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Dirección General De Asuntos Religiosos
DIRECTORIO DE ASOCIACIONES RELIGIOSAS DIRECCIÓN GENERAL DE POR ENTIDAD FEDERATIVA ASUNTOS RELIGIOSOS 14 noviembre 2019 Clave SGAR y Asociación Religiosa Domicilio Legal Representante o Apoderado Legal Entidad Federativa: HGO SGAR/1099/93 IGLESIA CRISTIANA INDEPENDIENTE CHAMIZAL NO. 141 COL. EL MIRADOR, TULANCINGO, C.P. 43659, Tel. "AMMI PUEBLO MIO" 9177132716 GRISELDA TELLEZ FERNANDEZ REYNALDO TELLEZ TREJO SGAR/1105/94 2IGLESIA CRISTIANA DE LOS HERMANOS DOMICILIO CONOCIDO, CHICAAVOSCO, ACTOPAN, C.P. 42500, Tel. LIBRES" 9177136335 38071 JOSE SANCHEZ HERRERA LUIS GILBERTO BAUTISTA TAPIA RUBEN CRUZ BAUTISTA SGAR/1111/93 IGLESIA CRISTIANA INDEPENDIENTE CALLE MOCTEZUMA N° 315, COLONIA CENTRO, PACHUCA, C.P. ARMANDO VICENTE VELAZQUEZ AMOR FRATERNAL 42000, Tel. 9177180835 53463 GRANADOS ELIA GOMEZ SANTILLAN GAMALIEL CASTRO CASTILLO JESUS ISAAC ARRIAGA MARTINEZ JORGE PEREZ ANARIO ROSALIO NOLASCO JIMENEZ VICENTE GARCIA SOLARES SGAR/1181/93 MONASTERIO DE CARMELITAS DESCALZAS DE SAN JOSE Y SANTA TERESA EN PROL. 5 DE FEBRERO No.408 PTE., TULANCINGO, C.P. 43600, Tel. MA. DEL CONSUELO RENTERIA TULANCINGO, HGO. 9177530260 Ma. DEL CONSUELO RENTERIA RODRIGUEZ MA. GLORIA REFUGIO AGUILAR CRUZ SGAR/1184/93 MONASTERIO DE SAN FRANCISCO DE MARIANO ESCOBEDO N° 24-68, ACTOPAN, C.P. 42500, Tel. 9177271784 ASIS, EN ACTOPAN, HGO. 7601894 ANA MARIA MARTINEZ ROSALES JUAN VALENTIN BAUTISTA SALINAS RUFINA GACHUZO OLVERA SGAR/13:1118/09 IGLESIA BAUTISTA "PUERTA LA HERMOSA" DE EL BARRIDO, DIOS PADRE EN CALLE CERRADA S/N, COLONIA EL BARRIDO, IXMIQUILPAN, C.P. ISMAEL RUBIO MUÑOZ IXMIQUILPAN, HIDALGO 42300, Tel. 01-773-10-38-663 JOSGE SOLIS BARRERA NOEMI ZUÑIGA GUTIERREZ SGAR/13:141/95 IGLESIA BAUTISTA ELIACIM DE TEPETITLAN, HGO. -
13 Hidalgo Huichapan Huichapan Tecozautla
13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA RIITOEL 1700738098 0.50 481.50 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA RIITOEL 873053 0.50 481.50 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA RIITOEL 1700737296 0.27 260.01 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA GANDHO P.P. 1000494192 1.00 963.00 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA TECOZAUTLA P.P. 1703018192 2.61 2513.43 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TAGUI P.P. 1010059027 4.00 3852.00 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA BANZHA 838834 1.00 963.00 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA BOMANXOTHA 871259 0.89 857.07 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA BOMANXOTHA 1700245640 1.00 963.00 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA BOMANXOTHA 1703013728 0.94 905.22 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA BOMANXOTHA 1000035096 0.53 510.39 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA GANDHO 1000476606 0.75 722.25 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA RIITOEL 1010010418 1.22 1174.86 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA SAN ANTONIO 1701701153 1.42 1367.46 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA SAN ANTONIO 1000477227 0.71 683.73 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA BOMANXOTHA 871181 1.18 1136.34 OI12 RIEGO PROCAMPO 13 HIDALGO HUICHAPAN HUICHAPAN TECOZAUTLA PANHE 838814 -
Complementario 4. Aportaciones Por Fondo Y Municipio
Presupuesto de Egresos del Estado de Hidalgo Ejercicio Fiscal 2019 Aportaciones por fondo y municipio Complementario 4 Fondo de Fondo de Aportaciones a la Fortalecimiento Municipio Monto Presupuestado Infraestructura Municipal Acatlán 28,021,607 15,136,756 12,884,851 Acaxochitlán 77,633,477 50,831,469 26,802,008 Actopan 53,199,868 18,649,438 34,550,430 Agua Blanca de Iturbide 17,318,162 11,736,604 5,581,558 Ajacuba 17,314,546 6,097,550 11,216,996 Alfajayucan 36,807,704 24,358,798 12,448,906 Almoloya 16,824,856 9,226,443 7,598,413 Apan 49,993,644 22,700,586 27,293,058 Atitalaquia 23,229,041 5,054,691 18,174,350 Atlapexco 48,345,242 36,159,617 12,185,625 Atotonilco de Tula 30,316,443 6,704,421 23,612,022 Atotonilco el Grande 36,029,572 19,232,855 16,796,717 Calnali 39,737,384 29,228,798 10,508,586 Cardonal 30,057,088 18,823,560 11,233,528 Cuautepec de Hinojosa 77,334,075 41,637,455 35,696,620 Chapantongo 24,926,386 16,483,637 8,442,749 Chapulhuacán 54,528,100 39,857,224 14,670,876 Chilcuautla 28,872,727 17,748,185 11,124,542 El Arenal 20,664,580 9,149,403 11,515,177 Eloxochitlán 7,251,891 5,618,936 1,632,955 Emiliano Zapata 12,838,412 3,761,340 9,077,072 Epazoyucan 12,785,838 3,789,587 8,996,251 Francisco I. -
SERVICIO GEOLÓGICO MEXICANO Carta Inventario-Minero
SERVICIO GEOLÓGICO MEXICANO Carta Inventario-Minero Chapulhuacán F14-D41, Escala 1:50,000 SERVICIO GEOLÓGICO MEXICANO ÍNDICE Pag. I. GENERALIDADES 1 I.1. Introducción 1 I.2. Antecedentes 1 I.3. Objetivo 2 1.4. Localización y vías de comunicación 2 II. GEOLOGÍA LOCAL 5 III. YACIMIENTOS MINERALES 9 III.1. Localidades de Minerales Metálicos 9 III.2. Localidades de Roca Dimensionable 23 III.3. Localidades de Agregados Pétreos 47 III.4. Localidades de Minerales No Metálicos 60 IV. CONCLUSIONES Y RECOMENDACIONES 69 BIBLIOGRAFÍA 71 Carta Inventario-Minero Chapulhuacán F14-D41, Escala 1:50,000 SERVICIO GEOLÓGICO MEXICANO FIGURAS Pag. Figura 1. Plano de localización de la carta Chapulhuacán F14-D41, Estados de Hidalgo 4 y San Luis Potosí TABLAS Tabla 1. Localidades de Minerales Metálicos de la carta Chapulhuacán F14-D41, 9 Estados de Hidalgo y San Luis Potosí Tabla 2. Localidades de Rocas Dimensionables de la carta Chapulhuacán F14-D41, 23 Estado de Hidalgo y San Luis Potosí Tabla 3. Localidades de Agregados Pétreos de la carta Chapulhuacán F14-D41, 47 Estado de Hidalgo y San Luis Potosí Tabla 4. Localidades de Minerales No Metálicos de la carta Chapulhuacán F14-D41, 60 Estado de Hidalgo y San Luis Potosí Tabla 5. Localidades Mineras de la carta Chapulhuacán F14-D41, Estados de Hidalgo 66 y San Luis Potosí PLANOS Plano 1. Carta Geológica Chapulhuacán F14-D41, Estados de Hidalgo y San Luis Potosí, Escala 1:50,000 (en bolsa al final del texto). Plano 2. Carta de Localidades Mineras Chapulhuacán F14-D41, Estados de Hidalgo y San Luis Potosí, Escala 1:50,000 (en bolsa al final del texto). -
Assessing the Chitimacha-Totozoquean Hypothesis1
ASSESSING THE CHITIMACHA-TOTOZOQUEAN HYPOTHESIS1 DANIEL W. HIEBER UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SANTA BARBARA 1. Introduction2 Scholars have attempted to genetically classify the Chitimacha language of Louisiana ever since the first vocabulary of the language was collected by Martin Duralde in 1802. Since then, there have been numerous attempts to relate Chitimacha to other isolates of the region (Swanton 1919; Swadesh 1946a; Gursky 1969), Muskogean as part of a broader Proto-Gulf hypothesis (Haas 1951; Haas 1952), and even languages as far afield as Yuki in California (Munro 1994). The most recent attempt at classification, however, looks in a new direction, and links Chitimacha with the recently-advanced Totozoquean language family of Mesoamerica (Brown, Wichmann & Beck 2014; Brown et al. 2011), providing 90 cognate sets and a number of 1 [Acknowledgements] 2 Abbreviations used in this paper are as follows: * reconstructed form ** hypothetical form intr. intransitive post. postposition tr. transitive AZR adjectivizer CAUS causative NZR nominalizer PLACT pluractional TRZR transitivizer VZR verbalizer morphological parallels as evidence. Now, recent internal reconstructions in Chitimacha made available in Hieber (2013), as well as a growing understanding of Chitimacha grammar (e.g. Hieber forthcoming), make it possible to assess the Chitimacha- Totozoquean hypothesis in light of more robust data. This paper shows that a more detailed understanding of Chitimacha grammar and lexicon casts doubt on the possibility of a genetic connection between Chitimacha and Mesoamerica. Systematic sound correspondences prove to be unattainable for the data provided in Brown, Wichmann & Beck (2014). However, groups of correspondences do appear in the data, suggestive of diffusion through contact rather than genetic inheritance. -
Final Dissdec1-09
UC Berkeley Dissertations, Department of Linguistics Title The Phonology and Morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1mc954tq Author McFarland, Teresa Publication Date 2009 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac by Teresa Ann McFarland A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Sharon Inkelas (Chair) Professor Andrew Garrett Professor Leanne Hinton Professor Johanna Nichols Fall 2009 The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac © 2009 by Teresa Ann McFarland Abstract The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac by Teresa Ann McFarland Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Professor Sharon Inkelas, Chair This dissertation constitutes a descriptive grammar of the phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac that highlights typologically unusual phenomena of theoretical interest. Filomeno Mata (FM) Totonac is a member of the Totonac-Tepehua family (eastern Mexico), spoken in and around the municipality whose name it borrows in the state of Veracruz. It is a polysynthetic, highly agglutinating, head-marking variety with VSO word order and complex verbal morphology that has not previously been described by linguists. This grammar is based on fieldwork conducted by the author -
Sound and Fury: English Phonology 2
Sound and Fury: English Phonology 2 Sound and Fury: English Phonology /'sawnd @n 'fjU®ij: 'IèglIS f@'nAl@Aij/ In this chapter, we look at English sound patterns. We learn about the distinct sounds that make up words (phonemes), and the mech- anisms in the vocal tract that are employed to produce them. We learn a system of writing that can be used to accurately represent pronunciation, the International Phonetic Alphabet. We think about how sounds group into families, and consider one example of sound change from the prehistory of English. This groundwork will allow us, in future chapters, to understand restrictions on phonological words in English, to look at other historical changes that have altered the pronunciation of English words in the past, and to discuss differences between dialects of English spoken today. It will also enable us to analyze other kinds of processes in English words, when we look at morphology. 2.1 English Spelling and English Pronunciation The first thing we have to do, when considering the pronunciation of English words, is find a way to represent their pronunciation accurately in print (since you can’t hear me talking). English spelling is notoriously bad at this: probably, at least once in your life as a literate English speaker, you have mispronounced a word in speech that you learned from a book; that is, you’ve probably used a spelling pronunciation. (I certainly have.) The mismatch between spelling and pronunciation is the reason that English spelling is a hard thing to master. 21 EWC02 21 17/10/05, 11:13 AM Sound and Fury: English Phonology orthography, n. -
The Origin of the IPA Schwa
The origin of the IPA schwa Asher Laufer The Phonetics Laboratory, Hebrew Language Department, The Hebrew University, Mount Scopus, Jerusalem 91905, Israel [email protected] ABSTRACT We will refer here to those two kinds of schwa as "the linguistic schwa", to distinguish them from what The symbol ⟨ə⟩ in the International Phonetic Alphabet we call " the Hebrew schwa". was given the special name "Schwa". In fact, phoneticians use this term to denote two different meanings: A precise and specific physiological 2. HISTORY OF THE "SCHWA" definition - "a mid-central vowel" - or a variable The word "schwa" was borrowed from the vocabulary reduced non-defined centralized vowel. of the Hebrew grammar, which has been in use since The word "schwa" was borrowed from the Hebrew the 10th century. The Tiberian Masorah scholars grammar vocabulary, and has been in use since the th added various diacritics to the Hebrew letters to 10 century. The Tiberian Masorah scholars added, denote vowel signs and cantillation (musical marks). already in the late first millennium CE, various Actually, we can consider these scholars as diacritics to the Hebrew letters, to denote vowel signs phoneticians who invented a writing system to and cantillation (musical marks). Practically, we can represent their Hebrew pronunciation. Already in the consider them as phoneticians who invented a writing 10th century the Tiberian grammarians used this pronounced [ʃva] in Modern) שְׁ וָא system to represent pronunciation. They used the term Hebrew term ʃwa] and graphically marked it with a special Hebrew), and graphically marked it by two vertical] שְׁ וָא sign (two vertical dots beneath a letter [ ְׁ ]). -
21. Vowel Height : the Blackwell Companion To
Bibliographic Details The Blackwell Companion to Phonology Edited by: Marc van Oostendorp, Colin J. Ewen, Elizabeth Hume and Keren Rice eISBN:21. Vowel 9781405184236 Height DouglasPrint publication Pulleyblank date: 2011 Sections 1 Introduction 2 Phonetics of vowel height 3 Vowel height typology 4 Phonological height patterns 5 Features for height 6 Conclusion Notes ACKNOWLEDGMENS REFERENCES 1 Introduction While all languages have vowels, and all vowels can be described as having a height,1 actually defining vowel height turns out to be a rather interesting problem (see also CHAPTER 1919: VOWEL PLACE). Consider the systems in (1). It would be fairly uncontroversial to assume that a two-vowel system such as (1a) distinguishes between two vowel heights and that a five-vowel system such as (1b) distinguishes between three heights (although see below). The number of “heights” in the seven- and ten-vowel systems, however, depends on various factors. One view of a ten-vowel system such as (1d) is that it involves three “heights” (high, mid, low) cross-cut by a tongue-root feature; an alternative is that such a system involves a highly differentiated height feature with six heights. A seven-vowel pattern such as (1c) presents more analytic indeterminacy. One possibility is to analyze such a pattern as a simplified version of the ten-vowel system: a three-height system with a tongue-root distinction in the mid vowels, or a four-height system with a differentiated height pattern as in (1d), but with four rather than six distinctions. An additional possibility is to consider the seven-vowel and ten-vowel systems to be qualitatively different: while a ten-vowel inventory like (1d) could be analyzed as involving three heights plus a tongue-root distinction, a seven-vowel inventory like (1c) could be seen as involving four heights (and no tongue-root distinction). -
Relative Clauses in Upper Necaxa Totonac: Local, Comparative, and Diachronic Perspectives1
Relative clauses in Upper Necaxa Totonac: Local, comparative, and diachronic perspectives1 David Beck University of Alberta Relativization strategies in the Totonacan family are largely undescribed, but detailed examination of one of the languages in the group, Upper Necaxa Totonac, reveals the presence of both externally- and internally-headed relative constructions. Also of note is the presence of relativizers that mark the animacy (human/non-human) of the head of the relative construction. This paper will show that, while phylogenetic evidence clearly demonstrates the relativizers to be descended diachronically from interrogative pronouns, they are best treated synchronically as complementizers, an analysis that follows directly from the presence of internally-headed relative constructions. Totonacan languages are spoken by approximately 240,000 people (INEGI 2010) living in an area of east-central Mexico centred on northern Puebla State and including adjacent parts of Hidalgo and Veracruz (see Figure 1; languages dealt with directly in this paper are shown in red). The family is generally considered an isolate; however, recent work has suggested links to Mixe-Zoque (Brown et al. 2011) and Chitimacha (Brown et al. 2014). Although the family has only recently become the object of serious investigation and description, the focus has been largely on its (admittedly spectacular) morphology; little has been written about syntax, and even less about the structure of complex clauses. Relative clauses in particular seem to have been given short shrift—which is surprising, given that from what we do know about them they seem to have some unusual properties. Consider the example in (1) from Upper Necaxa Totonac, the language for which we currently have the most data on relativization:2 1 I would like to thank my consultants in Patla and Chicontla, especially Porfirio Sampayo Macín and Longino Barragán Sampayo, for their help putting this paper together. -
American Indian Languages (Abbreviated A), and the Alphabet of the Dialect Atlas of New England (Abbreviated D)
CONCORDANCE OF PHONETIC ALPHABETS Robert C. Hollow, Jr. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill A concordance of 3 major phonetic alphabets used in North America is presented and discussed. Those alphabets consid- ered are one used by the International Phonetic Association, one used for American dialectology and one used for American Indian languages. Comparisons are made in terms of vowel symbols, -consonant symbols, secondary segmental- symbols, and diacritic marks. Typewriter equivalents of standard symbols are also given. [phonetics, linguistics, North A.merica, American Indians, phonetic symbols] This paper is a brief concordance of the major phonetic alphabets currently in use by linguists and anthropologists in North America. The alphabets included are the International Phonetic Alphabet (abbreviated I in this paper), the Americanist alphabet used in the transcription of American Indian Languages (abbreviated A), and the alphabet of the Dialect Atlas of New England (abbreviated D). For convenience I have divided the concordance into five sections: 1) Primary Vowel Symbols, 2) Primary Consonant Symbols, 3) Secondary Segmental Symbols, 4) Diacritic Marks, and 5) Typewriter Symbols. The form of I used in this paper is the 1951 revision as fully presented in The Principles of the International Phonetic Association (International Phonetic Association 1957). D is presented and discussed in the Handbook of the Linguistic Geography of New England (Kurath, Bloch and Hansen 1939). This alphabet is based onI, but includes certain modifications made to facilitate the transcription of American English dialect material. There is no single phonetic alphabet currently in use by students of American Indian Languages, for this reason I have consulted several alternate formu- lations of phonetic alphabets given by scholars in the field, most notably 42 Bloch and Trager (1942), Pike (1947), Trager (1958), and Shipley (1965). -
Duality of Patterning: Absolute Universal Or Statistical Tendency?
DOI 10.1515/langcog-2012-0016 Language and Cognition 2012; 4(4): 275 – 296 1 Juliette Blevins 2 3 Duality of patterning: Absolute universal or 4 statistical tendency? 5 6 Abstract: As more of the world’s languages are described and compared, more 7 absolute universals have joined the class of statistical tendencies. However, few 8 have questioned the universality of the duality of patterning. Following Hockett, 9 most linguists assume that in all human languages, discrete meaningless parts 10 combine to form meaningful units that, themselves, recombine. However, an 11 alternative interpretation, explored in this article, is that duality, like other 12 proposed linguistic universals, is a statistical tendency reflecting a complex set 13 of factors, and most centrally, the need for some minimal number of basic units 14 that can recombine to yield a potentially infinite set of form-meaning correspon- 15 dences. If this is the essence of duality, then we expect: languages where duality 16 is not a central component of grammar; languages where most, but not all, utter- 17 ances are decomposable into meaningless phonological units; and different types 18 of phonological building blocks in different languages. These expectations ap- 19 pear to be confirmed by natural language data. 20 21 Keywords: duality of patterning, language universals, statistical tendencies, pho- 22 nology, Charles F. Hockett 23 24 25 Juliette Blevins: Linguistics Program, CUNY Graduate Center, 365 Fifth Avenue, New York, 26 NY 10016, USA. E-mail: [email protected] 27 28 29 30 31 1 Linguistic universals as statistical tendencies 32 33 Absolute universals are properties that all languages share.