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Plan Perquenco and Chile's Indigenous Policies Under the Pinochet Dictatorship, 1976-1988 Scott Rc Ago

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Plan Perquenco and Chile's Indigenous Policies Under the Pinochet Dictatorship, 1976-1988 Scott Rc Ago University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository History ETDs Electronic Theses and Dissertations 6-23-2015 Plan Perquenco and Chile's Indigenous Policies Under the Pinochet Dictatorship, 1976-1988 Scott rC ago Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/hist_etds Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Crago, Scott. "Plan Perquenco and Chile's Indigenous Policies Under the Pinochet Dictatorship, 1976-1988." (2015). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/hist_etds/18 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Electronic Theses and Dissertations at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in History ETDs by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Scott Dempsey Crago Candidate History Department This dissertation is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication: Approved by the Dissertation Committee: Elizabeth Q. Hutchison, Chairperson Kimberly Gauderman Judy Bieber Les Field Heidi Tinsman i PLAN PERQUENCO AND CHILE’S INDIGENOUS POLICIES UNDER THE PINOCHET DICTATORSHIP, 1976-1988 by SCOTT DEMPSEY CRAGO B.A., History, University of Oregon, 2004 M.A., History, University of New Mexico, 2009 DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy History The University of New Mexico Albuquerque, New Mexico May, 2015 ii Dedication For Mary iii Acknowledgements I owe thanks to many people for the intellectual, financial, and emotional support they have offered me throughout the development of this dissertation. I am particularly grateful for the support my dissertation chair, Elizabeth Hutchison, has provided me with over the years. During my field research, she always encouraged me to explore my interests, occasionally get lost, and find incredible stories in unlikely places. Liz’s tireless revisions of my chapters, proposals, and conferences papers have provided me with critiques that have made me a better historian. I am thankful for my entire dissertation committee. Kymm Gauderman’s seminars and mentorship have greatly shaped the conceptual framework of this dissertation. Judy Bieber provided notes and feedback on different drafts that helped me frame several arguments of the dissertation, especially those in Chapter 3. Les Field greatly influenced my methodological approach to conducting interviews and working in Mapuche communities, as well as helping me to frame those ethnographic debates within the dissertation. Heidi Tinsman has gone above and beyond what is expected from any outside reader. Without the support of this committee, this dissertation would not have been possible. I found great support in Chile that permitted this research. In Temuco, the staff at the Archivo Regional de la Araucanía helped me navigate the archive, and always provided a cup of tea during cold and rainy winter months. The Fundación Instituto Indígena was also kind enough to give me access to their archive, which provided several key documents. Jorge Pinto and Pedro Canales at the Universidad de la Frontera always iv offered me guidance, and helped me present my research at several conferences in Santiago and Valparaiso. Above all, I am thankful to the Municipality of Perquenco. Form the start, Mayor Luis Muñoz took the time to talk with me, introduce me to community members, and always promoted this research within the municipality. Alejandro Cornejo, and the entire team of agricultural technicians in Perquenco, spent countless hours driving me to remote locations within Perquenco and introducing me to Mapuche families. Without this support, I doubt I would have conducted a single interview. Doña Gabriela Navarrete Gomez and her family let me stay with them for days on end, and took the time to introduce me to friends and family who participated in Plan Perquenco. I am grateful to the members of the Communities of Coliman/Cayumil, Juan Savaria, José Santos Lopez, Higidio Pinchulao, and Fernando Carilao for being so patient and supportive of this project. María Molina, Domingo Nahuelcura and the members of los Guitarreros Caminantes provided great companionship, and I am forever grateful for their work with this project. Their music, kindness, and story have been enduring sources of inspiration for this research. Research and writing phases of this dissertation would not have occurred without constant financial support. The Latin American and Iberian Institute provide two Field Research Grants in the summers of 2008 and 2010, and the LAII Ph.D. Fellowship was my primary financial lifeline in Chile. UNM’s Department of History awarded me the L. Dudely Phillips Dissertation Fellowship that also helped finance research in Chile. The writing phase of this dissertation was made possible with support from the Bilinski Educational Foundation’s Russell J. and Dorothy S. Bilinski Fellowship. v Friends and family always gave me the necessary emotional support to complete this project. In Santiago, Carolyn Watson and Carlos Torres provided me with a place to stay, wine, food, and wonderful conversation. I am grateful for their support in helping me translate several conference presentations. In Temuco, Jake and Lily Rekedal always had a warm meal and kind words to help me through the research process. I am thankful to Colin Snider, Tim Lorek, Julian Dodson, Becky Ellis, and Shawn Austin for reading and providing feedback on proposal drafts and early chapters of the dissertation. Paulina Iñigo not only took the time to read a full draft of the dissertation, but her friendship influenced my initial forays into Chile and Latin America. To Chuck and Sylvia Crago. My parents have always supported this endeavor, and always encouraged me to keep going, even when I wanted to give up. My brother Charlie Crago has always helped me see the lighter side of things when all seemed lost. My son Morgan has reaffirmed my belief in the importance of naps while writing. To my rock and love of my life, Mary Jean Orleane Brownell, you have made this project possible. You followed me across the globe, stood in the rain and mud, and always made me believe that I could achieve my goals. This project is as much mine as it is yours. vi PLAN PERQUENCO AND THE ADMINISTRATIVE INCONSISTENCIES OF CHILE’S INDIGENOUS POLICIES UNDER THE PINOCHET DICTATORSHIP, 1976-1988 by Scott Dempsey Crago B.A., History, University of Oregon, 2004 M.A., History, University of New Mexico, 2009 Abstract This dissertation analyzes the administrative structure and development of Chile’s indigenous policies under the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990), taking as its focus a pilot project for indigenous Mapuche integration known as Plan Perquenco. Existing scholarship provides important analyses of the impact of the military regime’s 1979 indigenous law, Decree Law 2568, which legalized the division and privatization of Mapuche communal lands. However, land division was not the sole mechanism of the regime’s indigenous policy. The Ministry of Agriculture, in consultation with the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), designed Plan Perquenco to ensure that after land division, Mapuche men would become private landowners and market- oriented farmers. Plan Perquenco also perpetuated the Chilean state’s previous indigenous policies. The Ministry of Agriculture relied on existing portrayals of irrational Mapuche agricultural practices, which had first gained prominence in the nineteenth century, to justify programs to eradicate Mapuche cultural traits that officials argued limited scientific and modern agricultural development. Furthermore, Plan Perquenco continued the goals of earlier agrarian reform efforts, which the military regime ridiculed vii as ineffective, to argue that the formation of male-headed nuclear families would solve rural economic and cultural stagnation. The administrative structure of Plan Perquenco, however, prevented the full implementation of these policies. Under the regime’s model for regionalization, municipalities had to coordinate development initiatives with the aid of a variety of public and private institutions, rather than the central state. Municipally-based programs such as Plan Perquenco were therefore not a unified front of state formation, but rather a mixture of local, national, and international institutions, with at times differing and conflicting goals, that coordinated reform efforts in Mapuche communities. I focus on the different political inclinations of the six agricultural technicians who managed Plan Perquenco to explain how the political diversity of local bureaucracies limited the success of the regime’s indigenous policies. By centering the effects of administrative inconsistency in my analysis, I offer insights into how Mapuche exploited state-run reform programs to affirm their cultural rights. Oral interviews demonstrate that under Plan Perquenco, Mapuche youths used their participation in the recreation programs coordinated by the Ministry of Agriculture, such as football leagues and music classes, to contest the gendered and ethnic ideals embodied in the ministry’s reform programs. My focus on Plan Perquenco therefore exposes the relationship between the military regime’s indigenous policies and longer trajectories of state formation, how the administrative structure of these programs limited their application, and finally how Mapuche exploited bureaucratic inconsistencies to ensure the regime’s reform efforts benefitted
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