Armed Conflicts Report Senegal (1982
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A Case Comparison of Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal
1 Democratization and Universal Health Coverage: A Case Comparison of Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal Karen A. Grépin and Kim Yi Dionne This article identifies conditions under which newly established democracies adopt Universal Health Coverage. Drawing on the literature examining democracy and health, we argue that more democratic regimes – where citizens have positive opinions on democracy and where competitive, free and fair elections put pressure on incumbents – will choose health policies targeting a broader proportion of the population. We compare Ghana to Kenya and Senegal, two other countries which have also undergone democratization, but where there have been important differences in the extent to which these democratic changes have been perceived by regular citizens and have translated into electoral competition. We find that Ghana has adopted the most ambitious health reform strategy by designing and implementing the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). We also find that Ghana experienced greater improvements in skilled attendance at birth, childhood immunizations, and improvements in the proportion of children with diarrhea treated by oral rehydration therapy than the other countries since this policy was adopted. These changes also appear to be associated with important changes in health outcomes: both infant and under-five mortality rates declined rapidly since the introduction of the NHIS in Ghana. These improvements in health and health service delivery have also been observed by citizens with a greater proportion of Ghanaians reporting satisfaction with government handling of health service delivery relative to either Kenya or Senegal. We argue that the democratization process can promote the adoption of particular health policies and that this is an important mechanism through which democracy can improve health. -
Urban Guerrilla Poetry: the Movement Y' En a Marre and the Socio
Urban Guerrilla Poetry: The Movement Y’ en a Marre and the Socio-Political Influences of Hip Hop in Senegal by Marame Gueye Marame Gueye is an assistant professor of African and African diaspora literatures at East Carolina University. She received a doctorate in Comparative Literature, Feminist Theory, and Translation from SUNY Binghamton with a dissertation entitled: Wolof Wedding Songs: Women Negotiating Voice and Space Trough Verbal Art . Her research interests are orality, verbal art, immigration, and gender and translation discourses. Her most recent article is “ Modern Media and Culture: Speaking Truth to Power” in African Studies Review (vol. 54, no.3). Abstract Since the 1980s, Hip Hop has become a popular musical genre in most African countries. In Senegal, young artists have used the genre as a mode of social commentary by vesting their aesthetics in the culture’s oral traditions established by griots. However, starting from the year 2000, Senegalese Hip Hop evolved as a platform for young people to be politically engaged and socially active. This socio-political engagement was brought to a higher level during the recent presidential elections when Hip Hop artists created the Y’En a Marre Movement [Enough is Enough]. The movement emerged out of young people’s frustrations with the chronic power cuts that plagued Senegal since 2003 to becoming the major critic of incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade. Y’en Marre was at the forefront of major demonstrations against Wade’s bid for a contested third term. But of greater or equal importance, the movement’s musical releases during the period were specifically aimed at “bringing down the president.” This article looks at their last installment piece entitled Faux! Pas Forcé [Fake! Forced Step or Don’t! Push] which was released at the eve of the second round of voting. -
White Paper for a Sustainable Peace in Casamance
White Paper for a Sustainable Peace in Casamance Perspectives from Women and Local Populations August 2019 Content 3. Acronyms & Abbreviations 4. Acknowledgements 5. Foreword 7. Cry For Action Of The Women Of Casamance! 8. Preface 9. Introduction 9. Context 11. Historical background of the conflict and the peace process 13. The Conflict’s Impacts On Local Populations, Women And Youth 13. Socioeconomic and environmental impacts 15. Casamance populations’ perceptions and feelings of exclusion 17. The conflict’s specific impacts on women 18. A permanent insecurity 19. Strategies And Perspectives From Civil Society 20. Civil society actors 21. Addressing challenges and establishing peace 23. Actions and approaches 25. Conditions for effective and inclusive participation 26. Women’s participation in peace processes 26. The mediation role of women of Casamance 27. La Plateforme des Femmes pour la Paix en Casamance (PFPC) 28. Senegambia Forum 29. Breaking down barriers and strengthening support across women throughout Senegal 30. Recommendations for a definitive & sustainable peace in Casamance 34. Bibliography 35. Annexes 49. Endnotes Acronyms & Abbreviations AFUDES Association of United Brothers for the Economic and Social Development of the Fogny ASC Sports and Cultural Association AJAEDO Association des Jeunes Agriculteurs et Éleveurs du Département d'Oussouye AJWS American Jewish World Service (NGO) ANRAC Agence nationale pour la Relance des Activités économiques en Casamance ANSD Agence Nationale de la Statistique et de la Démographie -
Guinea-Bissau After Vieira: Challenges and Opportunities
THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS 20/1999 Guinea-Bissau after Vieira: Challenges and Opportunities On 7 June 1998, an army mutiny led by former Chief of Staff, General Ansumane Mane, plunged the Republic of Guinea-Bissau into a devastating civil war. The coup aimed to oust President Joao Bernardo Vieira, who had come to power in a military coup against Luis Cabral in 1980 and had subsequently won the country's first multiparty elections in 1994. The civil war that followed Mane's mutiny changed the framework of the ongoing transformation process in the former socialist-orientated Guinea-Bissau. It also engulfed the subregion drawing Senegal, Guinea and The Gambia into the power struggle in Guinea- Bissau. In May 1999, after a peace process had already been did not install a military regime after he came to negotiated and partially implemented, Mane's forces power. With the beginning of democratic transition launched another attack on Vieira, and finally in 1990, the military lost its remaining privileges and succeeded in ousting the incumbent leader. Although became part of the marginalised population. Major this coup can be seen as a setback for peace and sections of the army started relying on proceeds from reconciliation in Guinea-Bissau, the new political illicit arms deals with the Casamance rebels and situation that resulted from Vieira's overthrow at least cannabis sales. provided a chance to end a hitherto paralysing state of 'no peace-no war' — akin to the Angolan situation The regional dimension after the Lusaka Accords. The new power G iven Mane's control over major sections of the army, constellation under Mane may well give Vieira's Vieira had to fight the rebellion with the military rather disappointing democratisation assistance of Guinea (400 soldiers) and process fresh impetus. -
Political Spontaneity and Senegalese New Social Movements, Y'en a Marre and M23: a Re-Reading of Frantz Fanon 'The Wretched of the Earth"
POLITICAL SPONTANEITY AND SENEGALESE NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, Y'EN A MARRE AND M23: A RE-READING OF FRANTZ FANON 'THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH" Babacar Faye A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS December 2012 Committee: Radhika Gajjala, Advisor Dalton Anthony Jones © 2012 Babacar Faye All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Radhika Gajjala, Advisor This project analyzes the social uprisings in Senegal following President Abdoulaye Wade's bid for a third term on power. From a perspectivist reading of Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth and the revolutionary strategies of the Algerian war of independence, the project engages in re-reading Fanon's text in close relation to Senegalese new social movements, Y'en A Marre and M23. The overall analysis addresses many questions related to Fanonian political thought. The first attempt of the project is to read Frantz Fanon's The Wretched from within The Cultural Studies. Theoretically, Fanon's "new humanism," as this project contends, can be located between transcendence and immanence, and somewhat intersects with the political potentialities of the 'multitude.' Second. I foreground the sociogeny of Senegalese social movements in neoliberal era of which President Wade's regime was but a local phase. Recalling Frantz Fanon's critique of the bourgeoisie and traditional intellectuals in newly postindependent African countries, I draw a historical continuity with the power structures in the postcolonial condition. Therefore, the main argument of this project deals with the critique of African political leaders, their relationship with hegemonic global forces in infringing upon the basic rights of the downtrodden. -
Violent Conflicts and Civil Strife in West Africa: Causes, Stability Challenges and Prospects
Annan, N 2014 Violent Conflicts and Civil Strife in West Africa: Causes, stability Challenges and Prospects. Stability: International Journal of Security & Development, 3(1): 3, pp. 1-16, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/sta.da RESEARCH ARTICLE Violent Conflicts and Civil Strife in West Africa: Causes, Challenges and Prospects Nancy Annan* The advent of intra-state conflicts or ‘new wars’ in West Africa has brought many of its economies to the brink of collapse, creating humanitarian casualties and concerns. For decades, countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire and Guinea- Bissau were crippled by conflicts and civil strife in which violence and incessant killings were prevalent. While violent conflicts are declining in the sub-region, recent insurgencies in the Sahel region affecting the West African countries of Mali, Niger and Mauritania and low intensity conflicts surging within notably stable countries such as Ghana, Nigeria and Senegal sends alarming signals of the possible re-surfacing of internal and regional violent conflicts. These conflicts are often hinged on several factors including poverty, human rights violations, bad governance and corruption, ethnic marginalization and small arms proliferation. Although many actors including the ECOWAS, civil society and international community have been making efforts, conflicts continue to persist in the sub-region and their resolution is often protracted. This paper posits that the poor understanding of the fundamental causes of West Africa’s violent conflicts and civil strife would likely cause the sub-region to continue experiencing and suffering the brunt of these violent wars. Introduction 24). While violent conflicts are declining in The transformation from inter-state to intra- the sub-region, recent insurgencies in the state conflict from the latter part of the 20th Sahel region affecting the West African coun- Century in West Africa brought a number of tries of Mali, Niger and Mauritania sends its economies to near collapse. -
Senegal | Freedom House
4/8/2020 Senegal | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Senegal 71 PARTLY FREE /100 Political Rights 29 /40 Civil Liberties 42 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 72 /100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/senegal/freedom-world/2020 1/16 4/8/2020 Senegal | Freedom House Status Change Senegal’s status declined from Free to Partly Free because the 2019 presidential election was marred by the exclusion of two major opposition figures who had been convicted in politically fraught corruption cases and were eventually pardoned by the incumbent. Overview Senegal is one of Africa’s most stable electoral democracies and has undergone two peaceful transfers of power between rival parties since 2000. However, politically motivated prosecutions of opposition leaders and changes to the electoral laws have reduced the competitiveness of the opposition in recent years. The country is known for its relatively independent media and free expression, though defamation laws continue to constrain press freedom. Other ongoing challenges include corruption in government, weak rule of law, and inadequate protections for the rights of women and LGBT+ people. Key Developments in 2019 In February, President Macky Sall won a second consecutive term with 58 percent of the vote in the first round, making a runoff unnecessary. Two leading opposition leaders—Khalifa Sall, former mayor of Dakar, and Karim Wade, the son of former president Abdoulaye Wade—were barred from running because of previous, politically fraught convictions for embezzlement of public funds. In May, lawmakers approved a measure to abolish the post of prime minister, and Sall signed it later in the month. -
Senegal#.Vxcptt2rt8e.Cleanprint
https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/senegal#.VXCptt2rT8E.cleanprint Senegal freedomhouse.org Municipal elections held in June 2014 led to some losses by ruling coalition candidates in major urban areas; the elections were deemed free and fair by local election observers. A trial against Karim Wade, son of former president Abdoulaye Wade, began in July in the Court of Repossession of Illegally Acquired Assets (CREI), where he is accused of illicit enrichment. Abdoulaye Wade, who had left Senegal after losing the 2012 presidential election, returned in the midst of the CREI investigation in April. The Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), which he founded in 1974, requested permission to publicly assemble upon his return, but authorities denied the request. In February, Senegal drew criticism for the imprisonment of two men reported to have engaged in same-sex relations. The detentions of rapper and activist Malal Talla and of former energy minister Samuel Sarr in June and August, respectively, also evoked public disapproval; both men were detained after expressing criticism of government officials. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: Political Rights: 33 / 40 [Key] A. Electoral Process: 11 / 12 Members of Senegal’s 150-seat National Assembly are elected to five-year terms; the president serves seven-year terms with a two-term limit. The president appoints the prime minister. In July 2014, President Macky Sall appointed Mohammed Dionne to this post to replace Aminata Touré, who was removed from power after losing a June local election in Grand-Yoff. The National Commission for the Reform of Institutions (CNRI), an outgrowth of a consultative body that engaged citizens about reforms in 2008–2009, presented a new draft constitution to Sall in February. -
Accessing Services in the City the Significance of Urban Refugee-Host Relations in Cameroon, Indonesia and Pakistan
ACCESSING SERVICES IN THE CITY THE SIGNIFICANCE OF URBAN REFUGEE-HOST RELATIONS IN CAMEROON, INDONESIA AND PAKISTAN CHURCH WORLD SERVICE FEBRUARY 2013 Graeme Rodgers/CWS ACCESSING SERVICES IN THE CITY THE SIGNIFICANCE OF URBAN REFUGEE-HOST RELATIONS IN CAMEROON, INDONESIA AND PAKISTAN Church World Service, New York Immigration and Refugee Program February 2013 Executive Summary This report considers how relationships between urban refugees and more established local communities affect refugee access to key services and resources. According to the estimates of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the majority of the world’s refugees now reside in cities or towns. In contrast to camps, where refugees are relatively isolated from local host communities and more dependent on assistance from humanitarian agencies to meet their basic needs, refugees in urban areas typically depend more on social networks, relationships and individual agency to re-establish their livelihoods. This study explores the conditions under which refugee-host relations may either promote or inhibit refugee access to local services and other resources. It also considers how positive impacts of these evolving relationships may be nurtured and developed to improve humanitarian outcomes for refugees. In 2009, UNHCR updated its policy on refugees in urban areas, highlighting the challenges of providing protection and assistance in spatially and socially complex environments. This initiative has encouraged the broader humanitarian community to explore more innovative approaches to understanding and programming related to refugees in urban areas. One of the effects of this development has been to highlight the role of the host community and the importance of considering their needs and perspectives. -
Senegal Since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou
Senegal since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou To cite this version: Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou. Senegal since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age. Turning Points in African Democracy, 2009. hal-02614085 HAL Id: hal-02614085 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02614085 Submitted on 20 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Mustapha_01 1/5/09 15:48 Page 13 2 Senegal since 2000 Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age TARIK DAHOU & VINCENT FOUCHER Senegal is often seen as a model of democracy in Africa. The changing character of Senegalese political life since independence has been paralleled by just as many changes in the literature about it. Initially most work tended to focus on the long history and rooted character of Senegalese democratic culture. This was essentially an urban-based political history centred on the lives of an enlightened class of évolués, African elites with a French education. In various shades, subse- quent authors described how the powerful Muslim brotherhoods functioned as mechanisms for political integration in the countryside: in exchange for agricultural services and other resources channelled to client marabouts, the party-state could count on the votes of the disciples attached to these marabouts (Copans 1980; Coulon 1981). -
West Africa: Regional Context and Susceptibility to Criminal Economies – 31
2. WEST AFRICA: REGIONAL CONTEXT AND SUSCEPTIBILITY TO CRIMINAL ECONOMIES – 31 Chapter 2. West Africa: Regional context and susceptibility to criminal economies This chapter reviews the key characteristics of the West African region that are relevant both to understanding the growth of criminal economies, and their interactions with citizens and the state. These issues include the development and demographic status of West African countries, and the dynamics of the region’s economy and trade. The chapter provides an overview of the region’s governance and democracy, and highlights salient features of its peace and security, or instability. Taken together, these characteristics impact on the way criminality develops in the region. Consequently, they are relevant for developing responses to criminality and illicit financial flows, and working to mitigate the impact of these factors on development. ILLICIT FINANCIAL FLOWS: THE ECONOMY OF ILLICIT TRADE IN WEST AFRICA © OECD 2018 32 – 2. WEST AFRICA: REGIONAL CONTEXT AND SUSCEPTIBILITY TO CRIMINAL ECONOMIES Introduction This report focuses on West Africa and the 15 countries covered by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS): Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Côte d’Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo. ECOWAS brings these countries together around the shared commitment to build a “borderless, peaceful, prosperous and cohesive region, built on good governance” (ECOWAS, 2011). This commitment recognises that owing to a range of systemic factors, West African nations and peoples are uniquely bound together, with highly homogenous societies and interwoven, complementary economies. As borders between these states are highly porous, freedom of movement and trade sits at the cornerstone of a shared understanding of resilience, economic growth and development. -
Senegal and Mali 9
Senegal and Mali 9 MACARTAN HUMPHREYS and HABAYE AG MOHAMED n mid-December 1983, hundreds of demonstrators—armed with spears, machetes, and hunting rifles, covered in protective charms, and chanting Iincantations to render them invulnerable to bullets—invaded the streets of Ziguinchor to call for the independence of a region in the southwest corner of Senegal—the Casamance.1 The government responded with a heavy hand, leaving an official toll of 80 injured and 29 dead.2 A handful of those retreating, led by vet- erans from the Senegalese army, under the banner of the Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance (MFDC), headed to the mangroves and dense forest of lower Casamance to set up rebel bases.They started military training and planning attacks on government positions.In doing so,they began a guerrilla war that has left thousands killed and the south of Senegal strewn with land mines.After 20 years of failed negotiations and aborted attempts at achieving military victory,no end to the war is in sight. The civil war in Mali started very differently.On the morning of June 28, 1990, a small group of Libyan-trained fighters belonging to the Mouvement Populaire de Libération de l’Azawad (MPLA), also hoping to gain independence for their region, Azawad, attacked a small government position in Tideremen in the far northeast of Mali.They killed four and gained control of a dozen automatic rifles.Moving south- west,the group attacked more government positions that same evening.In an attack at the town of Méneka, they seized 124 automatic rifles.These attacks were the beginning of a war that would engulf the region in intercommunal conflict, pitting northern “whites” against northern “blacks.”After extensive and broad-based nego- tiations, the war ended with a weapons-burning ceremony in 1996.