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Department ofGeography, McGill University Montreal, Quebec

Inuit Place Names and Land-use History on the Harvaqtuuq [Kazan River], Nunavut Territory

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction ofthe requirement for the degree of

Master ofAns in Geography

by

Darren Keith

lanuary,2000

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Canadi ABSTRAcr Inuit Place Names and Land·use History on the HarvaqlUUq [Kazan River], • Nunavut Territory Darren Keith

This thesis classifies Inuit place names and analyses their meanings to reveal Harvaqtuurmiut land-use history on the Harvaqtuuq [Kazan River], Nunawt Territory.. The author collected previously unrecorded toponyms from the territory ofthis Caribou Inuit society, the Harvaqruuq [Kazan Riverl, and corroborated the data ofearlier researchers.. The Harvaqtuuq landscape was organized from foci ofsubsistence activities by application oflnuktitut geographical terminology and concepts .. These foci moved over time and betray changing land-use patterns. The Harvaqtuuq was a frontier for Inuit. due to the need to depend on caribou.. and due to the conflict engendered by overlapping Oene occupation. The presence ofanthroponyms, and the paucity ofpan­ Inuit myths in the landscape allow for the speculative interpretation that the names support current theories ofa recent arrivai ofInuit to the HarvaqlUUq.

u RESUMÉ Les Noms d'Endroits Inuit et l'Histoire d'Utilisation sur la Harvaqtuuq [Rivière Kazan], • Territoire du Nunawt Darren Keith

Cette thèse classifie les noms d~ endroits Inuit et analyse leurs significations pour réveller l'histoire d'utilisation de la terre Harvaqtuurmiut sur la Harvaqtuuq [Rivière Kazan], Territoire du Nunavut. L"auteur a collectionné des toponymes auparavant non reconnus des territoires de la societé des [nuits du Caribo~ la Harvaqtuuq [Rivière Kazan], eta corroboré ces données aux recherches antécèdentes. Le paysage Harvaqluuq était organizé en foei d'activitiés de subsistence par l'application de termes et concepts géographiques Inuktitut. Ces foci ont migré avec le temps et démontrent les changements d~utilisation de la terre. La Harvaqtuuq était une frontière pour les Inuits était dépendant du caribou. et compliqué par l'occupation Dene. La présence d'anthroponymes, et la rareté des mythes pan-Inuit dans ce territoire permettent l'interprétation spéculative des noms d'endroits supportant la théorie courante que l~arrivée des Inuits est récente dans la Harvaqtuuq.

• üi TABLE OF CONTENTS

• Abstract Ü Resume' ...... iii

Table ofContents ...... IV List ofFigures ...... vi List ofTables vii Acknowledgments ...... viii

Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Sources and Methodology ...... 4 1.1.1 Field Methodology 4 1.1.2 Translations ...... 6 1.1.3 Analytical Methods 6 1.2 Contribution to [nuit Place Name Studies ...... 7 1.2.1 Early Contributors ...... 8

1.2.2 Recent Scholarly Contributors 'O. 9 1.2.3 Contribution to Toponymic Research ...... 10

Chapter 2: Harvaqtuurmiut History, Culture and Seasons. Round...... Il 2.1 Origins and History ...... Il 2.2 Seasonal Round ...... 14 2.3 Social Organization ...... 23

2.4 Spiritual Beliefs 'O. 24

IV Cbapter 3: A Typology ofPlace Name Meaning 27 3.1 GeographicaULiteral-Descriptive Place Names 28 • 3.2 Mythological Place Names "". " " " "31 3.3 Historical Place Names 32 3.4 Spiritual Place Names " " ". 34 3.5 Resource Place Names "" " " """.. " 35 3.6 Metaphorical Place Names 36 3.7 Human Occupatîonal Place Names 37 3.8 Discussion. "" """. " 37

Cbapter 4: Analysis " .. """ " 39 4.1 Application ofTypology 40 4.2 Analysis ofMeanings ...... 44 4.2.1 Type A • GeographicaULiteral Descriptive Place Names . ".. 44 4.2.2 Type B .. Mythological Place Names " 56 4.2.3 Type C .. Historical Place Names "."".""." 57 4.2.4 Type D .. Spiritual Place Names """. ". ". ".""" " 60 4.2.5 Type E .. Resource Locative Place Names ". 64 4.2.6 Type F .. Metaphorical Place Names .... """" 71 4.2.7 Type G .. Human Occupational Place Nantes " 72

Chapter S: Discussion and Conclusion ."" " ".. "." 78

Retèrences ".. ".""".""""" """"""""".. 84

Appendix: Spread Sheets ofPlace Name Classification .. "".. """ ,,... 90

• v LIST OF FIGURES

• Figure 1: The Study Area ...... 3

Figure 2: Inuit Societies in the 20th Century ...... 12

Figure 3: Study Area With Selected Toponyms ...... 42

Figure 4: Orientation ofQikiqtalugjuaq Area ...... 51

Figure 5: Inuktitut Hydrological Features ...... 52

Figure 6: Generic Lake with Bay Terminology ...... 54

Figure 7: Cross-sectional view ofriver and adjacent shores showing the features ofa Nalluq . . ••...... 66

Figure 8: Addition ofResource Place Names at Qikiqtalugjuaq ...... 67

Figure 9: Addition ofHuman Activity Place Names at Qikiqtalugjuaq .. .. 74

• vi LIST OF TABLES

• Table 1: Harvaqtuurmiut Seasonai Round...... 15

Table 2: Definitions ofPlace Name Types 41

Table 3: Results ofTypology ...... 43

• vii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

• My supervisor Professor Ludger Müller-Wille, and Professor George Wenzel were very helpful to me in my time as a graduate student, providing invaluable advice in matters of academic and procedural importance.

1am indebted to my friend and research partner Joan Sconie ofBaker Lake, Nunawt who has been patient in her tutelage over the past five years, answering my many inquiries about Inuktitut terminology, and Inuit culture in general. Any accuracy l have achieved in representing Inuit culture in the pages herein is due mainly to our collaboration.

[ am grateful to the Harvaqtuurmiut Eiders: David TiktaaIaaq, Peter and Marion Aasivaaryuk. Luke Tunguaq. and Elizabeth Tunnuq with whom 1have worked overthe years. [recognize the investtnent they have made in my understanding their culture and history't and 1can only hope that my field reports and this thesis due justice to their efforts.

Field collection ofthe toponyms used in this study was conducted during 1994 and 1997 for Parks Canada as background research for the establishment ofFall Caribou Crossing National Historic Site. A further research season was planned for the summer of1998 and supported by the Northern Students Training Program and the Department of Geograpby, McGill University. This field trip was shortened due to a sudden death in the family which necessitated my early departure from Qaman 'tuaq [Baker Lake].

[ want to thank. my friend and colleague Dr. Andrew Stewart for ms constant support and encouragement during the writing ofthis thesis, and his assessments ofthe ideas and writing contained herein. He bas my respect and admiration both as an academic and as an arctic field researcher.

• viii l also want to thank my friend and colleague Luke Suluk ofArvia~ Nunavut for bis encouragement in my endeavors~ and bis council on issues conceming Inuit culture. l • would like to acknowledge the assistance given me by my fellow graduate students and friends Susan Woodley ofMcgill University and Nancy Wachowich ofthe University of

British Columbia. Thanks also to Professor Julie Cruikshank for giving 50 freely ofher time to discuss issues surrounding place names.

Many thanks go to Marie-Claude Lebeau my wife and partner in adventure, who disrupted her life during two winters to jain me in Montreal and give me her support and company. Thanks aIso to my beau-parents Pierre and Hugette Lebeau whose home was a refuge during my studies.

• Lx Chapter 1: Introduction

• Place names are part ofthe symbolic system used by societies to communicate spatial knowledge. Through intimate experience oftheir environment and the aet ofnamin~ people appropriate their geography (Bassa 1990: 43) and establish their home territory. Place names are imbued with cultural infonnation that is coded in their meanings, and in their associated narratives. ln this way ~ place names function as mnemonics • archives of cultural knowledge to he read from the land.

Because oftheir inseparable connection to specifie localities, place names May be used to summon Forth an enormous range ofmental and emotional associations· associations oftime and space~ of history and events~ ofpersons and social activities, ofoneselfand stages in one~s life. (Basso 1983: 103)

As Keith Basso explains place names are an expressio~ or reflection, ofthe individual and society. They are texts for individual or group reference. Because these texts are collectively kno~ theyare an expression ofa society's perception ofa landscape. Place names are the embodiment ofthe cultural and linguistic concepts that a society brings to bear on the environment. and that society's experience ofsubsistence in a specifie environment. For Mark Nuttall" ·thought space' or ·memoryscape' are more accurate terms to use when discussing how local areas are perceived and thought about by those living there (Nuttall 1993: 77)."

The Upernavik environment is ordered and conceptualized by Inuit through the interaction ofimagination, thought, experience and language. The way people think and talle about their locallandscapes reveal a complex knowledge not ooly about the physical environment but ofreal, mythical and imagined past events that have significance for the cultural construction ofcommunity (Nuttall 1993: 80).

This thesis analyses the meanings ofthe place names ofthe Harvaqtuurmiut society whose traditional territory is located south ofQamani 'tuaq [Baker Lake] on the • 1 Harvaqtuuq [Kazan River] (see Figure 1).. in order to iIhnninate wbat the names can tell

us about their land-use history. According 10 current ethnohistorical theory, the • Harvaqtuurmiut arrived in the area ofthe Harvaqtuuq [Kazan River] around 1840, after migrating inland from the Tariurjuaq [Hudson Bay] coast Analysis ofthe meanings of place names in Harvaqtuurmiut territory reveal information about: the important locations.. or foci from which the landscape was organized; the application of geographical terminology; the orientation imposed by the environmental forces of hydrology, caribou migration, and the relative location ofthe coast; the important subsistence resources and the human activities associated with acquiring thase resources; the mytbological and historical events that have occurred; and, the locations that are an expression oftheir spiritual beliefs. These information tapies, in conjunction with a survey ofNorth American Aboriginal place name studies, fonn the basis afa typology that is applied ta Harvaqtuurmiul toponyms. The results ofthis classification will be compared with other studies ofInuit tOPQnyms, and names that were diffieult to categorize will he discussed. The names are then addressed by each category in succession.. and their meanings analysed for what they reveal about the bistory ofInuit land-use on the Harvaqtuuq. [speculate further about how the results may he interpreted as evidence ofthe recent migration ofCaribou Inuit inland in the 1840s.

The thesis is organized as follows: Chapter 1 provides the sources and methodology of this study and situates it in the field ofInuit place names studies; Coopter 2 provides the ethnographie background ofthe Harvaqtuurmiut as reconstructed from ethnographic sources and oral traditions; Chapter 3 descnëes a typology ofplace name meanings; Chapter 4 contains the analysis ofthe meanings ofHarvaqtuurmÏ!!: place names; Coopter 5 discusses the results ofthe analysis.

• 2 •

• Figme 1: The Study Area 3 1.1 Sources and Metbodology

• Field collection ofthe Harvaqtuurmiut toponyms used in this study was conducted in collaboration with Joan Sconie during 1994 and 1997, and the data are contained in two field reports (Harvaqluurmiut EIders et al .. 1994; Keith and Scottie 1997).

Before going to the field, existing sources ofdata were studied. The toponyms of Harvaqtuuq were flISt recorded by anthropologist Knud Rasmussen ofthe Fifth ThuIe Expedition in the spring of 1922 (Rasmussen 1930b). Two Harvaqtuurmiut -Kijurul and Pukirluk- drew maps ofthe area surrounding Harvaqtuuq, upon which Rasmussen noted

the locations 0 f named places.

A second source ofdata was the extensive survey 0 f Kivalliq [Keewatin region] carried out by Ludger Müller-Wille and Linna Weber Müller-Wille (1989-91) as part oftheir NUNA-TOP projects.. This work included the community ofQamanrtuaq [Baker Lake] and the territory ofthe Harvaqtuurmiut [see Figure 1 for Study Area}. Sorne ofthe Harvaqtullrmiut Eiders that were interviewed by the Müller-Willes during this work had passed away by the time ofthe 1994 field season..

1.1.1 Field Methodology

During the two field seasons't place names were coUected on 1:50,000 NTS maps.. The places were identified either by visual recognition during a site visi~ or by reviewing maps at a site in the immediate area. Sites visible from the river~ or river b~ were photographed to provide a visual record.. Information about the meaniog ofthe names and staries associated with named places and spaces was provided by EIders during video and audio taped interviews bath on the river and in Qamani ~tuaq [Baker Lake), Nunavut. These recordings are arcmved with: the Inuit Heritage Centre in Baker Lake; the Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre in Yellowknife; an~ with Parles Canada.. • 4 The field work confirmed and built on the data collected by the Müller-Willes (1989-91), which coosists ofnames recorded ooto 1:50,,000 NTS maps as well as some meanings. • The format which was used in the field reports is descn1Jed in A Guide to the Collection ofNative Place Names (CPCGN 1992). Each name has its own unique identification number which consists ofits 1:50,,000 map sheet number followed by a number ofits own that was given consecutively as names were recorded. For example:

55 M-12 001 Qurlaqtaq Falls

Translation: "'falls'" (Scanie (995) • canfinned by Elizabeth Tunnuq and Thomas Oovayuk 1994.

Marked as "#25 qurlurtuq· the waterfall'" on Kijurut's map (Rasmussen (930)

Sources: David Tiktaaalaaq Luke Tunguaq Peter Aasivaarjuk Bamabus Piryuaq Elizabeth Tunnuq Thomas Oovayuk NUNA-TOP (1989-91) Rasmussen (1930b)

The designator 55 Mll2 is the oumber ofthe 1:50,000 NTS map sheet The 001 is the number given to the tirst named place on the map. This combination provides a unique locator number for each named place (CPCGN 1992: 14). Undemeath the Dame that is in bold is the entity [i.e. what the Dame designates]" followed by the translation or meaning ofthe Dame and a reference to who translated it or what other source it was taken from. Under the sub-heading ··sources'~ are the people who provided the locatio~ meaning and/or confirmation ofthe name.

Many new names were added to the Müller-Willes~ data during this study and many previously recorded names were confirmed. In sorne cases the information provided by Eiders differed from the Müller-Wille data as to the locatio~ spelling or meaning ofa place name. When the locations diverg~ this was indieated in the field reports .. • 5 Infonnation eollected by the MülIer-Willes eoneerning the meanings ofthe names was included in my reports~ regardIess ofwether new and oId data were the same. Spelling • differences were not indicated.

1.1.2 Translations

Most ofthe English translations used in this thesis were provided by Joan Seottie of Qamani'tuaq [Baker Lake, Nunavut], and are written in the standard Inuktitut Roman adopted by the Inuit Tapirisat ofCanada and the Inuit Cultural Institute in 1976. These translations were based on: her knowledge as a native speaker oflnuktitut and the Harvaqtuunniut dialect: and the guidance ofHarvaqtuurmiut EIders. In sorne cases, translations have been taken from one oftwo published Inuktitut dietionaries; Ulirnaisigutiit: An lnuktitut-English Dictionary ofNorthem Quebee. Labrador and Eastern Arelie Dialeels wrinen by Lucien Schneider (Schneider 1985); an~ Comparative Es/dmo Dietionary: With A/eut Cognates written by Michael Fortescue, Steven Jacobson and Lawrence Kaplan( 1994). Bath ofthese reference works were very helpful in the analysis ofplace name meanings~ as they caver Many dialects including those ofthe western Hudson Bay. This allowed me to determine whether specifie words are found in Many or few dialects. ln Schneider's dictionary northem Quebec dialects are strongly represented and in Fortescue's dictionary the entire Inuit region is covered allowing for comparison ofdialeets from Alaska to Greenland. 1chose not to use Arthur Thibert's Eng/ish-Eslcimo. Es/dmo-English Diclionary because it was not explicit about the dialects represented by each defined ward (Thibert 1997).

1.1 J Analytical Methods

The main thrust ofthe analysis in this thesis is to look at the semantic content, ormeaning of toponyms. As a tirst step a typology is applied to organize the names into categories based on meaning. As 1am not a fluent Inuktitut speaker with enough cultural context to • 6 develop a typology based on [nuit categories ofplace name meaning, l have tumed ta the ooly approach open to me which is to create categories ofsigniticance from a western • perspective. Application ofthe typology will in itselfbe a leaming process~ challenging the assumptions ofthe typology, and illuminating the concepts underlying Inuit toponyms.

Derivation ofthe typology is based on my own assumptions ofappropriate categories derived from: my personal experience with Inuit Eiders and the work ofscholars working in combination with Aboriginal EIders in the field ofAboriginal place name anaIysis .. Many scholars have taken the typology approach including those working with

Athapaskans (Cruikshank 1984; Jett 1997), [nuit (Holmer 1969; Ray 1971; Collignon 1996: Fair 1997).. and other Aboriginal groups (Hunn 1996). The typology used in this thesis is construeted in Chapter 3 and draws heavily on the work ofthese scholars..

The second part ofthe analysis is to look at the meanings ofspecific toponyms from each ofthe types. Inuktitut concepts are described by dra~ing on: translations given by Joan Sconie: ethnographie sources; oral traditions: or the dictionaries ofSchneider (1985) and Fortescue et al. (1994). Attention is paid to the existence ofshared landscape concepts among Inuit cultural groups and dialeets. The dictionaries mentioned above were invaluable in this regard.

1.2 Contribution to Inuit Place NalDe Stadia

It is intended that this thesis further the study ofInuit place names, an area ofinquiry that

has not had many adherents over the years. This section will begin with a look al the early contributors followed by a survey ofmore recent scholarly work:.. Lastly, 1will explain how this thesis goes beyond the existing work and pushes the field into a new direction.

• 7 1.2.1 Early Contributors

• The first formal study ofInuktitut place names was undertaken by Franz Boas as part of his geographical and ethnological investigations ofsouthem Baffin Island in the years 1883 and 1884 (Boas 1885). In the introduction to the recent publication Franz Boas Among the Inuit ofBaffin Island the editor Ludger Müller-Wille explains that the objective ofBoas's research was ta investigate the relationship between the Inuit and their natural surroundings (Müller-Wille 1998: 1). Boas discemed a link between the conditions presented ta Inuit by the arctic environment and the forro oftheir sett1emen~ economy and social organization (MülIer-Wille 1998: 13). Boas collected place names fram the outset ofbis fieldwork. This information, in concert with more extensive ethnographie material. provided him with ·-information on the Inuit's eurrent and historical settlement patterns. migratory movements. distribution and utilization of resources. population distribution and density and linguistic and social relationships (Müller-Wille 1998: 15).

The Danish anthropologist Knud Rasmussen had a similar approach to Boas to the study ofInuit culture (1930b). Rasmussen and bis colleagues combined the documentation of social and spirituallife with the documentation ofInuit place names. His toponym work

enhanced his understanding 0 f subsistence patterns and cultural beliefs, while at the same rime elucidating the geograpmc extent ofa groups territory. He came to understand travel routes and subsistence patterns through ms familiarity with a named area and through the meanings ofthe names themselves.

As important as place names were to both Boas and Rasmussen as a source ofecoIogicaI information. the analysis ofplace names was not the prime focus oftheir work. Their studies amount to inventories ofnames cross-referenced in larger ethnological works.

• 8 Other early contributors to the study ofInuktitut toponyms were predominately missionaries" but aise whalers and traders who collected but did not otherwise analyse • place names. Sorne ofthe more extensive and systematic collections were made by the Oblate missionaries~ most notably Father Guy Mary-Rousselière (1940s-1990s; 1966) and Father Frans van de Velde (1930s-1980s) (Müller-Wille 1987: 22-23). These inventories are mostly still in handwritten fonn and are archived with the Secretariat ofthe Canadian Permanent Committee on Geographical Names~ Department ofNaturaI Resources Canada (Ludger Müller-Wille, personal communication 1999).

1.2.2 Recent Scholarly Contributors

Sînce the 1960s work bas continued on the inventory ofInuit geographical names. Much ofthis work was motivated by the land claims movement and the associated struggle for self-determination by Inuit throughout the circumpolar world. Bernard Saladin d'Anglure (1968) followed by Ludger Müller-Wille and Linna Weber Müller-Wille (1984-1995) did extensive inventory work in Nunavik resulting in the production orthe Nunavik Inuit Place Narne Map Series (Müller-Wille 1990) and a Gazetteer (Müller-Wille 1987). In the Nunavut area inventory work was also undertaken by K.F. Dudley (1972); Müller-Wille (1973); Ludger Müller-Wille and Linna Weber Müller-Wille. (1989-1991); George Qulaut. Nunavut Research lnstitute (19805-1990s); Luke Su1~ Arviat Historical Society (1993-1996); Harvaqtuurmiut Eiders et al (1994); Tony Utuq, Luke Suluk, and Darren Keith (1994); Darren Keith and Martha Dwyer (1995); Lynn Peplinski (199Os).

The first scholars to analytically address the subject ofInuit place names were Nils Holmer (1969) and Dorothy Ray (1971). Both analysed inventories ofInuit toponyms and identified categories ofname types based on their meanings. Holmer's was a comparative study over the whole Inuit area drawing on examples from Siberia to Greenland (Holmer 1969). Ray concentrated her typological analysis on the toponyms of the Bering Strait region (Ray 1971). Neitherofthese researchers went beyond the • 9 exercise ofcategorizing Inuit place names to analyse what the meanings ofthe names • could explain about the history ofa society in its territory. More recentIy ~ typological stlldies ofInuit toponyms have continued with the work. of Beatrice Collignon and Susan Fair. Collignon~s study ofCopper Inuit place names and geographical knowledge involved the application ofsevera! typologies to a data set of 1~006 names (Collignon 1996: 107). Typological analysis ofa collection ofAlaskan lnupiat names was recentiy published by Susan Fair~ a folldorist then associated with the University of Alask~ Anchorage (Fair 1997).

12.3 Contribution to Toponymie Researeh

The intent ofthe author is that this thesis go beyond simple inventory and classification and aehieve an insightful analysis ofthe meanings ofInuit geographical names resulting in observations about the history ofHarvaqtuurmiut land-use on the Harvaqtuuq [Kazan River]. The analysis is undertaken in the spirit ofthe place name work ofFranz Boas and Knud Rasmussen. Their toponymie collections provided valuable additional infonnation to enhanee their extensive ethnographie materials and helped them elueidate the Inuit relationship to the specifie conditions oftheir environmen~ including current and historical land-use patterns..

• 10 Cbapter 2: Hal'Vaqtuurmillt Origins, History, Culture aad SeasoDal Round

• 2.1 Origins and History

The members ofthe Fifth Thule Expedition included the Harvaqtuurmiut in a category of cultural affiliation that they called the ··Caribou Eskimo" (Csonka 1995: 4; Burch 1988: 82~ Rasmussen 1927: 57), a classification that continues to he applied by contemporary anthropologists. The designation was chosen primarily due to the overwhelming importance ofthe caribou to the livelihood of Paallirmiut. Ahiarmiul, Hauniqtuurmiut, Qaimirmiul and Harvaqtuurmiut societies, who share a common cultural and linguistic heritage (see Figure 2').

As to the origin ofthe Caribou Inui~ it was hypothesized by Rasmussen (1930a) and Birket-Smith (1930), influenced by Steensby (1917; Burch 1988: 84), that they represented the remnants ofan original Eskimo culture that developed in the interior, and subsequently spread throughout arctie North America and Greenland (Csonka 1995: 7; Rasmussen 1930a). Therkel Mathiassen ofthe same expedition bad another theory, however.. that postulated the in situ development ofhistoric [nuit societies, including Caribou Inuit. from resident Thute culture populations who originally migrated trom Alaska (Mathiassen 1927). Mathiassen's theory has since been supported and elaborated

by arctic archaeologists (See Burch 1978 for discussion). The MOst current theory of Canoou Inuit origins however is that ofErnest Burch. Burch argues in support ofa

IThe names ofthe groups have been placed in within the general area orthe historie territory ofthese societies and is not meant to accurately depiet territorial extent. [have construeted the map partially based on that ofCsonka (1995: 187) and partIy based on my own knowledge. Joan Sconie (personal communication October 28~ 1999) was told by Qairnirmiut EIders Titus Seeteenak and Martha Taliruq, in Oetober 1999, that designation Qairnirmiut comes from a bill named Qaimiq located close to modem day Corbett Inlet. Seeteenak said that the society moved to the Chesterfield Inlet area in the early 19208 as there was a fur trader in the area. Later they moved up the inlet and into the Qamani'tuaq [Baker Lake} area. Forthis reason 1have placed Qairnirmiut between Qaimiq and Chesterfield InIet. • Il •

'..•..'.'.'-.',-.j-•... • :..·...... ·~-T ... Figure 2: Caribou Inuit Societies in the 20th Century

12 theory originating with William E. Taylor (1972), that historie Canoou Inuit were descendants ofa group ofmigrants from the Copper Inuit area ofthe arctic coast in the • late 1rte century (Burch 1978).2 This corroboration ofTaylor's hypothesis rests on two pieces ofevidence: the sudden appearance in the archaeological record ofthe west coast ofHudson Bay ofdwelling designs dated to the late l-rtt century and typical ot: the~ contemporary Copper Inuit building style; and, evidence ofthe leveloflinguistic

relatedness ofpresent clay Copper and Caribou Inuit dialects (Burch 1978). In the MOst contemporary study ofa Caribou Inuit society, Yvon Csonka point out that this version of events remains an hypothesis (Csonka 1995: 393).

No matter what their origins.. ancestors ofcontemporary Caribou Inuit were definitely on the Tariurjuaq [Hudson Bayl coast in first balfofthe 18th century, when they traded with Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) vessels sailing north ofFort Prince ofWales (Churchill). Csonka (1995: 393) has them there as earlyas 1619. Based on historical documents, it is Burch's opinion that around the 1820's the Caribou Inuit ofthe Tariurjuaq [Hudson Bay] coast split into two different societies: one to the sou~ oriented toward the HBC post at Kuugjuaq [Churchill}; and one oriented towards Iglu/igaarjuk [Chesterfield Inletl and Qamani 'tuaq [Baker Lake] (Burch 1986: 1(3). Following this initial split, a shortage of caribou along the coast in the 1840s forced members ofthe southem group to move further and further inland - as far as Harvaqtuuq [Kazan River] (Burch 1986: 114; Burch 1977: 143). By 1858 there was an inIand population that had nothing to do with the sea (Csonka 1995: 394). Many stayed and thriv~ and as the population grew, the original two societies ofBurch"s reconstruction, became five societies by 1880 (Burch 1986: 114).

The period 1880-1915 bas been referred to a 'Classic Period' forCanDou Inuit, in which the five distinct societies, continued to grow, and fully elaborate a way oflife based on

! Yvon Csonka (1995: 72-77) reviews this arguement in bis ethnohistorical study Les Ahiarmiut. • 13 caribou (ibid: 115). A period referred to as the 'Great Famine' followed the 'Classic Period', lasting from 1915 to 1925 and devastating Caribou Inuit populations as a whole. • Dramatically, a population ofsome 1500 individuals in 1915, was reduced to only 500 by 1925 (Ibid: 129). Recent archaeological research along the Harvaqtuuq [Kazan] and Kangirjuaq [TheloD] Rivers bas supported Burch's thesis that there were once very large populations aggregating at campsites along those rivers, as evidenced by the size oftheir camps, and their investment in dwelling structures (Friesen and Stewart 1994).

The -Great Famine' was rooted in two causal factors: f~ the additional hardship ofa cyclical population low in the caribou population made the already risky business of intercepting the annual migration a daunting task; second, to compound the situation further.. the traditional emergency resource ofmuskox was absent due to their being hunted to an extremely low population by 1900 (Burch 1986: 24; Burch 1977). Harvaqluurmiut were nearing the end ofthis stage their history when the Fifth Thule Expedition visited the Harvaqtuuq in May 1922.

2.2 Seasonal Round

The reconstruction ofthe Harvaqtuurmiut seasonal round below is based on the oral traditions ofthe people themselves, as weIl as my own field notes from two research seasons. Where there are no specific references the reader should assume that the source is my field notes {Keith 1997)3. A summary ofthe HarvaqlUUrmiu/ round is presented in Table 1.

::nus specific description orthe Harvaqtuurmiut seasonal round fits the general descriptions otTered by previous tieldworkers (Rasmussen 1930a; Arima 1984; Burch 1986; Csonka 1995)• • 14 Table 1: Harvaetuurmiut Seasonal Round

• ...lditIItSaIOIl [mita....AdiYtia U(Ùlllnq....(AprfllMay/J... • families mave fiom iglus inm qannaq and thcn skin œnts • Inuit move [Q spring camp sites witb good drainage due 10 mclling SDOW. • QangraJlat caribou hcrd arrives whcn the ice is still œ dlc river and aosscs the river moving nonh. - Inuit shoot caribou tiom hiding p~. - caribou skins are nor good for clothing u thcy are shedding and full ofwarblc:Oy Iarva. - Inuit mate dry me:at and store marrow. - Inuit rcpair kayaks and re-œver them widl skins.

Upi...... q (Jaly/eady AapIt) - Qiviru caribou bcrd retums fiom nortb 10 cross the now open Kmn river al known cressing places. - caribou are huna by groups ofkayak hunlaS witb lances. -large numbc:rs ofcaribou külcd limitcd due tG the timc nc:cdcd ta procc:ss dry rncat. He:at and f1ys cause !pOil.of mc:at thal is not proa:sscd fllSt cnough. • caribou skins not good for winlCr clodtin& U thcy are still shcdding or have short haïr. • continue ta dry meal and stoœ boRe marrow. - ailer the Qivirat hcrd is passcdInuit spend the rest orthis scaen hunling scaucml groups ofcaribou Olt foot and smaJl groups and individuals tbat pas lhrough the water cross. ADjaqbj.qlAujaq (.id-AapsrJSeptaaber) -Icaves start ta change color on lUDdra vc:getation. • wcather hImS colder - the bair on the caribou skins bcœmcs the right thickncss for wintel' dothing. - caribou are hunted by kayak. as in Upinngraq. • caribou meat not dricd but c:achcd as WCIlhcr çold cnough to avoid spoilage. - Inuit carricd mcat inland tG bc c:adI

UldaqbqlUldaq (OdoIIer CO arly NOftIBiIa') - in Ukiaqbaq the snow thal rails s&ayS on the ground. -Iater when the ponds and puddles fi'cczc ovcr for dlc scason Ibis is callcd Ukillq. - snow amunuf8lcs on the downwiDd sidc oClakcs and hills alIowing people ta mave inlO iglus. • wbcn in iglus women scw œw winlcr dothing tiom pIbaaI skins.

UIDIIq (arly NOVf!....to April) - people l110YC away Iiom the Kazan River tG sclCdCd winreriDg lakc tG he ncar their caribou caclta. - ifthcy did IlOt have ample c:ached rncat thcy wouId bave to flSh intensivdy through lbc ice for laite ttOUt. - tmel to tœ tt'Cc:line by dog team to collce:t wood for building lDIICriaL - tmd to trading post by dog team. - fox tnlDDinlt

• 15 Upinnwaq,haaq (AprillMay/June)

• in Members ofthe Fifth Thule Expedition arrived on Harvaqluuq May 1922.. during the Inuktitut season ofupinngraqhaaq. It is the season when the snow begins to melt, and hare spots appear on the land. In this period Harvaqtuurmiut abandoned their iglus and

moved on foot to their spring camp sites (aulcsiiviit = melting places).. where they wouid tirst move into qarmat (or convert their iglu into a qarmaq), and then into tents. Tents were erected on high ground where they could have a fioor oflarge pebbles (tuapaq) that allowed meltwater to drain away from the site, while the occupants ofthe tents stayed dry (David TiktaaIaaq 1994, personal communication). Any cached meat or dry meat left over from the winter was brought a10ng to the spring camp to sustain people while they waited for the retum orthe caribou (George Tatanniq in Mannik 1998: 224). When meat supplies were low, people would jig for Jake trout (Julie Hanguhaaq Tuluqtuq in Mannik 1998: 200).

Spring camp site location was dictated by peoples' knowledge ofwhere the migrating caribou herds were likely to passe The first herd ofcaribou arrived in upinngraqhaaq in Mayor June and are called Qangrallat or the "shedding herd" (Peter Aasivaaryuk in

Mannik 1993: 26). Qangra/lat usually arrived al the Harvaqtuuq wben there was still ice on the river.. and the hunters hid at places on the land along their migration route and shot animais as they passed. During sorne years the ice conditions on the river would become unstable., and breakup would begin before the Qangra/lot had crossed. This forced the herd to pass time on the south side ofthe river until breakup was finished. Many caribou could he killed by Harvaqtuurmiut when these conditions arose. Sometimes the Qangrallat did not arrive due to the herd moving through a different area and not passing through sorne, or all, ofthe Harvaqluurmiut camps. This meant hardsbip for ail (peter Aasivaaryuk in Mannik 1993: 31).

Canoou harvested during upinngraqhaaq that were not immediately needed would he • 16 processed into dried Meat (niplcu). In addition to niplcu. patqutit was made by removing the marrow from caribou long bones and storing it in caribou stomacbs.. Openings in the • stomach were lied otrand it was then left in the shade to dry (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Harvaqtuurmiut Eiders et al 1994: 123; Elizabeth Tunnuq in Mannik 1998: 240). Patqutit and whole marrow booes were cached for later consumption (Bamabus Piryuaq in Mannik 1998: 167). Although it was possible in times ofplenty, to kili Many caribou, Inuit would not kili too Many as the Meat could spoiI, and warbletly infestation made skins useless for c10thing (Peter Aasivaaryuk in Mannik 1993: 31).

In addition to the harvesting and processing ofcaribo~ upinngraqhaaq was also the season that kayaks were buil~ repaired and recovered. Wood collected during the winter months from trips to Tipjalik [Beverly Lake] to the northwest ofHarvaqlUuq~ was used to build or repaîr kayak frames (Julie Hanguhaaq Tuluqtuq in Mannik 1998: 200). These new frames (or old frames that were removed from winter storage) were covered with bull caribou skins that had been used as bedding skins over the winter. It was important ta have the thick skins ofbuUs to coyer the kayak, and these normally stiffskins were softened by being slept on for a season. The skins were soaked and the haie removed. Wet skins were sewn together and allowed to dry on the kayak frame that was heId in rock forros on the ground to maintain its shape.

Other bedding skins were also soaked, and the hair removed, for the purpose ofmaking hairless summer clothing, kamilcs and waterprooffootwear (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Keith and Scanie 1991).

Upinnwaaq (July/early August)

When the weather became h04 usuaIly in JuIy, the season is referred to as upinngrœq. During upinngraaq a portion ofthe herd which crossed the river moving north during upinngraqhaaq returns, moving south. Qivirat, or the returning h~ crosses the now

17 open Harvaqluliq at traditional crossing places. The Qivirat are the last ofthe large herds • ofthe season at the Harvaqluuq. During upinngraaq Harvaqtuurmiut would move to their camps on the south shore of caribou water crossing places (nalluit), sometimes severa! familles together, to intercept the caribou and hunt thern from kayaks (George Tatanniq in Mannik 1998: 225). Caribou hunters in kayaks (upabut) would work together as a group ifthere were enough hunters and kayaks. The leader ofthe groUP9 usuaIly an Elder9directed the hunt. Hunters in kayaks hid along the shoreline until the herd entered the water and the lead caribou passed. Once the herd was deemed to he committed to crossing the river, the hunters came out trom their hiding places and surrounded a group ofcaribou in their kayaks. The lead hunter~ and perhaps another" were at the back ofthe swimming group ofcaribou and lanced the caribou that they selected. Other hunters surrounded the canoou on both sides

and forced them to swim slightly upstream 9 sIowing them down and keeping them

together (Keith 1994-1998). Ifa good anirnal 9 or animais, escaped and were about to reach the other shore, the lead hunter called to other members ofthe camp, who ran around on shore making noise and waving their anns to force the caribou back iota the centre ofthe river (Tunguaq in Keith and Scottie 1997, Appendix: 20).

During these upinngraaq hoots at the can"bou crossings Many canoou could he killed. However_ Harvaqtuurmiut would limit their kill due ta the huge job ofprocessing the meat into niplcu or dry meat. The heat during upinngraaq meant that it would not he long before roeat that was not proPerly dried would rot The number ofcaribou that could he processed was Iimited to the number ofmembers ofthe camp available ta do the work. Meat was dried by cutting it ail into thin strips and Iaying these strips out to dty on bushes or pebbIes (tuapaq)'t allowing it to dry quicldy and evenly't provided the weather conditions cooperated. Meat that was set out ta dry on a flat surface did not dry quicldy and would taste had (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Mannik 1998: 240).

• 18 In addition to niplcu.. Harvaqtuunniut would continue to prepare Patquat by the same method it was prepared in upinngraqhaaq. Patqutit, marrow bones and dried meat were • caehed during upinngraaq. This was done by packaging them in separate packages made ofcaribou skins. The skins ofbulls taken during upinngraaq were called itsat, as they were often used to make tents (George Tatanniq in Mannik 1998: 228). Skins that were not good enough to he used for tents would he staked out to dry, and used to package items for caching.

Caribou bulls' skins were stretched and pauqtuq [eut along the edge ofthe skin and nailed down with oid ribs and dried this way} to use for bundling. The spring [upingraaq] skins were used forthis purpose. Everything was bundled inta skins for storage. Niplcu and all the intestines were packed separately. Even the bones were bundled separately and stored. They were ail bundled and stored 50 wel1 that they did not get wet in the fall rain. Blackberry grass was placed on top to prevent water leakage. It was also put in holes for sealing. (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Harvaqtuunniut EIders et al 1994: 123)

When we had a lot ofdried Meat from the spring and we were going to be travelling or moving to another land we would dig out the earth ta make a hollowand put some ofthe dried Meat into caribou skins. We would use bull caribou skins that had been caught in the spring~ and stretched to dry. Iwo skins would he put together by tying ropes through holes along the edges ofthe skin, and the dried Meat would he placed on the skins, which would then he tied togetber, making sure there wouldn't he any leaks. The skins full ofdried Meat would he placed in the hollow, with flat rocks around and over il, then earth and lichen would he used to cover up the holes. (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Mannik 1998: 240·241)

The type ofcache descnëed by Tunnuq are called Hirluaq and are constnlcted out offlat

stones piled 50 that they have the appearance ofa small shelter when they are empty. The gaps between the rocks were stuffed with blackberry grass or other vegetation to make them water tight.

• 19 AwahqjuqlAllia" (mid-AugustlSeptember)

• The rest ofthe hot part ofthe summer was spent hunting the scattered individuaIs and groups ofcaribou. People would often visit other camps by boat or on foot to keep up communications (Tunguaq in Keith and Scanie 1997, Appendix: 19). ln August the

leaves on the tundra vegetation begin to tum colour, marking the season called aujahajuq. This color change can readily he noticed on the avaalaqiaq or dwarfbirch. Caribou continued to cross the river from north to south in Au~ although not in great herds like the Qivirut and Qangrallat. Only small groups would cross for the rest ofthe migration. Caribou taken in the early ta middle ofAugust, when the weather toms cold - Aujaq - are referred to as hagafaal or short hair~ as their haïr is just beginning to grow longer after shedding.

Later in August their bair becomes long enough to he good for making inner clothing for winter~ and this is referred to as urquqsat ('iùture warmth") (Peter Aasivaaryuk in Harvaqtuurmiut et al 1994: Il). Even later in aujaq, the caribou~s haïr gets longer, and these skins are good for outer wioter clothing (Tunnuq in Keith and Scottie 1997, Appendix: 17). Beginning when the caribous' skins reach urquqsal it was important for Harvaqtuurmiut to he at the water crossings ta again hunt the caribou by kayak. Inuit might retum ta the same crossing hunted in upinngraaq, or move to another that was predicted as more likely to he used by the caribo~ based on avaiIable information about their movements. The method ofkayak hunting did not change from upinngraaq to aujaq. There were changes, however, in the processing ofthe meat that was harvested.

The weather is significantly calder in aujaq then in upinngraQq. By the time the can"bou skins are right for inner winter clothing the weather is cold enough that butchered carcasses can he cached without drying the meat.. Cooler temperatures also meant that Harvaqtuurmiut could maximize their kilI, as there was no danger ofcarcasses rotting before people could process them. This was very important as it was aujaq surpluses that • 20 were so important to the survival ofthe group through the winter until the retum ofthe Qangrallat.. Caribou harvested at this time were at their seasonal peak ofhealth as • evidenced by thick layers offat (tunnuk). Tunnuk was boiled Wltil it formed a kind of lard which was used to fuel the qulliq or soapstone lamp in winter..

Ukiaq,haq/lJkiaq (October/early November)

When the snow started falling and staying on the ground this season is called uJciakhaq. Later when the ponds and puddles freeze sa that they will not melt again this is tenned ukiaq. This was a period oftransition for Harvaqtuurmiut, when the caribou migration was over and there was very little snow on the ground for travelling.. Women would use this time ta se\v the winter clothing that would saon he needed in u/duq

!Jki.Jm. (mid-November to April)

4 At the beginning ofukiuq, when the lakes are frozen solid and it is very cold .. Harvaqtuurmiut would move away from the river ta one ofthe surrounding lakes. Selection ofwioter camping locations was based on an evaluation ofavailable resources in the area. Availability oftish.. wintering caribou and fuel (willows) for cooking and drying out clothing would all he assessed as early as the summer and early fall when cache locations were chosen (David Tiktaalaaq in Mannik 1993: 58-59).. In the months before Christmas people would start travelling by dog team to get close to their cached Meat and wioter camp near their cache ail through the winter.... (George Tatanniq in Mannik 1998: 228)

The comfort ofInuit families through the winter was largely dependent on the success of

the fall caribou crossing hunt.. [ffamilies did not have ample cached Meat, they would have to try and augment their resources by: hunting the scattered canèou which remained

~ Joan Sconie (1999, personal comnnmication) explained that ukiuq usually started about mid­ November when all the lakes are frazen and the weather bas tumed very cold. • 11 around the Kazan year round: jigging for lake trout in the lakes; or hunting ptarmigan and arctic hare. Priorities were set in an emergency and the first members ofthe group • not to eat were the dogs. Ifthe situation was bad enough the dogs died leaving the family much less mobile (Luke Tunguaq in Keith and Scanie 1997, Appendix: 10).

The greater mobility afforded by the snow blanket allowed Inuit to travel further afield. In addition to trips to the trading post at Qamani'tuaq [Baker Lake], the opportunity was there to obtain valuable wood supplies from sources to the sou~ or the Tipja/ik [Beverly Lake]area

Men would bring Meat with them when they were goiog to go out to bring sorne wood for their use. They'd go to the tree line in the Paaliqmiut area to get wood and to around the Thelon tree lme. So during the early winter Harvaqtuuqmiut would go to these two places to get wood for tent poles or qayaq or qamutik or anything they want to make. (George Tatanniq in Mannik 1998: 228)

People who had qayaqs prohably went to Tipyalik [Beverly Lake] to get the wood to build them. They needed large bushes and branches. The bushes were used as ribs across the qayaq and the rihs would he covered with caribou skin hides... (Julie Hanguhaaq Tuluqtuq in Mannik 1998: 200)

• 22 2.3 Social Organization

• Historical Harvaqtuurmiut society consisted ofa group ofpeople who were linked by kinship ties. Individual camps consisted ofextended familles, and it was this level of social organization that was most important in Harvaqtuurmiut life (Burch 1986: 116). Any hierarchy that existed amongst these egalitarian hunter-gatherers was limited to the extended family unit. Older generations had authority over YOWlger generatio~ with men having authority over wornen within their generation (Burch 1986: 119). The leader ofthe camp, or ihumataq, was usually a middle aged or aider man who had dernonstrated his leadership skiUs, superiority in hunting and physical prowess (Burch 1986: 119; Arima 1984).

The tightness ofkinship ties within the group and within Harvaqtuurm;ut society as a

whole was maintained through a preference for first cousin marriages.. with the MOst preferential match being a brother sister exchange between two families (Burch 1986: 116). Manipulation ofmarriage partnerships for social purposes is evident as marriages were arranged at a very young age between the parents.

The level ofsocial integration ofthe group, facilitated by blood and marital kinship ties, was further enhanced through other mechanisms such as adoption, spouse exchange, partnerships and namesakes (Guemple 1976; Burch 1986). AIl ofthese sets ofrelations meant that Harvaqtuurmiu( society was one where an individual could reckon kinship lies with any other member ofthe group and therefore resources were shared freely.

Harvaqtuurmiut interrelatedness played an important role in their subsistence strategy~ which was defined by the pursuit ofcaribou.. Although Inuit were very aware ofthe traditional water crossings and travel routes ofcaribo~ ftom year to year the animaIs could not he counted on to use any ofthem. An extended family or groups ofextended familles would place themselves at all ofthe known crossings during upinngraaq and • 23 aujaq. This strategy would spread an east-west network ofhunting camps across the path ofthe migrating herd. Ifcaribou crossed at one point and a number were killed then • many would tum away and either retum ta the same area later, or move along the river to the next crossing, where another extended family(s) wouId he waiting (Luke Tunguaq in Keith and Seottie 1997. Appendix: 18). In this way they eouid maximize their harvest of caribou as a group.

ResuIts 0 f the hunt were shared evenly among the members ofa camp (Keith 1994-1998), but often the caribou crossed ooly in one are~ or in greater numbers in one area. Therefore. sorne families would have a mueh greater surplus than others, who may have none. The web ofkin and quasi-kin relations described above, ensured a redistribution of resources among the members orthe society. This became very important towards the end ofulciuq when sorne families would run out ofcached mea4 and depending on their success at fishing, may have had ta travel to reach another family that still had surplus.

2.4 Spiritual Beliefs

The respect and reciprocity that characterized Harvaqtuurmiul social lire also extended to the non-human environment. The Harvaqtuurmiut world was inhabited by indwelling spirits ([nue) in the earth., rocks, animais and the weather. The most important ofthese indwelling spirits was Hi/a - indweUer ofthe wind. As bath animal and human souls (or [ife forces) were equated with breath (anirniq), alllife participated in Hila (Merkur 1991: 35) and in this way Hila constituted the universallife force which underlay ail phenomena (Merkur 1991: 45; Burch 1986: 125). The pervasive force ofHi/a was responsible for the many rules by which Inuit lived.

• 24 Although Hila was the source ofrules ofhehaviour it was Hila sfemale rOtm Pingntl Cthe one up there') who dwelled in space, that was responsible for watching over human • activities (Burch 1986: 125-126: Rasmussen 1930: 49). Pingna's ultimate role in judgement ofa persan's behaviour was at death. After dying, the soul ofa person who bad lived according to the ntles ofHila would rise up to Pingna and he retumed to earth by Pingna's helper, the spirit ofthe moo~ as a human being or animaL The sou! of someone who didn't live lire according to the mies would spend etemity in misery underground (Burch 1986: 125-126; Rasmussen 1930: 50).

Rules or taboos were numerous in Harvaqtuurmiul tradition and many ofthe mIes were related to the treabnent ofanimais .. the hunt and the land (BlU'Ch 1986: 126). When caribou were killed.. ail the parts that they were not carrying home had to he covered up with rocks (Rasmussen 1930: 50; Tony Utuq, persona! communication 1994). They had to he careful not to he seen by Pingna to he disrespeetful ofcaribou (Rasmussen 1930: 50: Merkur 1991: 89/90). ln general animais were to he respected and only hunted when needed for food. Nothing was to be wasted.

The most important hunting method for the Harvaqtuurmiul was the hont at the canoou crossing. The caribou crossing had Many mIes. People were not to work on skins or materials derived from the animais ofthe co~ as this could offend the caribou (Rasmussen 1930: 48). The land on the side ofthe river where the caribou would enter the water was aIso not he distur~ ag~ as this could affend the caribou and divert them from their migration route (Keith 1994-1998).

When people did transgress the rules and taboos conceming the hunting ofcaribou there could be consequences: sometimes for the individual hunter; but often for the entire band. Pingna was responsible for the delivery by the spirit ofthe moo~ ofthe souls of

5 According to Joan Scottie (personal communication 1999) the proper spelling is Pingna.. not Pinga as it was first related by Rasmussen (1930a: 56). • 25 caribou back to the earth to replenish the herd (Rasmussen 1930; Merkur 1991: 157). She was capable ofwithholding the caribou from the people and Hi/a could expose them ta • the bad weather and natural disasters. This fact meant that people in a camp would watch each others behaviourclosely, to ensure that no one broke the rules and brought bad luck to the group (Burch 1986: 126)

Among the Caribou Inui~ Hila is responsible for the traditional observances. She sees everything that occurs on ~ and she punishes violations oftaboo by means ofthe weather and sickness (Merkur 1991: 56).

Harvaqlllurmiut spiritual beliefs were institutionalized through the rules ofHila. To transgress these rules was to invite the consequences. However ifone behaved correctly, they could expect to have more success in hunting.

• 26 Cbapter3: A Typology ofPlace Name Meaniol

• This chapter describes a seven class typology derived from my own understanding ofthe information contained in place name meanings~ and a review ofthe literature on Aboriginal place name systems in North America. These place name types reflect the classes ofinformation that can he interpreted from names to aid in understanding a society's land...use history. The typology reflects my perspective as a western researcher who is not fluent in lnuktitut language and culture, and therefore does not represent an ·emic' perspective. Typing the data resulted in workable sized subsets ofnames for analysis. In chapter four, the results ofthe application ofthis typology to Harvaqtuurmiut toponyms will he discussed and compared with other stlldies ofInuit place names. The toponym types are: GeographicallLiteral...Descriptive, MythologicaI, Historical, Spiritual, ResoW'ee.. Metaphorical and Human Activity.

Place names aid in the appropriation oflandscape byan Aboriginal socieif. Naming is a creative process that anchors a society to a specific geographical area and aets to integrate the group socially, implying collective rights, privileges and stewardship. In addition, it broadcasts these territoriallimits and implications to adjacent societies. For Inuit, and humankind generally, territory is occupied not ooly physically [land use] but linguistically (knowledge] by the application oflanguage through place names (CorrellI976: 173; Fair 1997: 473). Amongst the AJaskan Athapaskans the literai meaning ofthe term -person' is -..,the one who possesses territory'! and place names knowledge is a key measure ofone's credentiaIs" (Karl 1989: (34).

6 Kaj Birket...Smith originally tenned sulrgroups ofthe Caribou Inuit '1n"bes" to denote "a population that is territorially descrete and characterised by a particularily high level of dialectical and cultural unifonnity", however 1will use equivalent term preferred by Burch which is "society''t (Burch 1988: 87). • 17 Through place names home is defin~ and the social dichotomy of"we and they' is reinforced. Common throughout Aboriginal North America is the practice ofdesignating • societies with the name ofan important focal point in their territory. Inuit simply add the suffix -miur (""people or') to the name ofthe focal point (Ray 1971: 29; CorreU 1976: Fair 1997: 473). This practice ofsocietal naming is also generalized amongst Athapaskan groups (Karl 1989: 136; Basso 1980: 83) and occurs in the socially complex clan system ofthe Tlingit.

An important but often overlooked aspect ofTlingit clans is their geographical basis. Two aspects ofclan geography are particularly significant: origin and distribution. Origin refers ta the location where the clan was founded as a distinct social group and is typically from where it derives its name. The majority ofTlingit clans adopted their names from the specifie places where they were fonned (Thomton 1997: 297).

The named place associated with a society usually fonns what Correll (1976: 176) caUs a ·focal area" that is ""the nexus orthat populations actiVÎty [and is] an infonnation centre out tram which directions, distances" proximal relations, routes and locations are determined."" For human beings home is the centre oftheirworld and acts as the benchmark for the orientation oftheir surroundings (Tuan 1977: 35).

3.1 GeograpbicaULiteral-Descriptive Place Names

At the most basic level place names are merely labels for the communication ofrelative location and direction in a field ofknown spatial abjects. However, North American Aboriginal place names commonly contain ethno-geographical information conceming directionality and orientation. Place names expressing infonnation about "direction, cardinal points or similar relations~ are very common amongst Eskimos7 and Aleuts from the Aleutian Islands to Greenland (Holmer 1969: 146). These directions are not reckoned

7 -Eskimo' is a term used in the study oflinguistics to referta people using the Inuitand yupik languages (Dorais 1990). • 28 in a cartographie sense but in relation to local geographical and ecological conditions (Holmer 1969: 146). As with ManY Aboriginal groups environmental indicators sueh as • \vind direction., sun position and the bearings ofcelestial bodies are used for gauging direction. The Navajo., whose names have directional elements., do not use cardinal directions (Jett 1997: 485).

In addition to the directionality provided by the factors discussed above., place names also contain ethno-geographical concepts concerning the sidedness, contiguity and adjacency ofspatial abjects and territories. Relative ta the -focal area", spatial abjects or areas are understood to he -in front'., ;'behind", ·above'., 'below'., "across'., -beside', al the ·beginning" or the "end'. This type ofinformation is contained in the place names of Eskimos and Aleuts (Holmer 1969: 146; Ray 1971: 29) as weil as Athapaskan groups like the Western Apache (Basso 1983: Ill). For Western Apache the orientation ofspatial abjects is due to the vantage point from which these objects were viewed by the ancestors (Basso 1983: Ill). Orientation is determined by the traditionai or habituai way members ofa society have traveled through a tenitory., and the means by which they have traveled.

For Caribou Inuit (Correl1 1976) and ather Aboriginal groups like the Sahaptin (Huon 1996) rivers have been very important for travel through their territory and determines direetionality and orientation. The direction oftravel by trail is also relevant ta orientation for Athapaskan groups (Karl 1989: 136; Bassa 1980; Jett 1997). Place names are an expression ofa society~s placement and orientation in the landscape. Orientation is a1ways reckoned from a honte place or -focal point' ~ and place names contain specific information about the directionality and the relative sidedness ofspatial objects in their territory.

The great majority ofplace names in all Aboriginal place name systems fall into the category ofgeographicalJliteral-descriptive. In the North American con~ Aboriginal • 29 languages are rich in geographic terms. GeographicaVliteral--descriptive toponyms sometimes use generic terminology such as -lake', -river' or ·hill' but often theyare • combined with modifiers that describe their relative size, shape, color, or other qualities. Altematively they May describe the quality ofa geographic feature aIone, without reference to an ethno-geographical term. These are literal-descriptive toponyms.

Correll's (1976) term for geographicaJ/literal-descriptive toponyms in the Canoou Inuit area is ·-underived'" names. Underived Dames are ··simply descriptive for landscape

features (1976: 174)." ln lnupiat studies this place name type bas been called "descriptive or geographic toponyms'" (Fair 1997: 473) and U'generic descriptive toponyms"(Ray 1971: 29). Athapaskan place name systems largely consist ofgeographicaUliteral-descriptive toponyms (Jett 1997: 491; Basso 1984: 30). Jett (1997: 491) believes that this is due to the ~ell-known Navajo pragmatism" found generally in Athapaskans and that geographicallliteral-descriptive place names are adaptive: Traditional Athapaskans are all highly mobile, and to the extent that place­ names were mnemonic devices facilitating travel, stable geographicllitera1­ descriptiveness had adaptive value (Jett: 1997: 491).

The geographic terms employed in geographicall1iteral-descriptive toponyms are demonstrative ofa culture's geographic concepts. For instance the Alaskan Athapaskan concept ofwater shed is implicit in Kari's (1989: 135) observation that tbeir:

Names for stream mouths~ headwaters., and glaciers are derived from the basic stream name. A stream name never changes in mid-course (Karl 1989: 135).

Whereas the Alaskan Athapaskan broad understanding ofwatershed connectivity is demonstrated through the conservation ofa mot name throughout the syste~ Caribou Inuit are an example ofan opposite system. Rivers travel hundreds ofkilometres across the barrens ofthe Keewatin region orthe Nonhwest Territories. A river is perteived as a drainage made up ofsections offlowing water, and wider river-lakes. Some tlowing • 30 sections may he named~ but this name does not apply to the whole length ofthe river • (Keith 1994-1998). The category ofliteral-descriptive place names is the MOst common in ail North American Aboriginal place name systems. Analysis ofthe geographic categories used in these names is indicative ofa society's landscape perception.

3.2 Mythologieal Place Names

Place-names systematized territorial features within a tribe~ and provided the Eskimo with continuity to the land from time immemorial (Ray 1971: 2).

Place names play an important role in anchoring a society ta a geographical ~ reinforcing a groups rights~ responsibilities and ancestral origins in that territory. The history ofa group's involvement with a geographical area is recorded in names through the geographical anchoring ofhistorical narratives (discussed below) and mythological narratives. A society's myths are the source ofits epistemology and cosmology. For Aboriginal people myths conceming the origin of the world; fue heavens; human beings; landscape features; animais; ancL the mies by which these elements are to interact, are situated in their immediate surroundings. The names ofsites where mythical activities have taken place are linked to these narratives.

The landscape ofmany Aboriginal peoples can he interpreted as a "mythscape" where mythical chamcters moved about their territory (Cruikshank 1990). In a mythscape the landscape is understood to have been created and shaped by forces and events in mythica1 time. There are many examples ofnames referring ta this activity amongst Athapaskan groups for whom toponyms originated in that mythical time (Cruikshank 1990; Jett 1997; Basso 1984). Sahaptin Plateau Indians place names aIso originated in mythical time and • 31 refer to the activities ofmythical persons (Hunn 1996: 17/18). In contrast, Inuit place names are applied by humans, however, Inuit also have what Fair (1997: 473) calls • "'creation texts" in their landscape. Mythical eharacters known in mueh orthe Inuit territory sueh as Kiviuq and the giant lnukpasugjuk are implicated in narratives that resu1t in the creation oftopographie features and other environmental phenomena

Place names associated with mythological narratives strengthen a societies claim to specific rights and responsibilities for stewardship in a defined territory. They imply ancient genealogicallinks to the land and reinforce mIes ofbehaviour towards the environment and other human beings. It is incumbent upon the eorrent generations of these societies to uphold these traditional values.

3.3 Historieal Plaee Names

A society's connection with its territory is also anchored by place names that refer to historical events. As with mythological place names, historical place names invoke the ancestors and strengthen territorial claims and obligations. Cruikshank (1990: 56) explains that in an oral society, where there is no universal measure oftime, history is recorded in places. Historical events are recorded in ail North American Aboriginal place names systems that have been studied thus far, including: Inuit (Ray 1971: 29; Fair 1997: 473), Navajo (Jett 1997: 489; Jett 1990: 182), Apache (Basso 1984:30), Alaskan Athapaskans (Karl 1989: 142), and Iroquois (Gordon 1984: 221).

Place names wbich record historic events strengthen a group's connection to the land by referring to the acts oftheir ancestors. Thomton (1997: 300) provides an example ofthis in bis discussion ofthe link between Tlingit clan members and named places associated with the historical travels ofclan ancestors. The historic actions ofthe ancestors exemplify interpersonal relations within the society, or the group's relationship with the

• 32 environment and neighbouring societies. Bassa (1984) bas descn1Jed in detail the • Western Apache use ofhistorical place names for moral persuasion: Like myths historical tales are intended to edify, but their main purpose is to a1ann and criticize social delinquents...thereby impressing such individuals with the undesirability ofimproper hehavior and alerting them to the punitive consequences offurther misconduct (Basso 1984: 34).

The most direct invocation ofthe ancestors through place names is through the use of personal names. ln Many Aboriginal place name systems this is not acceptable practice. Athapaskans do not use personal names in toponyms (Jett 1997: 488; Karl 1989: 129, (42). Karl (1989: 142) explains that ~it would he an overt insult to the ancestors for Athabaskans to intennix personal names and place names." Sahaptin Plateau Indians did

not use personal names due 10 the fact that the naming process was controlled by the mythical figure Coyote (Hunn 1996: 18). In the case ofInupia~ the practice ofnaming places using personal names is in question. Ray (1971 : 2, 28) feels that this practice was conceptually improper due it"s consequences for the name-soul, but this is contradieted by Burch (1994: 419) who insists that it was common (Fair 1997: 469). The practice is quite common in the Kivalliq [Keewatin] region ofCanada in Caribou Inuit tenitory (Keith and Sconie 1997; Harvaqluurmiul et al 1994; Utuq, Suluk and Keith 1994).

Historical place names aIso record significant events involving different peoplesltribes. Caribou Inuit toponyms record events ofengagements with Dene, and kidnappings of Inuit wornen by Dene (D. Keith 1994-1998). These specifie names will he discussed in Chapter 4. Navajos also reference enemies in their place names (Jett 1970: 182).

History is aIso commemorated in toponyms for old sites associated with previous occupants ofa territory. Inuit name Many sites associated with the Tuniit and Inuit-Tuniit relations (Keith and Dwyer 1995). Archaeological sites affiliated with the PeOple who

• 33 came before Navajo (A naS3Zl1 are sometimes named and avoided due to the cultural • association ofruins with burlaI places and ghosts (Jeu 1997: 487). Toponyms also keep account ofchanges in the environment and animal behaviour (Cruikshank 1990: 63). Fair (1997: 473) documented "memory names" in the Inupiat landscape that preserve the memory of rivers and Islands that have disappeared. Past locations ofanimal behaviour such as caribou crossings that are no longer used may also he remembered through names~ as is the case with southem Yukon Athapaskan systems (Cruikshank 1990: 63).

Like mythologicaI place names~ historical place names reference a band's ancestral daims ta their territory. For Aboriginal people this implies certain privileges with respect to the resources in the territory. Narratives associated with historical place names underline ancestral obligations to care for the land and the animal~ and obligations ta aet in a socially appropriate manner. These narratives May he used to persuade thase who would not uphold these obligations. They aIso preserve a record ofinter-tribal relations, and demographic and environmental change.

3.4 Spiritual Place Names

In Aboriginallandscapes there exist more beings tban can he accounted for by humans and wildlife species. Spiritual beings, or powers, are understood to dwell in the landscape" and therefore their presence or actions can sometimes he localized to a geographical area. Place names often record these locations and tlag these areas as places to he avoide~ or places ta perfonn special observances, rites or ceremonies.

An example ofa name connoting spiritual observances is A1askan Athapaskan name NeqetséiIyaexde~ ~Where We Tum Around', a bill on the upper Matanuska River where

the last view ofthe sacred mountain Qéltâeni, Mts. WrangeWSanford. [t was 10 this point • 34 that the Ahtna would carry a handful ofsoil from their homes as they started down the trail to Cook Inlet. At Neqets8lyaexden they tumed around~ scattered the soi1~ and made a • prayer for a safe Joumey (Karl 1989: 143).

Inuit have spiritual place names for sites that require specifie observances or avoidance. In the Caribou Inuit area the Inuktitut name for Ferguson Lake is Alclirnaqtuq, meaning literally "'a place ofMany taboos'~ (Keith 1994-(998). Sorne named sites ofspiritual activity in Inupiat territory are said to inspire "cautionary toponym tales" (Fair 1997: 414). These ·'dangerous locations'~ are aIso named in Western Apache place name systems (Basso 1984: 30).

Place names identifying the sites ofspiritual activity are common in Aboriginal place name systems. Spiritual place names are associated with cultural knowledge about the nature ofthese locations and about the proper bebaviour demanded to ensure they are dealt with safely.

3.5 Resource Place Names

Maintenance ofenvironmental knowledge is a key function ofplace names in ail North American Aboriginal toponymie systems. Place names are archives ofinfonnation about where ta find the resources necessary for subsistence such as water, wildlife, plants and other resources. Athapaskan "place names and their associated stories perpetuate useful knowledge for locating resources" (Jett 1991: 491; Nelson 1983: 244; Jett 1970: 180). Inuit place names designate sites where animais may he harvested by referring to the species~ behaviour. The southem shore ofa weIl known caribou water crossing on the Harvaqtuuq is identified only by reference ta the specifie way caribou walk before entering the water (Harvaqtuurmiut EIders et al 1994). The resources identified in place names are indicative ofthe ecological relationship a society bas with its environment. In Aboriginal toponymie systems generalIy~ place names identify resource areas in tbree • 35 ways: simple description ofthe resource; description ofhuman actions or technologies associated with acquiring the resource; or in the case ofwildlife, allusion to animal • behaviours. In this study, place names referring to human behaviour are included in the classification "Human Activity" that will he covered below.

3.6 Metaphoriesl Plaee Names

A. common category in North American Aboriginal place name systems is metaphorical

toponyms. Human and animal body parts are the MOst popular metaphors. Hunn (1996: 16) identifies a category he calls "~anatomical place names" in Sahaptin tradition that

allude "10 the resemblance between sorne physical feature ofa site and the shape ofthe organ ter which it is named. ~ Body part terms are very popular in [nuit place name systems also. with many examples ofhills named "breast" or "buttocks" from Alaska to Canada (Ray 1971: 14; Keith and Dwyer 1995; Utuq, Suluk and Keith 1994). Metaphorical place Dames have also been mentioned in the toponymie systems ofthe Navajo (Jett 1997: 491) and the TIingit (Thorton 1997: 304). Hunn (1996: 16) recorded a Sahaptin place name for a mountain which has the shapes offull human figures:

The sensuous slopes ofthis gentie peak are envisioned as a young man with a wife on each ann" one ofwhom holds bis baby (Hunn 1996: 16)

Metaphorical place names are found in most ofthe literature on Aboriginal and other place Dame systems. It is clearly a common mode ofnaming, although it seems generally to represent a small percentage ofthe total names associated with a geographical area

3.7 Ruman Activity Place Names

Place names can designate preferred sites ofbuman activity in a societfs territory that have been proven through years ofexperience. These names MaY indicate the location • 36 where specific resource May he ~ or in the case ofhunting, a strategie location.. Homan activity place names demarcate traditionallocations ofceremonies, gaming, • celebrations and trading. Sites with favourable environmental conditions may a1so he named.

In Many Aboriginal place name systems, toponyms record the locations of human activities. flagging locations ofsubsistence or materiaI resources. For the Inupiat of Alaska Susan Fair (1997:474) identified a category oftoponyms she called ·activity toponyms'. The most common in this subset were names which refer to subsistence pursuits. Naming a location for associated human activities is another strategy to conserve knowledge ofvaluable resources or conditions at that site. ln addition to conserving knowledge ofa site as a source ofwildlife, names sometimes specify preferred locations in the strategy ofthe hunt. FestivaI~ trading or other sites ofcultural activity May aIso he designated by Inupiat place names (Fair 1997: 473). Fair aIso includes sites ofactivity related to traditional taboos in the category ·activity toponyms' (1997: 474), but in this thesis they have included under spiritual place names. Athapaskan societies have place names that would fall into the human activity category. ln the canyons ofthe Navajo landscape trails are important to mobility and they are sometimes named for the human activities 3SSOCiated with them (Jett 1997: 488).

3.8 Discussion

The history ofhuman-environment interaction is expressed in place names. The history ofa society's land-use involves the interface ofcultural and linguistic concepts with the specifie environmental forces ofan area.. The meanings oftoponyms can he studied for what they communicate about this interface and this chapter bas detined place name types according to what information their meanings otIer this study. The relationship ofa Iandscape with its human inhabitants is documented through geographicaIlliteral-

• 37 descriptive, mythological, historicaI, spiritual, resource, metaphorical and human activity • place names. By retèrence to a fecus point in the landscape, place names can communicate the orientation and the relative location ofspatial objects and areas. Mythicai and historical place names promote the ancestral connection ofa society with its surroundings, and underline territorial claims to obligations. Mythical and historical place names provide models tor how individuals are to relate to: their environment; other members ofsociety; and adjacent societies. Aboriginallandscapes are inhabited by spiritual beings and forces that can he geegraphically located by place names. Environmental knowledge about the location ofwild1ife, plants't water. stone't wood and other resources is referenced in

resource place names. Geographicai features in the landscape are MOst often labeled with geographicallliteral-descriptive place names. Fewer are represented with metaphorical place Dames that often draw on the anatomy ofthe humans and animais. The activity of people in their subsistence and cultural lives is recorded in human activity place names.

The place Dames ofthe Harvaqtuurmiut were c1assified into the seven place Dames types defmed in this chapter. The results ofthis process will he analysed in the following chapter.

• 38 Chapter 4: Analysis

• Essentially, the [Navajo] place-names represent an ongoing interplay between the habitat on the one hand and the perceptions and preoccupations ofits inhabitants on the other (Jett 1997: 486).

Place names are the product ofa society's adaptation to a specifie landscape. They are a product ofa process ofmutual influence between the society and the environmenl People construct a eonceptuallandseape by eategorizing, organizin~ and orienting spatial phenomena aceording to their cultural and linguistic heritage, and their experiences ofthe environment. Landscape sets sorne Limits on this experience due to the presence of specifie resources and environmental conditions (i.e. wildIife, plants, raw materials, weather) and thereby prescribes the parameters for human adaptation.

ln the preceding chapter, a typology ofplace name meaning was specified.. It descn"bes the ditTerent types ofinformation names contain that reflect the history ofa society's land-use. ln this chapter.. the anaIysis ofHarvaqtuurmiut toponymy is carried out in two distinct sections. F~ the corpus ofHarvaqtuurmiut names is divided into the seven typologieal categories and the results are compared with the findings ofother studies of lnuit toponyms.

The typing process resulted in the division ofthe data set iota workable subsets for analysis .. and the second part ofthe analysis involves scrutinizing the meanings ofthe names. These meanings are discussed in terms ofthe Inuit concepts and ideas they express.. and what they illuminate about the history Harvaqtuurmiut land-use on the Harvaqtuuq.

• 39 4.1 Appli~atioD ofTypology

• The classification scheme developed in the preceding chapter was applied to place name data available from the HarvaqtZlurmiut territory. The data set consists of272 tOPQnyms. [am confident ofthe accuracy ofthe English translation ofthe meanings, by Joan Scottie, ofthese 272 names. A total ofwere dropPed from the data set because their meanings were not confidently known.8 Allocation ofindividual place names to previously defined types was based on assessment ofthe meaning ofthe Dame against the short definitioDS of each ofthe 7 classes (see Table 2).. Any translations present in original NUNA-TOP (Müller Wille and Müller-Wille 1989-91) data were either confirmed or rejected by Joan Sconie and the EIders. A few ofthe meanings were confmned by, or derived from, the translations ofKnud Rasmussen (1930b) or from one oftwo lnuktitut dictionaries (Schneider 1985; Fortescue et al 1994).

For the purposes ofthis analysis all 272 toponyms were entered mto an electronic database using the program Corel Quattro Pro 7. Each place name was entered as a record under 4 fields: ID number: the SPelling ofthe name; the landscape entity named; and the category type. A fifth field records the category type from A-F in which a particular place name fits. The results ofthis process is printed out and included in the

Appendix 0 f this thesis.

Il The meanings ofthese 54 names were unknown for two reasons: 1) due perbaps to their age or the obscurity oftheir references they have no meaning to modem Inuit, or; 2) there were often discrepencies in Roman orthographie gpelling between the NUNA-TOP (Müller Wille and Müller-Wille L989-91) project and my own work. When the Bders with whom [ worked knew the name for a location recorded in NUNA-TOP the SPelling could he correct~ but when the named place was unknown spelling was a sometimes a barrier to comprehension. • 40 • Table 2: DermitiolU ofPlace Name Types

Type A • GeographicaVLiteral Descriptive; Place Dames which employ geographical terminology with or without modifier infonnation (Le. big lake); and names that are simply descriptive ofsorne sensory aspects ofthe location.

Type B- Mythological Place Names: Place names that loeate an event in traditionallnuit myth. These stories usually have aetiological implications for sorne aspect ofthe environment.

Type C- Historiai Place Names: Place names that record the locations ofhistorical events or genealogical relations.

Type D- Spiritual Place Names: Place names that refer ta supernatural phenameno~ religious objects or religiaus observances.

Type E- Resource Place Names: Place Names that record the location of floral .. faUlUl4 minerai and other material resources.

Type F- Metaphorical Place Names; Place names that point out the analogy between the named site or area and something else due to morphological similarity.

• 41 •

• Figure l Study Alea with Seleeted Toponyms 42 Table 3: Results ofTypolo&y • Category # ofToponyms % ofTotal Type A- GeographicallLiterai Descriptive 124 45

Type B- Mythological 2 1

Type C • Historical 28 10

Type D- Spiritual Place Names 6 2

TypeE - Resource 49 18

Type F· Metaphorical 31 Il

Type G- Human Aetivity 37 13

Total 272 100

Separation ofthe data into categories showed tbat almast halfofthe names in the data set are ofthe geographicall1iteral descriptive type. Although their studies were not quantitative this result is consistent with the generai observations ofRay (1971) with respect to Alaskan Eskimo naming, and ofCorrell's (1976) in his investigation of Paallirmiut linguistic occupation orthe southem Kivalliq [Keewatin). Collignon's (1996: 107) study ofCopPer [nuit place names was based on a much larger data set then this study (1.006 names). She applied severa! typologies in her analysis ofthis data ~ one ofwhich included the categories ~eu physique~ and ~eu humanisé" (ibid: 131). The subdivision "milieu physique~' corresponds to the category geographiclliteral descriptive in this study and represented 62% ofthe ber total data set. A resuIt comparable in magnitude to that round here. Collignon aIso had a category in the same typology called ·"reguIar activities" which corresponds to ""human activity" in this study (Collignon 1996: 131). Interestingly, 30% ofCopper Inuit toponyms fall into this category (ibid: 134), double the percentage found in the Harvaqtuurmiut area.

• 43 Based on my experience working in the Utkuhiksalingmiut and Paal/irmiut areas (refer to Figure 2~ page 15), l expected a higher number ofplace names in both the mythological • and spiritual categories. Paallirmiut in particular have many sites ofspiritual significance towards which one must act in a prescribed manner. Also in botl. the Utlcuhilcsalingmiut and Paallirmiut areas., major myths such as kiviuq are understood to have happened in the vicinity, and there are named sites where mythical events occurred. Both these phenomena are aimost totally lacking in the Harvaqluunniut area.

In genera1 Harvaqtuurmiut toponyms separated weil inta the typology used in this study. However. as the classification scheme was derived from a western perspective, there were difficulties in typing sorne names. [t was this very difficulty, however't which caused me to look more closely at the meaning and use ofa name and arrive at sorne conclusions. There were cases.. when names were initially classified as metaphorical place names't bu~ upon further analysis were found to he part ofthe systematic geographical terminology of lnuktitut. In addition.. sorne names related to caribou crossings appear to he regularly applied terms for the structural features ofcrossings. In faet, the canoou crossing is conceived ofby lnuit as a geographical or physical feature and therefore names using caribou crossing tenns could be cOUDted as geographicallliteral descriptive place names.

4.2 ADalysis ofMeanings

4.2.1 Type A- GeQlWlPhicaV LiteraI Descriptive Place Nantes

This category ofplace names is the most common in the Harvaqtuunniut. This type captures names oftwo kinds: those that contain Inuktitut geographical terms; and those that simply contain a literai description ofthe physical characteristics ofa place. The Concise Oxford Dictionary defines Mgeography~ as ~e main physical features ofan area"'. The same source defines ,erm" as Ma ward used to express a definite concept..." .

• -14 Therefore~ my intent in the delineation ofthis category was to tag those names that are • made up of Inuktitut terms for physical features on the land. What became apparent to me scon after commencing the separation ofthe toponyms into the ditTerent types was that geographical terms could not he cleanly separated from Resouree (TyPe E) and Metaphorieal (Type F). Sorne names that l originally classed as Type F rely on analogy to designate physical features~ but they are used systematically for those features. ln Inuktitut they are geographic terms for those environmental concepts and in the end [ moved them to category A.

The other category that appears to contain lnuktitut geographic tenninology is Resource (Type E). The Resource category includes toponyms that descn~ animal behaviour. Of particuIar interest to Harvaqluurmiut was the movement ofcaribou through the area. Il became clear in the analysis was that sorne ofthe toponyms for canoou crossings are in fact terms and that caribou crossings and their constituent components seem to he recognized as geographic features by Inuit. l have not moved these names into category .. A'~ however.. for reasons 1will diseuss below in the section on Resource (Type E) place names.

Relief Features

The environment ofthe Harvaqtuuq is quite flat and what reliefexists is most often in the fonn ofrolling bills. The Inuktitut term for bill is kinngaq, a term that can stand on its own in a toponym or with further modifier information such as: kinngalUaq (big bill) or kinnga 'naaq (little bill). Hills ean he named as a group ifthey are located together i.e. kinngarjuit (big bills). Quite often a hiU or a series ofhills is named in association with another prominent feature and in accordance with Inuktitut grammar they are possessed by that feature as signified by the suftix -nga which is often shortened to -a in spoken language. ltimniup Kinngaa (65 P/9 015) orltimniq's bill is an example ofthis construct. • 45 This phenomena of~'clusters" ofnames related to a prominent feature bas been • documeoted by others (Müller-Wille and Weber 1983). Hills are often named based on a descriptions oftheir specifie qualities. Ungavaittuq (65

P/09 069) meaning ~"it bas 00 far" is the name ofa bill visible when traveling upstream from ltimniq. Due to a mirage., the bill appears close but when traveling it takes a longer time then expected to reach it. Qa/iaro/ik (65 P-IO 049) ··hill with another little hill on top'" is also named for its appearance as il seems to have another small bill on the top of its base. It is common to name mUs according ta what can he found on them. Sorne examples are: lnuksulïnaaq (65 P/IO 059) ··a small hill with an inukshuk"; Pamialulctalik (65 P/lO 048) -place with a caribou hip bone'''; Utlcuhilcjuaqtalik (65 P/9 066) "place ofa big soapstone paf': Hungaujaqtalik (65 P/14 002) ~ere are beads there". HHls with extreme slopes orclitfs are aIso noted with the term imnaq ~clift" (Schneider 1985: 83). lmnalik ....it has a clifr (55 Ml14 009) is an example ofthis application in the study area. Another term for a relief feature is the sloped beach or sand dune called ilcpik (65 P/IO 023) (Schneider 1985: 92).

An esker named Qingaugaqtuq (55M/14 008) is one example ofa name that Ioriginally

classed as a metaphoricaL [ts root qinguq means ·'the lower middle ofthe forehead» and it seems to he drawing an anaIogy between the bridge ofthe nose and the shape ofan esker (Schneider 1984: 305). However the word Qingaugaq is the Inuktitut geographic tenn for esker and sa this name belongs in category A.

Other Physical Features ofthe Land

As indicated by the name lkpik ("'''sand dunej, the presence ofsand is worth noting for the Harvaqtuurmiut. The lerm for a beach in Inuktitut is simply hiuraq which means ~sand" (Schneider 1985: 367). Sandy beaches are not common in an environment dominated by bedrock outcrops and tundra. Including Ikpi~ there is only one other beach indieated in • 46 the study area and it is named Hiura Jtuaq (55 Ml12 009) "the big sand". In an area consisting mainly ofexposed roc~ tundra and water, Inuit distinguish between different • surfaces on the land. Exposed bedrock (qaiqluq) is distinguished from Ioose or independent rocks (ujarak); pebbles (tuapak); and sand (hiuraq). Qiaqtuq turns up once in the data set in the name Qiaqtu Jinaaq (560/03 015) ~e littIe bedrock outcrop". The tenn tuapak does not show up in a place name for the study area. This does not Mean that it is not an important concept as pebbles or gravel are an essential substrate for successfully drying mea~ and are also preferred when selecting a site for a spring campsite. The pebble or tuapak surface was good during the melting season as it would allow water to drain underneath the tent allowing the occupants to stay dry.

Islands and points tend to be quite distinct reference features in the environment and are often named. There are two terms for point [promontory or headland} in Inuktitut - nuvuk and tikiraq (Shneider 1985: 231.405). Although Many points ofland extending into water are named in other ways .. these two terms are also employed. Examples are: iVuvuhiwik (65 PIlO 007) -a point discovered"; and, Tikiralugjuaq (65 P/09 029) ·'big point". The term tikiraq is defined by Schneider (1985: 405) as "acape or point oflan~ promontory" and by Fortescue et al (1994: 338) as "point ofland". It bas the tenn tikiq

....index fmger~ as a root and may be a metaphorical toponym in this sense, but it is 50 systematically applied that it must be considered a geographical term (Fortescue et al 1994: 338).

Points can. ofcourse~ he named using a literal-descriptive name. Alanirilctuq (65 P-ll 006) ~"it has a big shadow when the sun shines on il'" is an example ofsuch a toponym. In addition ta action ofthe sun on a location., the wind conditions can he very important to camp location. One name which l have identified in ditTerent areas is adguq&iniq meaning "windwards~ (Schneider 1985: 3). There is an example ofthis in the studyarea in the name Adguq&inirjuaq (65 P-09 055). This was a camping area an~ based on my

• 47 own experience with camp site selection. l would posit that it is favourable in Mosquito • season to locate the camp where it would get the maximum benefit ofthe wind. The lnuktitut term for island is Qi/ciqtaq. This term is often round in place names for islands.. and tends to include reference to relative size. A very important area for the

ff Harvaqtllurmiul was the area ofQikiqtalugjuaq (65 P/IO 019) ·'huge island • The island is in the centre ofa traditional caribou water crossing. One place name in the Qi/ciqtalugjuaq area shows that there is an understanding ofthe geological process of isostatic rebound. lVuvufcsal (65 PII0 043) is a number ofsmall islands adjacent to the

shore ofthe river. [t means 41.lture points" as they will soon be connected to the shore by

dry land. On the Harvaqtuuq there are Many former islands that are DOW points. This can he accounted for bath by isostatic rebound and the low \\·ater levels ofreceot years. A site that is perhaps a littIe further advanced in this process is a point in the Qamaniq [Forde Lake] area which bas a very narrow land bridge connecting it to the shore that is called Atani 'naaq (65P-ll 018) -littIe conneetion".

Hydrology

The Inuktitut equivalent ofriver is the term kuulc; however this does not mean that the entire length ofwhat would he called a river in English is recognized by Inuit as being a single entity to he named. For instance the name Harvaqtuuq is the name for the Kazan River from its outletat Hilculilcjuaq [Yathkyed Lake] to its mouth at Qamani'tuaq [Baker Lake]. This is ooly a fraction orthe river~s length as il originates in northem Saskatchewan. A river is conceived ofas sections ofmoving water and intervening widenings in the river or what the Müller-Willes (1989-1991) categorizes as river-lakes or river cbannels (Mül1er-Wille 1987).. A lake which is the obvious product ofan input river or stream and which is also drained by a river or stream is a river-Iake or qamaniq.

This type oflake is set apart from a lake which is not part ofa moving water system but is either spring fed or fed by small feeder stre8mS. This is called a tahiq.. A tahiq may even • 48 he drained by a stream or river, as long as it is not also fed by one. Perhaps what is important is that the qamaniq is a lake that is seen to have sorne directionality with • respect to the drainage. [t is an intervening body ofwater in the river's course.

The Penguin Dictionary ofGeography dermes lake as foUows:

An extensive sheet ofwater enclosed by lan~ occupying a hollow in the earth's surtàce. The name is sometimes loosely applied, too, to the widened part ofa river or to a sheet ofwater lYing along a coast even when it is connected with the sea.... (Moore 1988: 120)

ln English one may speak of a ·\videning in the river" and a "lake" , but there is no comparable term ta the Inuktitut qamaniq. There is sorne arbitrary point at which, in English, a widening in the river achieves a critical size for it to he called a lake. In Inuktitut a qamaniq remains a qamaniq, no matter how large, ifit meets the criterion of being fed and drained by a sizeable stream.

The tenns qamaniq and rahiq are often found in place names. The lnuktitut name for Baker Lake is Qamani ·ruaq ·"huge lake~. The term often stands on its own as a name or is associated with a dominant local feature 50ch as in the case of 65P-06 001 that is known as either Qamaniq or Tllglirutip Qamania "Tug/irutik' s river-Iake"'. Many named places are simply geographical terms. ln order to be more precise about the exact location. the name ofa feature is often tied to a nearby prominent feature. An example of this is the name qamanaarjukmeaning (o4has the appearance ofaqamaniq". There are!Wo frequented places named qamanaarjuk in the Baker Lake area: one on the HarvaqlUUq [Kazan River] and one on the Kangirjuaq [Thelon River]. To he precise~ the one on the Harvaqluuq is called Harvaqtuup Qamanaarjua. A Harvaqtuurmiut person speaking about hislher own land would not have to add this marker however., and could simply refer to it as qamanaarjuk as the reference would he in the context ofhislher geographical rocus. • -19 The above example demonstrates the faet that the Harvaqtuuq area is wbat Correll (1976: 176) caUs the 'focal area' ofthe HarvaqluurmiUl. It is ''the nexus ofthat population's • activity [and is1an information centre out from which directions, distances, proximal relations, routes and locations are determined (CorreU 1976: 176)." Within the main focal area there are what we May calI sub-foci - areas that were important camping areas or significant points ofreference within a certain portion ofthe overall territory. Tuglirutiq (65 P/06 007) is a significant bill in the western portion ofthe Harvaqtuurmiut area. and was a traditional camping location. Therefore, it acts as a sub-focus and it is referenced in the cluster ofnames for tèatures in its immediate vicinity sncb as Tug/irutip Qamania (65 P/06 001) or -Tuglirutiq's river-Iake".

Tahiq is also a very popular designation either as it is or with sorne adjective information such as big or small. Sometimes, thoug14 there are sa Many lakes with the same name in a smali area that there must he a way to sort them out. This is done in reference to one's focus. Between the Harvaqtuuq and Tipja/ik [Beverly Lake] there are three lakes named Tahirjuaq that are named by Harvaqtuurmiut according to their relative distance from the Harvaqtuuq. Seen from the Harvaqtuuq they are named Tahirjuaq Tugliq, Tahirjuaq Alculliq and Tahirjuaq Ungalliq - the closest the middle and the furthest. The designation ofclosest and furthest would reversed ifone was standing at Tipjalik [Beverly Lake]. This example is another demonstration ofthe concept ofa Harvaqluurmiut focus. People travelled away from home towards Tipjalik by dogteam in the winter~ and these lakes layon the route and therefore have an order with respect to the focus [home] - the Harvaqluuq.

Another example ofa named feature within the context ofa sub-focus is the lake Tunuhuk(65 P/I0 011) located south ofthe Harvaqtuuq in the Qikiqtalugjuaq area (Figure 4). The name means Lhe back section" and the baclmess ofthe lake is detennined with respect to the traditionaI campsite locations around Qilciqtalugjuaq - the centre ofthis sub-focus. On the south side ofthe river there are three popular campsites • 50 .,.. f "'Ii" . , . -: \ ; 1•.A. "- \ .1 .. . i -'.,r" .' \ -~:"'~ • . l ,. '-' . .. -- .

L ...- .. 4 \.

--', If \ ". L/ 1

.I.-~ /.l'_: r -' 1 J ~ .

l' t" V',"

.'

! 1; \

t •. ~ ~,. IJC...... j::JI, ."'. 1

..... '.

1

'·1 r, .....

.""'-' • 1 ....

1 1 :"':(

J" ....'" ~-""'Jf ~ • .....t r--.· 'l Figure 4: Orientation ofQikiqtalugjuaq Area - 51 aIong the shore: Pappikaq (65 PlI 0 024)~ Hannirut (65 P/IO 010) and lkpik(65 P/IO

023). [fthese campsites are thought ofas facing the river and the direction that canoou • move through the river crossing located there~ then ;,fronf is to the north ofthe campsite. The lake is located immediately behind these camps in this orientational scheme and 50 is part ofthe ·;'back section".

The outlet from a qamaniq is termed a murjungniq in lnuktitut (Schneider 1985: 177)

(Figure 5). Conversely, the intlOVl to a qamaniq is called an alcuq (Fortescue et al 1994: 14). There is no equivalent tenn in English unless the widening in the river is judged to he large enough to he called a lake in which case this would he termed the mouth. The term akuq is defined by Schneider (1985: 15) as ~1he tail on the parka worn by [nuit women". The use ofthis term for where a river enters the relatively still water ofa tahiq, qamaniq or the ocean may he due to the characteristic shape it bas which is reminiscent orthe shape ofa woman's parka taiL There is aIso anotherterm for where moving water enters a tahiq. qamaniq or the ocean and that is pao. Fortescue et al (1994: 245) defines paa as meaning ··opening, entrance, mouth~ .

• 52 Beside the binary pair ofmurjungniq/alcuq there is another which delineates the a similar phenomenon - aariaq/alcuq. Aariaq is the area in a body ofwater located in a shallow • bay just above and to the north ofa murjungniq (see Figure 5). Aariaq bas the meaning of"upper back and shoulders" (Schneider 1985: 3) and is yet another example ofa metaphorically based geographical tenn. Both Aariaq and Alcuq could have been included in the metaphorical place name category, however they are applied

systematically to the same phenomena and 50 qualify as hydrological terminology. This

binary tenninology is demonstrated in a pair ofnames for the two hills Aaria&iq (65 P/Il 007) and Alcuq&iq (65 PIIO 015) which are al opposite ends ofa tlowing water section including a significant area ofrapids called llimningaq (65 Plii 016).

The kuulc. qamaniq, aariaq/akuq, murjungniq/akuq system organizes the environment according to the flow ofthe \·atchment. Rivers are a force that give Iandscape an orientation. Another source oforientation, even as far inland as the Harvaqluuq is the direction ofthe sea vis-à-vis the land. The binary teons kangilUql/cilliniq represent this relationship. According to Schneider (1985: 139) kangilliq means "thing that is further inland than another". Fortescue et al (1994: 157) agree with this definition and adds that the root '"lcangi' means hbottom ofbay, direction towards land, source ofriver". Schneider (1985: 139) gives the meaning ofKilliq as '~bat is furthest toward the sea (opposite ofKangilliq) ..."'. This binary opposition is weil known to linguists and is in use in Ka/aal/it Nunaat [Greenland], Nunavik (Northem Quebec], Sanilciluaq [Belcher Islands], Kiva/liq [Keewatin) and the Qitirmiut [Kitikmeot) region [Canadïan central Arctic coast] (Fortescue 1988: 6-16). In sorne areas it bas a limited or local appücatio~ while in others it is applicable over a wide area (Fortescue 1988: 3).

ln the Kiva/Iiq [Keewatin], rivers tlow to the sea from the west/northwest and this seems to fit weil with the Harvaqtuurmiut application ofthe lerm Kangilliq. The coroUary of this is that ifone reckons the direction ofthe sea from the path ofinIand rivers, then the direction ofthe ocean is eastlsoutheast. This fits well with the Harvaqtuunniut • 53 application ofthe tenn Killiq. This terminology is used in names descriptively as in the case ofthe lakes Kangilliq Tullik (65PI10 051) and Ki/liq Tullik (65P/IO 050), which in • the scheme used here would fit ioto the Resource place names as they denote lakes frequented by looos. However, they named as a pair with one being knngilliq to the other's killiq. Another example ofthis is in the descriptive naming oftwo points ­ Tikira 'tuaq Kangi/liq (65P/lS 004) and Ti/dra 'tuaq Ki/liq (65 P/lS 007).

These directional terms are aIso embedded in the Harvaqtuurmiut terminology for bays. Bays on water bodies that bave their heads oriented towards the northwest are referred to as lcangiq&uk (See Figure 6). An example in the studyarea is Kangiq&ulugjuaq (65 P/9 005) "'appearance ofa large northwest painting bay". Bays with their heads oriented to the southeast are called lcillinaugaq. There are a few examples ofthese type ofbays in the area: Kil/inauga 'naaq (55M112 018) "small southeast painting bay"; Ki/lingaugaq (S5M112 008) "bay pointing towards the southeast"; and 65 P/06 018 Killiniq. This system is applied reguJarly in the area. There is yet another class ofbay which bas a regular term that implies the bays orientation. Qinnguq bas been defined by Fortescue et al (1994: 309) as meaning "west side oflake" for the Caribou [nuit. The use ofthis term by Harvaqtllurmiut is a west facing bay. There are two examples in the study area: Qinngu 'naaq (65 P/IO 014) "little west pointing bay~; and Qinnguraujaq (SSMl13 026) ·"long narrow west painting bay".

Fipn 6: Gcaeric LIbwitb Bar TlI1IliDolOQ'

" T

54 Other Hydrological Structures

• There are other hydrological features which are descnèed in Harvaqtuunniut place names. The name for the river itself is Harvaqtuuq "the big drift''t (translation Joan Scottie). The root term ofthis toponym is sarvaq meaning '1'apids in a river"(Schneider 1984: 346). There were no toPOnyms for specific sections ofrapids that were named using the tenn sarvaq. Most rapids were named descriptively or according to their effect on the movement ofpeople on the river. An example ofa descriptively named rapid is Aupalulctuq (55 Ml14 003) meaning simply "1"ed" and refers ta the color ofthe rock around the rapids. There was one example ofthe use ofthe lnuktitut tenu for waterfall and that is the name for Kazan Falls - Qurluqtuq (55 Mll2 001).

On a smaller seale an area ofdisturbance in the current ofa river~ - a whirlpool or back eddy - is termed angilluqtuq (Schneider 1985: 28). There is one toponymie example of this tenn in the study area: Angil/uqla 'Iuaq (65 P/IO 038), which delineates a very confined area ofcurrent offthe downstream end ofthe island Qilciqtalugjuaq (65 P/IO 019). Another place name relating ta moving water is Nuillak (55 Mll2 043), meaning "two water sections shooting water up spontaneously" (Harvaqluurmiul EIders et al 1994: 46). The work nuillatuq is defined by Schneider (1985: 218) as "it shows itselfonce". This Dame describes two current sections ofthe river that are side by side that spurt up water once in a while thus showing themselves.

There is an equivalent to the English term narrow or oarrows to descnœ a narrow in a river or possibly a lake. The base ofthe tenn for narrow seems to he Quuk- meaning "'openingn (Schneider 1985: 330). There is a narrow in the Harvaqtuuq called Quulcilruq (65 P/09 011) meaning simply narrows. [bave aIso encountered the use ofthe name Quulcilruq for a narrows in the ocean between King William Island and the Adelaide Peninsula that is cal1ed Simpson Strait in English. There is aise a Quunguq - ~ws"

• 55 (Fortescue et al 1994: 311) - on the Iower Back River and a Quungurjuaq in Qamaniq • [Maguse Lake] near Arviat. 4.2.2 Type B ... Mytholoiical Place Names

Many ofthe same Inuit legends are toid in slightly different versions throughout al least the Central Aretic and Ka/aallit Nunaat [GreenIand]. In my experience~ in areas where these legends are toI~ the events in the Iegends, and any resultant landscape features or artifacts~ tend to he located in the immediate geographical area ofthe people who are telling the story. This is also held to he true in Nunavik(Loui~Jacques Dorais~ Persona! Communication 1999).

Sorne ofthe more weil known Inuit legends are those associated with the character Kiviuq and the giant lnulcpahugjuk. 1have not heard ofthe existence ofany stories concerning giants in the Caribou Inuit area. Conversely, giant stories and the locations ofgiant activities are known from the Copper Inuit ares., along the arctic coast as far as northern Batrm Island.

Kiviuq legends are told in the Caribou Inuit area. The Paallirmiut ofthe Hudson Bay coast have known locations where sorne ofthe events ofthese stories occurred. 1was told a story ofKiviuq by Harvaqtuunniut Eider Elizabeth Tunnuq. She was quick to point out, however~ tbat the story was set on the coast. The Harvaqtuunniut knowa song that is attributed to Kiviuq, also known to the coastaI Paallirmiut (Luke Suluk personal communication 1999). The song consists ofa List ofplace names~ sung in the order ofthe tl'aveller's movements through the land. It hegins on the coast and moves inland up the

Kangirjuaq [TheloD River] past Tipjalik [Beverly Lakel~ then starts at the Harvaqtuuq river mouth and maves up the Kazan River ta the Kunnuaq River mouth.

• 56 The only legend that [ have thus far been told which is located in the Harvaqtuurmiut area is one associated with the place name Amnapiurvik (65 Pli 1014). The name means • essentially ·"get that one" and is a reference to the following legend:

There was a herd ofcaribou about ta cross a river [Kunnuaq] and a big bull was leading. He was calling ta the other side ofthe river "Inuli~ Inuligunna" "Is there Inuit over there?" [s there Inuit over there?". No response. Inuit were supposed ta respond. They didn~t respond. He said [the bull} ··1 know there is Inuit over there but they're just hiding ta gel us. At the same time he started to enter the water. Just as they entered the water a bunch ofqajaqs came out ta hunt them. When they started ta spear them, he laid the hunter. "Don't spear me yet or your wife won't get tunnuq [caribou fat] this fall." SA he wasn't speared. They were spearing others. So he made it inIand and he shook and he said "1 made it ta the land since you wouIdn't spear me". It is called amnapiurvik because the bull was saying amna - that one, piuk - get il. "Get that one, get that one" he was saying. '''Not me, get that one". Amnapiurvik. (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Keith and Scanie 1997).

Rasmussen recorded a Paallirmiut version ofthis story from Kivgaarjuk camped at Hilcu/ikjuaq [Yathkyed Lake] in 1922 (Rasmussen 1930a:90).

An example ofa place name derived from a local story is that ofUmingmaujaqtalik (65 P/IO 033), an island in the Harvaqtuuq close to the island Qilriqtalugjuaq (65 P/IO 019). It is said that a group ofmuskox were swimming in the river and then turned ta stone to create this island (Peter Aasivaaryuk in Harvaqtuurmiut Eiders et al 1994). This site might he classified as a mythological place name ofonly local relevance.

4.2.3 Type ç - HislQrical Place Names

Names that refer to bistorical events are not very numerous in the Harvaqtuurmiut ~ but they do exist. Sorne refer to what seem to he quite minor events such as Tiriksiutaarvik (65 P/14 006) wbich means "place where a belt broke off", or Uujuktalik

(65 P/14 007), '4pIace ofboiled meat". These names appear ta recall events that might • 57 have been significant to the individual or group involved in the event,. but are not • historically meaningful in a wider sense.. The major historical events that are recalled in place names in the Harvaqtuurmiut area testify to the attacks ofDene on Inuit The sometimes violent relationship between the Caribou Inuit and the Dene bas been weil documented (Smith and Burch 1979). These

two groups were quite wary ofeach other and there were many battles between them. The two place names Upinngivik (55 Ml12 035) and Minngirvilc (55 MJ12 036) refer ta one event where Dene feH on an Inuit camp in the spring time.. Upinngivik means ·'where they snuck up" .. Schneider (1985: 457) defines "upinngapaa'" as meaning "he surprises mm. by arriving unexpectedly." Minngirvik means '·attaek place'" .. Fortescue et al (1994: 200) defines the base "'minngiq" ta Mean '·jump up" or MSPring up". The two names together document where the enemy approached from and where they finally fell in on the Inuit. There was no further narrative about the incident other then the statement that people were killed by Dene (Müller-Willes 1989-91).

A more extensive narrative ofan historical Dene attaek on Inuit is commemorated in the place name Arnaqquvik (65 P/13 007). The name means '~here you put the women" and retèrs ta an attaek which occurred near the shore on the west side ofTahirjuaq Tugliq [Princess Mary Lake] (65P-13 001). The wornen were sent to stay on the island for their protection during the battle.

Tunnuq: There is a story in this area [Princess Mary Lake] .. There is a little island. AlI the women with their children were taken to an island to keep them from harm by the indians. This particular WO~ was a good swimmer and she swam back to the camp where she shouldn't be.. The Indians shot her with an arrow through the nase. So she ended up with a short nase. This was very ol~ before their time. That island is called Amaquvvik.

Tunnuq: The theory is that maybe that little girl [who was forgotten] was her daughter.. The men placed them on an island when they were going out to search for the indians that had been doing the killing. 1guess in the • 58 rush or during the confusion that little girl when she got scared she [hid] where the dogs had dug. So the woman retumed when she shouldn't bave. It is quite a long way from that island to the land and the indians were • right there.

Joan Scottie: Why were they killingjust for killing or because they were fighting over land?

Tunnuq: Jost for killing.

Tunnuq: During the migration ofthe caribou the Indians used to follow. When the migration came there was more likelihood ofthe indians [comingJ. (Elizabeth Tunnuq in Keith and Scottie 1997: )

The attaeks offoreign enemies are certainly events that would he remembered for sorne time. It is not surprising that the location ofsuch stories are embedded in place names.

Graves

Another type ofplace name that l have included in the lûstorical category are places named after buried ancestors. These anthroponyms are said by Ray (1971: 2, 28) to he disallowed in Inupiat tradition due to beliefs surrounding the name...soul complex. However, Fair (1997: 469) explains that this point is contradicted by Burch (1994: 419) who says it was quite common. This practice is popular among the Caribou Inuit, but 1 have not seen it amongst the Nattilingmiut. flluilirmiut or Utlcuhilcsalingmiut to the north. ft is also very uncommon in Nunavik (Louis-Jacques Dorais, personal communication 1999).

The attaehment ofan ancestor's name to the site oftheir grave is a way ofrecording the history ofthe people who live in the area. It preserves ancestral links to the landscape and reinforces territorial claims and obligations. Because the ancestors maintained the land by living as prescnèed by beliefand taboo, their descendants must also follow these

• 59 ways. The existence ofthe names ofancestors as place names in the environment is a • continuai reminder ofthis obligation. The practice ofCaribou Inuit was MOst commonly ta bury a person on the top ofa hill or high land relative to its surroundings.. There were two types ofburials seen on the Harvaqtuuq: either the body was covered in canoou sIOn and ringed by stones; or the body was covered by a pile ofstones. The location ofthe head was marked by the placement ofa quartzite stone or by the erection ofa pole. Names referring ta burlais are always stnlctured in one oftwo ways: either usingjust the person's name; or the name plus the suffix -talik meaning "lois there". Sorne examples ofhills with burlaIs are: Pipqa 'naaqtalik (65 P/9 049) "'Place ofPipqa'naaq"; and Atual (65 P/9 052) wbich is simply a person's name. There is one example ofa (ake taking on the name ofa person buried there - Alcuraqtalik (55M112 042) "'Place ofAkutaq".

5.2.4 Type D- Spiritual Place Names

The pre-Christian Harvaqtuurmiut world was inhabited by indwelling spirits (lnue) in the earth.. rocks, animais and the weather. The MOst important ofthese indwelling spirits was Hila - indweller ofthe wind. As bath animal and human sauls (or life forces) were equated with breath (anirniq), alilife panicipated in Hila (Merkur 1991: 35). In this way Hila constituted the universal life force which underlay aU phenomena (Merkur 1991: 45; Burch 1986: 125). The pervasive force ofHila was responsible for the many rules by which Inuit lived.

Although Hila was the source ofrules ofbehaviour, it was Hila ~s female form Pingna ethe one op there'), who dwelled in space~ that was responsible for watching over human activities (Burch 1986: 125/126: Rasmussen 1930a: 49).. Pingna"s ultimate role in judgement ofa person's behaviour was at death. After dying the soul ofa person who had lived according to the mies ofHila would rise up to Pingna and he retumed to earth

60 by Pingna's helper, the spirit ofthe MOOn, as a human being or animal. The sou! of someone who didn't live life correctIy would spend etemity in misery underground • (Burch 1986: 1251126; Rasmussen 1930a: 50).

Rules or taboos were very extensive in Harvaqtuunniut tradition and many ofthe rules were related to the treatment ofanimals, the hunt and the land (Burch 1986: 126). When caribou were kille~ ail the parts that were not carried home had to he covered with rocks (Rasmussen 1930a: 50; Tony Utuq, persona! communication). They had to he careful not to be seen by Pingna as being disrespectful to caribou (Rasmussen 1930a: 50; Merkur 1991: 89/90). [n general animais were to he respected and only hunted when needed for food. Nothing was to he wasted.

The most important hunting method for the Harvaqtuurmiut was the interception of canoou at water crossings. Hunting at a canoou crossing had Many rules. These included: not working on skins or materials derived from the animais ofthe co~ as this could offend the caribou (Rasmussen 1930a: 48); an~ not disturbing the land on the side ofthe river where the caribou would enter the water, as again, this could otTend the caribou and divert them from their migration route (Keith 1994-1998).

When people did transgress the rules and taboos conceming caribou the consequences were rarely limited to the individual hunter; rather the entire band relt the effect. Pingna was responsible for the delivery ofthe souls ofcaribou to the spirit ofthe moo~ for return back ta the earth to replenish the herd (Rasmussen 1930a; Merkur 1991: 157). She was capable ofwithholding the caribou from the people and Hi/a could expose humans to bad weather and natural disasters. This possibility meant that people in a camp would watch each other's behaviour closely, to ensure that no one broke the rules and brought bad luck to the group (Burch 1986: 126)

• 61 Among the Caribou Inui4 Hila is responsible for the traditional observances. She sees everything that occurs on ~ and sbe punishes violations oftaboo by means ofthe weather and sickness (Merkur 1991: • 156)

Although 18h00 was an important part ofpre-Christian HarvaqtuurmiuJ life there appear to he no place names in the study area which refer directly to taboos. Alclirntlqtuq [Ferguson Lake} is just to the south ofthe study area and was frequently visited by Harvaqtuunniut. The root akliq means ~frain from something on account oftaboo" (Fortescue et al 1994: 8) and so akiirnaqtuq means that this is a place where ManY taboos must he observed.

Indirectly, the naming ofcaribou crossings serves to identify areas where taboos must he tbllowed.

Otferings

In my experience in the Paallirmiul area., there are Many sites at which people are

expected to give an offering such as a grave, an inulcsuk, a cave, or a stone~ These sites are described as lunil/arv;;l. Tunillaq means offering or sacrifice~ The material

possession that was given in these cases was to he ofvalue to the giver and 50 was a sacrifice. The Harvaqtuurmiul do not seem to have specifie locations or tuni/larviit. Question: Did they bave Tunillarvilit in the HarvaqtuurmiuJ area?

Elizabeth Tunnuq: Tunillaq usually means - they had that up here too but they didn't have a special place where you offer to a certain place.. It would happen ifthere was a sickness in the family. Like during the time when Tunnuq was aroun~ ber mother in law ended up with a swoUen neck.. She had to give away, and sacrifice ber nice skirting clo~ she bad ta take it up the bill or samewhere. That is a tunillaq, a sacrifice. In f~ it happened that al the same time her mother-in-Iaw bad a swoUen neck she [Tunnuq] had a swoUen neck the other way. WhiIe they were sacrificing ber skirt dress. Her family were praying to a different god. She was a Christian.. Also ifyou come across graves, you leave something ­ that's called tunillaq. • 62 Tunillaq as we know it up here is usually where you give to a grave. Tuni means giving. In order to gain something you sacrifice something that is your favourite. • (Keith and Scattie 1997:52)

There are no place names in the data set that refer to offerings or to features that require otTerings.

Spirit Beings

To the pre-Christian Harvaqluurmiul spiritual beings like the tuurngaq, qavavaq and ijiraq shared the land with people. A tuurngaq spirit can become the helping spirit ofa shaman. A qavavaq is a spirit which is the food ofthe lUUmgaq and with whom sbamans sometimes battled. An ljiraq is a caribou-like creature. These beings inhabited particular areas where they were more readily encountered and these places are often named. In my srudy area there are 4 ditTerent islands just offthe mouth ofthe Harvaqtuuq called: Tuurngaqla/ik (56 0/03 005); Tuumgaqla/iik (56 0/03 009); and Tuurngaqla/ik 56 0/03 DIO. AlI three ofthese Mean "place ofspirits" with the second actua1ly referring to two islands. There is a1so a cave close to the Qilciqta/ugjuaq area called Tuurnga/ik (65 P-IO 045) which has the same meaning.

Aasivaaryuk: Weil, l have heard Pukirluk and another persan camped there before. [t was getting dark when they arrived near Tuumgalik. They pitched their tent before dark. Just when they were getting ready for ~ they couid hear someone chanting shamanism [irinaliuq]. They were afraid to sleep ovemight, so they got ready to leave in the dark. This is because no one is allowed to sleep near it [the cave] any rime ofyear.

Tunnuq: My father and my brather fOWld the entrance to it in the summer time. They said it bas a very Diee waIkway made out ofsmall stones. They entered i~ but when they got funher ~ it gat darker and darker. My brother was too afraid 50 he just started running rigbt back out, my father followed right behind him.. l have also heard when ever you are on top of it you can bear someone ehanting shamanism [irinaliuq]. (Harvaqtuurmiut EIders et al 1994: ). • 63 There is only one mention ofthe tenn qavavaq in the studyarea. Qavvavaujarvik (S5/M 12 021) is thought to refer to an event in the past where someone was pretending to • he a qavvavaq.

There are no names in the study area that refer to the ijiraq. They are eertainly weIl known in the are~ but there are no specifie sites that refer ta them. Just ta the north on the Kangirjuaq [Thelon River) there is a bill where an ifiraq is believed to live (Scottie 1995).

4.2.5 Type E .. Resource Place Names

In the historie period the most important fauna! resourees were 6sh and caribou. Caribou was the staple providing a complete diet and raw materials for shelter, clothing and tools (Burch 1972). Fish were important as food when stores ofcaribou ran shof4 especially in [ate winter.

Fish

There are a few examples ofwater bodies whose names identify the speties offish living there or sorne quality ofthe 6sh. lqalultialulctuq (65 P/06 006) is a lake (tahiq) whose name means '~Iace ofhard biting fish~. As lakes were 6shed tbrough the ice in the winter, often for emergency food, this infonnation could he valuable: 6sh that attack the lure aggressively are much more likely to he caught.

lqaluttialulctuq refers to hard biting lake trout (/&uraq) for there are no char (lqalukpik)

in the Harvaqtuurmiut ~ al least above Kazan Falls (Qurluqtuq). Trout, therefore~ was one ofthe main food fish for people living in the area. Other fish were also avaiIable: Anngialik (65 PlI 1 015) is the ~lace with suckers"; and Hululcpaugalik(65

• 64 PIla 056) "bas arctic grayling". Kavihiliit (whitetish) were fished by Harvaqtuurmiut, • but there is no place name in the study area that refers directly to tbis practice.. Canoou

During the period that the caribou herds were in the Harvaqtuuq area in large numbers (May ta September) it was a matter ofsurvival that Harvaqtuunniut intercepted the herds and killed as Many animals as possible. The number ofplace names in the study area retèrring directly to caribou and their movements or the activities ofpeople hunting caribou reflects their importance.

The method ofhunting caribou at water crossings produced the most animais and, therefore. was the key activity for survivaL Most ofthe names referring to caribou in the study area refer in sorne way to caribou crossing the river. The names ofcaribou crossings can include the vocabuIary for the constituent features ofa crossing. These are systematically applied and therefore 1argue that they should he more properly considered geographic terms. ln the Harvaqtuurmiut understanding ofthe environment these are physical features that are as uncbanging as a rapid, poin~ bill or other permanent landscape elements.

A canoou crossing is generally referred to as a nalluq. [fana/luq is used only in one season when the caribou are moving in one direction, then there is a fixed orientation ta the crossing. Sorne na[[uit [Plural] are bidirectional. The slope or the river bank where the caribou move down to enter the water is called the imaariaq (See Figure 7). The s[ope where they emerge from the water is called the turaariaq.

• 6S •

The term nalluq is contained in three place names in the study area. There are two crossings called iVallu 'tuaq (55M/I3 010 and 55M1I3 022) meaning '''the only crossing place''t and Nalluqhiaq (55 W12 047) meaning"a round crossing". The binary terms imaariaq/turaariaq are not contained in any place names in the regio~ although there is a place named imaariaq on the Kangirjuaq [Thelon River] (Scanie 1995).

There are many named places that refer to the presence ofa crossing without using the terminology for a nalluq. These names often refer to the behaviour ofthe caribou in the crossing area or the activities ofInuit in relation ta caribou. A good example ofan

imponant crossing which is not 50 named is the Qilciqlalugjuaq area (See Figure 8). The most significant hunts that occurred at this site was the interception ofthe Qivirut (the retuming herd) in JuIy and the remaining caribou which cross in smaller groups in August and September. At these times ofyear the earibou were moving from north to south through the crossing. Inuit camped at one ofthe three sites in the area -lkpit Hannirut or Pappilckaq.

When caribou cross here they cross the island Qi/dqtalugjuaq. In order to get into position ta do this they have to get around the lake Aggiria&iq. This name refers ta the

faet that this lake gets in the way ofcaribou that want to get down ta the water crossing. • 66 _.~ (r:; ~-~...... ,... , ..... 1· , ...... ,. -.. , "r;' ." ~ r. • • " ['" 00 ,10, "';;14Cln , > Direction ofCaribou1 ._. Movement1 " " , J ,~ ~ . .1II..'-t" .. <" 1 E: '. ,...... or: . ~ .' o-- 1 •) =c ~, ," .. ,.... ,4'-, -+0;. . --...... ' ". .., ~ ,- , '~~ •..... J• (tl j l1 ", ('. ", U1 '.' O':l - " t ~ ....-- '.. ~ 1'- ...\? \.. n A~giria&. "(.: ç. ~ iq t't1 ,.~.,. .'~ ~- .- ~\"Akuq~iq z " ~ .) Ott, a ';\ ~ n .-.,j ", ~ ,. ~ f' ~ "'-.. Q, ...... ~, ..e . (

E!. " c P.S. ! ':

\'.~ ("'" C, , <.:..a ...... "., •-. - '.1 ~ ." ~" '.. \, ~ ..,..' ~... , " ,,' .,- .. "', "',' i '\ .~,. ,"/ ,'~'~' "'-'" '. (:::',., •.] ! ., .... • ... "", '.l'• --" "".."~"., ... ,~ ," ..... ',...~ l' '. • J ,~ 1 ...' ~ "..... ~ ~.J ~ 1 . ~ \,;]' N ~ ...., "'-"110.. ,"c'" •. ' JIa,-...... , ~- t""\. .-Jl" 1; ') Â .. ~~~...,.~ . ""'\ ...~', '~j''''~-

f., .....{ .. s·...... '" ".-\ .! '5 km ...... ".~...... ::-,:>-j ~.... _J,J ... . As they approach the water they are said to walk with a particular gait wbich is termed • aggiqrut. The caribou must make their way around this lake in order to begin aggiqtut. When the caribou enter the water they would often attempt to spend the least amount of rime in the water and would get out on the small islands on the north side of Qikiqta/ugjuaq. The name for the island Tuttaaraq (65 PIIO 039) means ~stepping place'~ and refers to this phenomenon. When swimming across the river~ the animaIs are taken by the curreot and often land in the Utiqhiurvik (65 PIIO 063) area This named area bas the meaning --where they return".

The caribou were attacked after they had crossed Qikiqta/ugjuaq and were committed to swimming across the channel on the south side ofthe island. Sometimes individual caribou would he wounded by an inaccurate blow from the lance and would he allowed to escape. The wounded animais often ended up on the island Pilluqui (65 PIIO 028) where they would recover from their injuries and go on. Pilluquti is defined by Schneider (1984: 253) as a thing that is put together with another in the same place. The name retèrs to this common scenario ofwounded caribou aggregating on the island.

There are two other examples ofdifferent names wbich refer indirectly to the status ofan area as a crossing. Ami/rarviit (65 P/06 005) ~a place where you get the herd" are islands in the river. This name must refer to the faet that the big herd (ami/rat) crosses over these islands while crossing the river. Mitqiajurta/ik(65 Pli 1010) refers to the canèou hair that accumulates on the shorelines the islands and the mainland when the caribou herd swims aeross the river.

• 68 Other Animais

• Most references in place names in the Harvaqtuurmiut area relate to caribou. A few, however, identify locations ofthe activity ofother wildlife. Some ofthese species were marginally important to Inuit subsistence.

In the spring time Many migratory species ofbirds Oy into the arctic to have their young. Large numbers ofgeese aggregate on the barren lands ofwestern Hudson Bay for this purpose. Although not nearly as important as the Arviat area, the Kazan River area is also used for nesting. Kanguirvik (SSMl13 021) is the name for an island in the river and means "place ofbreeding geese~.

Another species which was used from tinte to rime by Harvaqtuurmiut was the arctic hare. Ukaliliit (55 Ml12 031) is a group ofthree lakes that harbours a high population of aretie hare as it's name means "they have arctic hare".

Named places often refer ta species which have nothing to do with subsistence at aIl. Some examples are: Ugjungnalik (55 MlI2 027) lake '''it has jumping mice" or"vole" (Fortescue et al 1994: 360); Kivgalulik (55 Mll2 031) lake '''it bas muskrats"; and Kiggaviaqtalik (55M112 040) '''place ofyoung gyrfalcons". These toponyms simply state observable faets in the environment without any direct connection ta subsistence.

Plants

The use ofplants by Inuit was a relatively small, but important, part ofsubsistence. Different berry producing plants were used ta seasonally supplement the main diet Trees

ofall sizes were used in the construction ofqamuti~ tent pales and qajaq, but no trees are available in the studyarea. The smalIer dwarfbirch (avaiaqiaq) was used to weave a

• 69 kind ofwicker mattress to keep caribou bedding skins offthe snaw. Willows (Uqpik) and • any other small brush were coLlected and used for fuel wood in the winter and summer. There is only one toponym in the study area that refers ta plants and it is named Uqpilaujuq (55 Mil3 08 ) a hill whose name means "place ofwillows".

Mineral

Outcrops and lag deposits ofdifferent types ofrock were useful to Harvaqtuurmiut. Prior ta introduction ofthe rifle and metal trade goods minerai resources were quite important to their technology. Veins ofquartzite (tunuujak)were quarried and quartzite river cobbles collected ta manufacture projectile points and to produce sparks ta ignite tires. Soapstone (utlcuhiksaq) was used to make lamps (qulliq) and cooking pots (utlcuhik).

There was one source for soapstone identified in the study area and it was a ridge named Utkuhiksait (65 P/09071). l have visited another source in the Qifdqta/ugjuaq area which is not marked by a place name.

There were no names that indicated locations ofgood quartzite quarry sites. However, another valuable stone was indicated by the name lvitaa/ik (65 P/09 023). lvitaa/ik is a bill which bas ivitaaq --a soft red stone used for colouring" (Fortescue et al 1994: 148). This stone was mixed with tish oil and applied to the seams afkayak (qajaq) covers to keep them water proof.

A minerai resource need not he one that is quanied and taken away or further proeessed. J.\lilclcik (65 PIlO 042) is a named area ofsmooth textured bard rock that is ideal for sharpening edges (Le. Metal knives)•

• 70 4.2.6 Type F- Metaphorical Place Names

• There is a small number ofplace names in the study area which fall into the category of metaphorical place names. ln every case, the name draws an analogy between the morphology ofthe named feature and something from Harvaqtuurmiut experience. These analogies are common in Inuit and Aboriginal people generally. Ofthe smalI set of metaphorical place names in the Harvaqtuurmiut area there is ooly one wbich refers to a human body part. Kimmin 'aaq (55M113 007) is a hill whose name means "little heel". Another type ofanalogy is between that feature and another naturaI feature. In the case of the plain Qairnilugjuaq is a temporary ice feature. When ice forms on something smooth like a stone it is also very smooth. This ice is called a qairniq. The plain "bas the appearance ofa big qairniq'''.

More numerous in the Harvaqtuurmiul area are Dames that refer to the similarities between geographic features and Inuit technology. Huluraq (65 P/IO 005) is an island

which is oblong in shape. [ts name is the term for the "little cord added to the end ofa whiplash to make it crack" (Schneider 1985: 376). The camping area Hannirut (65 PIlO 010) is named due to the cross shape made where a small creek meets the river. Sanniq is defined by Fortescue et aL (1994: 68) as to ·'cross a verticalline".

Qariaha/luq (65 PIla 017) is an oddly shaped bay at the west end ofThirty Mile Lake. It has a narrow opening ta the main river and then it opens up ioto a rather large bay. The mot ofits name is qariaq meaning -'a second snow house opening onto the main snow house" (Schneider 1985: 288). Another reference to the snowhouse is found in the name Tuqsujuqaq (65 P/06 016) "it looks like an entrance". This name refers to the similarity between this feature, a long deep valley, and the entrance to a snowhouse. The island Panarfuaq (65 PIla 040) is simply the "big snow knife" due to its narrow, curved shape.

• 71 4.2 ..7 J.xpe G .. Human Activity Place Names

• Many toponyms refer to the activities ofInuit during their occupation ofthe HarvaqlUUq. Their meanings shed light on the activities involved in Harvaqtuurmiut subsistence and sociallife..

Fishing

Sorne important subsistence areas were labeled with resource place names" but more are named according to the human activities involved in subsistence.. Two important tishing sites are identified by names that refer to the long hours people devoted to fishing in these places. Aitaharvik (65 P/06 002) is the ourlet ofa qamaniq in the river in the Farde Lake area. It is reported to have been a very productive fishing place (Luke Tunguaq, Appendix: 9). Aitaharvik means J'awning place" and refers to the long hours people would spend fishing at the site. A similar toponym is located just above the rapid ltimniq (65 P/09001). Pigaarvik (65 P/09 057) is a small rock island in the river where Inuit would 6sh with lcalcivak. The name means "staying up place" and again relates to the amount oftime people spent fishing there.

Caribou Hunting

As with resource place names~ toponyms tbat relate to the search and pursuit ofcanoou are most numerous. For instance Nahilcsaqturvik(65 Plii 001) was a very important

campsite visited by Rasmussen in the spring of1922 (Rasmussen 1930a). [t was at this camp that Inuit tirst spatted the qangraI/at herd ofcanoou coming from the south. J.Vahisaqturvik means "look.aut place" and is the name ofa hill at that location with a good view ofthe surrounding area.. Look-outs, a key element ofany canoou hunting Iocatio~ were high place~ often with stone blinds to bide the hunters on look-out. • 72 At Qi/dqtalugjuaq (see Figure 9), there are two look-outs. with blinds't for the observation ofcaribou crossing from the north side ofthe river. From these look-outs, observers • signalled to the hunters waiting in qajaqs to ambush caribou when they entered the water. The look-outs are conceived in terms ofcontrasting size: Utaqqivvigjuaq "big waiting place'\ located on a large bill; and Utaqqivvi 'naaq "little waiting place", a smaU Imoll. Bath have stone-constructed blinds on top ofthe hills with walls oriented to bide hunters from being seen from the north.

Behind the campsite Pappilckaq to the southwest there is another lock-out on a hiU called Qatqa 'tuaq '''big look-out hiIl". A qatqa is a hill with a good vantage point for observing the surrounding landscape either for wildlife or for enemies (Joan Sconie, persona! communication).

Plant Gathering

Just as there was ooly one toponym in the study area referring ta plants in the resource category there are very few referring to plant gathering activities. Nunivagiarvik (65 PlI0 022) is a bill in the Qi/dqtalugjuaq area which simply means "where you colleet benies".

Schneider (1985: 225) dermes nunivagiarluq as ··she goes berry picking..."t. Qiulctariarvik (65 P/I3 002) means "·place where one collects willaws" and likely refers ta a location close to a camping area that bas ample willows.

Work Places

Sorne named places are locations where specifie work was done on the construction or maintenance ofsubsistence technology. There are qualities about these sites that make them the best for a particular aetivity. Qarjiurvik(65 P/IO 031) is a site of recent imponance which means "bullet-making place''t. The root term in this name - qarjuk .. is a term tor arrow whieh bas been appropriated to descnèe the bullet • 73 "

"T:_. ,M"':'"'t",-,·, , "' .. I .... ~...... , • ...... ~. ~ r""~" " .. .' ' • l",' ' • r .1;;'Cln ~ Jo, , ,-...0, l .Direction ofCarib6u Movement r 1") . . ..~' f' 1 t'/ .. . ,.... t,·,....., .. , ,41~ 6: ',,1 ...,1 ~ 1 .... • :::so -'. , ) .'o' ,r' ~'1 -, ... o ~ " .; '1 ~ ~ ~.. ~'~~, ...' " " __ . i '-" ,; , ::I: ," '.' ~ ... ~ . ~ " \ s:: ~ \""- .;.. l, '''''' '. ;, L ...... MI' t. l' :3 ~ ' .. "- " ~ . ',,: ,:. 't J\'&siria&ïq ::J ~.-:-~~~ - ... > ~ ~·\~"Ak.uq~iq •• ,r 1., ".:,(,-.-" ..... ~ ';,'" >'"Tuttaaraq , _1 l2 ' • ~ f '. r' 1 "-J .. " _1I~,~;: U. (l:~' r.., ...... ", "0'. .. '. (' "\. .. ". tlqhiurvik ...... w " ii"''..J • Utaqqivvi'na!ti· /:, :~,~ .t' ". f '". . .- ,C":, ' ...... n .' ':;~:;, ...... ,~~ ~ '. ' ". J ....,:. . '. .-' ~. (t; , (' •.' •• '. """" ' (. ,. 1 --,' • .. ~4' "~' - ) • j Z '" _' "1: ') -':"-. .. -.' • ",'.. ..~-- 1:-1 ... " ,_.... , .., .' ~ J r-.' .', ..., 3 R 'p' ··-k"; k .. ikiq.tal~gj~q ," '~ .. ~~ \}.~(' , .. ~ .' ~a \ .~.~ a appl .... ,.... \. 1 ,g " " \ ..... J ". Hannir.'~· --" --,.. . ." -;~~,Pilluqut ~ ~ .1 , - '. If ( . ~" .... , . . ..c l _. '. ." .... ' .-~ Qatqatuaq , '''jkPi~~. _l!t~9ivvigjuaq ...~ ...... ~~.) R5i=•.... \~.., '·1 . ,-'"-) , ~ , .. .." '...... , ... C, . '-. . .., ...... l .... ~ . t.::J ,'.,..".... . \'-...... L .".1 r-.' .• " . ''',' ., 1 .. -1' ".~" "-,, ",' ç--.., '. ~' ,- " ~:\ .... • '~J _ ~v . , '.. - .. " - l , \ ! '< 1 Tunuhu·k • "'._' _.. ~,. .. '. ,...... ,j .;' J " ;( N .. !' '" \...... ". .~.... C~.".li 1 \, ':'-.. ----... ~,.I. • ...... """..: ", ,,'" 1 c.) !", ~- ...... À' ...", ~.. ~. . ", . ",' ".,' ...... J ....---- ...... - .~.,. r '5 km. 1 • ...) " ~ '.__ ~.. l r ..', ...... ": ~I.. ~_.~.r·_~r 4 \ ) "...... _, . a • To conserve bullets for their breech loading rifles, Harvaqtuurmiul would reload spent casings with powder and leael Inuit would go to great lengths to try and recover spent • casings and even lead from animal carcasses. They would insert the casing iota cracks in the bedrock (qaiqluq) before inserting powder and lead. Qarjiurvik bas the partieular quality ofhaving cracks that are the perfect width for this operation.

The gentle sloping plain Itsaliurvik (55 Ml12 006) "place where tents are made" on the east side ofQurluqtuq [Kazan Falls] is also refers to a specifie activity. An itsaq is a comcal caribou skin tent. This site had the same name in 1922 when Knud Rasmussen visited the area. It is unclear is why this particuIar site would he superior for the sewing

oflents. [t MaY refer to ooly a single occasion when tents were sewn at this site. Perhaps it was simply the site Inuit were at in their seasonal round ofmovements, at the time when tents were made. Another possibility is that there was some kind oftaboo prescription for making lents at this site. Joan Scanie (persona! communication, 1999) tèels that as the area is remarkably flat and even, this MaY have made it the perfect place

to spread out ail the skins in the process ofsewing a tent.

Travel

A number oftoponyms that refer to human activities are related to the movement of people through the landscape. These names are indicative ofthe seasonal movements of Harvaqtuurmiul and their mode oftraveL They also tend to bave a built-in sense of orientation.

There are two major rapids between Qamaniq [Forde Lake] and Qurluqtuq [Kazan Falls] whose names refer to the fact that they were baniers to the movement ofpeople by qajaq down river from Qamaniq [Farde Lake]. Itimningaq (65 P/it 016) means"the tirst ponage" and ltimniq (65 P/09 001) "the portage". When these rapids were named, the area above ltimningaq was elearly a starting point for qajaq traveL One may specuIate

75 that this is evidence that the area around Qamaniq [Forde Lake] was al one time a Cocus for Inuit subsistence activity. ln the lifetime ofthe Eiders interviewed in the 199Os, the • more important camp sites were further down river. These same Eiders testified that in their parents lives~ much more time was spent above Itimningaq and as far south as Alclirnaqtuq [Ferguson Lake] (Joan Sconie, personal communicatio~ 1999). Elizabeth Tunnuq even explained that her parents generation would not disturb the old tent rings at Aariaq&iq (65 P-li 007),just above ltimningaq, out ofrespect fortheir age (Joan Scanie, personal communication, 1999). Even in her parents tinte, this campsite was considered very old by Harvaqtuurmiut.

Akunni 'tuaq (55M112 028) is another example ofa toponym. related to the movement of people. [t is a hilliocated between two historieally important campsites in Piqq;q (55M1I2 014) and Piqqiarjuk (55M1I2 015). The meaning ofAlcunni'tuaq is the "big interval between" (Forteseue et al 1994: 15). The main method oftravel hetween campsites in ethnographie rimes was by walking or by dogsled in the winter. This hill would have presented an obstacle to he sunnounted when travelling between these camps.

lpirarvik (65 P/I3 008) is a name that indicates the fastest way to travel between points. When walking was the major mode oftravel water bodies couid present significant hindrances to travel. Many extra kilometres wouid have to he walked to go around long bays. lpirarvik means "wading place~ and indicates a body ofwater shallow enough that one can wade straight across and not have to walk around the very long bay that goes off ta the south.

Harvaqtuurmiut had ditTerent t001s for different seasonal aetivities and not all were

needed at any one time. Therefare, equipment was stored when not in use 50 that ilcouid safely he left behind. Hirluaqtalik (55M113 020) is an island whose name means "place ofstorage". A hirluaq is an equipment cache for leaving things behind when travelling on to another area. • 76 Games

• The final type ofhuman activity place name in the Harvaqtuurmiut area are names identifying gaming sites. AIl the gaming sites involve a stone which is the central focus ofthe game. There are two places named KiwakDnaqtaIik(65 PIIO 027 and 5S Ml12 011) in the study area. They are bath said ta have the roWlded stones that are typically called lcivvalcattaq or weight lifting stone. These stones are lifted in competitions of strength. 1have seen these amongst the UtlcuhiksaIingmiut and pQallirmiut aIso.

QapapaujaqtaIik (65 Pli 1 008) is the name ofa bill where the game qapapaujaq is played. 1have aIso recorded a qapapaujaq site at Itimnaarjuk on the Back River. This game is played with a number ofpeople standing in a ring around a stone, backs facing towards the centre~ with their arms linked at the elbows. A person that is not in the group

tries ta push the group 50 that people must step offthe stone. Those that do are out orthe game't and then play continues with the group remaining on the rock trying to work together ta stay on.

There is yet another game related to a stone that is located near the camp Papilclcaq. Auniujarvik (65 Pli0 058) refers to both a bill and a large boulder that is aImost like a cube in shape. Auniujaq is a type ofgame oflag played by children involving climbing on this boulder.

• 77 Cbapter5: Discussion

• Based on the ethno-historical studies ofEmest Burch (1986: 113), the Caribou Inuit of the Tariurjuaq [Hudson Bay] coast split into two different societies around the 1820's: one to the sou~ oriented toward the Hudson's Bay Company post at Kuugjuaq [Churchill]; and one oriented towards Chesterfield Inlet and Qamani'tuaq [Baker Lake). Following this initial spli4 a shortage ofcaribou along the coast in the 1840s forced members ofthe southem group to move further and furtber inland (Burch 1986: 114; Burch 1977: 143). Many stayed and thrived, and as the population grew, the original two societies ofBurch's reconstructio~ became five societies by 1880 (Burch 1986: 114; Csonka 1995: 123). Based on this reconstruction the Harvaqtuurmiut couldn't have arrived on the Harvaqluuq until sometime after 1840. Before 1840 the Caribou Inuit were seasonal caribou hunters who spent part ofthe year hunting sea mammals, not unlike the coastaI Paallinniut ofthe 20tb century. For the segment ofthe population who moved to the Harvaqluuq, the landscape presented new challenges to which they had to adapt.

With the river - the Harvaqtuuq - as their new home. The immigrants came to cali themselves Harvaqluurmiut "people ofHarvaqtuuq". The river became the main focus ofthe their territory and gave the surrounding landscape orientation. The three lakes located on the dog team route to Tipjalik [Beverly Lake] are evidence ofthis phenomenon. They are ail named Tahirjuaq with the modifiers IU/cUq, alculliq and ungalliq [CloseS4 middle, furthestl designating the order they are encountered when travelling from the Harvaqtuuq. Within the main focus ofthe river there are severa! sub­

tocL These were areas ofland-use activity, especially caribou water crossings, to which extended familles would return yearly. The names surrounding a sub-foci constitute an intemally coherent network that is for the most part implici~ but sorne names were explicitly tagged as being possessed bythe fecus (i.e. ltimniup Kinngaa "Itimniq's hill).

• 78 Typological analysis identified the geographiclliteral descriptive type place names as the most numerous in the Harvaqtuurmiut territory. This finding coincides with the results of • other studies ofInuit names. The generic nature ofmany ofthe names is a further indication orthe internaI rationalization ofnames to localized foci. There are many names throughout arctic North America that are identicaL however~ each is imbedded in its own self-referential network.

Harvaqtuurmiul applied Inuktitut terminology to the Harvaqtuuq. Embedded in tbis terminology are uniquely Inuit concepts such as hydrological concepts that distinguish a rahiq from a qamaniq, and that view a river~ not as an entity to he traeed from source to mouth. but as a series ofinterconnected moving and still water sections. The lnuktitut language developed historically in the context ofa coastal or seasonally coastal way of life. Harvaqtuurmiut were applying these coast.derived concepts in their organization of the Harvaqtuuq landscape. An example ofthis is the lcangilliql/cilliq or inIandisea opposition which was adapted by Harvaqtuurmiut for use inland. This is evident in the use ofthese terms to distinguish paired geographical features (i.e Killiq Tulli! and Kangifliq Tullik) and in the inclusion ofthese terms in Harvaqtuurmiut bay designations (i.e. lcangiq&uk and ldllinaugaq).

The move to the Harvaqtuuq involved a break with coastal resources and hunting techniques. Much like the coastaI Paallirmiut ofthe 20mcentury, the original migrants to the Harvaqtuuq must have already hunted caribou at water crossings. However, in the absence ofother resources, caribou became the only staple available.. and caribou crossing hoots became the most impottant subsistence activities. This faet is borne out in the Many names denoting the presence ofcaribo~ caribou behaviour and locations of caribou water crossmgs. As presented in the example ofthe Qikiqtalugjuoq area in

Chapter 4~ the presence ofa caribou crossing brought an implicit orientation to an are&. Many ofthe names surrounding the area refer to the actions and strategies ofthe hunters.. and the behaviours ofthe caribou. The influence that caribou movements had over the • 79 Harvaqtuurmiut perception oflandscape orientation bas also been demonstrated by Robert Rundstrom in bis analysis ofCaribou Inuit band drawn maps (Rundstrom (987). • Rundstom found that in the maps Inuit tended to retate Iandscape features "to conform to an east-west trend" and that these rotations "occurred at important caribou crossings" (Rundstrom 1987: 181). Thus~ the idea that caribou-hunting Inuit may have conceived selected locations as perpendicular blockades to the north-south seasonal migrations orthe caribou tinds support in this study. It appears that fluvial locations where caribou movements took place were crucial to the conceived directional orientation ofplaces (Rundstrom 1987: 1811182).

The magnitude ofinfluence caribou movements had on the Harvaqtuurmiut is embedded in their toponyms. The names reveal the adaptation ofHarvaqtuurmiut subsistence strategies to the reality ofresource avaiIability on the Harvaqtuuq. The pursuit of caribou dictated Harvaqtuurmiul land-use patterns.

Fishing was also an important subsistence activity to the Harvaqtuurmiut. and this fact is borne out in the place names. However~ the predominance ofcanoou hunting in subsistence was unrivalled. and for this reason areas that contained caribou crossings 50ch as in the example ofQikiqtalugjuaq aeted as foci. In the lifetimes ofthe EIders who were involved in this study, the most important foci in their territory were the canoou crossings at Qikiqta/ugjuaq, ltimniq, Piqqiarjuk and Piqqiq. These areas were frequented by ditIerent groups ofextended familles, and while all shared the main focus ofthe HarvaqlUUq~ each had a local network ofplace names that were self-referential. There is

evidence apparent in the place name pair ltimningaq/ltimniq ({st and 2ad portages), that these erossings have not always been the only foci~ or perhaps the most important. These two rapids are named in succession as they were met bya kayaker travelling down-river. The faet that ltimningaq was the first to be encountered 50ggests that the area above that

rapid was at one time an important focus ofland-use. Perhaps the MOst important historically.

• 80 The idea that a location (or locations) above ltimningaq were more important to Harvaqluurmiut in the past is supported by EIders testimony. While working in the • ltimniq area in 1997, EIders Luke Tunguaq and Elizabeth Tunnuq lamented that we would not he able ta visit the area above those rapids, as this was the location frequented by their parents~ and where one MaY find aider sites (Keith 1994-1998)9. Elizabeth Tunnuq mention that in her motherts time they lived further up river around Tug/irutik and as far south as Ak/irnaqtuq [Ferguson Lake], and that her mother recognized Aariaq&iq as being a very old campsite, so old that they would not disturb the old tent rings out ofrespect for their age (Joan Sconie, persona! communicatio~ 1999). These toponyms testify to a shift in land-use in the beginning ofthe 20dl century from an area above flimningaq and as far south as the ootlet ofHihllilcjuaq [Yathkyed Lake] and A/cJirnaqruq (Ferguson Lake], to the lower river at the sites ofQi/dqla/ugjuaq, Itimniq, Piqqiarjuk and Piqqiq. The timing ofthis move lends credibility ta an interpretation that this move was motivated by the desire to he closer ta the Hudson's Bay Company trading post at Uqpilctuujuq [Big Hips Island] in Qamani'tuaq [Baker Lake], established in 1916.

The main conclusion ofthis thesis is that Harvaqtuurmiut place names have commemorated the [nuit historicalland-use and land-use change since their arrival to the HarvaqtllUq. Historical toponyms support. the faet that Harvaqtuunniul began occupying a frontier territory that was seasonally frequented by Dene. Meetings between lnuit and Dene since Inuit immigration have occasioned conflict Indeed the insecurity inherent in this situation was felt in the lifetime ofElizabeth Tunnuq who now lives in Qamani'tuaq [Baker Lake] (Keith 1994-1998). The ancestors ofmodern Harvaqtuurmiut must have been motivated by sorne bardship around 1840 to abandon life on the coast and search inland for a viable living. Ernest Bun:h attributes this move as a reaction to a shortage of canDau at the rime. Over time the territory was experienc~ and named based on that experience by drawing on the weUspring ofterminology and concepts round in the

9 These discussions were recalled and confirmed by Joan Sconie (personal communication,. 1999) in October~ 1999. • 8t Inuktitut language. ln this way the landscape was appropriated by Inuit as their home • territory. It is by expanding on the idea ofa process oflandscape appropriation that 1would like to add a more speculative interpretation ofthe place name data based on the presence of anthroponyms an~ the paucity ofpan-Inuit myths in the landscape. Logically, a group moving inlO a new area would have to undergo a process oflandscape appropriation tbat would entail investigation and experience ofan ~ and naming ofsignificant features. This process ofincreasing knowledge and psychological or emotional attaehment would ofnecessity he graduai. Place names MaY he an indicator ofthe stage oflandscape appropriation that a society bas reached.

The use ofpersonal names in toponyms is uncommon in the Inuit world. In the Netsilik

culture area this practice May he non-existent (Keith and Kamookak 1999; Keith and Sconie 1997). Harvaqtuurmiut, and 1believe al1 Caribou Inui~ name the locations of their buried kin using the name ofthe deceased. Perhaps by remembering their ancestors thraugh landscape features the Harvaqluurmiut were, in etTeet, laying down a genea10gically based daim to a territory that they had occupied for a briefperiode This aet oflandscape appropriation would have been a signal to outsiders oftheir claim, and also an internai impetus for members oftheir society to behave in accordance with their obligations to the land.

Ifanthroponyms can he interpret~ in the case ofthe Harvaqtuurmiut, to he a short term method oflandscape appropriatio~ perhaps the appearance ofnames implicating a location in Inuit myth indicates a long occupation. Inuit societies that have a long time

depth ofoccupation in an aI'eat such as the Nattilingmiut~ UtlcuhiksaIingmiut or even the Paallirmiu/~ have toponyms that narrate major mythological events as occurring in their territory (Keith and Dwyer 1995; Rasmussen 1931). For example alliocate the myth of Kiviuq and the creation offog in their home territory. This story is lmown by • 82 Harvaqtuurmiut~ albeit in a different version~ but it is understood ta have occurred on the

coast (Keith 1994-1998). No major pan-Inuit myths are located in the HarvaqlUUq are&, • as indicated by place names.

However't the relationship ofweil known mythical characters and the HarvaqlUUrmiut territory is not completely unknown. Though the culture hem Kiviuq is not alluded to in any names in the Harvaqtuunniut ~ there is a song which lists the names ofplaces he visited bis immigration to the Harvaqtuuq from the Tariurjuaq [Hudson Bay] coast by travelling up Chesterfield lnlet and the Kangirjuaq [Thelon River], and then from the mouth ofHarvaqtuuq to a point around the Kuunnuaq River junction (Harvaqtuurmiut et al 1994: 5). His motivation for this journey is that he was having no luck in hunting marine wildlife (Harvaqtuurmiut et al 1994: 5). Versions ofthis song are known amongst the coastaI Paal/irmiut and the Aivilingmiut (Luke Sul~ persona! communicatio~ 1999).

Taken together, these observations about the presence ofanthroponyms, and the absence ofmythical events in Harvaqtuurmiut tenitory seem to support current theory about the recent arrivai ofInuit to the Harvaqluuq. Perhaps Kiviuq's song about an immigration inland to the Harvaqtuuq from the co~ motivated by subsistence concerns, can he seen as commemorating this move.

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• 89 •

Appendix

Spread Sheets ofPlace Name Classification

• 90 lOt Hlme Entlty Type 55 Ml12 001 Qurfuqtuq falls A tMl12 002 Qaimilugjuaq plain F M/12 003 Unahugiik hill C 55 M/12 004 Qaimilugjuup ltiqturjuanga valley A 55 M112 005 Aggiriatjuaq point E 55 M/12 006 ltsaliurvik slope G 55 M112 007 Kangiurvik site E 55 M/12 008 Killinaugaq bay A 55 M112 009 Hiura'tuaq beach A 55 M112 010 Nallurhiaq caribou crossing E 55 MJ12 011 Kîwakattaqtalik site G 55 MJ12 012 Kiggaviaqtali'naaq hill E 55 M/12 013 Qarjariaqtalik hill A 55 M/12 014 Piqqiq rapids A 55 M/12 015 Piqqiarjuk rapids A 55 M112 016 Hagli island A 55 M/12 017 Qarliarii'naat fakes F 55 M112 018 Killinauga'naaq bay A 55 M/12 019 Utaqqiwigjuaq hill G 55 M/12 020 Aqia~uaq lake C 55 M/12 021 Cawavaujarvik hill 0 55 M112 022 Camanaugaq river lake A 55 M/12 023 Camanaugarjuaq river lake A 55 M112 024 TasiqQusiakuluk lake A 55 Ml12 025 Tasiqqusiaq lake A 55 M/12 026 Itsaliurvik river lalce G 55 M/12 027 Ugjungnalik Jake E 55 M/12 028 Akkunni'tuaq hill G 55 M/12 029 Itsaliurvik shoreline G 55 M/12 030 Camanauga'naaq river Jake A 55 Ml12 031 KlVgalulik lake E 55 M/12 032 Jtipli~uaq hill G 55 Ml12 033 Utaqqiwisiuaq hill and campsite G 55 M/12 034 Aptaniup Kuunga river A 55 M/12 035 Upinngivvik hills C 55 M/12 036 Minngirvik hill C 55 M/12 037 Aqia~uaq Jake C 55 M/12 038 Nallulik lake E 55 M/12 039 Atani'naaq land ccnnection A 55 M/12 040 Kiggaviaqtalik hill E 55 Ml12 041 Ugjungnalik lake E 55 M/12042 Akutaqtalik lake C 55 M/12 043 Nuillak river section A 55 M/12 044 Aulatsiwiarjuk point G 55 Ml12 045 Akunni'tuaq hill G 55 M/12 046 Kiwakattaqtalik point G 55 M112047 Nallurhiaq caribou crossing E 55 Ml12048 Mannittuaq hill E 55 M112 049 Kihimiajija island C 55 Ml12 052 Niaqquarvik point C 65 P/9001 ltimniq rapids G fP19002 Qamanaugaq river Jake A P/9 003 Amiruqtuuq island E P/9004 Cariahalluq Jake F 65 P/9005 Kangiq&ulugjuaq bay A P/9006 Ihaku'tuaq point F P/9007 Imariktuq lake A f P/9 008 Pualrinnalik point F 65 P/9 009 Pualrinnalik lake F 65 P/9010 Nurrahiwik river lake E 65 P/9 011 Quukilruq narrow A 65 P/9012 Ipjurjuaq pointlinuksuk C 65 P/9 013 Killinaugaq bay A 65 P/9014 Ipiwik point C 65 P/9 015 ltimniup KingaaJltimni'tuaq hill .A. 65 P/9 016 Innitaaq island A 65 P/9017 Pigaarvik island G 65 P/9 018 Huluraq point F 65 P/9019 Pualrinnaq point F 65 P/9020 ltimniup I(jnngaa~ua hills A 65 P/9021 Amatquaksaannuak 2 hills F 65 P/9 023 Ivitaarik hill E 65 P/9 024 Utkuhigjuaqtalik hiU A 65 P/9026 Tasira'tuaQ lake A 65 P/9 027 Pualrinnaq point F 65 P/9028 ltimniq point G 65 P/9 029 TikiralugjuaQ point F 65 P/9 031 Nurraqhiviit 3 islands E 65 P/9 048 Auksiivik camp G 65 P/9049 Pipqa'naaqtalik hill C 65 P/9 050 Mumirvik site G 65 P/9051 Nillaq hill C 65 P/9 052 Atuat hill C 65 P/9054 Aahivak point C 65 P/9 055 Adgu&inirjuaq area A 65 P/9 056 Innitaaq island A 65 P/9 057 Pigaarvik island G 65 P/9 058 Nurraqhiwigjuaq island E 65 P/9 060 Qaimilugjuaq hill F 65 P/9 061 Ujaraaqsiwik site G 65 P/9 066 Utkuhigjuaqtalik hUI C 65 P/9 067 Nunaliaq earthen mound G 65 P/9068 Ipjurjuup Oanilia island A 65 P/9 069 Ungavaituq hill A 65 P/9070 Amiruqtuuq island E 65 P/9 071 Utkuhiksait ridge E 65 P/6001 Oamaniq or Tiglirutip Qamania river lake A 65 P/6 002 Aitaharvik Lake outtet G 65 P/6 003 Tikira'tuaq point F 65 P/6004 Uriarvik hill C 65 P/6005 Amillarviit island E 65 P/6006 lqaluttialuktuq lake E 65 P/6 007 Tugliruti'tuaq hill A 65 P/6 009 Pualrinnalik lake F 65 P/6011 ltaaqatugaq bay A 65 P/6013 Tugliruti'naaq island A P/6015 lIaituqtalik lake C P/6016 Tuqsujaqaq bay F f P/6017 ltaaqatugaq bay A 65 P/6018 Killiniq bay A fPf6019 Ihuqtuq lake E P/10 001 Harvaqtuuq river A PI10004 Supgutuaq bay head F 65 P/10 005 Huluraq Island F 65 P/10 006 Nuvuk&ik point A 65 P/10 007 Nuvuhivvik point A 65 P/10 008 Naharahugaluaq island F 65 P/10 010 Hannirut river mouth F 65 P/10 011 Tunuhuk lake A 65 P/10 012 Tuatturaujaq lake A 65 P/10 013 Ikpiarjuk F 65 P/10 014 Qinngurnaaq bay A 65 P/10 015 Akuq&iq hill A 65 P/10 016 Tasiquttaaq lake A 65 P/10 017 aariahalluq bay F 65 P/10 018 Kinngarjuit hills A 65 P/10 019 Qikiqtalugjuaq island A 65 P/10 022 Nunivagiarvik hill E 65 P/10 023 Ikpik campsite A 65 P/10 024 Papikkaq campsite C 65 P/10 025 Ihunngaq hilllinuksuk C 65 P/10 026 Qatqartuaq hill G 65 P/10 027 KiwakattaqtalikiHalluhinariituq stone G 65 P/10 028 PiIluqut Island E 65 P/10 030 Huluraq point F 65 P/10 031 Qa~uirvik hill G 65 P/10 032 Qikiqhiqturliq island A 65 P/10 033 Umingmaujaqtalik island B 65 P/10 035 Igalaaraa~uktalik hill C 65 P/10 036 Panniguniarnaaq grave C 65 P/10 037 Qikitartuaq island A 65 P/10 038 Angilluqtartuaq current A 65 P/10 039 Tuttaaraq island E 65 P/10 040 Pana~uaq island F 65 P/10 041 Autuvik Island A 65 P/10 042 Mikik rock outcrop G 65 P/10 043 Nuvuksat island A 65 P/10 044 Pilluquqaajuk island E 65 P/10 045 Tunngalik hill/cave 0 65 P/10 046 Maniqtut islands A 65 P/10 047 Aggiria&iq lake E 65 P/10 048 PamialuktaHk hill A 65 P/10 049 Oaliarulik hill A 65 PI10 050 Killiq Tullik lake E 65 P/10 051 Kangilliq Tullik lake E 65 P/10 052 TuIIigjuaqtaIik lake E 65 P/10 053 OariahaJluup Kinngaa hill E 65 P/10 054 Utaqqiwitnaaq hill G 65 P/10 055 Utaqqiwitnaaq hillock G 65 P/10 056 Hulukpaugalik lake E 65 P/10 057 Hadliaruhiq hill A fPf10058 Aunuijarvik hill and boulder G P/10 059 Inuksulrnaaq hill A PI10060 Pusingajuq hill F 65 P/1Q 061 Qarjiurvik hill G fP/10062 Naujatuujuk island E P/11 001 Nasiktarturvik hill G P/11 002 Kuunnua'naaq river A 65 P/11 003 Kuunnuaq river A 65 P/11 004 Qamanaugaq river lake A 65 P/11 006 AJanariktuq point A 65 P/11 007 Aariaq&ik hill A 65 P/11 008 Qapapaujaqtalik hill G 65 P/11 009 Ukpalluqtuq hill A 65 P/11 010 Mitqiajurtalik island E 65 P/11 011 aikiqta~uaq island A 65 P/11 012 Qamanaugaq river lake A 65 P/11 013 Tunnuhuk lake A 65 P/11 014 Amnapiurvik hill B 65 P/11 015 Anngialik river lake E 65 P/11 016 ltimningaq rapids G 65 P/11 017 Kahunnaq islands F 65 P/11 018 Atani'naaq land connection A 65 P/11 019 Tuurjuk Jake A 65 P/11 020 Anngialik river lake E 65 P/11 021 Nurraaq hill E 65 P/13 001 Tahirjuaq Tugliq lake A 65 P/13 002 Qiuktariarvik hill G 65 P/13 003 Aggiriajat hills E 65 P/13 005 Qikiqtalugjuaq island A 65 P/13 007 Amaqquvik island C 65 P/13 008 Ipirarvik bay G 65 P/13 009 Anaqtalik hill A 65 P/13 010 Anaqtaggujaaq hill A 65 P/13 011 Ikitinniq point A 65 P/13 012 Qikiqta~uaq island A 65 P/13 013 Haningajukuluk island A 65 P/13 014 Kiggaviaqtalik island E 65 P/13 015 Nirlluajalik island A 65 P/13 016 Uatinniq ares A 65 P/13 017 Panngniqtuumavik lake E 65 P/13 018 Anaqtaliup Kuugaa creek A 65 P/13 019 Qimirlugaqtalik hill A 65 P/14 001 Aariannuaq lake outlet A 65 P/14 002 Hungaujaqtalik hills A 65 P/14 003 Kinngarjuit hills A 65 PI14 004 Ama'naaq hm F 65 P/14 005 Tiritquq bay A 65 P/1400e Tiriksiutaarvik hill C 65 P/14 007 Uujuktalik hill C 65 P/14 008 Kinnga'naaq hill A 65 P/14 009 Haviruut ares C 65 P/14 010 Quglunnilik lake A 65 PI14 011 Tahirjua'tuaq lake A 65 P/15 001 Tahilugjuaq lake A 65 P/15 002 Kukiaktalik point A fP/15003 Kukiaktaliup Kuunga creek E P/15 004 Tikiratuaq Killiq point A P/15 005 Amatquaqsannuak Kuunga river A 65 P/15 006 Amatquaqsannuak Kuungata AI A P/15 007 Tikiratuaq Kangilliq point A PI1S 008 Isuqtuq lake E f P/15 009 Nuvurlaq point A 65 P/15 010 Qingu'tuaq bay A 65 P/15 011 Aniraujalik hill A 560/03 001 HaNaqruuq river A 560/03 002 HaNaqwupAkua delœifmoufu A 56 D/03 003 Hattiumanitjuaq headland A 560/03004 Qurlaittuijarvik river A 560/03005 Tuumgaqtalik isfand o 56 D/03 006 aamanrtuaq river fake A 56 0/03007 Hattiumani'tuit hills A 56 D/03008 Niaqunguutik 2 hills G 560/03 009 Tuumgaqtaliik 2 islands o 56 0/03010 Tuumgaqtalik island o 56 0/03011 Anngaujarvik rapids A 560/03 012 Kakiaktu'naap Kuunga river A 560/03 013 Camani'tuup Allininga lake section A 560/03014 UjaraktaNik quarry E 560/03 015 aaiqtu'naaq bedrock outcrop A 560/03016 Kakiaktu'naap Akua river mouth A 56 0/03017 aurtaittuijarvik shallows A 55 MJ14 001 Cuglunilik lake A 55 M/14 002 Niaqunguutip Tasia Jake A 55 M/14 003 Aupaluktuq rapids A 55 M/14 004 Niaqunguut mountain F 55 M/14 005 Niaqunguutip Tasia Iake A 55 M/14 006 Niaqunguutik 2 hifls F 55 M114 007 Kakiaktutnaaq lake A 55 Ml14 008 Qingaugaqtuq eskers A 55 M114 009 Imnalik cliff A 55 M/14 010 Kakiaktutnaap Kinngaa hill A 55 M/13 001 Camanaarjuk river section A 55 M/13 002 Nauhaaq mountain F 55 Ml13 003 Amilukiaktalik Jake C 55 M/13 004 Ukalilïlt 3 lakes E 55 M/13 005 Ukalilik hill E 55 Ml13 007 Kimmi'naaq hilf F 55 M/13 008 Uqpiktujuq hill E 55 M/13 009 Piqqiqtuq rapids A 55 Ml13 010 Nalluttuaq caribou crossing E 55 Ml13 011 ailamnguqtaNik hill A 55 M113 012 Iqsarjuaq hill C 55 M113 013 Ouglugniliup Kuunga river A 55 Ml13 014 Pialla'naaq hillock A 55 M/13 020 Hirtuaqtalik island G 55 Ml13 021 Kangiurvik island E 55 M/13 022 Nallu'tuaq caribou crossing E 55 MJ13 023 aiIamngutarviik 2 hills A 55 Ml13 025 Kataujaqtalik hill A 55 Ml13 026 Qinnguraujaq bay A Uqpiktujuq island E 'Ml13 027