a Jewish Canadian who served with Private collection, the Royal Regiment of Canada. He was captured courtesy of Harvey at Dieppe in 1942 and was held in Stalag VIIIB Moscoe. until his release in 1945. 20 John E. Klem Klem served in the Second Battalion 351st Private collection, Regiment of the US Army. He was captured on curtesy of Kurt Stauffer 12th October 1944 near Bologna and taken to a holding camp followed by Stalag VIIA (British Compound), American compound, and a work detail at a mill before being returned to the American compound until liberation on 29th April 1945.

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21 Joseph Veronick was a Radio Operator in the USAAF https://guestsofthethir Veronick 392nd Bomb Group. He was shot down over dreich.org/camp-life/ Bremen on 13th November and held in Stalag XVIIB. 22 Maurice J. A. Markworth was a Flight Sergeant in the USAAF Private collection, Markworth and was captured on 16th July 1944. He was curtesy of Kurt Stauffer held in Stalag XIIA, Stalag IIIC, Stalag XXB, and Stalag IIIB before his release in 1945. 23 Misc. 1 New Zealand Expeditionary Force badge and Imperial War Museum, images of bombers present in the diary, but no Document 780 author listed. He was held in Stalag VIIIB 1943- 1944. 24 Misc. 2 No listed author, but likely part of the RAF due Imperial War Museum, to a dedication in log. Held in Stalag VIIIB from Document 780 1943-1944. 25 Newton Cole Cole was the division chemical officer with the https://guestsofthethir 29th Infantry Division US Army. He was captured dreich.org/camp-life/ near St. Lo in France on the 19th of June 1944. He was held in Oflag 64 until his release in 1945. 26 Olaf Lambert Lambert was a rear gunner in the RAF. He was https://guestsofthethir shot down in the Dieppe Raid in 1942 and held dreich.org/camp-life/ in Stalag Luft I until his release. 27 Percy Sekine Sekine was a United States Army Airforce Imperial War Museum - (USAAF) Air Gunner with 83 Squadron Bomber Doc 11/9/1 Command. Captured in 1942, and held in Dulag Luft and Stalag VIIA he was released in 1945. 28 R C Watts Watts was a RAF Navigator, and was captured in Imperial War Museum, March 1944. He was held in Stalag Luft III and Document 8133 released in 1945. 29 R G Johnson Johnson was part of the Royal Army Service Imperial war museum, Corps and was captured around 7th July 1940, Document 9020 and held in Oflag VIIC, Stalag XXID, Oflag VB, Oflag VIB, Oflag VIIB, Oflag VIIF, and Oflag 79 before being released in April 1945.

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30 R K H Johnson Johnson served as a Sub Lieutenant in the Royal Private collection. Naval Reserve and was captured on 23rd July 1944. He was taken to Birneille, then a civilian prison in Beauvais, before being transferred to Dulag Luft, and then Stalag Luft III. He was released on 21st May 1945. 31 R. Watchorn RAF, captured in 1942 and held in Dulag Luft, Imperial War Museum Stalag VIIIB, Stalag Luft III, Stalag Luft VI, Stalag 95/39/1, Document XXA, and Stalag XIB until his release on 19th 3553 April 1945. 32 R. Watchorn Watchorn donated a second log. Imperial War Museum 95/39/1, Document 3553 33 Robert Ian Bell Bell was Subaltern in the 573rd Company Royal Imperial War Museum, Engineers and was captured on 28th May 1942 Box 87/34/1 at Bir Zebeda. Held in a temporary camp where he assumed duties of Senior British Officer, and then at Campo 35, Campo 49, Oflag VIIF, and Oflag 79, he was freed in April 1945. 34 Sidney Mogol Mogol was a Navigator in the USAAF and was Private collection, captured on 12th March 1944. He was taken to curtesy of Kurt Stauffer Dulag Luft and then Stalag Luft I before being liberated on 1st May 1945. 9 W J Collings Collings received his first letter as a PoW in Imperial War Museum, 1940 so must have been captured by this point. Document 427 He was held in Stalag XIIB, Oflag VIIC, and finally Oflag IXA before his release in 1945. 36 W M G Bompas was a Lieutenant in the 496th Battery of Imperial War Museum, Bompas the 132nd Field Regiment Royal Artillery 78th Document 3468 Division. He was captured on 3rd December 1942 near Tebourba. He was then taken to Campo 98, Campo 21, Stalag VIIA, Oflag VIIIF, and Oflag 79 before being released in April 1945.

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35 W. Cunningham was a pilot in the RAF's 19 Imperial War Museum, Cunningham Squadron. He was captured in 1944 and held in Box 17/5/1 documents Stalag Luft III (East Compound). 19647 37 Walter Boychuck was a Navigator with the 491st Bomb https://guestsofthethir Boychuck Group of the 8th USAAF. Shot down over Le dreich.org/camp-life/ Havre and captured on 13th August 1943, he was held in Stalag Luft III and released on 30th April 1945. 38 Willard C Miller was a waist gunner with the 96th Bomb https://guestsofthethir Miller Group, 8th USAAF. He was a Man of Confidence dreich.org/camp-life/ (most senior PoW, responsible for advocating for the prisoners and maintaining order) in Stalag Luft IV before his release in 1945. 39 William J Styles was part of the USAAF, date of capture Private Collection. Styles unspecified in the text. 40 William Staniland was a member of the RAF shot down Imperial War Museum, Staniland over the Netherlands in August 1941. He was Box No: 13/47/1 held in Oflag VIB, Oflag XXIB, Stalag Luft III, and Marlag Milag Nord, before his release in May 1945.

6.5 Content Analysis of the Wartime Logs content was organised thematically using Nvivo, a qualitative data analysis computer software. I transcribed the information on each page of the logs in a word document, which I then coded. The transcriptions included information about the materials used on the page and descriptions of any images. A total of 4407 references from these documents were then used to produce 19 codes, some of which I further subdivided. These codes were:

1. Addresses, contact information, or names of fellow PoWs 2. Camp economy 3. Collecting mementoes o Company o Experiences

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o Newspaper cuttings o Other 4. Creative expression o Drawing or painting o Making things o Poetry, song, prayer, prose joes 5. Death, dying, and memorials 6. Describing o Camp realities – passing the time o Mapping the landscape of captivity 7. Educational notes 8. Food – cooking, baking, recipes, and eating 9. Freedom lost, before camp 10. Humorous moments – stories recorded 11. Identity o Civilian o Military o Nationality o PoW o Race o Religion 12. Logging wartime events 13. Money matters 14. Planning for future o Camp o External 15. Sexuality 16. Support o Internal o External 17. Tokens from home 18. Valued quotations 19. War speculation

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The codes reflect the diaries' relevant content, allowing the identification of broad themes that were present in many of the logs. The breakdown is displayed in Figure 29. The single most popular code was that of creative expression; 737 references were recorded as instances of drawings or paintings in the logs, and there were 385 instances of creative writing. The next most common themes were of the realities of camp life and passing the time there (377), and food (356). Logging wartime events was also a significant use of the logs, with 306 references in the sample group.

Wartime Log Usage Breakdown Addresses, contact Tokens from home information, or names Valued quotations War speculation 2% of fellow POWs Planning for 2% 1% future Camp economy 4% 2% Sexuality 1% 1% Money matters 0% Support 4%

Logging wartime Collecting mementos events 13% 7%

Identity 10% Humourous moments – stories recorded Creative expression 1% 26% Freedom lost, Food – cooking, before camp baking, recipes, and 2% eating 8%

Educational notes Describing camp 1% 12% Death, dying, and memorials 3%

Figure 29 Wartime Log Usage Breakdown

Most logs are constructed of a combination of written materials, illustrations, and items stuck or tucked to the pages, with few PoWs favouring one medium exclusively.

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Ink and pencil were the most commonly used mediums in the logs. In total there were 6,040 pages in the sample grouping (40 logs x 151 pages per log), this total includes the photo pages in the centre of the logs, and has not been adjusted for the pages left blank. Out of this total, 1324 pages bore ink markings, and 1093 pencil. Coloured pencil was recorded on 247 pages, and watercolour on 217 (see Figure 30). The availability of the materials would obviously have impacted the ability of PoWs to use resources such as watercolour paints and coloured pencils. However, the aforementioned mediums were much less commonly used for written portions of the logs, which also explains the imbalance. Although pencils and ink pens may have been more readily available, they were also serviceable for illustration and writing diary entries, stories, poems, or other accounts.

MEDIUMS USED IN WARTIME LOGS Coloured pencil 9% Watercolour 7%

Pencil 38%

Ink 46%

Figure 30 Mediums used in Wartime Logs

The use of ink was relatively evenly split between black and blue, with black ink being slightly more prevalent in the sample group (see Figure 31). The Geneva Convention protected the right of PoWs to write home, and therefore ink had to be provided. Common colours of the time included blue, black, and blue-black. Less functional colours such as red and violet were available but are not commonly seen in the logs in this sample grouping.

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COLOUR OF INK USED IN WARTIME LOGS

Blue Black 48% 52%

Figure 31 Colour of ink used in Wartime Logs

6.6 Identity As well as the physical aspects of the logs, their content also reveals much about the common themes of captivity experienced by men who belonged to the Kriegie identity discussed earlier in Chapter 2.4.

6.6.1 Prisoner of War: Kriegie “I have definitely established that at one time in history these bald headed “wass ist lasians” were Americans”448

One of the identities held by all of the men in the sample group was that of Prisoner of War. It was not their only identity and did not wholly define them, but was one of many nested identities. The label of Kriegie wrapped around their other familial, work, and leisure identities (such as son, husband, bricklayer, and football fan). The presence of PoW identity was sometimes communicated directly in the logs, such as the instances in which the process of capture was described. However, there are other less simplified discussions of their new status in the logs. Being captured was not purely something which had happened to the PoWs; it also became a deeper part of the prisoners’ perception of themselves. Figure 32 is a simple black ink drawing from Cunningham’s log, captioned “I am a prisoner in Naziland.” It shows barbed wire hemming in the Allied mouse and a German

448 Veronick, 119. The phrase is PoW slang derived from “Was ist los?” (What’s happening?)

151 guard with a large gun with a cat-like shadow. The angle of the writing shows disorientation, and Cunningham's choice to show the wire enclosure as empty but for the PoW and the guard on the edge indicates the powerlessness of becoming a prisoner. Without stating anything but his status as a prisoner, Cunningham’s choice conveys his feelings about becoming a PoW. All prisoners of the Axis forces would have shared this basic common experience: capture, disorientation, imprisonment.

Figure 32 Cat and Mouse.449

449 Cunningham, 57.

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A simple area to witness the self-identification of captured men as PoWs is a section of the Wartime Log books titled This Book Belongs To… This page came early in the book and allowed PoWs four blank lines to add their personal information. The page provides a fascinating insight into the men’s perceived identity, some choosing to write only their name, others writing only their PoW, military, or civilian information or any combination of the three. Figure 33 represents the ways the PoWs who owned the 40 logs in this sample chose to identify themselves. The majority (11 men) chose to write their name and PoW details only; however, eight men gave their PoW and military details, and seven gave other combinations of identifying information. There were also five PoWs who only wrote their home address. Although a simplistic measure, this information provides some insight into the variety of ways the men chose to identify. Despite being held in PoW camps they did not exclusively refer to themselves in relation to their capture, many included their military or home information. This helps to indicate the variety of ways the men perceived themselves and possibly demonstrates the significance of the logs. The more information provided, the simpler the return of a lost log would be returned to its owner. Many of the prisoners give both their PoW number and military identifier and provide information of their regiment or battalion, and sometimes adding their home address. It is possible that PoWs who included more information wanted to ensure that their Wartime Log stayed in their (or their family’s) possession. The non-specific nature of this page allowed for the intersection and choices around identity to be explored; the prisoners are able to choose how much or how little of their identity they wish to share, and which aspects of it they want to identify with during the period they were able to write. Two of the aforementioned identities were pre-existing – the prisoners were all in the armed forces, and all of them had been civilians at some point – however, adopting the identity of prisoner of war was new to all of the men who wrote the Wartime Log diaries. The formation of this new PoW identity was neither inherently positive nor negative; it could be a source of coping and a source of distress to the prisoners.

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DETAILS LISTED ON "THIS BOOK BELONGS TO..."

Home, PoW, and PAGE OF WARTIME LOG military details Blank 13% 10% Home and military details Name only 3% 7% Home and PoW details 3%

Home address 12%

PoW details 27%

PoW and military details 20% Military details 5%

Figure 33 Wartime Log identity.

6.6.2 Inclusion An inescapable part of camp life was the recreation of known culture by the PoWs. There was evidently a conscious effort by most prisoners to recreate and reintroduce the structures of home comforts and other common behaviours such as regular sport, plays, lectures, and education. This was encouraged and supported by external organisations such as the Red Cross who donated supplies to assist. Even though these may not have been activities the men would take part in habitually prior to their imprisonment, the majority of the aforementioned activities would have been known to them. As members of similar societies with shared frames of social reference, the general concept of organised activities was not alien to the PoWs in the Kriegie group. They shared accepted social norms and worked to improve their comfort by recreating something to which they were accustomed. Creation of identity to produce purpose has been identified in Mytum’s work as a coping mechanism.450 The existence of various identities and ways in which the men flocked

450 Mytum 2018, 610.

154 together also provided a support network for them when they were experiencing low mood or in need of encouragement or assistance.451 These networks did not have to focus specifically on the Kriegie identity, but could include national or regional groups. In the case of Alan Barrett, a Manx PoW captured at the fall of Crete, the news that another Manx prisoner was in a bad way in hospital after nearly dying by suicide was enough to spur a visit from him.452 Even the specific camp identity could engender positivity; newsletters or newspapers were organised in many camps in reaction to the German propaganda newspaper The Camp. Men banded together to produce news and information internally, further reinforcing their groups and identities.453 By forming their own internal structures, such as the newspaper, the men were able to exert a small amount of control in the face of the propaganda of the Nazi government.

A common phenomenon was the recording of PoW names or addresses which can be seen in most logs. Prisoners collected the details of other PoWs from a range of countries. The details are often written in a range of inks and hands, demonstrating that the PoWs who owned the diaries chose to make these pages communal. They were formed with fellow prisoners who contributed to them. Figures 34 to 37 represent different designs, from basic split pages to Resto’s bomb design. Most of these groupings continue for many pages and include far more men than would be considered a group of close friends. Instead, their names are recorded because of their identity as Kriegies. Collecting the names of men who experienced captivity and the individual who owned the diary helped reinforce their grouping. The pages bear the details of men who lived through a similar experience. Sometimes because of their physical proximity (the pages could be arranged by barrack), their similar experience prior to camp (some by regiment), nationality, or purely because they were also a Kriegie.

451 Mytum & Carr 2013, 184; Mytum 2018, 610. 452 Astill 2015, 3. 453 Doyle 2008, 36.

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Figure 34 Addresses.454

454 Cochrane, 10-11.

156

Figure 35 Addresses.455

455 Collings, 57.

157

Figure 36 Addresses.456

456 Shaw, 132-133.

158

Figure 37 Addresses.457

457 Resto, 9.

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The new prison culture was not purely defined by writing; the logs also acted to demonstrate how prisoners attempted to capture the spoken and material aspects of their newly developed identity.458 The PoWs used the logs to record the new structures they were creating. One example of camp life's oral tradition is the slang which developed around the men’s new identity as prisoners. Slang is defined as "... an ever-changing set of colloquial words and phrases that speakers use to establish or reinforce social identity or cohesiveness within a group..."459 This is very much true of the language developed in the camps. Their phraseology allowed PoWs to discuss new phenomena (as referenced in the mental health chapter of this thesis) and other aspects of their new social structures and allow for codified communication that was not openly accessible to their captors. The very existence of the slang terms demonstrates that PoWs held an identity. Described as Kriegie Talk, PoWs brought known and accepted slang terms to the camps, including ack-ack for British airmen, and flack for Americans.460 Each PoW brought their pre-existing knowledge of language and communication to camp and continued to use socialised terminology, which was linguistically varied, yet a language of captivity was also created. As with many of the other identities discussed in this chapter, there was not one universal Kriegie language, but words and phrases were shared across the camps. They could be used and understood by Kriegie PoWs across Europe.461 The language of capture was regional and could depend on the nationality and service history of the PoWs.462

Some of the terms which PoWs used were broadly the same across camps. However, there were also variations in the terms and the language which sprung up throughout the camps. Some words were widespread and can be found in many descriptions of camp. These include terms such as Kriegie - meaning the PoWs, goons - the guards, in the bag - being captured. There was, however, a much more extensive codified language of camp life, and, as many terms were derived from the language of the men’s captors, there were differences between Campos and Stalags. Linguistic divisions existed in German camp slang too. Both Italian and German terms are catalogued in Robert Bell’s Wartime Log. Italian terms are listed early in the diary on page 12 and include Domani, which is described as the permanent state of all things in Italy or Nominale which is the Italian roll call - parallel to

458 Moreland 2007, 92-93. 459 Eble 1996, 11. 460 Aschmann 1948, 218-219. 461 Aschmann 1948, 218-219. 462 Aschmann 1948, 217-218.

160 the Appel which is described in the diaries of PoWs held by the Germans.463 By page 102 Bell has added a section on German terms to his diary. This particular section was far more extensive. The German camp terms include Kriegy(ies) and Goon, along with less commonly used terms such as fag-ending which is defined as “… the picking up of odds and ends of other people’s conversations. A vital and highly skilled P.O.W. service...”464 Bell felt this aspect of PoW identity was important to record and chose to use his log for this purpose, noting the slang itself and the linguistic varieties between Italian and German PoW camps. Lambert also noted slang in his log, including some of the same common terms (Kriegie, brew), and some differentiated terms such as glop which he translates to stew.465 This shows there was, at least, a difference between language in Stalag Luft I where Lambert was held, and the Oflags Bell resided in; and at most differences in the slang between camps and possibly compounds. Although Kriegies across Europe had many similarities, there was, as with any identity, space for different experiences of captivity.

Although the formalised PoW slang glossaries are not standard, pages of slang without translation were. The following examples are from the diaries of Staniland and Resto. Figure 38 is titled to evoke both the camp specific nature of the slang and the universality of terms and phrases used by the prisoners. By stating “… tune in to ANY barrack, any hour, any day, and you’ll hear…” Staniland draws all PoWs together, using the language of captivity to unite them in a shared experience.466

Figure 39 is a similar approach; the title “Kriegie Life in Camp” covers a wide range of imprisoned men, but does not specify a particular camp or block within one. Resto views the terms as symbolic of the experience of Kriegies. He used the space in his log to illustrate some tenets of camp life, both the phrases, the outfits, the crowding of the fire, and other elements he feels were intrinsic to the Kriegie identity.

463 Bell, 12-13. 464 Bell, 102. This term refers to gossip in the camps which was prolific. 465 Lambert, 97. 466 Staniland, 53.

161

Figure 38 Camp slang.467

467 Staniland, 53.

162

Figure 39 Slang.468

468 Resto, 95.

163

Through the methods listed above, prisoners were able to create their own separate identity. But, in doing so, they othered themselves. It set them apart from their captors and their home cultures, but at the same time also emphasised their new shared subculture and identity. They built a bond from their experience of a life of incarceration, but simultaneously created a barrier between themselves and the lives they hoped to reassume once they returned home.

6.6.3 Othering To be a prisoner of war was to be apart from other soldiers, apart from the armed forces, and one’s civilian life. One aspect of PoW life discussed regularly in the Wartime Logs, albeit in often humorous tones, was the apprehension about slotting back into their old lives.

One story which strongly typifies this concern was circulated throughout multiple diaries. The piece is seen in Veronick and Resto’s logs and begins with a faux newspaper report titled Strange Invasion (morning edition) which details the invasion of New York by a group of people from “... the land of Stalag.”469 This not-so-subtle allusion to their identity as returned American PoWs continues to describe their behaviours upon returning – cordoning off sections of the city with barbed wire, burning bed boards for heat, and generally continuing with habits learned in camp. There is a section dedicated to sexuality; a stark warning addressed to Mothers of Manhattan to “… keep your daughters inside these days... no matter how ugly they are, they are not safe on the streets...” There is an implication of a lessening of humanity, the PoWs being unable to control themselves once released.470 Although the article's face value is an amusing imagining of the PoWs making their return from camp, there is a more insidious assumption – the Kriegies are no longer Americans. This fear of lost identity is addressed by a portion of the article that quotes a US prosecutor stating “I have definitely established that at one time in history these bald headed “wass ist lasians” were Americans.”471 The repatriated PoWs are referred to as using Kriegie slang, comprised of pidgin German. After this point, American civilians in the story debate using mustard gas to neutralise the threat of the prisoners. There is an evident fear that the men would not be able to re-assimilate and that in gaining their new identity as prisoners of war and Kriegies, they had lost another piece of their existing self. The prisoners are American nationals, but there is a clear fear that they may not be able to

469 Veronick, 115; Resto, 73-77. 470 Veronick, 116. 471 Veronick, 119.

164 reintegrate after the war as simply as they hoped they would due to the stark contrast between civilian and PoW life.

The theme of a separate species of Kriegie is also to be found in a lecture given in camp, which is attributed to a “John McLuarie.” In his talk which formed part of the educational camp lecture series, he was described as discussing the Kriegsgefangener’s (the prisoners’) inability to reproduce their own species.472 It is also evident in the song “He’ll Wear a Pair of Broken Wings” written out in in the Wartime Log of Joseph Veronick. It is titled “An Original Parody from The Show “He was a Pair of Broken Wings” Lyrics – Kazierod."473 Veronick writes that the show's refrain is the line “you’ll wear a pair of broken wings.”474 Despite positive attributions in the song (“You’ll get your back pay, You’ll wear a pair of broken wings, You’ll have conventions, You’ll wear a pair of broken wings, You’ll go to college, You’ll wear a pair of broken wings”) the refrain remains, needling each positive point. Regardless of what the PoWs do post-war, the song holds that there is an element of the identity of captured airmen which will not leave them no matter what trajectory their lives take post-war.

None of the smaller elements of the aforementioned refrains are particularly concerning in isolation, however, overall, there is a consistent implication that the prisoners will never be able to escape their PoW identity, that it will remain with them, othering them eternally. This otherness, in which PoWs are separating themselves from non-prisoners is both internal perception and a reflection of how they believe others will perceive them once they are able to return to their civilian lives. 475 The self-imposed othering is evidenced in how the men speak about their own behaviour such as in the aforementioned faux report where the returned men perpetuate trappings of camp life, and in the Kriegie Returns series which shows men in various aspects of their civilian lives applying camp behaviours. These include trying to exchange chocolate bars for clothing and trying to use the toilet outside the house despite having indoor toilets. Arct drew this series, and in his diary, he notes that PoWs purchased images in exchange for cigarettes or chocolate. The Kriegie identity was strong enough that others identified with his images and were willing to buy copies. The “Nix Forstain” cartoon (see Figure 40) identifies the same concerns about being othered by their experience. The premise plays on the Kriegie slang for “I don’t

472 Naylor, 44. 473 Veronick, 142. 474 Veronick, 142. 475 Arct 1988 142-147.

165 understand” (used to avoid obeying orders) in the context of the British justice system. This duality, the belief that their behaviours would be different once returned home, and that people would see them differently once they were, ensured the men perceived that they would be forever marked and changed by the experience.

The concerns about the continuation of camp behaviours expressed above demonstrate the concern the PoWs had about not being able to move away from their new normal now that they were accustomed to camp life. As they brought experiences from their civilian lives to camp, the PoWs also believed they would bring learned behaviour from their time in captivity back to their civilian lives. In the case of McLuarie, and the faux newspaper report, the Kriegies implied they would be considered another species by the society they left behind. There is no direct indication of why the men feel that the general population would other them, apart from the excerpts from letters which display a fundamental misunderstanding of the PoW experience. These include examples of believing the PoWs were living much more comfortably than they were: "We are not sending parcels as we hear you can buy all you want in stores near the camp."476 To misguided best wishes: "So glad you met some nice boys. I hope the Germans keep you there."477 Or broken engagements which were blamed on their status as a PoW “... I hope you won’t take this too bad, but I have decided to marry a young soldier who is doing something for his country, not like you wasting your time behind barbed wire for four years.”478 This perception is also reflected in the assertion that no one could understand unless they had lived through it. Younger describes the dull extensive days of camp life as incomprehensible to those who have not experienced it, he writes that “… of the many prisoners who have attempted to explain it I doubt if any have succeeded’ but goes on to quote Winston Churchill’s description of life, which describes a ‘melancholy state… the days are very long and hours crawl like paralysed centipedes…”.479

476 Arct 1988, 110. 477 Macey, 82. 478 Tipple, 32-35. 479 Younger 2013, 103.

166

Figure 40 I don't understand.480

480 Macey, 29.

167

Even innocuous poems bear self-depreciative leanings. In Mogol’s diary, the poem Prune Brew lambasts the prisoners via the medium of Greek gods regretting drinking a Kriegie concoction. In the poem, Zeus states:

“These mortals have the best of us, tho they are mad as loons To make their mead of thunder-claps distilled from rancid prunes”481

In this case, the men had recreated an element of home, distilling alcohol in secret stills, but in fact had created a highly potent and potentially lethal concoction. Although the poem is amusing in isolation, the definition of the PoWs by Zeus as mad as loons is another layer of othering language. This language is expressed in many diaries and demonstrates a dissonance between the prisoner and his civilian or even military life. There is an unshakable sense that the experience had changed and marked the men in some way that they will never escape, which even filters into dreams. Naylor writes of persistent dreams where he was at home but still could not believe he was free – even subconsciously he felt that he would not be free of captivity.482 Hauser’s log contains an image (Figure 41) which expresses the same fears in a different way. A black ink drawing with large wire barb, Oflag 79 sign, and an elderly PoW still holding his Red Cross box indicates disbelief (Krieg fertig? – War finished?) at the war ever ending. A third example of the same sentiment is demonstrated further in four separate logs with the poem Kriegegefangener Kelly which talks of a prisoner who refused to leave the camp:

“Kelly strained no muscles to join the homing floks[sic], he was packed before a tiny stove, beside a Red Cross box. Kelly we are sailing, the bitter war is done – we're off to the grand ole U.S.A. to sweetheart and to fun, but Kelly turned a deaf ear, his stubbornness he kept - “I should sail for anywhere with all these groceries left?””483

481 Mogol, 99. 482 Naylor, 49. 483 Hauser, 31; Veronick, 106; Oliver, 147; Styles, 13.

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Figure 41 Elderly PoW.484

In these different ways, the men chose to allocate space in their logs to express concerns about the future for which their time in camp had marked them out. Their experience of camp life shaped the way that PoWs they felt about this part of their identity. The camp structure altered the behaviour of the men who inhabited it, and their knowledge of

484 Bell, 109.

169 civilian life meant they understood that their experience as PoWs would lead to behaviours that would be considered abnormal by the societies they left behind.

The prisoner identity was one of many identities the men formed. It also broke down further into individual compounds, barracks, and rooms within the camps. This can be seen in the insignia chapter that focuses on insignia production and its significance to PoWs both as prisoners and servicemen or, prisoners of a specific camp. In some of the diaries, the men have produced coats of arms drawn by prisoners to represent their camp, barrack, or room. These identities all interplayed; clubs, nationality, region, sports, and – the overarching one which no PoW could escape – Kriegie. Figure 42 is a rendering of the Royal Artillery cap badge in black ink, symbolising military identity, to which other PoWs have added their signatures in various inks.

The prisoners' nationality is seen most often through the lens of insignia, or other national symbolism. In Figure 44, Cunningham created an image in his log with black ink and watercolour, which shows a bulldog (the British) chewing up a swastika flag (the Germans). The image is simplistic, showing only two subjects, but takes on a wider resonance when the national symbolism is considered. Another illustration in his log (Figure 45) represents British and American nationals. It shows each man in differing uniforms and backgrounds containing iconic imagery from their countries.

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Figure 42 Signatures and crest.485

485 Bell, 1.

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Figure 43 Sagan coat of arms.486

486 Edwards, second page inside left.

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Figure 44 Bulldog chews swastika flag.487

487 Cunningham, 63.

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Figure 45 American and British Identity.488

488 Cunningham, 35.

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The drawing recreated in Cunningham’s log divides the men by highlighting the differences, separating them from a single homogenous PoW identity, and adding a layer of national identity. The image is a copy and therefore considered important enough to have been reproduced at least in Cunninghams log, if not more widely. National identity as a division is more evident in a watercolour image which was stuck into Bompas’ log.

The image, People I Have Met, is extremely telling about the contemporary view of identity. Firstly, there is overt racism and prejudice towards troops of different nationalities, including the slurs and overly racist caricatures of Africans and Italians. The image also names the French Frogs and Germans Goons. Secondly, the identity of Kriegie is twofold. Underneath the title of Kriegie are two images, the first is of a bedraggled PoW in badly torn clothing, dated 1942. The second image shows a neat and smartly uniformed man who is shaved and has a manicured moustache. This is dated 1944. Before 1943 PoWs were clothed in available captured uniform once the clothes they were wearing upon their own capture wore through; after this point, the Allies began to supply uniform for PoWs as the Germans were unable to provide enough.489 Thirdly, and strikingly, the image does not consider Americans to be part of the Kriegie identity. The Yanks are drawn as a separate group, shirtless, and playing baseball, distinct from the Britishness and stiff upper lip of the 1944 Kriegie. The painting is attributed to John Firth, and valued enough by Bompas to be stuck into his log. The replication of images in the logs, both Cunningham and Bompas’, demonstrated that these views were not specific to Firth, but were instead shared by others.

Watchorn’s log bears a similar division in the passive-aggressive note about the American PoWs he perceives are receiving more food parcels than him: “… if you’re a Yank you get looked after in Germany.”490 There was no one singular identity for prisoners, they all shared the Kriegie identifier, but inconsistently perceived who belonged within it, and what other identities and divisions they had. As discussed previously in this chapter, identities were nested, and PoW, Kriegie, and nationality were not the only identifiers which could be used for each prisoner. The representation of the other serves to homogenise certain identities. PoWs representing other prisoners as different to them reinforces their own sameness. Although this is inconsistent in PoW accounts (other prisoners speak of their

489 Doyle 2008, 15. 490 Watchorn, 26.

175 difference in comparison to the treatment of the Russian and Polish PoWs), there is usually a group outside of the prisoners’ immediate circle. The prisoners choose to make these distinctions and record them. These choices affected decisions such as that of Klem who chose not to lend a Jewish PoW his crucifix so he could pretend to be Christian and avoid the Gestapo.491 Klem’s diary entries include overt anti-Semitism, blaming Jewish PoWs for working conditions, and stating “I don’t wonder at Hitler hating them, they don’t have a good trait in them”.492 His views are reflected in his decision not to help his Jewish fellow PoW and were likely formed before capture. The inconsistent choices of PoWs on who to group as part of their collective identity and who not to reflects society. Groups are always othered in some way, and the PoWs did not choose to create their own camp structures which were inclusive of all. Prisoners brought their own prejudices with them to camp and their personal views impacted not only their own experience of captivity, but the experience of those around them.

It is also important to note at this point that many Allied PoWs were not welcomed by the wider group of PoWs identified in this chapter. The wider PoWs did not always accept those who were men of colour, homosexual, or of different religious backgrounds. Racism towards Jewish PoWs is evident in both Klem and Watchorn’s Wartime Logs, and Watchorn also directed this to Indian and African troops he was overseeing.493 Logistically, the separation of compounds was also significant in identity formation, and Russian and Polish prisoners were not protected by the Geneva Convention so different treatment was afforded them. In summary, the experience detailed above is mostly a white and Western one – although not exclusively as examples such as the Tuskegee Airmen demonstrate ways in which typically othered prisoners were accepted into the wider prison community.494

491 Klem, 47. 492 Klem, 47. 493 Klem, 64, 73; Watchorn, 47, 24. 494 Francis 1997, 249.

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Figure 46 “People I have met”.495

177

The Tuskegee Airmen were the first black aircrew in the USAAF and were fully segregated from whites. In January 1939, President Roosevelt, acknowledging that peace was not assured, urged Congress to make provisions for adequate defences.496 Their response included the appropriation of money for increasing aircraft production and pilot and crew training. At this time segregation was still in effect in the USA, and Jim Crow laws were applied to black people. Therefore military training was not widely available to black Americans who were largely placed in non-essential or menial roles.497 The position of the War Department was that black men were not interested in flying, however, black newspapers published many editorials to the contrary. In January 1941 Yancey Williams (a black man) filed a lawsuit due to his rejected application to join the Air Corps, and the War Department acquiesced and announced an all-black unit of the 99th Pursuit Squadron.498 Training was undertaken at the Tuskegee Army Air Field, which was strictly segregated and the recruits faced racism throughout the process.499 However, once they were captured, segregation was not enforced in PoW camps. As the Tuskegee Airmen were American troops, they were barracked with fellow American PoWs and were not segregated upon capture.500 This produced a situation where some men experienced integration for the first time in a PoW camp setting.

6.6.4 Civilian One striking commonality between accounts is the concern about being an absent father – some of the men writing Wartime Logs had children they had never met, and others had young children whom they worried would not remember them. Poems such as The Child’s Soliloquy and To My Daddy show the men worrying about the impact their absence would have on their children.501 Concern is expressed about being outside of the family unit, which is considered the norm in their cultures. By being away from their wife and child their identity as a father is shaken. All fathers in camp were in the same position, unable to see their family and be in their lives. Writing about that difficulty was part of adapting their identity to that of the far-away father who still cared but could not be present. The Child’s Soliloquy and My Daddy were identified in the logs of two military personnel and two air force crew members who were detained in three different camps, Stalag 17B, Oflag VIIID,

495 Bompas, 55. 496 Francis 1997, 27. 497 Francis 1997, 28. 498 Homan & Reilly 1998, 7. 499 Higginbotham 1999, 289-291. 500 Francis 1997, 249. 501 Resto, 81; Hauser, 27, 53; Veronick, 138; Cole, 141.

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Stalag XVIIB, and Oflag 64. The presence of the poems in different logs from different camps demonstrates their value to the prisoners. Not only had they chosen to take up space in their logs to record the poems, but their presence highlights the spread of poems throughout camps. The organic spread of the same words is evidence that many of the men held in camps identified with the sentiments expressed in the verses.

Dear Dad also appears as To My Daddy, and was written as if the male child of the PoW was writing directly to them. Occasional childish words or purposeful spelling mistakes are added to aid the effect. Lines such as “It has been many days that you have been away, And where you live now you never say…” represent the prisoners’ fears that their children would be confused by the absence of their fathers, and felt blame for the lack of information available.502 A Child’s Soliloquy is similarly themed and written to affect a child’s speech pattern, although this is written from a female child's perspective. Lines such as “I wonder why they have a war? What are little childrens [sic] for? My poor, dear Mommie cries and cries But I’m a big girl – for my size” indicate the guilt about absence, as well as the concern about children trying to grasp the larger concept of war and conflict.503 The poems are styled differently to reflect the personal expression of the men, in Resto’s diary the poem is on a heavily decorated page with a full watercolour background an illustration (see Figure 47), whereas in other logs the poem stands alone as writing.

A Child’s Soliloquy is remembered by name in Richard Hoffman’s account of his time at Stalag 17B (the same camp as Resto). He attributed the same author (Frank Stebbin), and notes that the poem was written by a PoW in a different camp, but describes it as being “…uncommonly moving to many of us… particularly the married men with children.”504 Hoffman also describes the importance of the art, poems, songs, and stories which moved between camps as they raised the spirits of the PoWs.505 These points demonstrate the dual importance of the poems' role and other works contained in the diaries. In part, they are funny, or sad, or help express concerns, but overall, they are significant to the men's coping strategies, a topic that will be discussed below. They also help address a layer of experience; all PoWs who were fathers were in the same situation and had to adapt to being a father from a distance.

502 Veronick, 138. 503 Resto, 81. 504 Hoffman 2000, 148. 505 Hoffman 2000, 148.

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Figure 47 “A Child's Soliloquy.”506

506 Resto, 51.

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The concern over the subversion of their roles is also seen in the repeated worries about their girlfriends and wives being unfaithful. These concerns were compounded by the regular Dear John letters that would also be shared within the camp. Sometimes even annotated with comments about the generic nature of the content, they were so prevalent that they could seem formulaic.507 The Draft Dodger poem encompasses the joint themes of masculinity and insecurity – railing at the fictional draft dodger because of their perceived proclivity for chasing women who are dating soldiers stationed away from home. The draft dodger is warned that the war will be won by ‘real men’ and it is assumed they have lied to be considered exempt from service. This poem is shared in four of the American PoWs’ logs, Hiner’s, Veronik’s, Miller’s, and Oliver’s. The first two PoWs poems are very similar; the latter two contain extra insults in the ending couplet:

“So I’m closing this “Draft Dodger”, just remember what I say keep away from my girlfriend, For I’m coming home some day”508

Miller adds the word tramp immediately after girlfriend, but the rest of the poem remains consistent.509 In Oliver’s log, however, the final line has become:

“Stay away from my girl, you lousy rat, for I’m coming back some day.”510

The change in the rhyme shows that the poem travelled through the camps and developed and differed in the process. Therefore, the sentiments must have resonated with a large number of the men as they chose to use the space to share it and add their own phrasing.

The previous poems, both about draft dodging and absent fathers, reflect the feelings of PoWs who have violated society's rules due to their capture. They cannot return and visit loved ones like uncaptured military personnel and are also not present as they would have been in peacetime or if they were unable to be drafted. Usually, men who abandoned their duties to their children and partners would be perceived poorly. Prisoners had no choices about this and had to adapt to their new reality and how their identity as father, husband, or partner fit into it.

507 Styles, 103. 508 Veronick, 76-77. 509 Miller, 23-24. 510 Oliver, 79.

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6.7 Coping “The secret of being miserable is to have the leisure to bother about whether you are happy or not.”511

The process of drawing and writing in the logs provided a boredom-busting outlet for the men. The very basic principle of using the log was beneficial as it took time; boredom was a well-documented scourge of prisoners, so anything which helped pass the time was beneficial.512 Therefore even if the journals' content is wholly discarded, the very process of creating them was a coping strategy for the men.

Furthermore, becoming a PoW had, for many, included witnessing traumatic things as part of their armed service. Death and dying is, therefore, unsurprisingly, a common topic throughout the PoW Wartime Logs. Prisoners were likely to have been captured during battle, and nearly every PoW had experienced the loss of at least some of their comrades either in combat, during capture, or since living in the camps. In the case of aircrew (who have disproportionate representation in this sample), the likelihood of experiencing the loss of crew member was even higher, exemplified by the 60% of RAF crew who were injured, captured, or killed.513 The USAAF aircrew also experienced high rates of risk, 115,328 of its aircrew were injured, captured, or killed during the conflict; the highest total of any of the US Armed Forces branches.514 The nature of aircrew capture would involve their plane being shot down or disabled while flying, and therefore there was a higher risk to life than the ground-based forces. Resto and Boychuck’s logs both contain examples of poignant dedications to their fellow airmen who died in service. Both are full-colour images, and both are placed prominently in the logs. Figures 48 and 50 are drawn in the first few pages of the respective logs, although Resto’s is more overt, showing a plane crashing and flaming. Boychuck also nods to aviation in his drawing with the addition of flight equipment hanging from a grave marker. Resto follows his memorialisation with Figure 49, which depicts the visceral reality of capture. In the image Resto (recognisable from his moustache) attempts to comfort the heavily injured pilot. It is accompanied by the lines “You’ve been a swell guy skipper So please don’t give up now We’ve dropped our bomb on the target And we’ll get you home somehow.”515 Similar sentiments are recorded

511 Styles, 91. 512 Astill 2015b, 7; Astill 2013, 1. 513 Chorley 2002, 484. 514 United States Adjutant General's Office 1953, 5. 515 Resto, 67.

182 in Watchorn’s account of capture in which he detailed the prolonged death of his pilot, whose legs became trapped and severed under the plane wreckage. Little to no medical attention was given to him. Watchorn provided as much first aid as he was able, but the man died over the course of the following day while asking Watchorn to tell the pilot’s mother he died on impact.516 Both PoWs were able to share their traumatic experiences differently; they chose how to represent what had happened to them, but felt it was important enough to add to their wartime logs.

For the rest of the men, the process of capture and the immediate aftermath were also not periods of safety. This is particularly evident in RI Bell’s account of managing his troops as the most Senior British Officer (SBO) in his group of troops captured in North Africa. He writes that after long periods of starvation in extreme heat with only petrol to drink, many of his troops died. There were also 22 deaths from friendly fire on the post. He writes "… What a galling site[sic] to see the number of mounds of earth that marked the graves of these poor blokes."517 Throughout most of his account, Bell managed to maintain a formal air. He described the events as they happened with little personal commentary. He occasionally adds such sentiments which give a small indication of his feelings about the events which were happening around him and under his command.

As previously discussed, if some PoWs were not inclined to write their feelings about capture or the situation down as a personal reflection, poems were commonly used to talk about difficult topics such as loneliness, loss, the difficulties of PoW life, and death. In the case of dead comrades, there is a common assertion that the men will meet again to be able to toast to their home country and their heroic actions.

516 Watchorn, 15-20. 517 Bell, 41.

183

Figure 48 Friends Departed.518

518 Resto, third inside right.

184

Figure 49 Hold on Skipper.519

519 Resto, 35.

185

Figure 50 In memory.520

186

A similar motif is evident in air force tribute poems – focusing on the idea that the men who have died in battle will continue to fly their planes (an activity associated with love and positivity). There will no longer be any elements of war involved. This sentiment furthers the perceptions previously discussed in this chapter that broken wings will be carried with the PoWs for the rest of their lives. The refrain builds flying intrinsically into the identity of all aircrew, and therefore as broken wings will always mark them, their dead crew members will always be associated with flying. Because it is such a strong part of their identity, the concept of wings through flying meets the wider religious connotation of angel wings. The dead airmen gain wings that bear angelic indications. This is exemplified in a drawing which is coupled with the tribute “To all of them from all of us, may their wings all shine in airmens’ [sic] heaven.”521 The expressions of loss and grief expressed are still tied strongly to identity as well as coping.

Some of the phraseology from poems which discuss this theme include:

“No bombs are needed up there They have an escort of angels With silvery wings so fair. There is a briefing each morning On a target that’s not up above They always fulfilled their assignments To save some of the ones they love.”522

“For good flyers never die They merely fly away For they are happy in the sky And its there that they would stay If one should from the heavens fall And crush our earthly things Don’t morn; for after all He has feathered his permanent wings And now he roams the skies In a ship so trim and true

520 Resto, second inside left. 521 Boychuck, third inside left page. 522 Boychuck, 40.

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Far too fast for human eyes To see him in the blue.”523

However, despite the sentiments, there is also the poem titled My Buddy, which expresses the rage and dissatisfaction with how the men are treated, along with the cultish beliefs in heroism that build up around conflict and armed forces personnel.

“They say he died in glory, whatever that may be, If dying in a burst of flames is glory then it’s not for me, My Buddy had the gate all right, he sought not glory nor fame, He knew he had a job to do, and his crew all felt the same. But death had the final word. For in its log it wrote his name. And my Buddy died that morning, in glory and in a burst of flame.”524

The glory of war dead expressed in the previous poems are present in military tributes. These poems contain strong references to the comradery of serving together, ensuring fallen soldiers are remembered, and memorialising them. However, many of the poems for soldiers focus on the prevention of further conflict.

“You fought so bravely in the strife and gave all freely of your life, Comrades! We’ll remember, your deeds of valiance[sic], brave and bold, proved your character’s iron mold[sic]. Comrades! We’ll remember that you died that we might save, from future sons, a soldier’s grave. Comrades! We’ll remember”525

“Here lies John Doe, a fellow we all know, He joined the “American Parade”, went overseas and stayed. He’s a fellow we all know well, the kind of guy we called ‘swell’ He did his duty, wasn’t afraid to die Bravely he went, for he knew why.

523 Mogol, 87. 524 Boychuck, 30. 525 Styles, 71.

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So when the time comes round, and we have a flower to spare, Let’s place it upon the ground, to show him that we care”526

Images in the logs contain similar themes; John Doe is accompanied by a drawing of a grave with flowers laid on it, the grave bares the words “John Doe, Born Jan. 7, 1925. Killed June 6, 1944.” In Joseph Moscow’s log, a full page is dedicated to those who died at Dieppe, a cross stands in the foreground with a faceless soldier behind.527

These poems and illustrations provided an outlet, a way of processing feelings around the death they have experienced – both for the soldiers who seem to view these deaths as great and glorious, but not part of a wider calling, and aircrew, who see the afterlife as a continuation of their flying but without the conflict.

A poem in Collings’ log reinforces common identity among PoWs and other groups because of their shared experiences. The poem, Friendship By P.O.W demonstrates the deep feeling of unity that prisoners felt to one another, because of what they had all faced to become a prisoner:

“Friendship By P.O.W.? Two shall be born the whole wide world apart, and speak in different tongues, and have no thought each of the others being and no heed, and these o'er unknown sea's[sic] to unknown lands shall cross, escaping wreck and defying death. And all unconsciously shape every act and bend each wandering step to this end. That one day out of darkness they shall meet, And read never dying friendship in each others eyes and hearts."528

Collings expresses the immediate bond which sprung from the experience of capture, although the previous discussion of othering in this chapter demonstrates that not all prisoners were so idealistic. However, the poem does discuss the unconscious shaping of actions informed by the experiences through which the PoWs had been.

Not all expression was encapsulated in poetry or images; some men used their diaries to

526 Shaw, 13. 527 Moscoe, 65. 528 Collings, 19.

189 speak frankly about the camp, what was happening to them, and their feelings about home. R.C. Watts chose to dedicate his log “to my dear family”, it begins it with a letter

“My darling wife: Today is the 21st of August 1944 – I have been away from you for two years now. Although they have not been the happiest years of my life – not to be compared with our years together – they have been eventful and at times dramatic, and there are several things that official censors and my own racitannety[sic] would not permit me to tell you before. But now in the quiet solitude of a prisoner of war camp, where the long summer mornings find me mostly thinking of you, and how poor my correspondence must have been. It was not carelessness dear… it was my wish to get your thoughts away from flying and what could happen – so I mostly wrote of love…”529

Logs allowed the men methods of expressing some of the difficult emotions they were experiencing. As discussed in Chapter 5, there were efforts to look after fellow PoWs. Men who were perceived to be acting outside of camp society's established norms were noted, and attempts were made to bring them back into the fold. However, there is no clear indication of whether those who outwardly appeared to be engaging well (taking part in syndicates, and sports, not withdrawing, or spending long periods staring out of the wire) were offered support. The main aim of supporting PoWs who deviated was to bring them back into the fold. Therefore, those perceived to be acting in the ways expected in the camps were not targeted with support. However, they were able to communicate concerns and upsets in the logs through a variety of mediums.

6.8 Agency Alongside the examples of agency inherent in sections 6.6 and 6.7, the logs indicate more about how the PoWs shaped their own experience of camp life. The men writing in their logs have all produced unique and personal accounts of their time as prisoners. However, some aspects of the logs are very similar, despite the authors exploring similar events or topics in varying ways, being from different camps, and possibly not ever having come into contact with each other before. Although the men who wrote these diaries varied in many ways (service type, age, nationality, class, and education), underlying cultural structures affected their behaviour and attitudes. Each man brought his own experience to camp, but there were similar strands between them. The result is agents who act independently, but who prioritised the same things. PoWs shared world views that framed their actions,

529 Watts, 1.

190 because of shared experiences such as family, trauma, and bereavement (as discussed in the previous section) mixed with shared Western values and societal structures. The PoWs place importance on similar things. One key example of a common theme is the process of trying to capture and map the landscape of their captivity. Such attempts can be divided into two groups: written records, and those which are drawn. By choosing to draw their environment and experiences, the men have offered an insight into their experience, which describes very thoroughly in a small amount of space something which words could not. The decision to note down a full map of the camp or the route their capture took provides the reader with a landscape to map their experiences. This is invaluable for understanding the logistics of the camp layout. Snapshots of specific scenes or events of captivity allow the reader further insight – instead of imagining the guard towers, we can stand alongside the men and look at them.

Figures 51 to 54 all show mapping of captivity, the initial capture, the camp layout, the relationship with the guards, and the physicality of the punishment cells. The PoWs have used their respective abilities to describe capture. This is not limited to physical surroundings, but also the structural power dynamics seen in Figure 59. There was also an effort to record hardships, as seen in Figure 53 - the visual of the German guard standing over the dead PoW gun still in hand, and the image of the bare walls of solitary confinement. The inclusion of these scenes allows the drawings to reflect the perilous situation in which the PoWs found themselves. Kennedy‘s mapping of capture (see Figure 51) demonstrates the distances the prisoners had to travel once captured and the varied transportation methods involved in securing the men in PoW camps.

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Figure 51 Map of capture.530

530 Kennedy, 17.

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Figure 52 Map of Oflag 79.531

531 Cochrane, inside back page.

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Figure 53 Death of a PoW.532

532 Watchorn, 102.

194

Figure 54 Solitary confinement.533

533 Tickner, 84.

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As well as the physical geography of the camps, there were other attempts to record the physicality of their lives. This was actively encouraged by structural forces outside of the camps as the Red Cross issued Wartime Logs bore four plastic wallets on a page towards the back. Prisoners used the wallets to preserve items, including some shiny paper in Cunningham’s log, money in Lambert’s log, and tea in Naylor’s.534 Paper money was also stuck directly into 10 of the diaries in the sample group. In nearly all of these, Lagergeld notes (the official internal camp currency issued to PoWs, but shunned for the unofficial camp currency of cigarettes and chocolate bars) featured. Italian notes were present in four of the logs, and some also contained Reichsmarks, Rentenmarks, Lire, Francs, and money from Occupied Norway. Various methods were used to attach the notes, including sticking plaster, and scoring four lines in the corner of a frame on the cardboard pages so that the corners of the notes could be slipped through the holes and hold the notes in place. In collecting together and preserving these items, the prisoners demonstrated their knowledge about their wartime situation's temporary nature. The suggestion of external forces guided the preservation of the items; however, the PoWs chose to use the suggestions and chose what to include.

As discussed further in Chapter 7, one item regularly mentioned by PoWs is hot drinks. From the terrible German coffee which was often ersatz and made of acorns or mint tea, or the Red Cross versions from home, hot drinks were a common topic for the PoWs.535 Both Naylor and Kennedy chose to preserve the ersatz items. Naylor placed tea in one of the pouches, and Kennedy almost filled a pouch with coffee (a testament to how awful it was as it was not used). They both decided it was important to preserve a substance bound in PoW culture by their near-universal hatred of it.536

534 Cunningham, 112; Lambert, 112; Naylor, 112. 535 Doyle 2008, 27; Rumsey, 3; Johnson, 1. 536 Naylor, 112.

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Figure 55 Plastic Wallets.537.

537 Kennedy, 150.

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Kennedy also chose to add some German bread to his pouch (Brot in Figure 55). Food was the most important topic for all prisoners. They spoke about the lack of it and about its presence extensively in the logs. The Red Cross was praised nearly universally by the PoWs for the food parcels they sent. Although it was not viable for the prisoners to bring these boxes home (both because everything in them was consumed, and the men could reuse each scrap) they chose to represent them in their logs, in some cases methodically logging the contents, in others drawing renderings of the boxes, sticking labels from the tin cans into the logs, or any combination of the latter.538 Figure 56 is a piece of art from Naylor’s log which shows a collage made from various food labels. Figure 57 is a poem and illustration from Rumsey’s log which lauds the Red Cross, combining the pleasure of receiving the equipment to produce hot drinks with general joy at their support. “We thank you for all that you do, every day you are helping us through, delicious hot tea we can frequently brew, coffee and cocoa we thought we’d not get…” and “In Red Cross we’ll always be glad, every parcel we have the luck to receive, Tom, Dick or Harry is bound to relieve.”539 Figure 58 is a more tangible but still portable rendering of the boxes – a foldout rendering of a Red Cross box which can be opened and the contents displayed. All of these pieces work in different mediums, however each man has chosen to take some space to note the significance and impact of the Red Cross’ contribution on their daily lives.

The diaries indicate that as an institution (a structural force) the Red Cross held a lot of influence over the PoW camps, by providing food, clothing, and equipment. The organisation affected what the men ate, drank, wore, and did with their free time. Although the PoWs were able to make choices about the aforementioned aspects of their lives, these decisions were primarily based on what the Red Cross made available. Limited German rations meant that most cooking and baking was influenced not only by the socialisation of the men prior to camp (e.g. making Christmas and Birthday cakes), but also by the provisions they could obtain to create them. No matter the level of creativity they used, it was only possible for their decisions and choices to be made within the resources made available by the structures around them. Although some PoWs could bribe or blackmail guards for extra items, there was still a reliance on external actors or systems to provide.

538 Staniland, 38; Hauser, 9; Lambert, 93; Arct 1988, photo page 8-photo page 9; Cole, 71-72. 539 Rumsey, 1.

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Figure 56 Art made from labels.540

540 Naylor, 20.

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Figure 57 Appreciation of Red Cross poem and image.541

541 Rumsey, 1.

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Figure 58 Fold out Red Cross box and contents.542

542 Allen, photo page 10.

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Staniland’s diary offers an attempt to represent the Stalag 357 administration layout, including both internal and external structures. His diary contains a flow chart that explained camp life's intricate workings and the interactions of different powers within the camps. He chose to clarify the complex structures in a written and coloured chart. This chart allows the reader to see the influence of structures such as the British Government (which is placed at the top of Figure 59). Staniland shows every aspect of camp life linking back to this overarching structure. It is not the only structural influencer; however, the administration was complex and contained existing external structures such as the church, but also had new structures specific to the running of the camp. Each layer of Staniland’s drawing held some influence over the PoWs in the camp. Even the lowest section on the table, barrack groupings, shaped the PoW experience. The importance of fitting in and following the expected patterns of behaviour is highlighted when PoWs discuss the men who acted in ways which fell outside of the norm – as explored in Chapter 5. Men who acted in unexpected ways reinforced what was considered normal. By refusing to join syndicates for Red Cross parcels or becoming mentally unwell, men deviated from camp life's broader expectations.

The choices made by the prisoners to capture the physicality and material culture of camp life imply that they were aware of the significance of their new situation. Although life in the prison camps was their new norm, PoWs arrived with an awareness of the societies they inhabited before their capture and knew that there would be interest in the camps. At least on some level, they knew that existing in the physical space of the camps would be a small portion of their wider lives, and that there would be interest in that by those at home. By making an effort to catalogue aspects of their lives in the camps, they recognised the significance of the space they were creating, and valued it enough to keep records. The men acting within the camp spaces knew enough about their situation to know how unusual it was and acted to preserve it.

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Figure 59 Camp administration layout.543

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6.9 Conclusion The diaries demonstrate elements of camp culture which reach beyond what is written. They exemplify the external support offered to PoWs, the value placed on staving off boredom, and what was important to the prisoners. These three aspects of camp life also help demonstrate the intersection of structure and agency; men made decisions about how to stave off boredom based on their interests and activities they knew of from their life experience. However, the Red Cross provided resources based on what they felt PoWs needed. How possible it would be for PoWs to take an interest in something which was not supported by external organisations is less clear. Any activity requiring equipment would mean PoWs needed some form of external support to provide them with the equipment or tools to create it. The Red Cross and other similar aid organisations may have inadvertently provided the resources for activities they did not intend PoWs to undertake while captured if a prisoner was resourceful enough to create the equipment they required.

The content of the diaries shows the available materials such as ink, watercolours, and crayons, and the availability of these throughout the camps. The prisoners' decisions are evidenced throughout each personalised log. No matter how much similar or shared content was in each one, there was still a considerable variety in what the prisoners chose to include and exclude. Some wrote extensively, others drew in the majority of the log, others barely used it, but each log is unique. The prisoners did not just feel it was important to preserve the experience through words alone. Instead, they used the logs to build a rich picture of camp life encompassing slang, activities, and other objects (such as the Blower Stoves or Lagergeld) - a breadth of PoW life instead of a small segment of it.

It is near impossible to consider any of the three themes in this chapter (identity, coping, and agency) in isolation. Within the nested identities which each prisoner possessed, there were elements of coping. There were PoWs who identified as Kriegies to help process and understand what was happening to them, and those who chose to use their experiences to shape their own definition of what a Kriegie was (British only vs a universal term to represent the troops captured by the German forces). Using the diaries was a coping method, anything to prevent the endemic boredom was positive for the prisoners. Each action that they chose, each page they filled in, was a unique mix of their experiences up until that point. The logs were provided to them, accompanied by a letter suggesting how they used them, but the prisoners chose whether they did and how. There was no official

543 Staniland, 32-33.

204 suggestion that PoWs use them as a business opportunity, exchanging cigarettes or chocolate bars for drawings. Yet the men used their own initiative to generate wealth and to share drawings and poems which they felt captured an element of their experience.

There is much more scope for the study of the wartime logs; they are incredibly rich resources. Future research will include tracking the development of the shared content as it passed between camps, contrasting PoW drawn maps of the same camps for consistencies and differences alongside descriptions of the camps and official plans or archaeological excavations if available. The logs are a valuable and wealthy area of information and have much more to tell us about the lived experiences of Allied PoWs during this period.

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7 Chapter 7: Smokeless Heaters, or Heatless Smokers?: Blower stoves and their construction

A version of this chapter is forthcoming in Assemblage issue 18.

7.1 Introduction PoWs in the camps in Europe were living in a liminal space. In some ways, they actively worked to perpetuate relics of their civilian lives: either by drawing on previous experience or by replicating life outside the camps as best they could. In camps, PoWs produced plays and shows, arranged sporting tournaments, gained an education, and used their shared cultural knowledge of Western life to shape their experience of captivity. Divorced from their civilian roles by capture some aspects of their new existence had to be addressed: the mental debilitation or stress caused by camp existence, the physical representations of capture, and the fact that the prisoners were beholden to their whims of their guards. This recreation of camp life was also apparent in the objects which prisoners chose to develop while incarcerated. Peter Doyle describes this process as multi-stranded, focused both on fulfilling requirements created by the lack of equipment provided to them by the German High Command, and, circumventing boredom with creative pursuits.544

One of the key motivators for many of the more common PoW creations was necessity. To eat and drink are basic needs which were the motivating factor in the creation of blower stoves. There was no consistent provision of crockery, cutlery, and other cooking utensils to PoWs. Access to stoves that would allow water to be boiled or basic cooking to be undertaken was not guaranteed. Yet Red Cross parcels contained tea, coffee, and cocoa, as well as foods to cook. This presented a challenge to PoWs described as being “… akin to having silver plate without the banquet.”545 The men were thirsty for home comforts and they required something to cook with.

Blower stoves were an object which transcended the PoW experience and had a presence in Oflags, Stalags, Stalag Lufts and Marlag camps.546 In this chapter, I will reconstruct a blower stove to consider the accessibility of the construction process using the sort of tools available to PoWs. My attempts are based on the pictorial and written evidence provided in the diaries composed during captivity, or on accounts written and published after the fact.

544 Doyle 2012, 278. 545 Brown. 546 Tickner, 76-77; Macey, 107; Hauser, 23, 58; BBC 2005; Barris 2013, 140; Watchorn, 37.

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7.2 Why blower stoves? Blower stoves were part of the identity PoWs built for themselves during their captivity. Despite the variety of locations in which prisoners were held, their range of backgrounds, and different experiences of capture, all PoWs held in Europe were at least aware of the of blower stoves. Their creation was an act of camp hearsay, a folklore built across Europe and passed by word of mouth and other means between PoWs. Although the idea of the stove was not new, its creation with limited materials was new to many of these men, as was the comfort it could provide them.

The blower stove provided access to cooking and heating, but also the power to provide a small element of normality. Food shortages were common during captivity, and PoWs were often hungry. Although the Germans provided them with coffee, it was not a familiar brew, in many cases, it was ersatz, made of substances such as ground acorns. Many cultures place significance on the ritual of drinking certain hot beverages – Asian cultures and tea, the British and Commonwealth (because, in part, of these associations) and tea, and Americans with coffee. Due to the accessibility of the blower stove, PoWs were largely able to use the stoves to recapture elements of home. The power to use a blower stove to heat water and make a hot drink from Red Cross boxes, some of which may even have been familiar brands, was significant. The creation of, and access to a blower stove was not purely a useful tool for brewing up, but was a connection to home and the culture which tied PoWs to their national identity as well as their civilian life. Drinking tea and coffee was not purely about the act of drinking a warm drink, but was also about the ritual of creating it and what these processes evoked in the men.547 Brewing water on the blowers, even the fastest ones took 4 to 5 minutes or more. During this time, the tea or coffee would be prepared, the hot water added, and the brew steeped. The blower stove was intrinsically linked to this process, despite it not being the chosen implement with which to boil water in their civilian life. The ritual of brewing up was a part of their lives knowingly re-created in camp by the PoW actors. Cultural touchstones and elements of civilian life (partially supplied by external support agencies) were valued enough by prisoners for them to build an object from whatever was available to allow them to reconfigure such rituals into their new existence. An element of structural influence (the sending of the tea, coffee, and cocoa by the Red Cross) intersects at this point with the agency of the PoWs (the choice to

547 Skiles & Clark 2010, 185.

207 use these items), and the shared cultural touchstone of the hot drink lead to the creation of an iconic aspect of PoW culture.

To own a blower stove a PoW would need the resources, time, and skills to make it. However, captives were incredibly resourceful.548 Individual inventors were able to use their existing knowledge to create the blowers. Stoves were owned by individuals or small groups of prisoners and required the PoW or someone in their immediate social circle to have the ability to make one and willingness to share it. I had initially assumed every prisoner who wanted one would have access to a stove. However, I discovered an account where Tyler Fisher lamented the lack of stove in his barrack: "The prisoners in my barrack were neither fortunate enough nor resourceful enough to have a blower-cooker. We ate everything as it arrived, with no means to heat it up."549 In this quote, Fisher acknowledged the lack of resourcefulness as part of the reason for his barracks’ lack of stove. However, it is unfair to assume that the PoWs were solely at fault here and begs of the question of accessibility as certain groups were unable to create or purchase a stove.

Nevertheless, Roger Burwell writes of a much different experience to Fisher, when he saw some RAF PoWs using a blower stove, he asked them how to make it. Based on their advice, he created his own stove. He was resourceful enough to ask his fellow PoWs for instruction, but his ‘success’ also rested on their willingness to share the information. Despite not owning a stove, Fisher understood what they were and referred to them. Unlike the diaries in Chapter 6, a PoW needs some level of skill to possess a blower stove. Their creation required a knowledge which was passed between PoWs and adapted or developed, whereas the books were gifted through the Red Cross. Despite the element of skill required in their creation, blower stoves were widely available in the camps.

The primary material required to create a blower stove was tin cans. These items were very accessible to PoWs throughout most of the war. Therefore, the actual process of designing the blower or the lack of motivation to create one may have been the main obstacles, as opposed to the unavailability of the material. Stoves featured in various pictures and drawings of camp life and were discussed by PoWs in diaries and post-war remembrances. As PoWs were living in a barter and exchange economy blower stoves were also available for purchase in the camps.550 Therefore, although Fisher’s account demonstrates that not

548 Myers 2007, 62. 549 Fisher 2004, 58. 550 Calnon n.d., 48.

208 every prisoner owned or had access to a stove, the stoves themselves were common enough to have permeated PoW culture across a range of camps.551 I will, therefore, consider them as an item that was extremely common in the camps.

7.3 The Development of the Blower Stove One of the initial difficulties in this research was defining a blower stove. To some blower stoves were specifically the Kriegie made stoves which were fan-powered, but to others, the fan-powered model was a more developed model of the blower stove. To the latter group, non-fan models were called Stuffas.552 Therefore, although there are various accounts of the Kriegie stove's development, they do not fall on a consistent timeline. The description of stoves used varied terminology, further complicating any effort to gauge when specific stove types were being used. It should also be noted that the availability of materials would also impact the ability of PoWs to make certain designs, but most only required tin cans. John Frizell’s account credits the advent of the pneumatic blower stove to the bellows model, stating that the fan assisted blower followed thereafter, however, this is difficult to ascertain due to the reasons stated above.553

A current standing theory centres on the development of blower stoves by a New Zealand PoW in Italian camps around the end of March 1943. This unreferenced assertion is made in Giuseppe Millozzi’s dissertation on prisoners of war and is further disseminated on PoW information sites.554 However, the idea can be disputed. As argued here, all PoWs were presented with the same problem (lack of facilities to heat water and cook food) and had roughly the same materials (food parcels provided by the Red Cross). Therefore, it is more likely that similar designs developed across the camps instead of spreading from one individual point and one individual PoW. A multi-point organic spread of the blower would also explain the discrepancy in terminology and variations of stove design discussed by prisoners.

The earliest reference to a blower stove found in this research is in Stalag 383. It is an image of two PoWs cooking on a blower stove dated to either 1939 or 1940 and pictured in

551 Klem, 6, 84, 89 (Stalag VIIA); Rumsey, 9, 17, 20, 25, (Stalag VIIA, Stalag VIIIB, Thorn, Stalag 357); Cunningham, 43, 45, (Stalag Luft III, Oflag XXIB); Hauser, 23, 58 (Marlag Milag Nord); Bell, 104 (Oflag 79); Shaw, 21 (Stalag VIIA), Moscoe, 47 (Stalag VIIIB), Johnson, 47 (Stalag Luft III); Oliver, 30 (Stalag 17B); Johnson, photo page 4 (Oflag VB); Macey, 107 (Marlag Milag Nord); Misc. – 1, 27, 31, 49; Tickner, 76, 77 (Marlag Westertimke); Watchorn, 37 (Stalag XXA). 552 Bell, 104. 553 New Zealand History 2012. 554 Hill 2008; Millozzi 2004, 21.

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Figure 60.555 There is also a description of a blower stove in Campo 78 in 1941, in which a ladder was smashed and used as fuel for “… the blowers for cooking.”556 By 1942 there were blower stoves in Stalag Luft III, Stalag VIIIB, Stalag XXA, and Benghazi (an Italian controlled transit camp).557 Between April and July 1943 a Canadian, not New Zealander, PoW in Stalag Luft III became known as a tin tapping prodigy for his creation of items including cutlery, crockery, and blower stoves.558 Although this timeline allows for the possibility that information was shared with Allied PoWs in Germany by prisoners from the Italian camps, it is unlikely. The ‘prodigy’ was held in a Stalag Luft because he was part of the air force, and it is therefore most likely he had travelled there via a Dulag Luft. Most air force personnel were taken to interrogation camps and not Italian run camps like the one at Benghazi. Between April and December 1944 George Spenceley credited another individual in his camp (Stalag 357) with the creation of the blower stove: “Someone invented and built a ‘blower’, a hand-cranked forced air apparatus made by the camp ‘metal bashers’ from old tins.”559 PoWs talking about their experience of life in European camps often referred to blower stoves, but not a specific time for their creation. Quotations such as “… one of the most amazing pieces of apparatus, which appeared by the hundred, was commonly known as a “blower” appear in diaries along with drawings and photographs showing blowers in use as well as poems about them.560 Although undated, the references to stoves present them as an inherent part of camp life.

555 National Library (New Zealand). 556 Monte San Martino Trust. 557 Cooper n.d.; Veteran Affairs Canada “At that time they used to have little blowers”; Watchorn, 37 “We used a Kreigy type blower.” 558 Colwell, 104. 559 Spenceley. 560 Vercoe 2006, 87.

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Photograph of PoWs using blower stove, removed due to copyright restriction.

Figure 60 PoWs cooking on a blower stove, Stalag 383, 1939-1940561

The pattern by which the PoWs perceived the blower stove to have been invented was not linear. Instead, the prisoners (logically) assumed that their first sight of such stoves was the point at which it was invented – hence, multiple accounts claim the stove was invented in their camps. Anthony Parnell, a PoW incarcerated in Stalag VIIIB implied that the blower stoves were introduced to the camp by British PoWs held by the Italians prior to Italian capitulation. Parnell writes that "[the ex-Italian prisoners] brought with them one great improvement - the "blower."562 During the Italian capitulation, a number of prisoners were introduced from the Italian camps, but the resulting strain on resources affected the balance of camp life. In those camps that already had facilities for cooking the influx caused too much demand, producing a need for solutions such as the blower stove.563

Therefore one reason for the development of stoves was the increasing need for PoWs to cook – the reason the discussion of them increased after the Italian capitulation could be due to the increasing number of PoWs causing a strain on the infrastructure. However, this explanation is not so straightforward. Blower stoves were common by the latter half of the war. Prisoners discussed making them in their accounts of their PoW experience. In Stalag

561 National Library (New Zealand) n.d. 562 Parnell 2017, 143. 563 Stout 1958, 131.

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Luft III “Win Gredvic and I learned how to convert dried milk tins into useful items. Since fuel was short, small heaters were popular.”564 In Stalag XVIIIA, PoWs stole components to create them.

Furthermore, in Stalag VIIA there was an arts and crafts exhibit of stoves.565 Throughout 1944 and 1945 the discussion of stoves in logs and diaries heavily implied a prior knowledge of the stoves – they are referred to colloquially as blowers, even by PoWs who had just arrived in camps. Nevertheless, the Italian capitulation is not the only reason for the increase in discussion of blower stoves in the early to mid-1940s. The period from 1941 to 1944 is described by Doyle as the second phase of activity in the camps, during this time PoWs experienced stable supplies from the Red Cross and were able to pool their knowledge and resources. In doing so, they created a wider range of items and begin to run craft competitions.566 A third factor contributing to the increase, especially after 1943, is a pamphlet issued by the Red Cross & St John War Organisation (also known as Joint War Organisation of the British Red Cross Society and the Order of St. John and Jerusalem). It provided instructions on building items from tin cans in difficult conditions and so acknowledging the lack of equipment that PoWs would have. 567 Sadly there are no archived copies of the pamphlet or information available about its creation. Therefore, it is unclear whether the Red Cross issued the pamphlet proactively to show PoWs how to make stoves, or reactively after witnessing the stoves being used during camp inspections and deciding to disseminate how to make them. Although references to blower stoves after 1943 were definitely more extensive, various contributing factors could explain the prevalence.

7.4 Building a Blower Because the stoves were so common across the European camps, the latter part of this chapter concentrates on an attempt to reconstruct a blower stove using the information available from prisoner of war diaries and accounts. As previously discussed, the terminology around what exactly constituted a blower stove is unclear. However, for this thesis's purpose, a blower stove refers to a multi-part miniature furnace consisting of a fan (handle operated), and a fire tin used to cook or heat water.

564 Singer. 565 Leigh 1992, 112. 566 Doyle 2012, 283-284. 567 Doyle 2012, 284.

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No original blower stoves are known to exist, although there are various re-creations by ex- PoWs in museums, including one in the British Red Cross in London. However, prisoners of war considered the blower a significant enough part of camp life to include drawings and schematics in their diaries and preserve them. There are also photographs which show prisoners using the stoves both in the camps and during the death marches at the end of the war. The decision to carry the stoves with them when asked to pack up and prepare for the marches demonstrates that the stoves bore strong enough significance to the PoWs that they were among the small number of possessions taken by the prisoners. A combination of the various visual and written sources helped map the recreation of a blower stove's construction.

One of the main issues in undertaking the experimental reconstruction was finding the correct sizes and types of tin as most items used by PoWs are no longer made or packaged in the same way. For example, most cocoa is now in circular cardboard tubs instead of the oblong tins of the war years, KLIM tins are no longer made. Therefore, I used a pragmatic approach to the collection of materials and ensured that I tried to match the tin shapes as closely as possible to what was in drawings, but accepted that any recreation would likely deviate from the original.

7.4.1 Construction and Materials This section considers the ways by which the construction was accessible, the skill level required to create a blower stove. In the camps construction materials such as tin cans were far more widely available than other items such as hammers, tin snips, and soldering irons. Obtaining the latter items would have depended on what was provided to the men by their captors and what was available in camps. Sometimes guards would become interested in a project and help provide components to see if it could be completed, or else could be bribed or blackmailed into assisting. Therefore, PoWs needed to be inventive in the way they used materials which were abundant.

Red Cross parcels were not just a food delivery, but also provided raw materials. The parcels were intended to provide prisoners as many resources as possible. 568 The boxes were used to build shelving and furniture. The binding string could be used to make wigs for shows or cricket and football nets, and the cans became all manner of inventions from grandfather clocks, to radios, to blower stoves. The blower stove did not require

568 Watchorn; Doyle 2012, 282.

213 particularly rare or complex components, and therefore were used by many of the prisoners.

The materials used to re-create the blower stoves were as close as possible to the materials the PoWs describe using. Medical scissors were used in place of tin snips – as per the scissors the PoWs took from Red Cross medical parcels. The tin cans were modern versions, and therefore advanced materials such as the solder PoWs obtained from bully beef cans in the camps could not be recreated. There may also be differences in shape, but consistency was maintained where possible. In some cases the PoWs do not clearly describe how the blower stoves were held together (some were soldered, some were crimped, but there were no precise details on the process). Being unable to make solder I crimped or manipulated the tins together so that they stayed intact without being secured. I also used nails to add air inflow holes; the ones used in the reconstruction were new as no used ones could be found.

I have seen blower stoves, as would many of the prisoners in the camps, and have read accounts of their creation. I was attempting, however, to create a blower stove without full instruction. As a layperson with no experience of tinsmithing, let alone any education on how to make a blower stove. My level of knowledge was similar to many of the PoWs such the prisoner who had to ask for instructions from others using a stove.

7.4.2 Fuel Sources Each blower stove and control can was tested using the same amount of fuel. This was a combination of plain paper and small pieces of wood as per PoW accounts • “Fuel consisted of pieces of paper, little slivers of wood from the ground, and later, wood from the subflooring of our barracks. On occasion a small work party would be taken from the compound down to the riverside to collect twigs, branches, and any other possible fuel that we could find.”569 • “The stoves were very efficient and could generate enough heat to boil a mug of water by burning a single cigarette package.”570 • “You just turn the handle and it would blow the air through the coals, actually most time it was wood”571

569 Church n.d. 570 Canadian Heritage Information Network 2013. 571 North n.d.

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• “A few pieces of cardboard provides the fuel for starting – after that any rubbish will do for it burns anything and gives off immense heat.”572 As modern cigarette packets are coated in a plastic layer, I used plain cardboard instead. Wood was dried twigs or small pieces of untreated wood. Although ‘modern resources’ I tried to mitigate the differences as much as possible.

7.4.3 Mark I – test Before attempting a full reconstruction, I wanted to test my equipment and materials by producing a smaller burner; a single tin with a door to add fuel, and grate across the top. This was a less technical build than a fan assisted blower, and would allow an opportunity to adjust the process of using the medical shears as tin snips, and using nails to create guide holes to cut between.

Figure 61 Tin can, medical shears, and two nails used to puncture tin.

Building the first Mark 1 burner was relatively simple. The shears required a fair amount of force to cut through the cans and left some tender spots on my palm and fingers where I had repeatedly exerted force. Initially, I had planned to use a series of holes nail holes to place the grid; however, I had to use the medical scissors as a hammer, and It took up to 10 minutes to create one hole. This was especially hard in the ribbed mid-section of the can as this portion was challenging to puncture. Therefore, instead it was more efficient to place

572 The Black Watch 2013.

215 the grid on top of the can by cutting down it at intervals and placing the wire across the top. This will not be workable as a solution for the fan-assisted model as the importance of allowing the heat to surround the can is stated in PoW accounts.

Figure 62 Rework of grate - snipped and folded down sides of can.

This version of stove has a door through which to insert the fuel. I formed this by tapping holes in a line with the nail until there was a big enough hole to insert the shears. I planned to insert the door lower down, but the top line of the door became the bottom of it due to the blunt ended shears' manoeuvrability. This was a beneficial modification as the door joining the base of the can would have allowed fuel to fall out, which I had not previously considered.

I decided to use a nail to form the air inflow holes across the base of the burner. As the PoWs would not usually have had access to a hammer, I unsuccessfully used a rock, then more successfully the medical shears to knock the nail through the tin. I dispersed these holes unevenly. For the grated portion of the tin I used unfolded paperclips. Although these were obviously not the PoW’s primary source of wire, I had to approach this problem pragmatically. The benefit of using paperclips is that they are readily available, and as they need to be unfurled for use they provide a similar difficulty to the second-hand materials in camp as they require reshaping.

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Figure 63 Door tapped and then cut into tin can.

Figure 64 Using nail to puncture tin and create a line to cut along

According to many of the illustrations, the wire used for the originals looks thinner than that of the paperclips, so may have been more flexible. I have used a circular grate with the wires crossing in the centre as opposed to a more traditional grid shape – the thickness of

217 the paperclips meant this was sturdy enough for my purposes. However, the wire the PoWs had access to may have been less robust and therefore required the grid formation to hold the items cooked on it.

In the preliminary testing, I used an A5 sized piece of card and two matches in both the Mark 1 blower stove I had created and the control can (a tin can without modification). The fuel sources were lit simultaneously and compared. The Mark 1 blower showed a significant improvement in burn time over the control can and burned more efficiently, leaving less debris.

Figure 65 Blower Mark 1 (left) and control can during testing.

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Figure 66 Control can producing more smoke than blower Mark 1, even after flames subsided.

Figure 67 Mark 1 debris. Figure 68 Control Can debris.

The initial basic build demonstrated that it was possible to create a blower stove with no prior knowledge of tinsmithing. Even this basic version burnt more efficiently than the control can.

7.4.4 Mark II Phase 1: Fan Blower The fan blower I aimed to create was to be a variation on the model pictured in Figure 68.

219

Photograph of cook stove

schematics, removed due to copyright restriction.

Figure 69 Cook stove design listed in PoW diary.573

As the KLIM cans were larger than the current standard can in the UK, standing at roughly 13cms in diameter, and 15cms in height, two grapefruit tins were used for the build. Although thicker than during wartime, grapefruit tins were bigger than standard current tin size, which was necessary for the process of recreating the blower stove. Part of a corned beef tin was used to recreate the shape of the mid-section piece as this was often created using a cocoa tin which is no longer a standard packaging method. Again, medical shears and a nail were used to create the required holes. The fan's spoke was built from a pencil as PoWs had pencil crayons and pencil to write in their Wartime Logs. The fan blades were created using pliable metal from a drinks can. This was not ideal as the metal is highly flexible, but was used to test the shape and size of the blades. In subsequent builds this was replaced with firmer tin can metal.

The build's first stage was to construct the hole for the pencil to sit in and allow the fan to turn. I roughly measured the centre of the base of one can and knocked the nail through,

573 Hill 2008.

220 then nailed holes surrounding the initial one until they could be joined by forcing the pencil through at the tapered end. The pencil was a snug fit in the hole, but would turn smoothly and did not slip forwards and backwards.

Figure 70 Hole for pencil in can.

Figure 71 Corned beef can and can with fan hole.

Designing the fan was the most complicated section of the build as I have not yet found a visual representation of a fan and how it would sit inside the can. Logically, the fan must sit in line with the base and top of the can, blowing air along the body and into the inflow pipe. However, I have not found any examples which confirm this. The initial design,

221 therefore, was a series of four fan blades wound and secured around the pencil. As these were made from thin aluminium from a drinks can they were easy to mould but proved difficult to keep in position and extremely easy to tear. Only three blades were viable as one broke in the process. I created a further blade had to replace the one which tore.

Figure 72 Fan can, fan material, and medical shears.

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Figure 73 Fan blades made from aluminium can

The fan blades were measured to ensure they fit within the can. However, I did not consider that the mid-section of each fan would meet in the same place and would therefore not be easily wound around the central pencil spoke of the fan. To remedy this, I created two more fans with the wrapped portion in different places so that none would meet the spoke in the same place. The fan's blades were challenging to keep in place as the aluminium sprang back into shape once wound and would not stay tight to the spoke. I scored a hole in the fan blade near the spoke; the securing tail was then fed through and folded to secure.

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Figure 74 Fan blade secured to central spoke.

Figure 75 Fan blades installed on spoke and inside fan can.

As the blades had been scored to secure them, they were extremely fragile and some broke while turning the spoke. Therefore another design was attempted. Instead of making all the fan blades individually, I instead used the body of an aluminium can to make a long dual blade from one piece of material. I scored a series of lines along the centre of the piece to allow it to be slotted around the spoke, and then made a second mirroring blade

224 with equal score lines. The long pieces were bent to expose the mid-line to the central spoke and created the fan shape. Because the metal was pliable the centre line of holes could be bent around the spoke to secure them to it well enough to stop the blades slipping when the spoke was spun.

Figure 76 Fan blades attached to pencil.

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Figure 77 Fan blades inside fan can.

With the fan in place I began attaching the air flow can to the fan can – this involved a process of sizing the inflow can against the fan can and cutting a hole with the shears. I left an inch or so of can around the edge of the space required, then cut into it at regular small intervals to leave a series of metal flaps which could be bent and used to attach the other can. I then removed the side of the corned beef can which formed the air inflow can using a similar process.

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Figure 78 Corned beef can to form the air inflow pipe next to fan can.

Figure 79 Flaps of metal holding the air inflow can in place.

With the air inflow can in place, I was able to replace the fan inside the can, but realised that due to the way in which the can was secured it changed the shape of the inside of the fan can and the fan blades were grating as they passed this section. The fan blades, therefore, had to be reshaped to allow them to pass the secured section cleanly. With this modification made, the fan spun cleanly on the spoke and inside the can, however, this was the point where the build could not be continued. As I had used a grapefruit ring pull can

227 for the fan can there was nothing at the top of the can to secure the spoke of the fan, or to trap the air which the fan was producing and ensure it was pushed through the air inflow pipe.

Figure 80 Fan blades after modification of shape.

7.4.5 Mark II Phase 2 After the findings during the phase 1 build, I knew that a tin which could be sealed at both ends was required to secure the fan spoke. I also had to ensure that the air was correctly directed. I needed to use firmer and thicker material for the fan blades to match as closely as possible to the materials that would have been available to PoWs. I chose to use a large syrup tin for the fan can, recycling the grapefruit can as the fire can. I then used thicker, ridged tin to create the fan blades. There were not large enough sections of un-ridged metal on any cans accessible to me which had enough surface area to create the fan blades.

I tapped the holes into the syrup tin and its lid using the nail and medical shears so that the fan spoke could be inserted through both with the fan secured inside. This was more similar than the grapefruit tin to the design of the KLIM tins which were re-sealable and would allow the air to circulate better as it would not escape from the tin through the end.

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Figure 81 Hole in the top of the syrup tin, matching the one in the base.

The modification of the fan blades meant reconsidering the composition of the fan. Based on a PoW account which stated splitting the wood of the fan spoke was the most challenging part of the process I used the medical shears to split the pencil into four lengths – using the blade of the shears to force the wood apart, and a rock to hit them and cause the split.574 This was complex, as the PoW had specified, and the pencil initially snapped. I broke off the unusable portion and re-attempted the splitting. This was more successful, although one portion of the pencil was less stable than the others. I was then able to insert the metal lengths into the slots created by the split to form a fan. Once the metal was inserted, the hole in the syrup tin’s lid was used to stabilise the pencil; holding the top portion above the fan together and preventing the pencil from snapping again due to flaring above the fan.

574 Markworth, 72.

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Figure 82 Metal fan portions inserted into split pencil. Note the weak portion of pencil on the left centre which is pulling away from the remaining three sections.

Figure 83 Pencil stabilised by syrup tin lid holding it together.

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Before closing the syrup tin I had to attach the air inflow pipe. I used the same approach as with the previous can, cutting the metal into strips that could be pressed together to secure the cans. Once this was done, and the air inflow pipe attached the syrup can I was able to seal it. I used string to secure the pencil in place, wrapping it into the split portion of the pencil and then around itself and back through the split pencil to hold it in place.

Figure 84 Assembled body of blower stove.

Now that the stove's basic body had been created, it was important to attach a handle with which to crank the fan at a steady speed. For this the main material used seemed to be a wooden thread spool, although these are becoming more difficult to find as manufacturers use plastic more readily. I found a wooden thread spool and attached it by pushing it onto the pencil until it stuck. I tested the fan at this point and found that the bobbin was difficult to keep on the pencil spoke – even when using string to hold it in place or jamming it together. My lack of experience was evident, and made it difficult to comprehend how to attach a handle. It also became clear that I required a longer spoke to attach the fan blades too.

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Figure 85 Wooden spool attached to fan spoke.

7.4.6 Mark II Phase 3: Refining My modifications were threefold: firstly – sealing the bottom of the air inflow pipe; secondly – adding in a longer fan spoke; thirdly – modifying the handle; as well as the continued build of the fire tin to include a grate on which the water tin could sit.

To seal the air inflow pipe, I used a second can of a similar size (a Spam tin) to slot together with the corned beef can. It was challenging to fit the combined cans into the holes I had created in the sides of the syrup and grapefruit tins, but the tighter seal around the edges of the cans helped to prevent excessive air leakage.

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Figure 86 Corned beef and spam can sealing air inflow pipe.

I decided to replace the pencil spoke with a stick as I found the lead was difficult to split without causing structural issues. However, I could not satisfactorily split the stick and using the rock to hammer the shears (as per the method with the pencil) was ineffective and caused the stick to break crossways and lose length. I also attempted to saw at the stick with the shears to see if I could split it that way, but it was very time intensive and provided little headway. Instead, I redesigned the fan portion, no longer relying on splitting the wood, but using the ends of cans to provide a circular shape, and slicing in towards a central hole to form fan blades (Figure 87). This could be placed onto the central spoke without splitting or requiring fan blades to be attached individually to the spoke (as per the Mk II Phase I design).

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Figure 87 New fan design attached to stick spoke.

Two of the fans were added in the hope of producing a steady supply of air, as they seemed less efficient than the previous designs. However, they were not space limited by the air inflow pipe's insertion, unlike the previous designs whose fan span had to be pared down to allow the blades to pass by the attachment portion of the tin.

Because the stick had a slight bend in its middle it was possible to operate it without a handle, the curvature of the stick spoke allowed enough purchase to turn it at high speed. However, this would have been easier with a fully constructed handle.

The fire can required a grate before it could be completed. This was constructed using a similar method to the Mark I blower – cutting down into the can at regular intervals to create space for straightened paperclips to be inserted. I continued to use paperclips as they were the only readily available item which was similar enough to allow construction. For the Mark II design I cut deeper into the sides of the cut to allow the grate to be lower down in the fire tin. This allowed the heat to envelop it and not just heat it from below. My ability to do this was impeded by the other construction, which prevented me from cutting

234 too deeply into the can without also cutting through the material surrounding the air inflow pipe. I placed the grate as low as possible and amended the paperclips' configuration to form a true grid shape as opposed to the earlier Mark I design with centrally overlapping wires and no outer support.

At this point I was concerned about the distance the spam tin overlapped into the fire can, but hoped that this would prevent fire or remnants from the fire flowing back as easily into the air inflow pipe.

7.5 Testing To test the Blower's effectiveness, I attempted to heat a can full of water to a boil. The standard-sized can was filled to an inch below the rim and placed on the wire grid of the fire can. The fire was then lit. I then ran a second test on the same stove with the fan in operation to see if there was a difference in the heating time.

7.5.1 Test I Test one was unsuccessful. As feared, the air inflow pipe placement made it difficult to operate the stove correctly. This reduced the portion of the fire can floor surface which could be used to burn fuel, the fuel itself eventually choked the fire and travelled backwards through the air inflow pipe. The experiment was terminated at 12 minutes and 3 seconds.

Nevertheless, despite the aforementioned issues, the stove was able to heat the water to the point that bubbles formed at the sides. It was hot enough to brew drinks with, but had not reached boiling point. The fuel door was extremely useful in this experiment and allowed the fire to be fed continually throughout the experiment. Unlike the quoted examples, much more fuel was required, one sheet of newspaper and five 10cm pieces of stick were used to keep the fire going during the experiment. The fire had to be relit five times.

Overall, the experiment was not successful, but did identify design flaws to rectify. Due to the flaw identification, I also decided to test out the fan. I found it less effective than the previous models I had designed, so also modified this in the redesign.

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Figure 88 Equipment for test laid out, blower, water can, fuel, and matches.

Figure 89 Bubbles forming in the water as it heats.

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Figure 90 Choked with ash.

7.5.2 Mark II Phase 4: Final Modifications With the issues identified in Test I, I decided to make further modifications to the design. I formed a smaller inflow pipe using some left-over metal from previous fan designs and formed it into a rectangular shape, then inserted it into a newly made fan can. I used a golden syrup tin again for this as the design had worked previously, however, I amended the fan design. I reverted to a pencil as the central spoke due to issues with splitting the stick and fan blades attached to the central spoke due to inefficiency. I used two blades due to concerns about the existing bends in the can splitting if I inverted the shape.

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Figure 91 New air inflow pipe

Figure 92 Modified fan blades

I used another syrup can for the fire can as I did not have any spare grapefruit tins. However, this turned out to be a wider can with more space to move the grid down further into the fire can, a beneficial change. The sizing was closer to that of the KLIM tin, the metal edges of the syrup tin were distinctly thinner. Cutting through the can's rim was more problematic as it was much thicker than a standard contemporary can. I used the same technique as before to attach the air inflow pipe and cut into the metal at intervals so it could be used to secure the design. I debated making a crank handle for the blower stove

238 operation, but felt this was beyond my skill level. I could operate the fan using the wooden spool I had secured with a wedge of leftover wood.

Figure 93 Fan can and fire can joined with air inflow pipe.

Despite best efforts to ensure that materials were similar to that used in the camps, a closer version could have been created using surviving KLIM tins from the period. Sadly, these tins are expensive to procure, costing between £60 and £100 for fair condition examples. Damaged and unsaleable cans would have provided the perfect materials for these experiments, but I could not access any such cans. Wire used in the burners was likely to be offcuts from the camp construction. It was therefore much less readily available than the paperclips used in their place, however, the fixed length of the paper clips provided their own challenge when securing the grate across the broadest part of the tin. Therefore, although this experiment was not a direct replication of camp materials, the spirit of resourcefulness required by the prisoners in their stove creation was used throughout.

7.5.3 Test II Test two was successful. The water reached a rolling boil at 19 minutes and 7 seconds. The main complexity with this test was that two people were required to run the stove, it was very difficult to feed the fire and turn the fan at the same time, therefore I had to pause regularly. The fuel required was six 10cm pieces of stick, and one sheet of newspaper. This is more than the single cigarette packet claimed by some PoWs, but still a reasonably

239 modest outlay considering my lack of experience, and the fact I was working alone. If two people were operating the stove, the final boil time could have been reduced.

Figure 94 Test II: water at rolling boil.

7.6 Conclusion Creating blower stoves is possible for even the un-skilled and un-experienced person. However, it is a long process of trial and error and requires multiples of various resources in case of error (which when un-skilled and un-experienced, there is a greater risk of). When applied to the prison camp, there are benefits and costs to this. Beneficially PoWs had plenty of time available and the resources required to create the blower stoves were fairly commonly available.

For the initial Mark I stove, which, although simple, provided an increase of efficiency in length of burning and fuel consumption, the required items were:

• One tin can • Nail or sharp object to knock holes through can • Medical shears, scissors, or something else to act as tin snips

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• Rock, shears, or something else to act as a hammer • Strips of wire to provide the grate at the top of the tin.

However, for the more efficient, but more complex Mark II build, the requirements increased to also include:

• Boot laces or string • Stick • 2+ further tin cans • More strips of wire

Obtaining the above-listed items was not necessarily difficult, but could have been complex for a PoW who was trying to operate in the landscape of the camp. As discussed in Chapter 5, they may have been experiencing low mood, lethargy, or other symptoms of Barbed Wire Disease. The physical symptoms of malnourishment would further compound this. The sustained energy required to build and rebuild stoves may have been difficult to summon for PoWs during this period.

Nevertheless, PoW stoves were definitely easily accessible for prisoners – especially after 1943, where references begin to appear more commonly in wartime accounts. The creation of stoves provided a pursuit for skilled engineers to hone their skills, as well as a functional craft for the less able (such as myself) to create a more efficient method of heating water and cooking for themselves. The creation of stoves provided PoWs with a level of independence, allowing them to cook and drink what and when they wanted – limited only by the provisions available to them and not by camp regulations.

One of the most important considerations with any crafted object is the situation in which it was created and the context this provides it.575 Stoves were not purely items built for fun, or necessity; they were not built from an endless supply of material by skilled men. The stoves were instead a combination of boredom-buster and essential creation. They provided their creators with an outlet for creativity, which would also benefit them while killing the endless time the PoWs had and had to fill. Doing so was incredibly important for prisoners, as discussed in Chapter 5 of this thesis. Therefore, tied to the creation of the stoves is an element of therapeutic pursuit. The creation of the stoves allowed the prisoners to either use their existing knowledge of engineering, or their will to learn, to repurpose objects to help them recreate a slice of home. Tin cans would have been a

575 Macbeth & Barber 2015, 281-282.

241 familiar object for most prisoners. But due to the restrictive availability of objects in the camp, they took on a new significance to the prisoners.

Creating a stove myself better helped me to understand the level of skill required to make one (very little), as well as the physical implications of their creation. As the metal was cut with medical shears, scissors, or other re-purposed equipment, it was common to sustain cuts from small and sharp spurs of metal sticking out of the cans. The cuts were largely unnoticeable, but could have been an infection risk considering the physical condition of some PoWs. My understanding of the PoW experience also benefitted from using the stoves in the process of boiling water. It produced a large amount of smoke, and undertaking this experiment better helped me understand the smokeless heater or heatless smoker jokes made by PoWs. The use of these contraptions would have impacted the PoWs’ physical environment: the smoky smell was pervasive, the smoke was present throughout the boil. These stoves were used regularly and by many PoWs to physically impact both the prisoners using them and those who did not but were in the vicinity.

Although this chapter noted the claims that both New Zealand and Canadian PoWs invented the blower stove, there were minimal differences between nationalities in the actual design of the stoves. Blower stoves were based around a similar principle (extra air inflow over the burning fire), and therefore there were limited available variations. The prisoners' movement from camp to camp, the mixing of nationalities in the camps, and the general similarities of the known examples ensured that blower stoves were not a point of difference between nationalities in the camps.

Blower stoves were a cultural movement, an ingrained Kriegie knowledge – known about even if not used, but also mundane enough of an object to leave behind upon release. These objects were a representation of a common feature of camp life which stretched across Europe. The creation of blower stoves “[was] not necessarily an isolated encounter, but knowledge that is shared, negotiated and passed on through collective hands and making activities.”576 The blower stove is not curated in museums in the way that other objects are. With them, there is not an association of uniqueness that PoW Wings, KLIM tin teapots, or camp made radios had. There was no legend attached to an item which brewed up and cooked, not in the way that the Clare Cline’s violin became a legend.577 But the

576 Bailey & Townsend 2015, 158. 577 The National WWII Museum New Orleans n.d.

242 blower stove was accessible and as elaborate or as simple as it needed to be. It was a cultural movement, and a practical, iconic aspect of PoW life.

Although this initial exploration into blower stove development was time-limited, it has provided some valuable insights. The use of experimental archaeology in more modern context than it is often applied has led to a better understanding of the process of creating stoves, the accessibility of them to PoWs, and the broader context of their creation. The noise caused by tin work was something I had not appreciated until I experienced it. This initial experimentation will be further developed, redesigning the blower to add the fan under the wire for the water can, and adding a proper handle. I also recruited other participants to allow for the influence of life experience on the build process to be better understood. Participants will be given the same information, including drawings of different stoves, written descriptions, and a list of items that would have been available to PoWs. They will then be asked to create their own blower stoves, photograph the process, and attempt to boil water on them. Photographs and timings will be centrally collected, along with information about any relevant experience (including fire management, engineering skills, or previous tin work), and then contrasted to see how life experience would affect stove design. Similar experimental methods will also be used in relation to other PoW artefacts such as the insignia discussed in Chapter 8, and contraband radios. Although formed from initial research, this chapter has indicated the need for further exploration using experimental archaeology. It has helped to further understand the lived experience of PoWs in Europe during the Second World War.

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8 Chapter 8: “We wanted wings” Identity representation in air force prison camps during the Second World War.

8.1 Introduction Prior to capture, insignia would have been mass-manufactured for the men and presented as part of the uniform, representing their role. Although PoWs were supposed to be allowed to keep their military insignia (as per the Geneva Convention), this was not always the case.578 As well as confiscation, some PoWs also purposefully destroyed or lost their original insignia due to fear of retribution if they were identified as bomber crews or special forces.579 Airforce PoWs were at risk of being attacked or murdered either by local residents or officials after Hitler’s Commando Order of 1942. Some PoWs chose to recreate their insignia. The wings analysed in this chapter represent a subset of insignia created while incarcerated in PoW camps during the Second World War. This chapter will focus primarily on the analysis of insignia produced by casting by Allied air force personnel in European Prisoner of War (PoW) camps during the Second World War. It will consider the different materials used to create the insignia, their uses, and their role in demonstrating the layered identities of the PoWs. The insignia or ‘wings’ referred to in this chapter are reproductions of those that air force personnel wore to signify rank and role in the forces. Each type of insignia represents a different role, rank, and identity. Although there are some differences between national iterations of insignia, nearly all air force badges include wings. Each insignia was intended to symbolise the role of the wearer succinctly, but could also be used to denote further identities. Each badge is a representation of a part of the self.

The majority of insignia in this chapter are wings representing air force personnel. This does not mean there was not a strong identity in other branches of the military, or that other PoWs were not creating and recreating insignia, as demonstrated by the inclusion of the Long Rang Desert Group insignia. The bias towards wing insignia may be attributed to a variety of factors, firstly their collectability – these have become fairly iconic as a collectors item within PoW memorabilia enthusiasts, and therefore they are valuable and therefore have better recognition. Secondly, they may be more identifiable as PoW output because

578 ICRC, Part II Art. 6. 579 Davies 2005.

244 air force PoWs were NCOs and had the time to record some of the process of their creation. Thirdly, the items are rare to find in museums, and the contacts who provided access to their private collections are interested specifically in air force PoWs. Because of these factors, combined with the issue of recognising ranking insignia which consisted of bars of metal, there is currently a bias towards air force personnel in this research.

Within each classification of role there can be deviations to signify differences. For instance, there were no single pilot insignia in the United States Army Air Force (USAAF). However, there were separate symbols for glider pilots, pilots, senior pilots, service pilots, and so on. Each iteration of role would have different symbolism to denote it and indicate the wearer's role to those aware of the insignia’s meanings. Different countries used varying materials for their insignia. Metal wing insignia appear to have been most commonly used by the USAAF, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Brazil, Croatia, Dutch East Indies, Estonia, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, The Soviet Union, Sweden, and Yugoslavia. The RAF predominantly used cloth badges referred to as brevets which were stitched on to the uniform, although some metal pins were in the process of being phased out. Cloth brevets were also used by Australia, Canada, Denmark, India, Mexico, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, South Africa, and Switzerland. Some countries also used a mix of both cloth and metal insignia, including China (whose insignia varied between ranks), Finland, Cuba, Greece, Ireland, Japan, The Netherlands, Rhodesia, and Spain.

In some cases, the same countries also used combinations of metal and cloth while other designs phased in or out of common use. I made efforts to ensure variety in the group of samples used in this chapter by sourcing them from various private collections and auctions. I chose not to include cloth badges as they were not available in the Imperial War Museum or the private collections to which I had access. Although the insignia are from various backgrounds, the majority of the sample group are metal and based on, or copies of, USAAF designs. All but one of the insignia are from air force PoWs, with the majority from Stalag Luft I. Kurt Stauffer provided 9 of the insignia included in this chapter. His private collection comprises 12 wings, but he sent images only of the ones he is certain are authentic. Bryan Kasemann also provided the image of an insignia from his private collection which comprises nine wings. Both collectors obtained insignia for their personal interest and not for commercial purposes.

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It is important to note that this chapter will primarily consider the insignia produced by air force personnel, but one non-air force insignia was located and included here. There is also some evidence of tin being snipped into bars by army personnel; however, the items would have been less blatantly a military design due to their size and basic shape when compared to the insignia in this chapter. If small rectangles of metal were discovered they would not necessarily be assumed to be insignia. The tin bars also would not provide as much insight into the nested identities of the Kriegies as the insignia do. There is less room in those designs to reflect other aspects than military identity.

It is also highly likely that cloth patches were made in camps, but they have not been included in this thesis for pragmatic reasons. This is because none were located at the time of writing, and because of the varied nature of their creation. This chapter, therefore focuses on a small grouping of insignia which provide valuable insight into the multifaceted identities of PoWs. However, the objects were a conduit by which to begin to comprehend the wider issue of prisoners' nested identities and, therefore, the broader issue is conceptualised via the limited sample. The insignia allow us to explore both the separation and confluence of military and prisoner identity. Although this chapter looks largely at air force insignia, it provides another lens through which to examine the complexities of identity which this thesis has identified in Kriegies from various armed forces backgrounds in the previous chapter on Wartime Logs.

As the examples discussed here have been sourced from a range of locations, including private collections, archives, and auction sites, in most cases the person who created or owned the wings in the war years is unable to clearly explain the process of creating or exchanging goods for them in camp. My approach to collecting was pragmatic and based on what was available with photographs of good enough quality to allow for examination of the artefact. This sample group includes 26 insignias which were sourced from archives, private collections, and auctions. Although limited by availability, this grouping is still extremely valuable in terms of the patterns seen in the designs from different camps.

8.2 Identity If PoWs should have been allowed to retain all of their insignia in accordance with the Geneva Convention, this was not always the case, and some PoWs found themselves stripped of their wings and other external identifiers. The recreation of official insignia in camp castings demonstrates the prisoners’ will to continue to be associated with their air force roles, as well as the time they were willing to dedicate to the process. Although they

246 were PoWs, the men were still considered part of the armed forces and still defaulted to chains of command. This external structure influenced life in the camp, but the men continued to engage with it, sometimes modifying certain elements to better reflect their new situation. Figures 95 and 96 showcase the various identity affiliations of the insignia which make up the data set.

It is unclear whether the PoWs felt that the role-based insignia complimented or usurped their PoW status. Most of the insignia do not list multiple and nested identities, focusing instead on singular roles. This could have been a conscious choice to allow for a recreation as close as possible to the official insignia. It raises, however, the question of which identity the men identified most strongly with; did having the official wings allow them to feel more tightly aligned with their air force identity as well as their PoW status? The wings by their very nature – not least their shape – retained part of the air force identity. The use of wings by PoWs is an area which requires further research, especially as I have not found any photographic evidence of the camp made wings being worn. However, they were relatively small and therefore difficult to see in images. Moreover, as they were unofficial insignia, they may not have been permitted in official photographs. Therefore, I cannot definitively state that recreations were worn alongside official wings. I subscribe to the belief that creative pursuits undertaken while in captivity were not purely recreational and a way to pass the time. Creative pursuits allowed an important outlet for PoWs to enact materially and visually express their thoughts about identity as well as providing an activity to fill their day.580

580 Carr & Mytum 2012, 4.

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Service Affiliation

RAF

POW

USAAF

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14

Figure 95 A summary of wings by affiliation and total

Wings 1-11 are all examples of PoWs identifying with their air force roles. In some cases, the wings were reproduced for wear, but some were not fashioned to include any fastenings that would allow PoWs to affix them to their uniforms. Figure 97 below shows the split of insignia designed for wear vs insignia with flat backs.

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Identity Affiliation of Insignia

RAF Air Gunner

RAF Pilot

RAF Observer

USAAF Pilot

USAAF Aerial Gunner

USAAF Air Crew

POW

USAAF Navigator

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14

Figure 96 Detailed breakdown of wings by affiliation

Design of back of wings

Flat

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18

Figure 97 Comparison of insignia - loops or flat back

There could be various reasons for these choices. Flat back wings would be easier to create; they would require less finishing, drilling, and filing. Unlike the official wings, however, they did not have any fixings to attach them for wear. Despite flat backs, insignia could still be modified for wear. These adaptations can be seen on Insignia 19 (a pin soldered directly to

249 the back), Insignia 15 (with metal pins inserted on either side, and additional metal on left- hand side of the wing to help secure), and Insignia 2 (with loops of metal twisted and inserted into the back of the design). The different designs demonstrate the need to create solutions to allow for wear using materials available to them. The designs were not only influenced by external military structures, or the stylistic choices of the men, but also the material available to them. The solutions above were not direct copies of the traditional designs’ loops. Therefore, they showed a priority for providing a solution to allow the wings to be worn, as opposed to the need to reproduce the design perfectly.

The majority of PoWs chose not to provide a specific camp affiliation on their wings. However movement between camps was not uncommon, so they may have felt a stronger identity as air force personnel (or as a PoW) more generally than affiliating with a specific camp in and of itself. Although the lack of camp affiliation could be attributed to the complexity of adding the stalag name and number to the design of the wings, some of the affiliations were scratched onto the back. Scratching would not have required the level of effort needed to add the name to the master copy or dummy design for casting.

Another uncommon occurrence in the data set is the choice of the insignia’s owners to add further information to the back of the wings, including camp, location, name, date, or other personalisation. A minority of men in the sample group chose to add their information to the back of the badges, with only 20% of the owners choosing to personalise the back of their wings. This may indicate that the insignia were not therefore as closely tied to identity as I assumed, but could also imply that the insignia was attached to clothing which was already identifiable, or that the insignia itself was a strong enough nod to identity. The insignia also took a long time to produce, requiring the saving of tin from can seams and silver papers. Their creation was intensive, and therefore there may have been a conscious decision not to amend them. Personalisation may also have devalued the item, reducing its resale worth. Items could be bought and sold in the camp market places. The creation of insignia required a significant time investment. If it was personalised it would be harder to sell or exchange it during a period where the PoW needed cigarettes or food. As the providers of the insignia are mostly unknown, it is not possible to interrogate each of the wings’ owners about their motivation for creating them and the meaning of the insignia. To

250 carry them back from the camps, often as part of the death marches, ascribes a value to these items.

8.3 Casting The process of casting the wings was undertaken using materials available to the prisoners in camp. It would have followed the basic casting model, which requires some form of dummy object to be inserted into the material used to create the cast. The PoWs plausibly used various methods, which are explored below, but some PoW accounts specifically mention how the wings were cast. Two main types of casting would have been possible, and there are examples from PoW accounts to confirm both.

8.3.1 Sand Casting First Lt Elmer T. Lian, downed in September 1944 and held in Stalag Luft I, stated that original wings were used to create a mould by pressing them into sand. This method of insignia creation is sand casting, a process debated to have originated in 6th century B.C. China and still used to mould metal.581 Sand easily takes impressions, but requires a binding material to be added: oil, water, molasses or something else to help it hold its shape. The finer the sand used for the process, the better the quality of the cast object.

A master copy of an item would be pushed into the sand and binding agent mix to create a sand cast. This would sometimes be baked to ensure a thick and malleable vehicle with which to create the mould. The master copy could be made of various easily shaped materials, including wood, wax, or metal.582 The sand binding agent mix would be packed tightly, and ash could be sprinkled across the surface area where the master copy would be inserted to ensure that the master copy could be easily released. Once it was inserted, the sand mixture would be packed tightly around it to ensure that the mould would not crumble. In single-sided designs, the molten metal would then be poured into it to form the cast object. As the item cooled imperfections moved to the metal's surface, such as bits of dirt or other foreign items in the molten mixture (known as dross) would be easily scraped away with a spoon or similar tool. In full cast designs, the initial process would be completed with the single side of the mould created. This mould would be flipped over, and the reverse of the master copy pressed into a new mould and tightly packed in again.

581 Niece, 2016, 264; Gnesin 2013, 483. 582 Niece, 2016, 266.

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The halves of the mould were then separated to remove the master, before cutting a small channel through which to pour the molten metal and placing the moulds back together.583 After cooling, the cast object could be removed from the full or partial sand cast and quenched, or allowed to cool. The cast object would then require finishing, although less than by some other methods. Sanding of rough edges and finishing off fine detail would be essential to ensure the cast object was a true reflection of the master object.

Lian described the process by which scrapings from tin cans were heated over a fire. Although Lian did not specify the next stage, the low melting point of tin and lead (tin at 232°C and lead at 327°C) meant that a blower stove or even an open fire would have been hot enough to liquefy them. 584 The heat of a fire with red flames (the weakest heat) ranges from 525°C to 1000°C, and would therefore be enough to melt the tin and lead used to make the wings. An average wood fire burns at around 600°C, and most PoWs would have been able to access wood from a variety of easy sources.585 Coal could also have been used; although it was rationed, it could be surreptitiously reserved.

The molten material was poured into the cast from the receptacle it was melted in and left to cool. Before it was fully hardened and so still workable, the insignia's exposed back was levelled off with a spoon or other suitable object. Small metal posts or safety pins were then added while the metal was soft enough to push them in and set to secure them. These items would be inserted into the metal while it was hardening. This stopped them being warped by the molten material, but allowed them to be fixed into the still-hardening insignia. However, Lian states that although safety pins were easier to attach they were more likely to break away (as per some of the pins in the sets), whereas adding the posts led to more secure pins as there was more material embedded in the insignia.586

The sand casting method produces some wastage of the casting material if using oil or other flammable materials to mix with the sand for cohesion. If oil is used, it burns when in contact with the molten metal and creates a layer of stiff material which must be removed before recasting. The sand behind this can be used again, but there is a small amount of loss every time a casting is done. This is, however, more efficient than an encased casting method which requires the mould to be destroyed to release the cast object. When using green sand (an aggregate of sand) and water, there is no wastage, but the mould is not as

583 Reedy, 1987, 53-54. 584 Killinger 2015, 153; Zhang & Cantor 1991, 1598; Gnesin 2013, 480. 585 Manti & Watkinson 2011, 92; Gnesin 2013, 479. 586 Beltrone & Beltrone 1994 , 152.

252 fine. PoWs would have been able to access the materials required for sand casting, and even with a small amount of wastage, this would still have been a more efficient method than using plaster of Paris or clay for full castings. There was total wastage of the casting material with full castings as the cast would be destroyed during the quenching process. To avoid destruction, there was a requirement for each solid cast to be created in multiple pieces, sealed tightly enough to avoid leakage during casting, and released carefully to avoid damage.

8.3.2 Lost Wax Casting Bill Brannigan, shot down in January 1944, was also a PoW in Stalag Luft I. However, he described a different process of creating insignia. Instead of using sand moulds, Brannigan recounted taking a plaster cast from the medical store to create a cast for the wings. Therefore his insignia (number 22) was created using the Lost Wax Method.587 There is no other plausible method to use with a plaster cast as it would not take the imprint of a master copy while drying without having to break it apart to remove the master. This casting method dates back to the bronze Dancing Girl and Mother Goddess statues produced in 3rd or 2nd millennia BC, the same method is still currently used.588

Lost Wax casting requires a version of the object to be modelled using wax. The wax object has multiple rods or wires attached to it, known as sprues. The wax object is then pushed into the material which will be used as the mould - such as clay, or plaster of Paris, sometimes with additional materials such as cloth and organic material to aid porosity and avoid shrinkage.589 The sprues are deliberately left protruding from the mould material, but the model of the object is fully encased (sometimes in sections to allow for a reusable multi-part mould to be formed). Once the mould material has solidified around the object, the wax is melted by placing it in close proximity to a fire or heating the mould material in an oven. The melted wax is removed, but leaves a mould for the casting process – hence, the wax is lost.590 While filling the mould with the molten metal, it could be packed in sand, wrapped with wire or sheet metal to prevent fractures caused by the heat.591 Although wax may seem to be a difficult item for PoWs to access, there are examples of wax models in Stalag VIIIB, and PoWs had access to candle wax and sometimes beeswax too.592 A reusable

587 Branigan. 588 Pillai, Pilhii et al. 2002, 12. 589 Hunt, 1980, 66. 590 Sias, 2005, 10,13. 591 Sias, 2005, 15. 592 Wickiewicz 2012, 101.

253 mould can be created to allow replication of designs. The wax design can be formed in the two-part mould, then inserted into the mould before being melted away. Each replication of the wax would be consistent because of the reusable mould used to form it, allowing for multiple copies although it is unclear if any of the insignia in this set were created in that way.

The wax used to make the object for modelling had to be relatively firm to allow for shaping. Hand sculpting could be done with a putty-like consistency of wax if it were warmed slightly. Firmer wax could be used with saws and files, or other heated tools. These models would be replicated exactly in the final design, so any flaws such as errors or scratches would be evident in the final insignia. Once the wax melted, the heat would be increased to further bake and harden the mould. 593

Before adding the molten metal to the cast, the plaster of Paris or clay would have to be heated. As the materials are porous, they would trap air and ruin the final design's integrity if not heated in advance. When adding the molten metal to cast smaller objects such as jewellery in enclosed casts with sprues, an external force is required to drive out the air and gasses and allow the cast to fill with metal before it solidifies. Compressed air, centrifugal force, and vacuum-assisted casting are various methods of driving the molten metal into the cast. However, these do not seem plausible for application in the majority of camps.594 No identified incomplete, damaged, or imperfect insignia have been identified in this sample, but it is likely they exist but have not been preserved.

Once the molten metal is poured into the cast it is allowed to cool slightly until the metal is grey and no longer glowing red. The cast is then quenched in water. The residual heat produces steam and disintegrates the mould. If the metal has cooled too much, it may not be possible to produce enough residual heat to fully disintegrate the mould, requiring a manual removal with hammer and chisel or similar. Once freed from the cast, the cast object would require finishing with scrapers and files to remove additional material around the edges or reveal the fine detail of the casting.595 Even if the insignia PoWs made were direct copies of existing insignia, they would still require some work to smooth the edges and produce the final design.

593 Sias, 2005, 11, 16. 594 Sias, 2005, 18. 595 Sias, 2005, 19.

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8.4 Materials The majority of wings in the sample group discussed here were made from metal, usually a tin and lead mix. In some cases, this was scraped from the seams of tin cans supplied in Red Cross parcels and saved until there was enough to cast wings, or else silver cigarette papers were used.596

Two of the wings in the data set are carved from wood. As mentioned above, wood would have been accessible, and they could have whittled the insignia to be worn as they were. Wooden carvings could also have been used as master designs to create moulds in the sand for the sand casting method discussed above.

The availability of materials shaped the designs of the PoWs. The men were based in PoW camps with limited resources; anything obtained had to be from the land around them (e.g. the type of ground impacted the availability of clay or sand for moulding), from the camp officials external organisations such as the Red Cross. The limitations of the resources available to men in different camps required PoWs to have specific knowledge. Those casting in a camp with available clay would have to use different methods to those using sand, still others had access to plaster of Paris. The materials available to prisoners and the knowledge of the men in each camp impacted the designs chosen and produced.

8.5 Airforce Insignia As mentioned earlier in this chapter the air force insignia badges produced in PoW camps largely follow the USAAF designs, even among non-US personnel. There were two types of USAAF insignia; a larger design around 7.6cm wide, and a smaller collar pin about 5.1cm wide, although some examples are slightly smaller or slightly larger. These insignia began life as cloth patches in 1917, but by mid-1918 they were being produced by the military and also private contractors as metal badges with a pin on the back.597 The design of USAAF wings was standardised, but versions purchased from private companies varied on details such as dual and triple-layered wing designs and the shape of shields and bombs used. The smaller wings, also known as sweetheart pins, were often gifted to women by the air force personnel and would be worn by sweethearts, wives, or mothers of aircrew. As there was high demand for multiple copies of the same insignia, the intent for universal similarity and no deviation in design was impossible to impose on the private companies making insignia. Free market principles ensured that the designs differed as the more stylish the wings, the

596 Beltrone & Beltrone 1994 ,152-153. 597 Campbell 1977, 10-16.

255 more demand there would be.598 The availability of the USAAF insignia, as well as the plentiful range of roles represented by them, may explain why they are heavily represented in the sample group. However, it is important to note that the insignia was not just known by the USAAF purely because it was initially developed from their insignia. There were also independent companies making these wings in England and France.599 Insignia owned by a British former PoW includes a USAAF design donated to the Imperial War Museum (IWM). Although the majority of insignia included in the group are designs based on USAAF insignia, RAF pins are also represented.

Even when owned by non-US PoWs, the over-representation of US-based designs may be explained by the PoWs who were creating the insignia. Metallurgy is a complex process, and would have required a great deal of knowledge and skill to undertake it in the camps. Therefore, unlike the previously discussed diaries and blower stoves, the creation of wing designs would have been much less accessible to the general camp population. Two casting methods (lost wax and sand casting) were used in at least Stalag Luft I, but it is unlikely that the majority of the camp’s population would have been able to attempt the creation of insignia without bringing specialist knowledge to the camp. The owners of the USSAF designed PoW wings may also have simply identified with the PoW design and not specifically the USAAF aspect. The use of the word PoW and related imagery added a further layer of identity to the insignia. As well as indicating military affiliation they also acknowledge captive experience.

The insignia also symbolise a closed PoW identifier. Only those familiar with a country's air force insignia would easily recognise and understand what each badge signified. A knowledge of air force insignia and (in some cases) the capture of air force prisoners was essential to reading the meaning of each insignia. Some of the camps in which the insignia were produced were split into compounds based on nationality and therefore air force PoWs may have, on the whole, only mixed with others who had a pre-existing knowledge of their insignia. Conversely, the insignia would have been less simple for those outside of the air force to identify. The duality of identity, both prisoner, and air force personnel is evidenced in the different insignia – even those newly designed dedicated to PoW identity still incorporate the wing symbolism and design roughly based on the existing insignia. Even

598 Campbell 1977, 16. 599 Campbell 1977, 16.

256 though many of the wings included in the data set are focused on the USAAF design, this does not mean US PoWs exclusively owned them.

The prisoners could have changed designs, choosing to use different symbols or develop their own meaning – in some cases they did, and PoW insignia can be seen in the latter half of this chapter. Nevertheless, there are also many insignia in this sample group which maintain the same design as pre-existing insignia. The men chose to replicate existing structures in their designs, and often based the new PoW designs on the existing pins too. This demonstrates that it was, at least in part, significant for the men in the camps to uphold some of the air force symbolism that they had known before capture. However, although it was clearly important to symbolise the armed force affiliation, airmen did not necessarily require their camp made insignia to be of the same nationality. Therefore, it is the general affiliation to an air force role and not the specific type of wing which was of value to the PoWs.

8.5.1 Non-Air Force Pin Insignia 1 is the only pin which is which is not air force related. It is a Long Range Desert Group (LRDG) insignia for the British Army (although the majority of the unit were initially New Zealanders) and is attributed as made in a PoW camp, (the camp is not specified by the IWM, where it is curated). The pin is made from a lead and tin mix and has a felt back. It is a copy of the LRDG beret or cap badge. These were originally produced in silver. Designed by one of the LRDG only one was issued per man. The circlet contained a scorpion to reflect the desert environment and the destructive pinpointed attacks by the LRDG. The circle surrounding the scorpion represents the wheels on their vehicles.600

600 Imperial War Museum.

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Figure 98 Insignia 1 - front

Figure 99 Insignia 1 - back

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Figure 100 Original cast of LRDG badge – front

Insignia 1 appears to be a close copy of the original casts of the LRDG badges which were created by jewellers.601 The camp example bears a similar shape to the original, including the circle's inner ridge and rough positioning. The scorpion in the camp version does not sit at the same angle. It is broader in body and less detailed than the original. Leg positioning differs between the designs, and the lettering is larger in the camp version, and while it is still fretted, there is less joining material than the original design.

It seems unlikely that an original design was used to cast this copy because of the structural differences. The back of the badge is difficult to see due to the felt addition; however, there is a change in the texture of the material surrounding the area where the loops are attached and which implies that the loops may have been added later with solder. This insignia does not deviate far from the original design and indicates the importance of regimental affiliation to the PoW who made or commissioned it.

8.5.2 Navigator Pin Insignia 2 is modelled on the USAAF Navigator wings. Traditional Navigator wings were between 2” and 3” long. In the centre of two outstretched wings was an armillary sphere. The sphere represents the heavens and is formed of a series of rings (usually four or nine)

601 Shepherd n.d.

259 which denote astronomically significant features including celestial longitude and latitude. The earth sits at the centre of the design. Most of the USAAF designs have nine rings, but the cloth badge versions have much more varied designs. The armillary sphere is contained by a circular frame which is notched at regular intervals and represents the Meridian, wrapped by a further circle representing the Horizon. The back of these wings bears a pin, and location stamp.

Figure 101 Insignia 2 - front

Figure 102 Insignia 2 - back

Figure 103 Front of official issue USAAF Navigator wings

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Figure 104 Back of official issue USAAF Navigator wings

Insignia 2, the camp cast version produced by PoWs, is a much rougher design. The wings retain their general shape, although the nuanced shape of the individually rounded feathers is lost, as are the three layers of feathers; only two pronounced levels are evident in the camp cast wings. The rough shape of the wings is fairly faithful to the initial design, although the middle section of the camp cast wings is not raised above the body of the wings either side of it. In the original, the full armillary sphere is raised with each sphere also being raised above the body of the circle. The horizon line is raised in the camp cast version, but no other section of the armillary sphere is. The lines in this version are indented and were possibly carved after casting. There is also no sun in the centre of the sphere in the camp cast version. This difference may have been due to difficulty in carving the intricate pattern, which may also have been carved from memory – hence the missing elements.

There are flaws on the left-hand wing’s top layer which indicate issues during its casting. The pattern was cast but had not settled as well as the right-hand side. The master design could have been poor, the mould disrupted during casting, or air bubbles or debris may have interrupted the mould so that the casting did not settle correctly. The left-hand wing shows a marked difference to its right-hand counterpart which has much cleaner detail. These wings were cast in a full mould. The back is relatively flat with only minor creasing in the metal. Sand casting is the most likely method used for this casting. If there are no clear indications where the sprues would have been placed on the back of the wing design, there are small negative space gaps along the front of the wings which could indicate grains of sand which were disrupted and shifted during the removal of the master copy.

The detail on the front of the wings implies that the master copy was roughly carved, and is unlikely to be a direct casting of an existing pair of wings as the shapes and designs do not match closely enough for this to be the case. There are significant differences between the camp cast wings and the initial design to indicate that the master copy was either carved

261 more simply for ease, for lack of skill or precise enough tools, or that the wings were produced from memory and misremembered. Memory issues seem less likely as air force PoWs were in camp with other air force personnel and therefore likely to have access to other wings to remind them of the accurate design. However, it is not implausible that the PoW who created these wings did not have access to another set, or felt confident enough in his memory that he did not seek out another insignia to copy. Small scratches across the surface of the camp cast wings could indicate sharper sand (closer to green sand) being used for the casting material or the filing which could have been done after the metal had solidified.

8.5.3 Aircrew Badge Insignia 3 is a recreation of the USAAF Aircrew badge. Traditional Aircrew pins were a roughly 3” wide set of wings with a circular mid-section. In the circle is the Great Seal of the United States – a symbol of the US Government’s authority. At the top of the seal is a series of circles that form a raised boundary for the 13 stars. All of this design is raised from the main central circle, with the boundary circles and stars being raised further. Below it is an eagle holding a scroll which reads “E Pluribus Unum” and holds an olive branch in one talon and 13 arrows in the other. In the centre of the eagle is a striped shield. The eagle, scroll, olive branch, and arrows are all raised designs, and the shield is raised above the eagle. The background is ridged with a series of horizontal bars, and the outside of the design is a raised circle to frame the design. The wings are double layer, and each feather overlaps and curves at the end. The wings take a curved shape which differs only marginally from the Navigator wing design. This example, however, is one of the more detailed military examples. There are variations in the official design which show triple layer wings, and variations on the cloud design above the eagle. Many do not have legible Latin, but instead no writing at all, or a space where writing is visible but illegible.

Figure 105 Insignia 3 - front

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Figure 106 Insignia 3 - front

Figure 107 Front of official issue USAAF Aircrew wings – dual layer wings

Figure 108 Front of official issue USAAF Aircrew wings - triple layer wings

Insignia 3, the camp cast version of these wings is a dual-layer design. It is shaped both front and back, which implies a lost wax or full sand casting method. The centre's design is less detailed than the designs on the official wings, but all of the key components are evident. Insignia 3 has the cloud as a raised semi-circle with surrounding ridge (similar to second example design above, but less detailed). The scroll is a simpler version of the curving line, and the eagle is a more basic version with less detailing on the wings. The design is all still raised, but the shield is not raised above the body of the eagle, and there is

263 no real definition between the top of the shield and the neck of the eagle. The circle's background is not ridged, though the outer boundary of the circle is slightly raised as per the designs above; however, it is not a perfect circle and appears to change height throughout the perimeter of the design. The wings themselves are dual-layer and follow a different shape to the traditional design, at their lowest point dropping below the central circle of the insignia as opposed to official insignia which do not tend to drop much below the lowest reach of the badge. The wings also narrow more closely than the traditional design in the mid-section of the wing; this occurs as the wings are brought in more steeply along the top edge of the design. The individual curving of each feather is present in the design, and there is some evidence of overlapping feathers. The central design is also slightly rotated, requiring the wings to be placed on an angle for it to sit straight.

The back of the insignia bears an indentation behind the central panel, and has two raised lines protruding from the central circle of the wings. This continues to near the edges of the wings where loops were attached to allow for wear. On the back left-hand side is a loop of metal twisted and pushed into them, and the back right-hand side bears a hole with a ridge of metal around it. This may indicate damage to the initial loops in the metal on the back right-hand side, or could have ridging around the hole due to displaced material during casting. The details are finer on this item; however, there are still elements which imply this was produced from a dummy object and not a print from existing wings as the shape differs, the details are less sharp, and the design is slightly rotated. The back of the wings implies the use of a method which would allow moulding to the back of the wings too; this could have been employed to allow the wings to be worn. However, some areas of the back of the material look to have moulded poorly and look more similar to a single side cast with an open back.

8.5.4 Bombardier Insignias 4 and 5 are both examples of recreations of USAAF Bombardier wings. The original design is roughly 7.6cm wide, and shows a central circle framed by wings. In the centre of the circle is bomb positioned vertically across the circle with a small overhang of the design at the top and the bottom. Although there was some variation in the official design of the Bombardier wings, the camp made wings do not deviate from the core concepts (wings, central circle, bomb). The bomb's size varies between designs; it is usually three dimensional, in some cases rounded to represent a cross-section of the bomb, in others, purely raised but not rounded. There is usually a raised band around the bomb, but the location of this varies depending on design. Most of the wings follow a similar pattern,

264 overlapping feathers, tapered ends, and double or triple layer wings. Some designs place the bomb on a ridged background; some have a solid band around the outside of the circle instead of two concentric ridges. The bomb sits at the centre of every design, but the tail fin design varies from three equally spaced and equally elevated prongs, to designs which attempt to convey a three-dimensional effect.

Figure 109 Insignia 4 - front

Figure 110 Insignia 4 - back

Figure 111 Insignia 5 - front

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Figure 112 Insignia 5 - back

Figure 113 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings

Figure 114 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings

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Figure 115 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings

Figure 116 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings

Figure 117 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings

The camp cast wings show two different designs also. Insignia 4 is a more traditional set of wings bearing the double layer design seen in the lower two images above. They are well defined and show the double layer, tapered tips, and overlapping feathers. The central circle is largely traditional, with an untextured background, and two concentric ridges. The overlaid bomb design is raised and rounded, but does not protrude as far as some of the traditional designs above. The left and right fins of the bomb protrude further than the central fin, which lies behind the others. These fins are not well defined, and are very

267 rounded at the top, unlike most traditional wings. Because of the clean lines present on the wings, which closely match official designs, Insignia 4 is likely to have been cast using an existing set of wings as the master copy, such as Figure 116 above. This casting also has a smooth back which implies the mould was fully encased. Although the back of this camp cast design does have metal loops attached, the metal around the loops is mounded, which implies they could have been later additions after casting. However, they could have been remnants of sprues from the lost wax method which were drilled to provide loops for wear. There are small areas of negative space on the front of Insignia 4 which indicate sand casting, the back is relatively smooth and could represent a single-sided cast. The loops appear to have been added to the partially cooled metal and the joins are partially visible.

The design of Insignia 5 differs to 4 despite portraying the same traditional wings. Insignia 5 displays very well-defined wings which are also a traditional shape, dual-layered with tapered and overlapping feathers. The top of the wing near the central circle is defined by an indented line that follows the wing's shape. This is present in the third traditional design above. The background of the second pair of camp cast wings is also untextured, and has the double concentric ridge seen in traditional designs. The bomb follows a similar traditional design with the left and right tail fins of the bomb protruding and pushing back the central fin, however, the band of the bomb is in a different place to the third traditional design above and is not clearly visible just under the flare of the tail fins. The shape of the bomb itself is more tapered, however, this variation is not unusual, as described above the bomb shape varied and there were a variety of official designs in circulation. The back of these wings are pitted, implying some bubbling during casting. There are loops for wear on the back of the badge in rounded cylindrical mounds; a ridge is present around them, which implies they were added later, possibly with solder due to the shape and colour of the ridges around them. It is also possible that the sprue holes were filed and drilled to allow for loops to be added, then soldered for security after application.

Insignias 4 and 5’s wings are crisp in shape, although the second has suffered some bubbling during casting as there are small imperfections, especially on the right-hand side of the design. It is likely this was also cast from an official badge master copy such as the one below.

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Figure 118 Front of official issue USAAF Bombardier wings

Both Insignias 4 and 5 have similar characteristics to the initial designs, but are slightly less sharp in their features. In part, this is likely to be the case when using an already cast and used set of wings to cast another as each impression will be slightly less detailed than the original copy.

8.5.5 Aerial Gunner/Air Gunner Insignias 6 and 7 are different wings representing the same role in different forces, both are equivalent roles. Insignia 6 is USAAF, and 7 is RAF. Both types of insignia for the same role are represented in the data set.

Figure 119 Insignia 6 - front and back

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Figure 120 Insignia 7 - front

A traditional USAAF Aerial Gunner pin was a pair of wings with a circular centre. In the middle of the design sits a downward-facing bullet with wings which splay upwards – as if in a dive. Two concentric ridges ring the centre circle, and the wings are either dual or triple-layered. The feathers are tapered at the ends, overlap in places, and in some examples are textured with indentations. The bullet itself is where the majority of variation lies, with longer, shorter, raised but flat, and raised and shaped versions, some cap the tip of the bullet, some have no detail at all on its body, and various amounts of detail are shown on the top of it.

Figure 121 Front of official issue USAAF Aerial Gunner wings

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Figure 122 Front of official issue USAAF Aerial Gunner wings

Figure 123 Front of official issue USAAF Aerial Gunner wings

Insignia 6 is not cast, but is carved from wood, one of two non-metal reproductions in the sample set. One assumes, due to the difficulty of some of the shapes entailed in the design, aspects have been purposefully amended. The wooden wings do not have a central circle, and the rounded shape of the bullet’s wings have been altered so that there is no ‘shoulder’ portion, and they are instead angled straight from the bullet itself. The tips of these feathers are also not tapered, but have been stepped to reflect the design, although only two feathers are shown in the bullet’s wings instead of the three in the traditional design.

The wings either side of the bullet are, however, more similar to the traditional design, the wings are tripled layered, and this is evident in the carving. Individual wing tips have been tapered, and some look to be overlapping. The bullet itself is similar to the more basic designs, it is raised and rounded, and the top of the bullet has detailing consistent with the traditional design, if less delicately applied. Although wooden master designs could have been used to produce camp cast wings, it is doubtful this was the purpose of Insignia 6. The

271 design is crude in places and lacks some of the finer detail to translate effectively into metal – individual feathers are already blurred in this design. Further clarity would be lost during the process of creating a mould with them, leading to a clumsy final casting. It seems most likely the wings were just carved from wood as a stand-alone item, intended as insignia in themselves not a master design, but also not designed to be worn.

The RAF issued air Gunner brevets from 1939. Previously, the design was a metal winged bullet – similar to the central section of the USAAF insignia – but which was superseded in that year. The insignia was usually a cloth patch lettered with AG inside a laurel crown with a single wing protruding from the right-hand side of the laurel. The design was fairly homogenous with some small variations between the size and style of the wing.

Figure 124 Front of official issue RAF Air Gunner wing

Insignia 7 has been recreated in metal but bears the same clearly recognisable design as Figure 124. The laurel crown wraps a central textured circle in which the letters AG sit, while a wing protrudes from the right-hand side. The wing is a series of tubular shapes which may indicate that a wooden master copy was used for this casting as the shapes are similar to both of the wooden wings in the data set. The wing’s design is based on the first example above. It comprises two sections of wing, one long one spanning laurel crown to tip, and one section facing downwards with some attempt at flaring the feather shapes halfway up the wing a portion where the feather direction changes. The latter follows the line of the long section of wing. This casting is not heavily detailed. The shapes are fairly basic, but the casting is clean, there are few air bubbles or disrupted areas aside from the very tip of the wing and the inside of the circle bearing the initials. This may be due to lines created while carving out the shape – another indicator that wood may have been used to form the master copy in this instance.

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Figure 125 Front of official issue RAF Air Gunner wing

Insignia 7 has no signs of sand casting such as the small negative spaces due to sand movement during the removal of the master copy. It was cast in an enclosed mould, so could have been plaster or pairs or clay if using the lost wax method – it would be fitting with the theory above of wood being used as the master copy, the master could have been burned away to leave the cavity for the metal to fill.

8.5.6 Observer Two sets of Observer wings are included in the sample. Insignia 8 is wooden, and Insignia 9 is metal. Both are RAF designs denoted by the single-wing sprouting from the right side of an ‘O’. These are simple designs, and the least detailed of the sample group.

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Figure 126 Insignia 8 - front

Figure 127 Insignia 9 - front

The original brevet is RAF affiliated and therefore a cloth patch, roughly 1-2cms wide. The designs vary, but there is a fairly distinctive wing shape with a steeply angled wing with long tapering feathers at the top of the spread. The O varies somewhat between straight- sided and fully rounded, but it is easily identifiable in all iterations as the design is simple.

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Figure 128 Front of official issue RAF Observer wings

Insignia 8 appears to consist of two pieces of wood glued together. One part forms the rounded O, and the other part the wing. Both sections of the wood look similar, but have different grain direction and texture, implying that they are not one and the same. The wing is a series of tubular shapes (similar to Insignia 7) and bears minimal evidence of tapering around the feathers. Each feather has been cut to a different length, but there has been an attempt to replicate the wing shape in the wooden design. Insignia 8 could have been a master copy used to produce other examples in metal that was soft enough to shape after casting and allow for more nuanced design to be added.

Insignia 9 is more sophisticated than the wooden attempt. It shows some tapering in the wing's lower feathers and an attempt to follow the shape of the first official brevet above. The design is rounded and smooth, showing little evidence of bubbling during casting. The O is closer to the straight-sided designs above; however, there is more curvature than the

275 first design above. This was cast in a full mould, possibly using a wooden design to form it as the wing shows a similar tubular effect to Insignia 8. The wood could have been burned out of the mould to leave space for this casting.

8.5.7 Pilot Insignias 10 to 12 represent pilot insignia from the USAAF and RAF and make up the second-largest grouping of the same identifier. Three of the sample are based on the USAAF wings and one from the RAF brevet. The RAF pilot brevets were usually a cloth design around 1.2cms long. They featured a double-wing either side of a laurel, inside of which sat the letters RAF topped with a crown. Various versions show differently shaped wings, varied letter designs, and different colours and styles in the crown, but the basic components remain consistent. The insignia in this section and those above are primarily based on USAAF wings; however, this does not reflect their owners' affiliation. The acknowledgement of their role in the air force was more important than their affiliation to a specific country’s force. This phenomenon demonstrates that specific branches of structural adherence were not as significant as a general affiliation to all of the men.

Figure 129 Insignia 10 - front

Figure 130 Insignia 11 - front

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Figure 131 Insignia 11 - back

Figure 132 Insignia 12 - front

Figure 133 Insignia 12 - back

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Figure 134 Front of official issue RAF Pilot wings

The camp casting is a metal representation of these badges and captures some of the main elements. However, the casting is much less detailed than the brevet. In the camp cast version, the wings are much slimmer than most examples, but the shape follows the general design of the first example above. A long feather extends from each side of the laurel crown and is used to anchor the other feathers. A section of semi-circles are raised and connect the long piece of feather and the other features in the wing. There was an attempt to taper and shape the feathers that are rounded. This looks to be a design element and not additional shaping after casting as the shapes are reasonably consistent and do not show file markings around the base of the feather shapes. The laurel and letters are legible, although the background of the central portion between the lettering and the crown is negatively marked, possibly due to issues during casting as there looks to be some bubbling. The crown is a basic shape instead of the detailed versions seen atop the official brevets in Figure 134, but there has been some flaring of the top portion that may have been shaped further after casting due to the sharpness of some of the indentations.

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The camp casting is likely to have been a fully encased casting. The master copy or wax representation was not carved with significant amounts of detail, but did recognisably convey the brevet's shape. Due to the shape of the wings which is similar to Insignia 8’s tubular feathers, the master copy may have been wooden and burned out of the mould. Some negative spaces in the casting could imply a sand casting with some movement during the impression, which has led to extra grains of sand, causing extra impressions where there was none in the mould. However, these could also be caused by bubbling during casting.

The official USAAF pilot insignia were metal and were around 7.6cms wide, pilots were represented by a pair of wings with a central US shield. The wing design varies slightly, with some wings having dual layers and others triple, but the feathers taper and overlap on nearly all designs. The shield in the centre of the wings is not homogeneous – the majority of shields are a similar shape, with horizontal ridges across the top third of the shield, and vertical ridges across the bottom two-thirds. However, the shape of the top line of the shield can vary in both the number of peaks and the angle of them.

Insignias 11 and 12 are both similar to the fourth official design above; although there are some small differences, it is possible they were designed based on the same master copy. Both are loop back designs, so it would seem likely they were cast in plaster or another full mould as opposed to a flat back design.

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Figure 135 Front of official issue USAAF pilot wings

Insignia 11 is a copy of the fourth design in Figure 135. Small striations which have not fully translated into the final casting are visible in the top third of the shield design, and the curls at the top of the wing are visible on the left-hand side. The matching curl at the end of the right-hand side is faded – possibly an indication that the mould was not pressed firmly enough to form the full design. The wings are the same shape, dual-layered, feathered, and tapered. The back of these wings are nearly perfectly flat, with only minimal ridging around the loops and were therefore probably formed in a continuous mould which fully encircled them, such as plaster cast or full sand cast.

Insignia 12 is a very similar design; however, the back has an indent behind the central shield, so less tin and lead would be required to create it. The back is smooth as in the previous camp cast wings, although there are some areas where air bubbles have disrupted the casting. The fronts of the wings are similar to the above casting and have a similar loss of definition on the right-hand side of the wing. The shield is also mildly striated across the top third, however not as strongly as the initial design. The body of this shield is slightly curved, as opposed to 10’s flattened shield design. Despite the similarities between 10 and 11 it is unlikely the same master copy was used to indent the mould for both as there are subtle differences between the two. The minimal differences could indicate that a plaster mould was used and two similar masters were created based on the same design, or one set of wings was modelled after the other; however, only one of the wings is presented with a camp affiliation. Insignia 10 is associated with Stalag Luft I, as is Insignia 11 per the

280 carving on the back of the wings. Insignia 12 was gifted to a third party by a PoW from an unspecified camp. Therefore, there is no guarantee that all three sets of wings were produced in the same camp, their similarity could have occurred through attempts to recreate the official design as it would have been known throughout the camps.

All of the wings above reflect an individual aspect of identity. They are closely modelled on existing insignia designs and possibly provided replacements for pins which were taken, lost, or purposefully discarded in the process of capture. These replicas demonstrate the importance of the PoWs’ ability to outwardly represent their rank in a way which was easily understood by other Kriegies. Although they do not reflect nested identities, they do clearly demonstrate the significance of military roles to the prisoners.

8.5.8 PoW Camp cast wings signifying PoW status form the second half of the sample, and are the largest single identifier represented, comprising half the total. The PoW insignia, excluding Insignia 13 which straddles PoW and air force identities, take on two distinct types. The first simple wings indicate prisoner status with the letters “PoW”, the more elaborate designs all bear a parachute. However, both designs are based on the USAAF insignia. Prisoners based their PoW identity on the air force traditions to which they were accustomed. They chose to represent their air force identity as well as their PoW status in the designs; however, none of the PoW insignia represent designs other than the USAAF wings. This could be due to the importance of affiliation generally as opposed to specific wings, or the individuals who were creating the designs.

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8.5.9 Clipped Wings

Figure 136 Insignia 13 - front

Figure 137 Insignia 13 - back

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Insignia 13 is a more complex design than the aforementioned sets of pilot wings. It combines the pilot insignia, and other air force elements, with the symbolism of capture. It forms the “clipped wings” design which is associated with PoWs, and famously adorned the cover of Kimball’s book about prison experience (Figure 139). This design is the first to introduce nested identities by focusing on different aspects of the PoWs’ roles. It still retains the insignia's military significance above and introduces the concept of PoW identity. However, the clipped wing goes further and expresses the common term among aircrew, which refers to the inability to fly their planes. The sentiment of clipped wings were also sometimes expressed as drawings of birds in a cage.

Figure 138 Front cover of Clipped Wings by O.M. Chiesl (1948)

The left-hand wing is shorter than the right (representative of the clipped wings pilots described themselves as having when captured) and has an additional loop on it, connecting a ball and chain. A bomb is partially visible behind the main shield of the design which matches with the design of the bombs on Insignias 5 and 6, possibly indicating a nested identity – pilot, bomber crew, and PoW. The back of this design is dotted with bumps and ridges, and two loops have been soldered on after the metal had cooled as a different patterning of raised material surrounds them. The insignia's right-wing is a fine and detailed casting, implying that it could have been pressed into the sand of the cast to impress the shape. The left-hand wing appears to be a truncated version of the traditional wing insignia, and the central shield quality is very different to that of the rest of the wings.

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It is likely that an original pair of wings was pressed into the sand and then the left-hand wing amended to reflect the clipped wing design and the shield either carved into the mould before pouring or after casting. There are imperfections throughout the design, which are likely caused by sand particles during the casting process. There is some debate around this design of wing among collectors, some of whom feel PoWs produced the design only after the war, but this design seems rough enough to be authentic. The design itself also plays on elements common among PoW writing and drawings such as the clipped wing and ball and chain.

8.5.10 PoW Pilot Wings

Figure 139 Insignia 14 - front

Figure 140 Insignia 15 – front

Insignias 14 and 15 share a similar design which was based around the official USAAF pilot wings. However, the shield portion in the middle of the wings does not bear the US shield design, instead, the raised initials PoW are the only detail on this portion.

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On Insignia 14 there is an evident contrast in quality between the casting of the wings and the letters in the centre of the shield. The high detail and close-to-official shape of the design’s wings imply that they were possibly copied or cast directly from a pilot’s badge, but the lettering is poorly spaced and not centralised. As there was no official PoW insignia to copy from it follows that this was an addition to the official winged design. In terms of the lettering itself, the shape of the W is not uniform. It has sharp edges which contrast with the flattened edges of the other letters, and the bottom of the W shape is also not centred, the sides do not mirror each other and the design is not centralised. The lettering is raised above the level of the central shield, and due to the difference in quality, the letters were likely freehand design. They could have been hand carved additions to the initial insignia.

Insignia 15 is a similar design to 14, but the lettering on the shield is more evenly spaced. The base of the P and the W are similarly tapered, which adds continuity to the design. Although the W is not entirely symmetrical, and is less skilfully moulded than the wings, it is a more consistent and precise design than Insignia 14. It has also been better preserved to help retain its shape. Insignia 15 was attached to the leather cover of a PoW’s wartime log diary. Both the cover and the wings were additional decoration for the log made in the PoW camps. Although I cannot highlight any evidence which speaks to the regularity of wear or decoration of and by the camp made wings, it is evident that they were not always purely a functional insignia, or a decorative addition, but acted as different things to different PoWs.

Both sets of wings appear to be direct copies of pilot wing insignia. The wing shape is a standard dual-layered USAAF design with similar detailing: tapered and overlapping feathers, deep shoulders in the wings, and the shape of the feathers at the base of the wing curve. Both Insignias 14 and 15 have a similarly mismatched set of wings around the central shields. One side bears a slightly longer transitional feather between the shorter and longer portions of the wing, the other side on both is smoother. This could imply that the wings were case from the same master copy. The master copy itself could have been a combination of an official badge and additional carving added to it to create the insignia. Some pilot badges were polished to a flat surface (such as the example below), so could have been used to mould the shape. Letters could have been added after the blank shield had been used to create an impression.602 If this was the case, it is likely that sand casting in

602 WW2Wings “John Kirry Collection” n.d.

285 a full cast would have been used. This would have allowed imprinting of the flattened pilot’s wings, followed by the lettering before the mould was fully enclosed.

Figure 141 Official USAAF Pilot wings - central shield buffed flat.

Figure 142 Insignia 16 - front

Figure 143 Insignia 16 - back

Insignia 16 develops the PoW pilot wings design with the addition of a further layer of identity, camp affiliation. The design bases itself on the proportions of the original pilot’s shield – the outline is raised, and the top third of the design is separated from the bottom two thirds by a raised line, underneath which is the raised wording STALAG LUFT I. The design includes striations along the individual feathers, and the feathers themselves taper and overlap. The back of this design is uneven. A ridge of metal sits around the top of the wings, and there are scratches across the metal on one side of the wing, and the central

286 portion on the reverse of the shield - possibly scratched in or caused by filing after casting. Two pins placed in the metal allow the wings to be worn. The metal for the pins appears to have been inserted into a hole drilled into the lumps of sanded metal left by the sprues and then soldered into place. The presence of the sprue lumps indicates a full casting, and there are no negative spaces to indicate a sand casting, though this could signify a good transfer of the design.

8.5.11 Parachutes The addition of a parachute to the simple designs described above is the most represented composition in the sample group with seven parachute PoW insignias which fall into two categories – camp affiliated and non-camp affiliated. Although it could be assumed the parachute indicated an affiliation with parachute regiments, it is not similar to those insignia's design. The parachute is placed differently, and the designs bear a closer resemblance to the insignia of other positions. This is not to say that the parachutes could not be a signifier of membership in a parachute regiment, but none of the insignia described in this chapter appear to be modelled on Figures 150 and 151 below. Instead, the parachutes are more likely to be a nod to capture. The parachute appears to be an addition to the designs and not the focal point.

Insignias 17, 18, and 19 are all camp affiliated badges with roughly the same design pattern as Insignia 16 – they bear the double layer wings and shield split into two sections with PoW and camp affiliations, each of the three insignia are associated with Stalag Luft I. There may be other examples of the insignia which were designed featuring other camps; however, I have not found any. This could be a design developed specifically for and in Stalag Luft I. Above the shield there is also a new addition, a parachute, placed atop the design. This may seem a baffling choice to pair with the wings either side of the shield, but the arrival in a PoW camp for airmen meant that it was highly likely they had been involved in an incident which required them to bail out of their aircraft – using their parachute to do so. This, as much as the letters, represented their PoW status and identity, which could also be seen in imagery such as that of the Caterpillar Club.603 Parachute manufacturers established the Caterpillar Club in 1922. Anyone who used a parachute to escape from a disabled aircraft could apply for a caterpillar pin and certificate.604

603 303rd Bomb Group n.d. 604 Ashford 2003, 342.

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Figure 144 Insignia 17 - front

Figure 145 Insignia 17 - back

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Figure 146 Insignia 18 - front

Figure 147 Insignia 18 - back

Figure 148 Insignia 19 - front

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Figure 149 US Airborne Jump Wings.

Figure 150 UK Parachute Jump Wings.

The three insignia are in varied condition. Insignia 19 is relatively well preserved, however, a few areas of bubbling at the top of the parachute and on sections of the wings show evidence of inconsistencies during casting. Despite the differences in preservation, overall insignias 17 through to 19 are all very similar in design and the parachutes are a similar length above the shield. Although the official designs varied the shields are the same shape, and the wings are also strikingly similar in design. It seems possible that as these badges were made in the same camp, they were also made from the same master design, or at least based on one another. Each of the designs was made in a full mould casting –

290 evidenced by the pattern of the metal on the back which shows no lumping during the cooling process, and has ridges around the top edge of the wings which would not have been formed if open back casting had taken place. As they were cast in a full mould, yet have strikingly similar designs, they were probably created using sand casting to create a full mould. Small specs of negative space in each of the designs are visible which indicate small grains of sand accidentally being transferred if they stuck to the master design during the indenting process to create the mould.

Insignias 20 to 24 are similar designs. They bear the PoWs affiliation, but they do not have any camps indicated. Insignia 20 is the roughest casting of the sample. It is a full casting, evidenced by the flat back of the design; however, the shape of the wings, especially those close to the shield in the centre of the design have not transferred well, possibly due to a disruption in the mould when the master was removed. The definition has been lost and the metal surrounding the wings is fairly flat – unlike areas of the parachute and wing tips. This reflects disruption during the casting process, which has caused a blurring of the design's finer details. The lettering on this example is poorly moulded – possibly free hand into the sand once the initial positive master had been pressed into the base layer of sand. It is inconsistent in depth, the sizing between letters differs, and the edges of the lettering waver. The pin on the back of the wings has been soldered on after the casting process was completed.

Figure 151 Insignia 20 - front

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Figure 152 Insignia 20 - back

Figure 153 Insignia 21 - front

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Figure 154 Insignia 21 - back

Figure 155 Insignia 22 - front

Figure 156 Insignia 22 - back

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Figure 157 Insignia 23 - front

Figure 158 Insignia 23 - back

Figure 159 Insignia 24 - front

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Figure 160 Insignia 24 - back

Insignias 21 to 24 all feature the same design with a better finish. Insignia 22 however, is designed with a much simplified version of the official USAAF wings, only single-layered and bearing a small number of feathers compared to the standard wings appearing on USAAF or RAF insignia. The central shield is lower than the traditional USAAF pilot wing-based designs. The letters POW are indented into the metal as opposed to being raised as per the previous example. The back reveals that this design was a full mould casting, a patch of inconsistent colour and texture on the back of the design possibly representing an attempt to attach a pin either with solder or another method; however, there are also loops attached to the back for wear. It is difficult to tell from the available photographs of the wings, but they seem to have been either soldered on after the casting, or carved from the metal left by the sprues. However, small negative spaces in the front and back of the casting imply this could have been a full sand casting with the negative space representing areas where the sand was disturbed during application of the master design. There have been additions to this insignia after casting, the initials DWT, GER to represent Germany, and the tail number of the plane that their owner, Lt. David W. Thompson, flew in were scratched onto the back.

Insignias 22, 23 and 24 are nearly identical. All have dual-layered wings which are shaped differently to the usual dual layered designs with extended fullness on the outer edge of the lower layer which tapers off before joining the top layer at the base of the wing. Usually, dual-layered wings would have a fuller spread of feathers at the base of the wing and the top. The designs all have indented lettering, with PoW written in simple script across the central shield. The parachutes are the same size and distance from the centre of the designs. These examples are likely to have been created using sand casting – there are

295 small negative spaces on the front of both designs and the back which imply some grains of sand may have been disrupted during the imprinting of the master design. All of the designs have been cast first as solder is visible around the loops indicating that they were attached once cooled.

8.5.12 Original Design The final two insignia in the sample group, numbers 25 and 26, are from Stalag Luft I and Stalag Luft 6 respectively but their design is strikingly similar. These designs possess key elements seen in previously discussed PoW designs, yet they differ significantly in composition. The prisoners chose to deviate from the conventional designs, but still retained features of them. Wings are still included, a nod to the structure of the air force. The wings frame a shield, as with the previously established insignia; however, the shield portion is substantially larger than the wings either side of it. The dual-layered wings display the swooping and indented line shown on other wings, but they are much smaller in comparison to the rest of the design. The novel aspects of the design include a large pentagon with rounded top in the middle of which a Figure parachuting down from the top of the design. Around the Figure are the letters P (to the left) O (underneath) and W (to the right). Insignia 25 is more detailed than Insignia 26. The background is cross-hatched with raised lines. There has been an effort to pattern on the outside of the central pentagram with a series of ridged circles (the ridges protrude from the design as opposed to creating them using negative space removed from the master design). Finally, there has been addition of colour to the lettering of the design which is red – possibly enamel to ensure that the colour survived the heat of the casting process, but could be paint or ink applied after the fact due to the fading evident in the O.

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Figure 161 Insignia 25 - front

Figure 162 Insignia 25 - back

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Figure 163 Insignia 26 - front

Figure 164 Insignia 26 - back

Insignia 26 is much less intricately designed; there is no background cross-hatching behind the design and the PoW in the image is poorly defined, whereas the previous example shows a man in a flying jacket with his buttons visible in the design, this version has no definition, just an outline. The circular ridges around the pentagon have poorly copied during the casting process, and the lower half shows little to no definition. The lettering is indented and poorly joined – the P does not meet itself in the top join between stem and curve of the letter, and the stem of the letter is poorly defined. The O appears to have been cast more deeply on one side than the other, and the W sits on an angle to the P on the other side of the parachuting man, nearly meeting the side wall of the pentagon shape. The lettering is again red.

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However, these insignia demonstrate the novel designs developed by the PoWs, alongside the importance of retaining elements of familiar identities. Many of the insignia in this grouping include multiple elements of identity, they allowed PoWs to express both their air force affiliation and their status as PoW. They also represent the transition of ideas between camps over 750kms apart. Stalag Luft I and Stalag Luft VI were a vast distance apart. Both housed British and American troops, and Luft VI had a mixed compound where British and American troops were held together. These situations would have allowed for a transfer of ideas between PoWs as prisoners moved between camps. Ideas or practices could have been absorbed from one camp and transferred to others – this is evident in Chapter 7.3, which discusses the transfer of knowledge between prisoners. The similarities in insignia from various camps continue to demonstrate the shared culture across the camps, shared experience before capture, and that experience as PoWs lead to men with similar values and identities creating similar items to express some of those identities outwardly.

8.6 Conclusion The insignias in this data set represent the decision of PoWs to use their time to create them. Only a limited number of prisoners would have the technical experience to actually produce the insignia, but others could be involved in the process of collecting materials. Collection required cans to be broken and their seams scraped to produce small amounts of viable material. PoWs then also chose to wear or keep the insignia, there must have been some element of demand in the camp for the pieces in this to be created. Although prior knowledge was required for the men to create the insignia, the resources available to the PoWs were also significant. Because of their confinement, their captors, the Red Cross, and physical attributes of the camps they were held in all influenced their decisions about how to create the insignia. Given different options or opportunities, the insignia in this grouping would have differed; they are a product both of the men who made them and the situation in which they found themselves.

All of the wings in this data set were cast in full moulds using either plaster of Paris and possibly clay, or sand casting. The material for these processes would have been available in most camps. Plaster of Paris was part of the medical supplies available to PoWs, clay could have been dug from the ground, and sand and emulsifiers would have been available in certain camps depending on their proximity to rivers or soil composition. The materials available to the PoWs impacted their decision-making. They could not create insignia from items they could not access. To create the insignia featured in this chapter PoWs required

299 pre-existing knowledge of metalwork within the limits of what was accessible to them. The insignia produced differed depending on the individuals involved in the process, and future research should focus on attempting to establish links between creators and the camps they moved through. The esoteric nature of the creation and the specialised process of creating the insignia meant fewer PoWs were involved in their design than that of the relatively accessible blower stoves. Because of the complexities involved in the creation process, few PoWs made the majority of the insignia. This fact may allow for designs to be linked with specific men operating in specific camps at specific times, allowing a deeper understanding of how important a few individuals were in the wider development of the insignia.

Future research could also benefit from a larger data set that would allow trends or identities to be traced between camps or link specific individuals to their designs. This was not possible in this thesis due to time constraints and the availability of access to the artefacts. Hopefully this initial exploration helps inform further research into the creation of insignia by prisoners of war.

As previously discussed, pre-existing knowledge was required to make insignia. However, any prisoner would have been capable of collecting the scrapings from tin cans as long as they could find suitable equipment to do so (such as a knife or piece of metal). Obtaining the scrapings from 10 cans would involve a fair amount of effort and therefore provided PoWs with a task to pass the time, and a sense of purpose. Those creating the wings were able to bring their skilled labour to the camps to benefit the culture within which they were operating. The value of these objects does not purely lie in what they tell us about the camps, but their sheer existence in that time and place also provides insight into what was important enough to the prisoners to spend time creating.

The design choices made by the PoWs are also telling, all of the insignia in this grouping were based on existing military symbolism. This indicates that the insignia were intended to be read in specific ways – they relied on the pre-existing knowledge of the other PoWs in the camp to comprehend what they meant. In the case of carbon-copied insignia, the men were relying on their comrades' existing knowledge to allow them to identify the meaning. Similarly, insignia based on the existing designs, but represented the PoW experience required knowledge prior to camp life. When parachutes were added to the PoW wings, an extra layer of knowledge was required. The PoW wings represent an intersection of knowledge held prior to camp experience, and knowledge which all air force PoWs would

300 possess. The importance of armed force identity was significant, and in some examples such as the LRDG exact replicas were created, however, PoWs from the RAF possessed insignia based on USAAF designs. Despite the reasons for the designs creation, the possession of the wings was more important than them being exact replicas and representations of the RAF brevets for some PoWs. External structures are represented in the military affiliation; however, PoWs have made decisions about what truly holds significance and which aspects of their air force identity were most important to represent. Many of the insignias above represent an intersection of imposed structural identity and personal choices about outward portrayal thereof. Both air force and PoW identity are tied to wider structures, but personal choices can also be seen in some of the designs.

The theme of identity is strongly evident in the production of these insignia. Their creation was valued enough for complex skills to be employed to allow for metallurgy. Although tin cans were commonly available in camps, accruing and scraping or melting the seams of 10 or so per insignia shows a dedication by the PoWs who gathered the material to create them.605 Clearly, it was important to the PoWs to own these items because of the representation they provided. The insignia range from including the PoWs operational roles to their PoW status. Air force PoW wings, in particular, demonstrate such duality. The prisoners are not purely identifying themselves as prisoners of war, but also adding symbolism to indicate their air force ties (wings), and the nature of their capture (parachutes). Even in a relatively small sample size, it is clear to see the similarities between insignia designs, which reminds us that the identity PoWs experienced was not as narrow as one may initially assume. Non-US prisoners possessed and identified with USAAF based PoW wing designs, not because of the similarity to their own insignia, but because of the aspects of their experience which were reflected in them. This in itself is a theme which presents itself repeatedly: Kriegie PoWs had their own symbolism, their own identity, and their own culture. The “PoW” on the wings represented this, whilst other elements symbolised commonalities shared by all captured air personnel. Within each identity nests another, prisoners of war forged their own cultural identity, but within this airmen possessed their own symbolism and shared experiences, within the wider identity of airmen nested the various national identities and insignia. It is unclear as to whether the

605 Hatch, Edwards & Musten 1988, 46.

301 men used the insignia to pursue status or rank; however, this could be explored in further research.

None of the prisoners’ identity was solely that of prisoner of war. They displayed these identities in the insignia they worked hard to create, even those which expressed PoW identities gave other indicators such as the wing designs and parachute inclusions. Further research in this area should address whether the men themselves recognised and embraced their dual identity, whether the creation of insignia was a rebellion against it, or just a way to pass the time. If the activity was purely a pursuit to combat boredom, then why was this selected over other options? There could also be consideration as to whether the insignia were related to status within the camps. Although the research has not yet uncovered any evidence of status as a motivator, this could have been a factor. Military hierarchy was used by PoWs when self-organising and therefore if the men destroyed their insignia initially on capture they may have wished to resume their previous status once in camp.

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9 Chapter 9: Conclusion

9.1 Introduction This thesis's initial intention was to discover whether there was a universal experience for Allied PoWs held in Europe during the Second World War. Although there is a wealth of scholarship about internment experience during this period, many of these explorations are limited to smaller focal points. The research here was initially conceived to broaden understanding and identify key elements of PoW culture that appear to be common to the breadth of prison camps across Europe. However, it became quickly apparent that this was not plausible due to the variety of groups this query encompassed. However, one culture stood out clearly in research and spanned many of the camps in Europe – the so-called Kriegies. Therefore, the thesis changed in scope while still offering a step towards broadening the scholarship of Second World War internment. Instead of focusing on PoWs as a broader grouping, it considers a smaller, yet more homogeneous group; while still expanding beyond groupings based purely on specific nationalities, camps, or activities. Doing so acknowledges the groups who fell outside of the Kriegies, and makes space for further study about their experience.

This thesis's key conclusions relate to the broader definition of Kriegie identity, the importance of shared knowledge in the formation of identity, and the prevalence of a homogeneous culture that spread across the camps in Europe. The Kriegie culture allowed PoWs to move between the camps with minimal disruption due to shared language, practices, and humour. These commonalities are evident in logs and accounts spanning different types of camps and various locations.

9.2 Kriegie Identity This thesis has offered an exploration into the identity formed and shared by Kriegies, otherwise Allied prisoners of war in Europe. Initially, the thesis intended to look specifically at the camp culture of British prisoners; however, it became apparent that there was a wider shared identity to be explored. Therefore, the research question developed and focused instead on the breadth of experience and how prisoners from differing but similar backgrounds formed an identity and culture that spanned various camps.

The use of Strong Structuration Theory (discussed in Chapter 3.2) has been a key element in understanding the culture PoWs formed in the camps, in the perpetuation of known

303 culture, and for the significance of prisoners classified as part of the Kriegie identity.606 The context of prisoner existence is as significant as the case studies which typify it. For cultures to form, there must be a level of shared knowledge to allow events and concepts to be understood and undertaken by the actors shaping them. Kriegies had similar backgrounds (countries which were Western, often white, Anglophone, and mostly Christian), and therefore, although the men hailed from a variety of countries (including the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Canada, South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand) they had some similar cultural touchstones. For example, Armistice Day was familiar throughout the Commonwealth and in the USA it had been celebrated since 1919. ANZAC Day, originally marked in Australia and New Zealand, was celebrated in the camps. Although it did not originate in the UK, it came to be celebrated in London by New Zealand and Australian troops. Its significance then was not unfamiliar to the majority of nationalities from which the Kriegie identity was formed.607 The aforementioned shared understanding is a significant element; all of the men were Allied troops captured in the same conflict and held in the same camps.

The image series in Chapter 5.9 exemplifies the absurdity of applying PoW camp realities to their external civilian existence. Its content others the Kriegies, divorcing them from their civilian lives, but also draws them together as a group. By using the lens of Strong Structuration Theory, the reader can see that the men had common enough civilian realities that they can all comprehend the purchase of a coat from an upmarket shop using cash and not bartering. Simultaneously it highlights that their current shared existence would be alien to those who remain at home. The juxtaposition of people external to the Kriegies not understanding, and the men's mutual experience helped to reinforce their bond. The men reproduced the familiar structures from civilian life, but it was impossible for them to do so entirely because of their situation. When PoWs applied behaviours from their current reality to their civilian reality, the differences became apparent (such as the attempt to barter instead of using currency to purchase the coat). This exemplifies the importance of shared knowledge to Strong Structuration – agents will work to perpetuate structures, but for agents from a range of times and places to come together there must be similarities present for them to have a frame of reference to understand each other.

606 Stones 2005, 6-7. 607 The Australian War Memorial n.d.

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The Kriegie identity formed because a range of nationals with similar backgrounds and cultural references were brought together in similar conditions in a short time period. Therefore, they were able to perpetuate aspects of their culture together and in doing so, form a new Kriegie culture which spread throughout PoW camps in Europe.

9.3 Shared Culture The importance of the case studies in this thesis is their ability to shine a light on aspects of Kriegie culture, which indicate much more than the sum of their parts. The objects studied are not purely Wartime Logs, blower stoves, or insignia, but are instead an indication of the broader similarities between camps. In the Wartime Logs, poems such as A Child’s Soliloquy were passed between men and shared out loud because they held significance for PoWs of the various nationalities and backgrounds. When constructing blower stoves, PoWs across Europe had access to similar resources (as provided by external organisations), but chose to use them in similar ways. However, the individual knowledge and experience of PoWs shaped the type of stoves they created. Competitions led to the development of more advanced models, influenced by the individual who created them. The insignias demonstrate the patterns of identity which spanned the camps. The men did not purely share Kriegie and PoW identities but also other identity elements, such as their military rankings. The similarities between insignia which herald from different camps demonstrate the shared identities held by the men. They chose to commemorate specific features such as their service roles and PoW status and, in some cases, applied fixings to allow them to be worn. This allowed easy identification of the aspects of identity the men chose to share by those with enough knowledge to interpret the insignia.

Shared culture is also highlighted in the way that information travelled from camp to camp. This occurred via PoW transfers and external means such as the circulation of information leaflets on tin bashing. Prisoners worked to solve problems using the means available to them, leading to the popularity of blower stoves, plays, sports, and other available methods of assuaging captivity's impact on the men. These various implements and methods were common throughout the camps. They, therefore, created a culture which the men could move between with understanding once they had adjusted to the camp experience. Although this thesis focuses on three key case studies, it uses them to illustrate broader conclusions about camp life as well as about their significance as physical objects.

The presence of objects which span the camps is demonstrative of the structural influences on the agents. Their shared backgrounds meant that certain behaviours were accepted as

305 standard parts of culture, such as making hot drinks or attending social events or religious services. Men who had been brought up in similar cultures were then placed together with limited resources but with lots of time on their hands. Although some of their time was controlled by their capturing powers, they were also free to structure the time between role calls and meals when not otherwise occupied with work. Kriegies chose to perpetuate structures they were familiar with, and in turn, developed and built structures into which others were socialised. Language development is evident not only in the analysis of Wartime Logs, but also in the varied sources which have been drawn together in this research. Common terms (blower, dixie, Goon) could be spoken and understood in any of the Kriegie camps across Europe, yet would not necessarily be understood in camp terms if spoken in the prisoner’s native home. Even repurposed terms would not hold the camp specific meaning for non-PoWs. Constructing this society was not purely an unconscious reproduction of the society the men were accustomed to, but a conscious effort to produce and operate in a new society which was familiar, but specific to their needs. This new culture helped to pass the time and tried to draw men back into the fold if they were behaving in ways outside of the Kriegie norm. The effort of the agents who formed the Kriegie culture was tangible. Men wrote about the decisions they made: the choices of inclusion, activity, and perpetuation. They used this agency to cope with the situation in which they found themselves.

How the PoWs used the Wartime Logs also demonstrated similar patterns of behaviour. The logs were used in relatively similar ways, using images and text to capture the experience of the conflict. Although some logs favoured writing over text or visa versa, they all aimed to tell the story of captivity. Many of the stories told in the Wartime Logs held similar hallmarks, both through specific events such as capture, or general concepts like the barbed wire discussed in Chapter 5.8. The narratives shared by the PoWs bore tales of sporting events, images embellished with barbed wire burs, stories of escape, of dead friends, of guards just doing their jobs and those who chose to make captivity more miserable. Each log is an individual account of a very personal war and adds to the broader picture of camp life's shared aspects.

9.4 Transfer of Knowledge The movement of cultural knowledge between camps is another area which this thesis has highlighted. The majority of PoWs studied in this thesis moved through multiple camps during their time as prisoners (Chapter 4.7 and 4.8). It is clear from their diaries that the culture across the camps was similar; however, it is also apparent that information was

306 passed between the camps too. The things that were transferred included poetry, blower stove construction techniques, and plays which toured camps; these are among the examples of aspects of Kriegie culture which could be found throughout the camps in Europe. As with the blower stoves, Kriegies created pockets of culture in the camps. This was not a coordinated effort, there was no cross-board planning undertaken by the PoWs (although larger organisations such as the Red Cross and the Geneva Convention itself would have impacted their choices), and the ability of prisoners to understand the accepted culture when moved between camps is a testament to the commonalities across the breadth of PoW camps. Kriegies experienced captivity differently from other PoWs. This is not to say that each Kriegie prisoner had the exact same experience, but that they were part of a grouping and were aware of this, diaries are littered with entries about the treatment of Russian and Polish prisoners. They talk about sharing food and soap with them, and the heavy losses those men experienced in their compounds. Kriegies knew that they were part of a separate group, one who was protected by the Geneva Convention, and their backgrounds. Despite some tension between American and British soldiers and cultural misunderstandings, the Kriegies experienced prison camps in a reasonably homogeneous way. There were deviants (including men who did not participate in combines, or those who chose not to engage in camp society) but for men to behave outside of the norm, there must be an accepted set of behaviours.

9.5 Theory This thesis is the first application of Strong Structuration Theory to the field of prisoner of war experience in the Second World War. By using the theory, this research has not only been able to reinforce the role of prisoners in shaping their own lives and conditions but understand their reasons for doing so. Using this theory has provided an insight into the reasoning behind cultural reproduction in the camps – using both theory and the prisoners’ own words to justify why they had chosen to act in specific ways. During this period, prisoners of war used their inherent structure, the knowledge of their home society, to reproduce it – in turn forming a new Kriegie society which they worked to police and maintain. Strong Structuration allowed this thesis to comprehend the Kriegie identity and the reasoning behind its formation, acknowledging both the power of the agents in each camp and the power of the structures they were used to and contained.

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9.6 Future Research Further study in this area should focus on the groups who fall outside of the Kriegie identity, including the Tuskegee airmen and their experience of integration in the camps, and the Palestine Pioneer Corps’ treatment and experiences when compared with the experience of the other Jewish Allied PoWs. Although the Jewish Pioneer Corps served as a regiment of the British Army attached to British regiments such as the Royal East Kent Regiment they were not afforded the same protection available to British PoWs and Jewish PoWs. Discrimination against them ranged from separation from the other PoWs to outright murder.608 This is an under-researched topic, and many of the resources are written in Hebrew; however, there are Wartime Logs and oral histories available from those working to preserve the history of the Palestine Pioneer Corps.

There is also room for research on the movement of poems and art between camps. Attempting to trace the writing or artwork back to its point of origin and then measure its spread would allow for the movement of PoWs to be linked with it. This would demonstrate the value of specific works (such as the much-copied I Wanted Wings image, or the poetry discussed in Chapter 6.5.

Furthermore, the Attributes Table featured in Chapter 4 is a rich seam of data which can be explored more thoroughly. Further resources can be added to the table and continue to build the broader picture of life in the camps. The trends identified in the table can be considered in terms of the types of activities being undertaken in specific camps (e.g. differences between Officers’ camps and camps for those below NCO level). Adding to the table will also help highlight the camps that are not well represented in the literature, driving research into the experience of PoWs in those spaces and considering why they might be underrepresented.

Further research should also focus on the development of PoW identity in the camps. This thesis highlights the broad and overarching identity which has been applied to men with similar characteristics and experiences. But, as discussed throughout this thesis, the men had many nested identities that moved beyond PoW and Kriegie. Further exploration should encompass the ways in which prisoners chose to explore and express their various identities in the camps setting. This would further develop an understanding of camp cultures and which identities were expressed proudly (e.g. through groups such as the Tynwald Club which celebrated Manx identity and links, or insignia which advertised the

608 Sugarman 1996, 304.

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PoWs military role), and those confined to logs or private spaces. The issue of understanding the layers of hierarchy in internment situations could also be explored further by researching how identity was used in the camps and whether it played a role in the camp status of the PoWs.609

In this work, insignia and symbolism in the camps will play an important role in considering how identity was expressed and advertised. The way the prisoners constructed them is also an area that would benefit from experimental archaeological methods. By attempting to recreate insignia via metallurgy using blower stoves, researchers will assess the requirements for equipment, the difficulty of harvesting material for use in the process, and the experience the PoWs would have required to complete the process. Experimental approaches could also help to improve the existing knowledge about the process of creating the various insignia. Using PoW accounts to piece together and test an approach allows researchers to assess the accessibility of the method and how plausible it would be that any prisoner or only specific prisoners would be able to complete certain tasks (such as the creation of wing insignia or blower stoves).

The importance of life experience in the creation of PoW paraphernalia is also underway (as discussed in Chapter 7.6). The process includes providing subjects with the same set of limited instructions and pictures relating to building a blower stove. They will be asked to report back on the success of their build and boiling time of their blower stoves. They will then also be asked to provide details about life experiences such as being part of the Guides or Scouts, an engineering background, or working in another relevant field. These steps will build on the initial experimental study of stove reconstruction and assess the importance of relevant experience in their creation.

609 Carr, Jasinski & Theune 2018, 424.

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