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MMaann aanndd SSoocciiieetttyy iiinn ttthhee TThhaarr EEccoo---SSyysssttteemm (Bhomiya Culture and Society: An Ideology of Survival in a Fragile Eco-System) Arun Kumar Panibaba 1 Describing and Interpreting Marwar society and culture in a historical perspective poses an enigmatical problem. Micro-level historical studies which might illumine the past and thereby facilitate the understanding of the present of Marwar still remain a desideratum; and most of the macro level historical studies of the region are confined to chronological accounts of rulers and sketchy observations about urban social and court life. Cultural history of any variety is yet an unknown concept in the provincial academic circles. This paper endeavours to review in retrospect the culture of rural Marwar. In the absence of adequate historical data such a review would always remain short of the desired. Even a sketchy review of Marwar's traditional culture and society or that of man in the Thar desert would have remained a dream if the excessive use of two related words - bhom and bhomiya - had not struck this author as an intriguing phenomenon in the very early stage of his encounter with the desert society and its culture. In the beginning it was rather confusing as one heard the word bhomiya being used for a large variety of subjects - from village god to local land-lord, or just the clan of Rajputs which happens to be the local jagirdar1. Etymologically derived from the single root bhumi (Sanskrit bhu) the "bhom" group of words is not merely of phonemic character: all the variations of the word are related to one another in active positive manner2. In a very general sense the word bhom means earth. The word is also used in the sense of land, fief, the Mars (planet), Tuesday (bhomvar) and fire. Bhomka is sacrificial ground (yajna bhumi), cremation ground and also a tale of martyrdom (vritant). In the traditional administrative context the word bhomichara means a land mass occupied by might and turned into private fiefdom which is inherited equally among the brothers - or a fiefdom to which the principle of primogeniture is not applicable. Bhombab is land revenue charged from a bhomiya (jagirdar). In an abstract context the term bhom refers to wisdom and expertise. However, significantly central to our theme of discussion is the context of 'folk hero' and 'martyrdom'. According to the Sabad Kos3 suffixed with ji or even without the word bhomiya means a martyr who has laid down life for the protection of cow and has been consequently deified. Similar deification is also ascribed to those who have laid down their lives for the protection of a friend, follower, Brahmin, religion, village or land. Bhomiya is worshiped as god-incarnate. 2

Thus the term bhomiya and bhom have endless variations and numerous connotations, closely linked to one another which refer to both profane chores and pious rites observed by the people in the land of Thar Desert and adjoining regions. Bhomiya, in fact, is synonym for rural Marwar culture and society. It has been so because of the singular and prolonged domination of the society by the Rajputs for whom the prevelent nomenclature in rural Marwar is bhomiya. At times the term is used in a derogatory sense, too, i.e. for native rusticity. The meaning is usually inherent in usage and the manner of utterance. It is evident from the near absence of caste Brahmins in rural Marwar that the society was never 'brahaminised' in any strict or liberal sense of the term. The laity usually follows/observes the common Hindu customs of life cycle ceremonies, without the presiding caste of Brahmins or ritual ceremony performers who otherwise occupy a revered or domineering position in the Indian society. This is also revealed from the lowly status in the caste hierarchy assigned to caste groups which perform some life cycle ceremonies and other rituals for various caste communities or provide service in institutions like temple as compared to Rajputs and Mahajans. People's contact with the Indian classical traditions - Ramayan, Mahabharat and numerous other Brahminical texts and scriptures - remained remote as the region enjoyed considerable insularity from the outside world - except the active trade route centres. But it would be incorrect to surmise from this that the 'classical tradition' made inconsequential impact on Marwar's rural culture and society. In fact the bhomiya culture and society deeply drew from the great tradition - both inspiration and content - but in its form it grew as a unique folk tradition. The dominance of this folk tradition is vividly evident even in urban areas of the region, which had active contact with the outside world and therefore a fairly vigorous communion with the Brahminical traditions, from the reverence for the five bohmiyas - Pabu, Ramdeo, Goga, Harbhu and Meha. The five gods incarnate viz., Pabu, Ramdeo, Goga, Harbhu and Meha either individually or in any combination of two, three, four or five constitute the presiding deity - the panch devta in rural Marwar. However, the godhead in rural Marwar is not limited to these five 'folk heroes' or five gods. Between 'kul devta' and a number of 'gram devtas' on the one hand, and the well known Hindu trinity of Brahma, Vishnu, Mahesh on the other, numerous gods and goddesses are worshipped by the people in this region. The writ of these five heroes is not confined merely to rural or the whole of Marwar. Faith in the beneficence of these five gods brings 3

pilgrims to Marwar from the rest of Rajasthan as also from distant Gujarat, Sindh (now in Pakistan), Haryana and several other regions all over the country. All these five legends were made during the medieval period (12th century to 16th century A.D.) when the desert society was in the midst of a deep crisis. Besides the pressures of thin resources and an hostile environment frequented often by long dry spells, the region was also reeling under the pressure of many a people-exiles like the Rathores of Kanauj, Chauhans of Delhi and Ajmer, the Parmars, the Chandelas, the Guhilas, and others who had all been rendered homeless for a host of reasons and immigrated to the Thar desert, and the tribals and others who had inhabited the land from time immemorial - struggling for supremacy. All through this period the region was also constantly ravaged by Muslim invaders from Delhi, Sindh and Lahore. Until the establishment of Rathore samantshahi in fifteenth century and its consolidation in the sixteenth century at the head of Marwar polity the entire region was dotted with small principalities and fiefdoms that were constantly engaged in internecine quarrels. This was the time when Hinduism - encompassing various shades and strains - faced its gravest threat from an alien religion - Islam. The latter made a two pronged proselytising advance, preaching equality and universal brotherhood, and converting people by sheer dint of violence. With the caste inequalities, perhaps at their worst, Hinduism was passing through internal turmoil. Possessing few or no citizenry rights the lower castes, particularly the untouchable communities, suffered horrendous inequalities. Their colonies were set on the outskirts of the village, and they were permitted a disproportionately smaller share in the agricultural process and other community resources. For all the labour provided by the toiling communities they could, perhaps, obtain no more than mere jiwari (subsistence livelihood). They could not even draw water from the village well or pond. This was a time when Hindu women enjoyed somewhat unequal social status as is clear from the prevalence of sati, goli (bonded women), devadasis and female infanticide. It was a time when new ideological spaces and also spiritual vitality were needed to neutralise the impact of Islam and prevent a wholesale conversion of the lower caste Hindus and tribals. A rationale was also needed to somehow perpetuate the internal hierarchies of caste system. Apparently this need for ideological spaces, to rationalise a highly complex situation of internal and external conflicts and contradictions, appears to be the raison d'etre of the emergence of a folk religion based on the legends of the five pirs - as the couplet goes: "Pabu, Harbhu, Ramde, Mangalia Meha Pancho pir padhar jyo, Gogaji jehan" 4

(Pabu Rathore, Harbhu Sankhla, Meha Sankhla, and Ramdeo Tanwar thou all shalt visit and preside over the auspices occasion wherever Gogaji is already present). The processes of the making of these five legends apparently reflects the creativity of the people in providing spaces, both real and imaginative, accommodating the oppressed communities and even providing a synthesis to the dialectics of "man-man" and "man-nature" symbiosis in a fragile eco-system. The making of these legends – transforming contemporary folk heroes into gods in car note - also appear to have paved the way for amity between Hinduism and Islam. It is evident from the structures of the five legends that the birth and growth of a unique socio-ecological-organism - which was multi ethnic, multi caste, hierarchical society, but with well defined limits of the differentials of the multiple-gender, social, cultural-layers and deeply imbued with a symbiosis of strong mutualities (Svadharma and Swabhav) between 'man and man' and man and nature' - in the Thar desert was neither simple nor without pains. -2- The five legends are very sketchily and briefly narrated here to illustrate some of the salient features of the traditional society in the Thar desert: 2 (i) Goga in a purely temporal sense, is the first to appear. In the entreaty requesting Pabu, Harbhu, Ramdeo, and Meha to be present wherever Goga is, it is inherent that Goga came into existence before the others. His period and date of birth has been described variously by different historians and chroniclers of the legend. Col. James Tod considers him a contemporary of Muhammad Tuglaq (late 13th century). But according to Nainsi, an eighteenth century historian and administrator of Marwar, Goga has to be a contemporary of Pabu who was born at the dawn of the fourteenth century. According to the legend Goga was born at Dadreva (a place now in Churu district) after his mother had been blessed by Guru Gorakhnath, the renowned saint and progenitor of the famous sect of Nath sampradaya. There also hangs a controversy about the time of Gorakhnath himself. He was the legendary wanderer whose tales abound the entire length and breadth of Hindustan particularly that part of the subcontinent, which lies north of the Vindhyas4. Tales about Guru Gorakhnath's life and deeds are found as far as Bengal in the east and Sindh Balloochistan in the west, and Afghanistan in the north. Various anecdotes about his life are also spread over a time span of at least three centuries - tenth, eleventh and twelfth. 5

Goga was involved in a property dispute since early life over land and cattle with his cousins (Sons of his mother's sister) Arjan and Surjan. To avenge themselves Arjan and Surjan made a pact with a Muslim prince and instigated him to attack Goga and snatch his cows. In the ensuing battle Goga, mounted on his horse, fought valiantly against the combine. In the bloody battle Arjan and Surjan were killed along with a large part of the Muslim army. Goga was also slain in the process. Having laid life for the protection of the cow Goga was deified and has been worshipped as a warrior god ever since. But Goga is more popular as a snake god incarnate. Both his image as a warrior, mounted on horse, and as snake continue to be worshipped all over Marwar. Potters cast an image of the warrior Goga in baked clay and take it to farmers' houses on the day of his worship. Marwari women also paint an image of a snake on the wall of their houses and worship it with vermilon, rice, festive eatables and sing in his praise both for his valour in protecting the cows and in expression of gratitude for protecting them from snake bite. On the day when ploughs are taken out after the first monsoon showers the desert farmers tie Goga - rakhdi on the wrist of ploughman and also to the plough praying Goga to ensure protection from snake wrath. According to most chroniclers, including Nainsi, the main legend is silent about Goga's relation with snake or his incarnation as snake god. In different regiouns of Marwar different stories are narrated about Goga's deification as snake god and his benevolence as protector from snakes but every desert village has a Goga than where a stone image of Goga as snake god is established for worship by the folks. According to one of these tales, Goga once grazing his cows in the field discovered that a particular cow disappears daily in an infrequent direction where it lactates automatically to feed a snake. Seeing this Goga promised the snake that he would feed him (snake) everyday. In another version Goga had saved the little ones of a snake who were caught in a fire and the burnt female snake had called out to Goga for help. There is yet another tale according to which Goga was not slain in the battle with Arjan and Surjan. He had disappeared into the earth like Sita in Ramayan after his mother reproved Goga for killing her nephews, and continued to reappear as a snake to visit his wife. This variation is an important part of Goga legend as sung by Marwari women. However, faith in the curative power of Goga from snake bite is most commonly held belief in rural Marwar. The peasant communities, both Hindus and Muslims, worship Goga compulsorily on his annual day, Goga nam, which occurs sometimes in August or September (a time which about coincides with the popular north Indian festival of Nag Panchami). 6

On Goga nam (shukla navmi of bhadrapad) a cattle fair is held at Gogamedhi (former Dadreva) in Churu district. Both Hindu and Muslim pilgrims in large numbers attend this fair. Sikhs and other Punjabis also participate in large numbers in this mela. 2 (ii) Pabu was the younger son of Dhandal Rathore. Once during a hunting spree Dhandal fell in love with an enchantingly beautiful woman. She agreed to live with Dhandal on condition that he would neither ask her personal questions nor otherwise pry into her privacy (according to folk belief she did not belong to this earth and was a fairy from heaven). Dhandal accepted these conditions. After Pabu was born, she (Pabu's mother) started living in a palace enclosed by high walls in the forest. Intrigued by her mysterious ways one day Dhandal made a peeping hole in the wall and was amazed to see that instead of the woman and his child a pub was suckling a lioness. Pabu's mother immediately knew of Dhandal's breach of promise and misdemeanor. She handed over Pabu to his father and disappeared. With his numerous dare devil adventures - playing with wild animals like lions etc. - Pabu became famous as a child prodigy renowned for his rare prowess and determination to honour his word. It is said that the little kid would alone ride a bull and go hunting. Rao Baghela was a powerful chieftain of those times. He had seven Thori (Bheel) brothers in his service. He once became angry with these Thori brothers - who in turn abandoned the Rao and started seeking shelter elsewhere. They could not find a haven as none dared incur the wrath of powerful Rao Bhaghela. Pabu came to their rescue and took the hunted and 'low born' tribal brothers under his wing, and made them his constant companions. When his elder brother Buddha's daughter was to be married to Goga Chauhan, Pabu decided to present the famous herd of camels belonging to Duda Soomra, the king of Sindh, as gift to the bride. The young child Pabu led an expedition with his Thori companions against Sindh and returned with the herd of famous Sindhi camels after defeating Soomra in a battle. According to Sindhi Muslim's version, an indecisive but fierce duel ensued between Soomra and Pabu. As there seemed no end to their duel a heavenly intervention was made and their (Soomra's and Pabu's) turbans got exchanged. Thus, according to the prevalent custom, they became brothers. Noticing the change of turbans Soomra and Pabu embraced each other and bid adieu. Soomra not only presented him a herd of chosen camels but also sent his own kin to serve Pabu. Ever since the Sindhi Musalmans of the region have held Pabu in reverence5. Pabu's half sister Pamel was the second wife of Sirohi Rao. His first wife, sister of the Rao Baghela who had ousted the Thoris from his service, was a jealous woman and ill treated Pamel. The Bagheli queen would chafe and mock Pamel by telling her that her brother lived 7

with the lowly born - the Thories. She once so instigated the Rao against Pamel that he hit her with a cane and Pamel was very sad. Pamel managed to send word to her brother Pabu about her miseries and the harassment at the hands of the Bagheli queen. Pabu, accompanied by his seven tribal (Thori) lieutenants, attacked the Baghela Rao, killed him and his brothers and took his son as a protege. Depriving the Baghelas of their gold and wealth including horses; he delivered it to Bagheli queen was chastised beyond defiance. With numerous such miraculous adventures to his credit, Pabu was still an adolescent of 13 or less. When Pabu was returning from Sindh with the camels, the Sodhi princess of Umarkot (Jaiselmer) had a glimpse of Pabu about whom she had already heard a great deal. Hit by cupid, she laid bare her solemn desire before her father who agreed to marry her to Pabu. He sent the ceremonial narial (coconut) and lagun patrika (a formal invitation to marry his daughter) to pabu and requested him to reach Umarkot, a distance of several hundred miles, the same day and marry the Sodhi princess. Pabu knew that the distance could be covered only by the 'magic mare' Kaisar Kalmi belonging to Devli an old Charan woman. Pabu requested her to lend him the mare. Devli readily agreed to loan the mare on the promise that Pabu would help her whenever she was in distress or attacked by an enemy. As Pabu, accompanied by his Thori companions, proceeded to Umarkot, he came across some ill omen along the way and foresaw that trouble was ahead. As the marriage ceremony was coming to an end, the Kalmi mare started braying and whining, and scratching the earth with its hooves. Pabu knew that Devli, the owner of the mare, was in trouble. Declining to stay for the nuptial ceremony, Pabu immediately returned. As envisaged, on return he found that Kheenchi Rao, an affine of Pabu as a cousin of his was married to the Rao, had attacked Devli and taken away her cows. Pabu fought with rare valour and successfully reclaimed the cows. But he was treacherously slain while asleep. His elder brother Buddha joined the battle and slew all the Kheenchi men, thus taking revenge for his brother's killing. Pabu's head was presented to his virgin wife, the sodhi princess, who performed Sati. Ever since the people, particularly the tribals and various other low caste communities, have worshipped and revered the memory of Pabu. Ratri Jagrans (over-night congregations) are held in his memory at which his noble deeds are sung with great devotion, and a long phad (cloth painting), depicting some of the valorous deeds of Pabu and his seven companions, is unfolded. The Bheel community of the desert region cherishes his memory as a comrade and practices such rituals which would bring them in direct communion with Pabu's deity enabling them to extend the charisma of Pabu's 8

beneficence to those in distress. His charisma still holds good. Those who succeed in communicating Pabu's charismatic beneficence to the distressed are known as bhopa (a general term for faith healer) and highly revered in their community. Pabu is believed to be incarnation of Laxman, the younger brother of Rama. Whatever the validity of numerous tales constituting the complete legend of Pabu, it is a story that vividly depicts the turmoil, tensions and trends of the times of its making, i.e. around 14th century (Pabu is believed to have been born in 1300). During the subsequent six centuries how much the society could approximate materially with its ideal type is a matter of separate inquiry, the legend none-the-less reveals the aspirations of the society. Pabu was born of an extraordinary mother. She is casteless, but endowed with an enchanting personality. She permits no inquiries into her past and refused to tolerate any intrusion into her privacy. Her defiant character induces the myth maker to describe her as a fairy from heaven - an apsara... The moment her privacy6 was violated she simply abandoned the man and cut off the proverbial umbilical chord of her own child - a social value unknown to be practiced in her times. Only an unusual woman could have dictated her terms in those days. Pabu thus inherited from his mother the character trait of honouring his word and scrupulous observance of personal principles. His father did not honour the promise that he would not violate the woman's privacy. But she did not compromise on principles. The moment she found her privacy violated, she walked out without succumbing to the usual feminine emotion about depriving a young child of motherly care. This is the most unusual part of the legend and it suggests a strong parallel from the Mahabharat in which Shantanu and Ganga were involved. Juvenile adventures had always been the common staple of most Hindu Indian legends. Coming events cast their shdow before. Shelter given to the low caste Thori brothers was in consonace with a cherished value of the land: it was a violation of the Kshatriya dharma to deny shelter and protection to the needy and the distressed. But Pabu goes beyond. He took the distressed Thori brothers to his bosom as chums. When this was resented and criticised by the Bagheli queen of Sorohi Rao, Pabu chose to have her brothers killed by his Thori companions. Pabu's expedition against Duda Soomra was essentially to punish the alien and the evil. It also demonstrate his loyalty to his extended family, towards his half brother. Attachment to the extended family was a natural social expectation. Loyalty and commitment to the extended family and the larger community was a norm strictly observed in the Thar society. The woeful lament about slow but steady decline of this communal value calls for a 9

comprehensive study of the demographic and environmental consequences of nuclearisation of family and society in the Thar desert7. Pabu went to the rescue of her half sister who had been a victim of the evil practice of wife beating. But his own marriage remained unconsummated. The virgin Sodhi princess (Pabu's wife) committed sati. But she is not known to have been deified8. At the time of martyrdom Pabu was only 13. Like all other medieval legendary folk heroes in the Thar desert, he was a younger brother; though unlike Ramdeo who is an incarnation of Krishna, Pabu was Lakshman incarnate. 2 (iii) Ramdeo, born in early 16th century, was the younger son of a Tanwar Rajput. According to folk tradition when Ajmal Tanwar and his wife Mainade were not blessed with a child for long, they made pilgrimage to Dwarka, the kingdom of lord Krishna. It was prophesied there that the lord was due for another incarnation and would be born to the Tanwar couple. Soon after the couple was blessed with two sons - Veeram Deo and Ramdeo. Ramdeo was the younger of the two. Once the two brothers went far into the forest in the course of playing ball. Suddenly the ball disappeared. Searching the ball Ramdeo reached a spot where a saint was meditating. The saint advised Ramdeo not to proceed further in the forest as a demon lived there. Called Bhairon, the demon was devastating the entire Pokaran region. Ramdeo liquidated the demon in a direct encounter thus establishing his charisma while still a child. Ramdeo recolonised the devastated Pokaran region. The tanks and stepped wells which had been ruined were repaired and brought into use again. The pastures were established. Ramdeo also built new tanks for the cattle. He soon became vary popular among the lower castes like Meghwals, Rebaries, Bhils and Sansis. The fame of his healing touch spread far and wide. Once five pirs from Macca came to test his charisma. As they arrived near Pokaran, Ramdeo met them grazing his horse in the field. He requested them to go and sit under shade of a tree at the edge of the field. But they sat down in the open field under the sun and planted their 'green wood' tooth brushes (datun) in the ground which immediately grew into huge trees and provided them shade. Afterwards Ramdeo had a long exchange of views with the five pirs. As evening approached Ramdeo invited them to supper. the pirs declined to join, stating that they had left behind their bowls from which alone they could eat. Ramdeo stretched his hand and placed the very same bowls before them. The pirs were both amazed and satisfied with the charisma and spiritual strength of Ramdeo. Ever since Ramdeo became known as Ramshah pir and equally 10

revered by the Muslims of Marwar. For both Hindus and Muslims Ramdeo's charisma still holds good. The two communities visit the shrine near Pokaran in their hundreds and thousands either to ask for a favour or to convey their gratitude for a favour already received. 2 (iv) Harbhu was contemporary of Rao jodha who had laid the foundation of Jodhur fort around 1459 and had established the extensive boundaries of the Jodhpur State during his long reign (1438 to 1489 A.D.). Harbu was one of the many sons of Maheraj Sankhla of Bhudel in Nagaur. After his father's death Harbhu shifted to Harbhamjal, a village near Phalodi in Jodhpur and close to Ramdeo's place near Pokaran. Harbhu while living there came in contact with Ramdeo. Both of them took to each other and their meetings became frequent. Inspired by Ramdeo he gave up arms and became a disciple of Guru Balinathji. Soon he became a Sadhu. 2 (v) However, Harbhu became known in the region as a warrior saint because whenever an oppressed sought his help. Harbhu would unhesitatingly go to support the oppressed. He and his son Meha, were martyred in the cause of protecting a poor peasant whose cows had been snatched. Strangers and guests were always welcome in Harbhu's ashram. Daily dole was distributed to the poor and distressed. After having taken to asceticism he became known for his charismatic power to forcast coming events. Once when Rao Jodha was about to go to him to seek his blessings, Harbhu had warned his disciples in advance to arrange a warm welcome for the Rao. Rao Jodha needed his blessings and support to recapture Mandor the capital of Rathor kingdom which had been occupied by the Mewari (udaipur-chittor) troops. It is said that Jodha could succeed in regrouping his troops and uniting many an important chieftains of Marwar under his leadership only because of Harbhu and his son Mehaji's support and blessings. Jodha led a successful expedition against the Sisodiya garrison and ousted them from the Mandor fort. As a sign of his devotion and faith in the divinity of Harbhuji, Jodha declared the village of Bengti as a free hold fief for the maintenance of Harbhuji's ashram. Later in the 18th century Maharaja Ajit Singh of Jodhpur had a temple erected in memory of Harbhuji in the same village. -3- Despite certain variations owing to differences of locale or a degree of creative originality, there is one basic theme that characterises the legends of the five pirs. This common theme - charisma, chivalry, and revenge, cow protection, comradery and commensality, taboo and 11

curb on informal intimate conjugal/familial relationships and ancestor worship as a deep sense of gratitude - reflect to a very significant extent the traditional culture, society and economy of rural Marwar. The five pirs are bhomiyas not only in the sense of deified folk heroes but also in the sense of the caste of bhomiyas i.e. the fief-owning Rajputs who dominate the society both materially and spiritually; their tales epitomise and symbolise both the ideal-type and also the practicing value structures or normative values of the society. Hence an attempt to christen the people who worship and believe in the cult of the panch pir as a bhomiya culture. However, to say that these legends reflect social reality wholly and realistically would be as incorrect as to say that these legends are lesser social facts than recorded events. A detailed textual analysis of these legends could certainly illumine the processes through which the society has traversed to acquire its present form. But a detailed textual study is neither attempted nor the subject matter of our present discourse. A brief contextual analysis has been attempted here to appreciate the interactional dynamics of cultural and existential reality of a society which made the legend as a model of its cultural ideal and also attempted to both transcend and also transform the existential reality according to its ideals. Perhaps all legend making begins with charisma. in a very material context it constitutes the primary basis for the emergence of heroes and leaders. As integration of any society cannot be imagined in the absence of charismatic leaders, leadership also cannot sustain without reciprocity of hero worship9. In a very elementary, rather crude, sense thus sets in the process of legend making. Integration of societies, consolidation of monarchies, and unification of nations and republics all begin with the emergence of charismatic leaders. And charisma is the essence of all legend, in fact, the primary staple of any legend weaving. But there is neither a definition of charisma nor a archetype model with which comparisons could be drawn. Every charisma is its own archetype. No Weberian attempt will ever be adequate to classify and categorise the characteristics of charisma. Goga, the first of our five pirs, was neither an innovator, nor a creator, nor a prophet, nor mystical or irrational. His action was a common man's response to a situation presented to him without, in the least manner, his own making. By laying down his life in the protection of this land and cows, and perhaps, human dignity Goga simply did what the society as a collective conscience had stipulated for him and everyone else whose existence or self- dignity was threatened. In all probability Goga created an exemplary model for survival which was perhaps non-existent, or simply needed to be reinforced at that given time10. Goga 12

Chuhan was deified for simply reincarnating the ancient value that only brave shall enjoy this earth. 'Veeranam Bhogya Vasundhra' is an old axiom based on universal public morality or what may be described as collective conscience. This collective conscience is constantly and obligatorily in confrontation with individual consciousness. And the attempt to resolve this confrontation is precisely the motive force which brings about social transformation or constitutes the characteristics of charisma. However, Goga had laid the foundation for Pabu the next of our pirs, to arrive on scene. Pabu Rathor could not have become a legend by simple repetition of Goga exemplar. His tale depicts a rare sensitivity in innovating a model which gave different people and communities a commonly shared sense of identity, a place of pride for everyone - low or high, and a rare sense of confidence in the leaders capacity to help them whenever need arose and thus keep them bound together. Pabu's life or legend is a saga of bold innovations in demonstrative action - he is no mere preacher. His experiment in blurring the sharp line between alien and native is model for all times. Even Rama of Ramayan could not lend that kind of a sense of comradery and fellow feeling to Hanuman and Sugriv as was done by Pabu in the case of his Thori allies. Untill this day the Marwar Bhils consider themselves to be a 'fraternal kin' of the Rajput clan. They say the were hums of Pabu Rathor, "we used to go hunting with him; we were Pabu's playmates; how can we be treated as untouchables?" Pabu's intimate relationship with the Thories (Bheels), and others who were considered low born was certainly more than 'expedient indulgence'. There is more than a simple tactics of mass appeal in Pabu's attempt to create a new social alliance. Anyone who hurts a friend, follower, ally, confederate, dependent or the oppressed must be punished irrespective of caste, community, or kinship affinity. The baghela prince, an affine, was not punished for a sister's humiliation alone, the insult and injury he had done to the Thories had to be avenged. Pabu institutionalised vair (avengement) as a social norm in the community strucutre to transform mutual distrust and enmity into trust and abiding friendship. Creation of mutual trust is the basis of community existence. It is for no inconsequential objective that beginning with Pabu all Ramdeo, Harbhu and Meha devoted their life in the service of the poor and all laid their lives for cause of the poor and the distressed. Gau raksha and gau seva i.e. protection and service of cow are symbolic of ancient Indian sensibility of highly emotional mutuality (Svadharma) with nature. In Indian scriptures cow has been described as a synonym of the earth. As part of the universe the earth is constantly performing yajna i.e. all the nature's activity by which entire nature is being created and re- created. In the human world it meant withdraw for need and replenish as a matter of duty. 13

Another example of this nature's activity is the sun performing constant yajna in the seas. Monsoon are formed to provide water on earth, the basis of all biotic life on earth, and then all the water in a natural course flows back to the seas. In this schema of nature cow is the most benevolent and duty abiding yajman, and much more so in the desert eco-system. In the Indian desert cow has played a far more vital role than just being a foster mother. In arid and semi-arid eco-specificity a crucial strategy is needed to ensure soil moisture and prevent soil- erosion. With uncertain monsoon regular annual ploughing of land could be disastrous - lose sandy soils are prone to instant evaporation consequent erosion by strong desert winds. It was in this eco-specific context that a regimen of grasses, to bind the soil permanently, and conserve soil moisture- fortified by cowdung and urine was established in the Great Indian Desert. Besides providing for man, she (cow) helped conserve and maintain the productivity of the desert soil most effectively. Naturally dropped cowdung not only stabilised the lose sandy soils for long years against soil erosion by speedy desert winds but also added to the productivity by preserving the soil moisture. This cow - dung also acted as the medium for broadcasting seeds duly fertilized, many a plants which man could not grow otherwise; until this day khejdi, the kalpa vriksha of the desert grows by such self broadcasting system11. Cow's male progeny alone provided the draught power, when horse had not arrived on the scene of agriculture and camel was still unknown on the Indian continent12. Moreover, cow is a light grazier which licks grass by its tongue talking every delicate care to ensure that not a root is plucked. This aspect of cautious withdrawal from nature, has been of very special significance in conservation of the desert soils' fertility. In an eco-system where agriculture could be practiced on a margin and primary dependence was on pastoral modes of production, the cow and its progeny constituted both the primary resource of livelihood in the desert and also the ideology of its conservation. In the eco- specific conditions of the Thar desert agriculture was always uncertain and never provided more than marginal subsistence to the society. The basic mode of production was always cattle pastoral. Dhan, directly adapted from Sanskrit and meaning wealth, is a synonym of cow in Marwar even today. All other livestock - buffaloes, sheep and goat, donkeys, horse and camel - is referred to by specific common nouns. In the thin and fragile Thar eco-system where agriculture and horticulture provided little, service and protection of the cow was an essential condition of survival. Hence deification of those who laid their life in cow protection or dedicated their life for the service of cow and its progeny. All other causes for which the desert man could make the supreme sacrifice of his 14

life could lead to gratuitous worship by few or those directly affected or benefited. But the kind of deification which occurred in the case of these five bhomiyas, transforming them into incarnations of earlier god-incarnates could happen only when one laid his life for the cause of cow. Even though in recent times sheep and goat have more or less replaced (or are speedily replacing) the cow, the word dhan meaning wealth, remains a synonym of cow and its progeny. Briefly, the theme of cow protection is basically symbolic of a pastoral society which constitutes the basis of survival in an ecology which otherwise provided little else for survival. Another important theme of these legends is: taboo on intimate conjugal familial relationship. Communal ownership of resources, unflinching loyalty to the extended family and the community were necessary defence devices in the desert's hostile environment. Avoidance of nuclear family had to be society's normative value to prevent fragmentation of resources in an ecology where acute and chronic scarcities prevailed. It therefore, appear natural that in such a setting the society looked upon intimate, informal and manifestly emotive relationship between husband and wife, or mother and child or even between father and son as a threat to the integrated joint family. In Pabu's legend his marriage is not consummated. In the tales of both Goga and Harbhu the sons are sacrificed without the slightest hesitation or demur for the collective cause. It need to be noted here that the taboo on intimate familial relationship only partly explains the rationale of sex segregation and the practice or purdah between husband and wife. Succour to the deprived represented the evolution of a communitas of commensal, i.e. a sensibility of sharing even half a morsel with others and especially with one's dependents. Extended to the outside world, it transforms into the glorified tradition of hospitality. At another level, the institution of commensality can also be described as function-device to harmonise the alien native antagonisms. Even though the disappearance of these traditional sensibilities - the joint family structure has cracked beyond repair; euphemism in addressing one's mother as kaki (aunt) or bai (sister) and father as jisa (yes sir) or bhaaya (brother) - against the invasion of modernisation is becoming more and more visible, a core of this rich cultural resource survives, from which a resurrection seems still possible. During the field surveys of 1983 scarcity13 it was clearly observed that none of the villager was denied food altogether. Technically speaking a starvation death is impossible in the Indian Thar desert because people shall continue to share as long as they have something to 15

share. People in such situations could die only of mal-nutrition and consequent failure to manifest resilience against and not prolonged starvation14. -4- A brief mention of the Bishnoi faith which spread in the desert during the 14th century is necessary to reveal yet another significant dimension of this society. This Bishnoi prophet Jambhoji Maharaj laid down 29 principles to be observed by his followers. All these principles essentially pertain to perseverance and perpetuation of human life in the fragile Thar ecology. These 29 principles (Bis + Nau which is the basis of the term Bishnoi) to be observed as part of daily life can be summarised as a system of: contented life style of frugal needs; nature workshop, i.e., deep aesthetic, reverential and gratuitous feeling for the desert environment, concretely its flora and fauna; clean and simple habits; young ones of the cattle to the given a full feed of their mother's milk and bullocks not to be castrated; strict ban on use of intoxicants - opium, spirituous liquor, bhang and tobacco; no enmity towards another; strict adherence to the principle of non-violence against all animals, including tiny creatures and living plant life - practice of conscientious vegetarianism; living in such a manner as to be always prepared for death. Even though Bishnois never constituted more than two to five per cent of the region's population, the essence of the 29 principles of Jamohoji's sect became part of people's psyche throughout the Thar desert. It can be seen that the philosophy of life enunciated by Jambhoji bears close resemblance to the moral of the tales of the five Bhomiyas. The emergence of Bishnoi faith was clearly a classical manifestation of a keen social awareness of the need for man-nature mutuality in a fragile ecology and environment hostile to both animal and plant life. The Bishnoi community's unflinching commitment to nature's conservation was revealed about two hundred fifty years ago when three hundred sixty-three followers of Jambhoji sacrificed their lives in order to stop the felling of green khejadli trees for royal consumption. In 1734 the royal household at Jodhpur needed some timber and a decree was issued to fell some trees in a nearby village. As the royal wood cutters arrived in the village and started feeling green trees, the word spread around the neighbouring Bishnoi hamlets. Hundreds of them arrived at the site and embraced the trees to prevent their felling. In the process 363 of them - men, women and children - were killed before the royal decree to fell green trees was withdrawn. Ever since the village has come to be known as khejadla and an annual fair is held to commemorate the martyrs of the first ever Chipko Satyagrah. 16

Despite a noticeable decline in the Bishnoi social consciousness in recent times, one is amazed to notice the isles of green woods full of frolicking desert fauna - symbolic of Bishnoi habitats - amidst an otherwise bleak desert landscape. As of date, the Bishnoi villages in the desert remain distinguishable by abundant flora and fauna surrounding them. A sudden presence of playful and teasing black-bucks or a herd of Indian gazelle, or a covey of peacocks and a higher than usual density of khejadli prosopis cineraria, is a sure sign of Bishnoi vicinity. In its contents the Bishnoi faith appears to be a 'folks' reassertion of the Vedic yajna system under which it is the duty of every grihastha (householder) to provide for the conservation of nature and other societal dependents, i.e. pitra rin, rishi rinand deva rin before partaking of one's own share from the food cooked for the day or taking one's share of the annual produce. Jambhoji had called upon his followers to pray to lord Vishnu and mother earth before ploughing the land seeking forgiveness for the violence against earth and its creatures and to keep aside a portion of the produce for the creatures of land and sky. In essence the Bishnoi faith epitomises the man-nature mutuality which obliges man to take from nature only the minimum possible for his man to take from nature only the minimum possible for his needs and to make conscious efforts to replenish it with a sense of gratitude and indebtedness. However, modernisation has also taken a heavy toll of Bishnoi consciousness, as is revealed by a sizable number of them taking to smoking, other hard intoxicants and a few taking to even non-vegetarianism. It is difficult to predict as to how long the vestiges of the value structure of the 29 principles laid down by Jambhoji would survive under the onslaught of 'modernisation syndrome'. -5- Surprisingly, there is no mention of either drought or famine in any of the five legends, and the biographical accounts of Jambhoji. But there is an amazingly thorough-going and highly sophisticated appreciation of dry - and hot ecology in all the six tales. The six Marwari legends, seem to be speaking more eloquently through silences as compared to the spoken word. The legend of the five pirs-panchdeo- constitutes the staple of an exhaustive memory of an entire people - the Marwaris spanning a period of six centuries. Each legend has several versions both temporally and spatially. If drought and famine were as 'natural' and regular as they have been in the last two centuries - a mention about gaoo-maar-kaal(s) (the cow-killing- famines as they have come to be described during 19th and 20th century) could not have escaped the romance of evolving folklore mythology. 17

To the modern mind, drought and famine is a natural calamity. Such blindness seems to occur mainly because drought and crop failure are viewed - at almost all levels of social perception- as supernatural. If common masses view vagaries of monsoon, as God's will, the scientist and other technocrats describe them as natural calamities. It is an unfortunate situation. I conclude the human colonisation of the desert is as old as that of any other part of India. The earliest evidence belongs to the Acheulian culture of the Lower Palaeolithic period (Misra, 1962; Allchin, etal. 1978, Misra etal. 1980). A large number of Acheulian sites have been located in Nagpur, Pali and Jalor districts. These sites lie buried in the younger sediments of playas, stream beds and in the hill slope colluvium. 1. The human co-Thar Desert – GSI. (hereafter – T D – GSI). 2. Sita Ram Lalls : Sabad Kos. (An encyclopaedic dictionary of Marwari words). 3. For a variety of reasons, introduction of agriculture was delayed in the desert – despite such extensive practices in the surrounding reforms – TD-GSI (same Chapter) 4. Spots of, thousands of sagri (sea-deep) wells (of potable water) that dot the entire desert were identified without any modern instrumentation. 5. Such secularisation of sacred catergories of survival has been a major cause of the environmental degradation we are faced with today. The very idea of perceiving them (sacred territories) as resource has proved detrimental for their entire continued existence. In the age of liberal democracy “resources” will need to be privatised for efficient management and productivity. It is, therefore, only logical that in the second stage of development they have been categorised as wastelands. (For Changing perceptions see Rita Barara – 1987 - IDS) Only if pioneering scholars like N.S.Jodha (1987), Eds Piers Blaikie, Harold Brookfield,; Methuen, London) has carefully differentiated between served territories and secular community lands, the task of rejuvenating the quality of these survival institutions could have been, perhaps, easier and better conservation of these territories could have been possible. Even the Jagirdar had to act with restraint in using these sacred grooves, and it needs to be understood that tax levied on livestock were not on grazing but on raising. Until 1950, sheep and goats always grazed in distant Magras-on hills and hillocks no jagirdar had claim or control. 7. Shubhu Patwa’s paper – 1986 a. Bharara’s ADS paper 8. It is important to appreciate the hireartehcy of controls and restraints both within and without. It can be observed very distinctly, that once the notion of sacredness was abolished or compromised, the secular controls became inoperative. 18

9. It is not wholly correct to suggest that the management of grazing territories could be organized effieciently because of jagirdards vested interest in the maintenance of these territories. A jagirdar’s writ could run because of cultural sanctions and community consensus. A jagirdar would take advantage of the cultural hagemoney of the principles of use i.e. restraint both in exploitation and management. 10. This statement of elderly farmers is verifiable physically. There is not a single pre – 1950 enclosure on any stretch of land for miles together in the region that surrounds Jodhpur. 11. Sindhi Musalmans, who are camel breeders of Thar, say that both they (themselves) and the camel arrived in the Indian Desert with Pabu (15 Century). However, historically camel had arrived in Sindh, which is believed to be the home of Indian camel around 10th Century A.D. (Zaboor Khan Meher) 12. In almost all contemporary scientific research the crucial relationship between cowdung and soil moistures has remained a neglected dimension. Most modern scientists, who have otherwise contributed significantly useful research in desert ecology and economy, have demonstrated, the monsoon, the loss of soil moisture as a causal process. The intensitication of desertication in Thar can be primarily ascribed to disappearance of cowdung and destruction of range lands (Mann & Prakash – 1983 – Halting the March; for disappearance of rangelands as a consequence of sheep and goat). In 1986-87 when Marwar Pani Chetra Samiti and Gramin Vikas Vigyan Samiti were organising long walks in the Thar to talk to people about adopting better practices and techniques of water conservation etc., a desert farmer emphatically claimed, “In marwar it rains only by grace of cows. And there is little else that can be done”. (atthe Marwar re maine gaoon re bhag ra meh bares. aur ki kain n ho sake.) When asked to explain he narrated the following tale: Long ago a Marwari trader had gone to a distant riverine land to make a fortune. Going from place to place with his goods and precious articles loaded on two boats he was caught in a storm. Both his boats capsized. The trader, however, was saved and swan across to the bank. After the storm abated, the trader engaged deep-sea divers and began searching his boats. After long search the effort was abandoned. Realising the heavy losses, he began to cry. A nativepasserby was startled to see someone crying. He addressed the trader, “Oh stranger, what grief has come to you? Why do you cry in this land of godlike king? What injustice has been done to you that you are crying like a desolate”. The Marwari trader narrated his woetale. 19

On hearing his woes, the native advised the trader not to cry, “go to our king and report how the ocean has robbed you of your wealth.” The Marwari was perplexed. He could not innagive that a king, however great, could act against the deep sea. Nonetheless he heeded to advice and went to the king. The king heard him patiently, and assured him not to worry. The king issued a loud request to Varun the lord of water to present himself in his court. The next moment Varun presented himself in the court and greeted the king with humble salutations. An angry king enquired, why a foreigner’s boats were drowned. Varun dev replied “The seas are deep and vast and many accidents keep occurring on them”, and requested the king to explain what his bidding was? The king ordered that the stranger’s boats be returned to him forth-with varun deo took the Marwari along with him and fathomed the boats out and handed them over to the trader. Seeing his boats, all goods and possessions unaffected, the Marwari was overwhelmed with joy. He immediately selected a couple of precious golden trays studed with precious stones and filled them with invaluable pearls and jewels; with this gifts he hurried to the King’s court. Expressing his gratitude, he most humbly, offered the gifts to the great king. The king was bewildered and angry by the gesture, and said to the trader, “Oh stranger what is this”? “This is dasturi, customary gift my lord”. “And what is that?” The king enquired with horror. The trader replied that it was customary in his country to offer gifts and presents to the rulers for grant of any graces. Hearing this, the great king was shockingly dismayed and again enquired from the trader if it rained in the country where the king accepted gifts for graces from his subjects?” The trader replied in the affirmative. To the utter surprise of his courtiers, the king was breath-less with anger. None had known the king as an angry person. The king ordered Indra (the god of rain) to present himself. The same moment Indra arrived and bowed to the king asking what his wishes were. The angry king asked Indra if he (Indra) recognised the trader and know about his land Marwar, where kings accepted customary gifts from their subjects? Indra replied that he was aware. “Then why do you bless the country with rains? “the king questioned. Indra replied, “it so happens sir, that during monsoon when we are passing over there, a large number of cows come out in the open fields and begin to mew loudly, looking at the clouds. And for their sake we have to pour a little water over them and in the grazing field. Taking advantage of cows, men rush to field with their wooden ploughs and grow a little grain for their needs”. 20

The Marwari tale of rains has many morals. But the simple message for the desert farmer is that cattle-pastoralism is the only insurance against drought, and most amongst them know it. Particularly those who have familiarity with the proveb and the tale behind. 14. It is important to noite here, that energy and transport projections for the 21st century have clearly extablished that India will continue to need bullock-carts for a long time. The need is likely to increase substantially in the first half of 21st century. 15. it is encouraging to note that more recently there has been an appreciable recognition amongst the scientists of the suitability, adaptability and superiority of the native breeds of desert’s live stock (A.K. Gahlot, (93) V.K. Singh 1993, J.P.Mittal 1993) But what is shockingly said is that there is the least consideration to understand the history of the evolution of desert’s domestic animals. Most of the time they are taken for granted as natural gifts. Leave alone the Tharparkar cattle, which is believed to have been developed more then 3000 years ago in those regions of Thar which had dired up as a result of westward deviation in the course of Indus about 5000 B.P., no attempt is made to chart the mutational history of Raath: which began to be developed only about 500 years ago in the Bikaner region. There is an important folk tale about the evolution of jaiselmeri horses that needs recalling here. Once upon a time there was a king of Jaiselmer lying on his death bed. Some how his soul was unable to depart from the body for which there was no hope of survival. Many a wisemen were consulted. An old man who had travelled widely and had greyed with experience diagnosed that the end will not come unless someone took vow to fulfil the unfulfilled commitments (vows) of the dying king. The king had many sons. They were all useless dunces. None came forward to undertake the resolve to fulfil the unfulfilled commitment of the dying father. But the king had a daughter who was brave and bright. She promised her father that she will do the bidding. Thus assured by the daughter that she will fulfil his commitment, the king narrate to his his woe. After defeats in some battle, he had realised that until the breed of his cavalry was improved the cannot avenge his defeat. When he approached the king of Kathiawar to lend him some breeding studs, the king refused and proclaimed that horses had to be won in war. Knowing his weakness the king of Jaiselmer dared not attack Kathiawar. In the mean while his end come near. The daugher took the holy ganga - water in her palm and vowed to capture Kathiawari horses and raise them in Jaiselmer. Then there are many stories as to how she made alliances and finally vanquished the king of Kathiawar and captured his stables. 21

As she was returning with the best studs from amongst the Kathiawari horses, the vanquished kind of Kathiawar sent word that the princess should also carry his advice on how to raise the Kathiawarti horses. He told her that she should also carry certain soils and grasses which could not be established otherwise. The Jaiselmeri princess obeyed the king. Thus she is believed to have established Khoee range lands in Jaiselmer with soils and grasses that were endemic of the place of origin of the horses. Validity of the folk tale apart, there still exists a region of khoee in Jaselmer where these Rangelands, according to folk belief, were originally established. Natives of Jaiselmer pay a higher price (15-20 %) for the ghee (butter-oil) made in Khoee. There are also connoisseurs rpt connoisseurs in Jaiselmer who can distinguish by flavour a ghee that is Kohee-made and other ghee which is not khoee-made. All breeds of Jaiselmeri liviestock, including steed, belonging to khoee fetches a higher price as compared with its other Jaiselmeri breeds. The story has two simple morals. One the desert’s bio-gentic endowments – both flora and fauna – are not simple gifts of nature; the people of desert have contributed diligently and sensitively even to the making and evolution of soils – which is central to any scheme of bio-genetic innovation, conservation and utilization. Two, that all extension work will remain a non-starter until the modern technocrat will learn to appreciate the structures and vestiges of people’s wisdom – the superiority of which may dazzale our modern scientists. The significance of appreciating and documenting the people’s wisdom is necessary for the evolution/creation of a language (media-structure) to begin communication and dialogue between the scientist and the native peasant pastoralist. Etc. etc. 16. Sheep was banned from entering community habitats. Both sheep and goat were prohibited to drink water from nadis and graze in the catchments. Even within the same coste groups engogamy was prohibited with those who raised sheep. “sheep breeder” is a , contemptuous term even today. There were numerous such rules that helped keep the sheep and goat population withing limits. Chhinvey ro kal i.e., Vikram Samvat (V.S.) 1996. which is recalled as the worst gaoon-maar kal (cow killing famine) by eye witness who were around until 1984- when this survey was conducted. This folk observation is in consonance with the findings of social and environmental scientists (CAZRI - , papers) Mann and Prakash, 1983. 22

However, the lament is that this awarness does not inform either development action by the governments or at the levels of coping mechanisms adopted/innovated by the desert man more recently. 19. ‘Rajasthan Samachar’, a fortnightly journal published from Ajmer; issues of September – to – December 1899. 20. This is on the basis of oral evidence by the proprietor of M/s Udairaj Gainmal Bafna, wool merchants of Balesar town (Shergarh – Jodhpur). This family has records of wool export to England via Beawar pertaining to the last two decades of 19th century. 21. An explanation that the people put forward was that after Sir Pratap – who was regent during the minority of …… (1870-1880) – liquaidated the robbgers’ gangs operating in the thali (dummy plians) it became safe to permanently shift to dhanis. 22. there are instances of a few peasant families living in dhani clusters, which constituted some kind of satellite colonies of a centrally located village community. However, the single isolated dhani is a development of the “development” era. 23. In the wake of large scale famine deaths in March 1983 in Solankia Tala, a dispensary was established at the village headquarter. However, when inquiries were made about the reach of the dispensary services, the District Health Officer Plainly stated that the dispensary can never become a functioning unit as long as the village population (about 1000 families) was scattered over an area of 136 square kilometres. 24. Summary of structured interview with Dhool Singh, Peer Bux and Hari Singh Solankia Tala – 1984 25. In their opinion sheep and goat have easily adapted to satpura and Vindhyachal grasses. 26. Agents of mutton dealers from as far off as Delhi, Jaipur, Bombay, and Abudhabi keep combing the region and they keep moving from dhani to dhani all through the year. These agents have evolved a system of advance payments to the desert households. Any effort to free the desert from the clutches of national and international Bakra – mandis (mutton marts) is not going to be a simple exercise. However, many Jodhpurians claim with pride that the Bakra Mandi of Jodhpur has today became an important trade centre of national and international repute. 27. this is estimated at 1984 prices. 28. Oont chhode ankra aur bakri chodde kankra (a camel eats everything except aak (calotropis procera) and goat leaves behind only pebbles.)