MESTO a OBSAH / CONTENTS DEJINY

ŠTÚDIE/ARTICLES

Škreblin, Bruno: Some Aspects of the Formation of Urban Elites: The Case of Medieval Gradec (Zagreb) ...... 6

Zeller, Olivier: Uses, Confl icts and Regulations in Micro-places: The Case of Early Modern Lyons ...... 36

Aas, Steinar: Narvik, a Swedish Norwegian Border Town ...... 54

Tokárová, Zuzana: Legislative Interventions into the Creation of Local Political Elites as an Instrument of Anti-Jewish Policy during the Holocaust (A Comparative View) ...... 80

KRONIKA, RECENZIE, ANOTÁCIE/ CHRONICLE, REVIEWS, ANNOTATIONS ...... 111

Štúdie Articles MESTO a DEJINY

Some Aspects of the Formation of Urban Elites: The Case of Medieval Gradec (Zagreb)*

Bruno Škreblin vol. 8, 2019, 1, pp. 6-35 DOI: https://doi.org/10.33542/MAD2019-1-01

This research focuses on those Gradec citizens who were elected to administrative functions since these were held by the richest and most distinguished citizens. They constituted the political elite of the city as there was only a thin line between the economic, social and political elites in Gradec. This paper deals with many aspects and elements that played a role in the formation of the urban elite, elements such as family ties, wealth, moral values, piety, education and membership of the nobility.

Keywords: Urban Elite. Medieval Gradec (Zagreb). Prosopograhy. Town Offi ces.

Introduction Medieval Zagreb was divided into two independent communities: Gradec or Grič (in sources Grez or Mons Grecensis) founded in 1242 after the Mongol invasion, while the other part (the Chapter of Zagreb) remained the centre of the Zagreb diocese founded at the end of the eleventh century. These two towns were legally separate, with diff erent types of government. The head of the chapter was the bishop, followed by numerous offi cials of the diocese and chapter, while Gradec had its own judiciary and autonomous administration based on King Bela’s privilege.1 The chapter had many more characteristics of a privately owned municipality despite having its own urban settlement situated near the cathedral (called Vicus Latinorum), but this settlement was much smaller than Gradec and it was subjected to a Bishop. However, the diocesan centre and cathedral chapter with locus credibilis and Franciscan, Cistercian and Dominican monasteries certainly had an impact on the urban development of Gradec and on the everyday medieval life. Given the fact that Gradec had the highest king’s privilege, town walls, its own court with ius gladii, well-developed crafts and trade, it is no wonder that many historians are still more interested in Gradec for their scientifi c investigations of the medieval city. So, from 1242 Gradec had the status of a free royal town, which means that it enjoyed the highest degree of autonomy in its internal legal and political order among the towns and cities of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. The head of the municipality was the town judge, and there were jurors and councillors holding posts of executive and judiciary power. This paper focuses precisely on those citizens who held such higher administrative offi ces, since they were chosen from among the wealthiest and most prominent citizens, and since they, as the carriers of urban sovereignty, had the main judiciary and executive power, made decisions on behalf of the entire municipality, and created the town’s politics. Even though scholars have used various names for this group of people, such as municipal oligarchy, aristocracy or even patriciate, it has recently become common to use the term “urban elite”, even though it is very general

* This work has been supported in part by the Croatian Science Foundation under the project “Towns and Cities of the Croatian Middle Ages: Urban Elites and Urban Space” (no. IP-2014-09-7235). 1 The Chapter of Zagreb was primarily an ecclesiastical institution but later became also a toponym for the bishop’s town of Zagreb. This toponym (Kaptol) has been preserved even today and it is commonly used by Croatian historians for the area of Zagreb that was under the bishop’s rule.

6 MESTO a DEJINY and need not as such be linked exclusively to administrative offi ces. Regarding the fact that Gradec was a town of the Central European type, and therefore lacked a closed group that would continuously hold all public and administrative posts as was the case in the communal cities of the Adriatic, the term “urban elite” is nevertheless the most appropriate name for the group of men ruling over medieval Gradec. Of course, besides the urban political elite, there was also a social and economic elite (of priests, notaries, infl uential noblemen and the like) which could have an indirect and informal infl uence on the city’s magistrature, but this research will focus primarily on the members of the magistrature – judges, jurors and councillors – as they certainly made up the most signifi cant part of the urban elite in general. Furthermore, membership in the town magistrature is a clear criterion and indicator for identifying a citizen as a member of the urban elite. Also, it should be pointed out that it was very rare that a citizen with prominent status in the town community was not at least present in the town council for one year. It could even be declared that in a relatively small town, those who were part of the economic elite of the town were also considered to be members of the social elite of the town, and a person that was considered to be a member of the social elite consequently became a member of the political elite.2 In this instance, discussion of theoretical approaches regarding both the term elite in general and historical perspectives on the urban elite more specifi cally will be skipped.3 This paper is mainly based on the doctoral thesis Urbane Elite of Gradec (Zagreb) from the 14th to the beginning of the 16th century which was published in 2018.4 I primarily used the prosopographical method of research in comparison with the results of modern scientifi c papers. Prosopography has been defi ned as “the investigation of the common background characteristics of a group” and it is still considered to be a very good and eff ective methodology for the investigation of the complex systems like cities, ecclesiastical institutions, various social and political movements, etc.5 However, prosopography per se does not deliver us all the information that we would wish to examine, especially not for the medieval period, as the sources (if there are any) are often scanty, revealing just limited data. Therefore, the outcome of prosopographical research has to be put into a historical context by using specifi c scientifi c literature as well. The period covered is basically determined by the extant archival records. The fi rst signifi cant piece of information about the structure of the society of Gradec is found in the court records of Gradec (1355), while records of property deeds began to appear after 1384.6 Court fi les also contain the full list of the town magistrature’s members;

2 This article deals only with those members of the town’s elite who participated in the magistrature, as the main political elite. The main urban elite outside the magistrature were the members of the nobility and clergy, who also might have had an infl uence on the town magistrature. 3 The classical elite theory was established by Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto and Robert Michels around the end of the nineteenth century and in the fi rst half of the twentieth century. An extended historiographical overview of the theory of elites can be found in: Carpenter, The Formation of Urban Elites, 1–40. It is also worth mentioning the review of elite theory in the context of the medieval period written by Martyn Rady. See: RADY, Foreword, IX–XV. 4 ŠKREBLIN, Urbana elita zagrebačkog Gradeca. The dissertation was published by the Croatian Institute of History in 2018. 5 STONE, Prosopography, 46. Also see: CARPENTER, The formation of Urban Elites, 41–42. 6 Documents from the royal and chapter chancellery and other diplomatic materials pertaining to Gradec and the town’s court and property documents were transcribed and edited by Ivan Krstitelj Tkalčić in the series

7 MESTO a DEJINY unfortunately many lists of offi cials were not preserved.7 However, it was often possible to identify the person in the seat of judge from other documents that in many cases revealed who was the judex modernus. This research ends with the fi rst quarter of the sixteenth century, due to the fact that new political and social conditions and circumstances appeared after 1526.

Town magistrature and the election process Only fully fl edged citizens (cives) could become members of the magistrature, and only they could elect delegates into the magistrature. The main precondition for obtaining citizenship was to own land the size of at least a quarter curiae.8 Additional conditions for citizenship included exemplary life, prolonged residence in the town in case of newcomers (probably one year as a minimum), and Christian faith, which meant that Jews, for example, could not become fully fl edged citizens. Of course, as in other medieval towns and cities, a newcomer who wanted to become a fully fl edged citizen had to take an oath (coniuratio) and pay a certain fee. The core of the urban elite was in the fully fl edged citizens, as citizenship was the main precondition for entering the magistrature. For further political success, one also needed an adequate reputation in the urban community, a relatively good fi nancial status, and also aspirations for political engagement, which may not have been the case with all wealthy citizens. But, it is interesting to note that the municipal code of Buda did not look benevolently at such persons and defi ned sanctions for those citizens who refused a public offi ce thrice in a row.9 Gradec had an estimated population of 3,000 in the mid-fourteenth century, but if we exclude women, children and inhabitants with no citizenship, we might speculate that there were only several hundred full citizens who could qualify for some of the town offi ces.10 It seems that Gradec did not have its own statute or law book to prescribe precise regulations for the election of the town offi ces. The citizens primarily relied on the main Béla privilege of 1242 which, regarding town offi ces, only states that the citizens are allowed to choose their leader from “wherever” (“undecumque”), but that they have to present this elected judge for confi rmation to the King.11 But, the second Béla privilege of 1266 puts it more specifi cally: municipal offi ces could not be held by those citizens who were accused of false testimony or libel: “Sane, si quis in calumnia vel falso testimonio manifeste convictus fuerit vel eciam deprehensus, ne cin iudicem vel eius assessorem seu consiliarium deincpes admittatur”.12 The Statute of Ilok, which is largely based on that of Buda from 1405, mostly mentions the moral qualities required of judges and other municipal functionaries:

Povjestni spomenici slob. kralj. grad. Zagreba. Monumenta historica liberae regiae civitatis Zagrabiae. Vol. 1–11, Zagreb, 1889–1905 (hereafter MCZ). 7 In the fourteenth century the full lists of offi cials were preserved only for the following years: 1377, 1382, 1385, 1388, 1389, 1390 and 1391. In the fi fteenth century there are no preserved lists until 1413, nor between 1424 and 1430. 8 MCZ 6, 199. 9 RADY, Medieval Buda, 88. 10 KRIVOŠIĆ, Zagreb, 63–69. 11 Royal privilege see: MCZ 1, 15–18. For a manuscript analysis of the privilege, see: BARBARIĆ, Diplomatičko značenje, 11–19. 12 MCZ 1, 42.

8 MESTO a DEJINY

Likewise, judges and jurors should be pious men of good reputation, righteous in their behaviour and their deeds, and they should have God before their eyes, judge in respect of God, discuss things in honour and great respect rather than mockery, and be able to tell justice to everyone according to his needs, with right and dignity. They should never be men of faulty reputation or traitors of their brethren or innocent people because of fl attery fl ustered by their rogue counsellors. They should not be calumniators or mockers of either sexes, or per jurors. They should not be rebellious against the Church or have dishonoured either clerics or laymen, or dishonest persons who are constantly in contact with evil and fraudulence in either word or deed. Moreover, such or similar persons should not have any access to the council.13

In other words, moral integrity was required and expected of all higher municipal offi ceholders. Before we continue, it has to be stressed that Ilok was located in Hungary proper, while Gradec was located in Slavonia. Furthermore, Ilok was a private town (under the supreme rule of the nobleman), while Gradec was a free royal town under the supreme rule of the offi ce of tavernicus. However, Ilok accepted the so called “Laws and customs of the Seven Cities” (later eight) which was strongly modelled on the Statute of Buda (Ofen Stadtrecht).14 The tavernical court primarily relied on the customary practice of Buda, especially after the royal law of 1405 (Decretum minus).15 For this reason, the law principles in the Statute of Ilok and Stadtrecht were also important legal sources for the town of Gradec. The municipal offi ces of judges, jurors and councillors were not paid, which also made it impossible for some craftsmen or merchants to dedicate themselves to the service. This particularly concerned the offi ces of judges and jurors, as they demanded far more involvement than that of a councillor. In some cases, a judge could only count on a part of the revenues from communal fi nes. The city magistrature was elected on the feast day of St Blasius (3 February) each year. Tkalčić was of the opinion that the elections took place either at the town hall or in the square in front of St Mark’s church, and that they were performed orally.16 It seems that in Gradec all fully fl edged citizens participated in the elections. There is no evidence for a special election council in charge of the task as was the case in Buda, Sibiu, Cluj and Ilok, where a group of a hundred citizens (centum viri, centum personae) appointed judges and jurors.17 As for the procedure, the Statute of Ilok says the following:

13 “...Item quod Judex et Jurati Cives, eligantur deifi ci, et bone fame, in omnibus moribus et factis compositi, deum pre oculis suis habentes, Judicium faciant cum honore dei, causas discutientes cum magno honore, magnaque reurencia, non cum derisione, vt vnicuique secundum exigenciam causarum suarum, meram et condignam iusticiam impendere valeant. Non sint amissi honoris, non proditores suorum fratrum, aut proditores rerum innocentum pro blandimento suaarum susurracionum nequiciosarum. Non detractores et derisores vtriusque sexus, non periuri. Non Ecclesiam turbantes. Non detrahentes honoribus spiritualum et secularium non reprobi, palpantes indesinenter verbis et factis iniqua et inhonesta. Immo tale set consimiles nec in consilium introundi debent.” SCHMIDT, Statut Grada Iloka, book I, chapter 2. 14 RADY, Goverment of Medieval Buda, 319. 15 The law book of Buda was published in: MOLLAY, Das Ofner Stadtrecht. 16 MCZ 1, LIV. 17 On Buda, see: RADY, Medieval Buda, 109. On Cluj and Sibiu, see: Flòra, “From decent stock”, 215.

9 MESTO a DEJINY

Thus, fi rst of all, a hundred adequate persons shall be appointed before the election of the judge and the jurors. These hundred persons will gather on the feast day of St George in the court (and they will be summoned individually by means of notes). Once they have gathered, two persons shall be elected among them. One will take a tablet and chalk and have three or four names written down, or more, and then they should go from man to man and ask each of them whom he wanted to have as the judge, listing the names that the jurors have indicated. The man holding the tablet should immediately make a mark next to the name. The man who thus obtains most chalk marks should be appointed the judge in voice, word and act, and in the same manner, in unison, celebration and honour, the appointed judge should be accompanied to his house. The judge appointed by the municipality has the power to select two jurors at his will, those whom he likes. Other citizen-jurors to the number of twelve should be elected by an assembly of one hundred adequate men.18

In Gradec, as in many other Central European cities and towns, the judge’s offi ce was the highest and most important. As defi ned by the very function, his primary task was to adjudicate on confl icts and penal trials, but due to the great number of cases and other duties that the judges had to perform, many trials were held and decided by the jurors. Furthermore, diffi cult cases were decided by the judges and jurors together.19 The judge did not have to be the citizen who was most knowledgeable in legal norms and customs: thus, Rady mentions the case of medieval Pozsony, where the judge could freely consult with other citizens concerning legal issues.20 The judge managed all the operations performed by the municipal administration, as well as its fi nances, and was the main representative of the municipality. Nada Klaić argued that, starting from the fi fteenth century, the town judge was far more preoccupied with fi nances than with court trials.21 According to a royal decree of 1405, the judge presided over the elections, proclaimed the decrees issued by the king and other dignitaries, and took care that the decisions of the magistrature were implemented.22 Even though his mandate was limited to one year, the offi ce in itself was a lifelong one as senior judges (senior judices, antiques judices) served as the judicial court of the second degree. In records for the period of 1377–1437, senior judges and jurors are often found in the magistrature as councillors with the phrase “condam judex” or “condam juratus” added to their names, but in 1437 this practice was abolished. During the entire medieval

18 “Eligantur itaque primo et principaliter centum persone idonee ante electionem Judicis et Juratorum, que quidem centum persone in die festi beati Georgi martiris, insimul (ipsis nominatis cedulis missis) ad pretorium vnum congregentur, quibus congregatis, inter easdem due persone eligantur, quarum vna tabulam recipiat et aut plurium, et sic de vna persona ad aliam eatur, quamlibet personam interrogando, quem habere velit in iudicem, et quotcunque nomina Jurati, in tabula scriptum nominauerint, statim ille tabulam tenens, ex opositione nominis in tabula scripti, facia vnum tractum cum creta, et sic super quam personam maior fors, vel tractus crete ceciderit, talis in Judicem eleuetur, voce, verbo, et facto parique forma, ac vnanimi voluntate, ipsum electum Judicem, cum solennitate et honorifi ce ad domum suam per popolum, vel cum popolo societur et conducat. Item quod Idem Judex sic per communitatem electus, libertatem habeat duos Juratos eligere ad sui libitum, et voluntatem sibi placitos. Reliquos vero Juratos cives, vsque ad numerum duodecimum, prescripte centum Idonee persone tenetur eligere.” SCHMIDT, Statut Grada Iloka, book I, chapter 50. 19 Apostolova-Maršavelski, Kazneno i procesno pravo, 81. 20 RADY, Medieval Buda, 49. 21 KLAIĆ, Zagreb, 243. 22 BEUC, Povijest institucija, 132.

10 MESTO a DEJINY period, the judges of Gradec could not be elected to the same offi ce immediately after the end of their mandate; in other words, some time had to pass before a citizen could be re-appointed to the post of judge. In the period when the magistrature was divided into languages groups (1377–1436), this passage of time was at least four years for a judge in charge of any one language, because the magistrature was shared between the four languages of the Slavs, Germans, Latins and Hungarians.23 Jurors were sworn citizens who helped the judge perform the tasks in hand. As for Gradec, before the reform of the magistrature in 1609, there were regularly eight jurors.24 The jurors often presided over trials, either together with the judge or independently, and they could also give verdicts. Besides judicial functions, jurors were entrusted with various other tasks: they cared for the adequate implementation of municipal decisions concerning trade, maintenance of public space, and various other aff airs concerning everyday life. Two jurors took care of peace and order during the grand fair (custos treugarum). There were several cases of jurors’ names appearing in consecutive years, which means that their offi ce was not limited to a single year like that of the judge. From 1472, there was also an offi ce called the “dean of the jurors”, which implied that someone presided over them. Even though it is diffi cult to say that with absolute certainty, it is very probable that in Gradec some jurors were also appointed by the newly elected judge, as is stated in the Statute of Ilok. In medieval Varaždin, the judge would appoint his twelve jurors and the municipality another twelve.25 The offi ce of councillor was not limited to a single year either. According to a decree of 1383, an individual’s political career was likely to begin with that very offi ce. In 1383 the town magistrature decided that a person could become a member of the city council only if he had been a citizen for at least three years.26 In the period of 1377–1436, senior judges are often found among the councillors. However, in 1437, when the division according to languages was abolished, the changes also put an end to this practice; that is, the function of the councillors became more separated from those of the jurors or judges.27 In the seventeenth century, it was decreed that the councillors should meet four times a year, summoned by the judge.28 It is, of course, diffi cult to say whether the practice was introduced as early as the Middle Ages, but we have already indicated that the councillor’s function was certainly less demanding than the other two. It has often been stated that the number of councillors was twenty, or twenty-four after the reform of 1437. However, their number often varied in the fi fteenth century.29

23 For more on the linguistic division of the town magistrature see: ŠKREBLIN, Etničke i političke skupine, 91–148. ŠKREBLIN, Ethnic groups, 25–59. BUDAK – KANIŽAJ – VOREL, Kolonije stranaca, 79–83. 24 For more on the reform of 1609 and its consequences see: BUDAK, Gradske oligarhije, 89–109. 25 TANODI, Uprava grada Varaždina, 253. This would imply that the city magistrature of medieval Varaždin consisted only of the town judge and the jurors, that is, that there were no councillors as in Gradec. It seems jurors were actually councillors (ratherrn) at the same time. 26 MCZ 5, 187. 27 In 1457, there was a Johannes judex among the councillors in the magistrature. This could have been Ivan Bolšak or Ivan Perović. However, this was the only case of a former judge being among the councillors again. Cf. MCZ 7, 121. 28 DOBRONIĆ, Slobodni i kraljevski grad, 96. 29 Thus, in 1416 and 1417, there were 22 councillors, while in 1419 and 1421 there were 23. After the reform, the number of councillors continued to fl uctuate: in 1441, there were 26 and in 1448, there were 29. In 1464,

11 MESTO a DEJINY

Other, lower offi ces subjected to the city magistrature included those of: the city captain (capetaneus), who oversaw the city walls, the armoury and the guards, and who was the main military commander in case of a siege; the castellan (castellanus or porkolab) in charge of the vigils, the prisons and the order of opening or closing the city gate; the herald (preco), who proclaimed publicly municipal decisions, and probably also served as a courier; and the “invigilator” (vigilator), who cared for public peace and order during the night. The tax collector (tributarius) collected property tax and was subjected to a treasurer (conductor et comes proventum), of whom we shall say more later on. Another important function was that of the city notary (notarius). Notaries belonged to an educated part of the city elite and often represented the municipality in confl icts or were sent on missions to the palatine or the king, or to the assembly of the Zagreb County. The aforementioned “lower” municipal functions could pave the way for a person to enter the magistrature, even for those citizens whose status would have never allowed them to join the city elite in another way.30 The performance of such lower yet important tasks could also help a citizen enter the magistrature, at least as a councillor, as is evident from the case of the Gradec tax collector (tributaries who collected the royal tax called dacia regis) Valentin, who had that duty in 1442 and 1445.31 Having analysed all of the town records, we have concluded that at least 94 citizens served as judges between 1350 and 1525. This number is certainly not precise, and should not be taken as fi nal, but as the sources are scanty, it is impossible to obtain an accurate number. In any case, within the researched period of 175 years (1350–1525), not more than 100 diff erent citizens held the offi ce of judge. As a matter of fact, many judges held the offi ce only once, yet there were many who were elected several times in a row. Mihael Oprašnić was a judge seven times and Emerik Mikulić six times.32 In the fi fteenth century, Valentin Šaronić, Martin Tomić and Konrad Rawsar served as judges fi ve times each.33 Earlier, Ivan, son of Pavao, had fi ve mandates, and Cion, son of Ivan, four. Even though it is rather probable that they held an additional mandate each, it is impossible to say that with certainty as the following period lacks in sources, which is why we must leave this number as fi nal. Despite the scantiness of sources, one may conclude that most judges had previously held the offi ce of jurors, and that their careers, to the extent one may judge from the sources, typically began with the offi ce of councillor, although there is evidence that some citizens appeared directly in the offi ce of juror, skipping the function of councillor.34 Thus, one may argue that the judge was commonly elected from among the citizens that had served as jurors previously, as implied by the Statute of Ilok. This does not mean that the judges were necessarily elected from those who had been there were 19, and only a year later as many as 33. Cf. MCZ 6, 29–30 and 43–44. MCZ 6, 342–343 and 453–454. MCZ 7, 248–249 and 265–266. 30 CARPENTER, The formation of Urban Elites, 51. 31 For Valentin tributarius see: MCZ 6, 360, 415. 32 This trend continued into the 16th century. Apparently, the judge’s offi ce was becoming increasingly limited to the narrow circle of the urban elite. 33 With Rawsar, we have also counted the mandate in which he replaced the deceased Roth in 1467, and with Tomić his mandate of 1448, even though the counts of Celje deposed him after only a few months of service. 34 Thus, Gašpar Kušević and Feliks Petančić did not hold the juror’s post before they became judges, and perhaps one may add Ivan Pastor and the Požegaj brothers to this group. Antun, son of Toma, and Dominik Perović started their career directly with the juror’s offi ce.

12 MESTO a DEJINY jurors in the previous year, but that they had to have held that post in order to become eligible for that of the judge. It can also be observed that, after the end of the judicial mandate, they never returned to the juror’s offi ce, but only to the councillor’s. This is, however, valid only for the period before 1436, as the practice was discontinued in the following year. The same is valid for the former jurors, who never returned to the councillor’s offi ce after 1437. In other words, the reform of 1437, besides abolishing the division by languages and increasing the number of councillors, contributed to the diff erentiation of municipal offi ces. It is also important to stress that holding the function of juror did not ultimately grant the highest function of judge. Citizens like Friche, Jacomell Italicus or Wolgang held the position of juror for many years but never achieved the highest offi ce. On the other hand, judges had not usually held the offi ce of juror for a long period of time, in many cases having been jurors for only one year. So, one can even get the impression that the future judges tended to hold offi ce as jurors just as a stepping stone to a higher position while, on the other side, it is evident that for some citizens the offi ce of juror was the highest offi ce they could reach.

Family Ties In the previous section, we described certain phenomena and features of the city magistrature that could be observed by analysing its structure. However, holding prominent offi ces actually resulted from one’s previously gained reputation in the urban community, and regarding the fact that belonging to an important kinship group or family ensured prominence and high social status, scholarly analysis of urban elites is nowadays unimaginable without analysis of the familial origins of their members. Of course, family as the basic social group was highly important in medieval towns, in all urban groups including the elites. It was also expected that members of the urban elite should be married and have their own families. A younger councillor, son of a distinguished father, could perhaps remain a bachelor for a while, but further promotion to the functions of juror and town judge was hardly possible were he not to get married.35 This was particularly so for a newcomer, whose marriage to a citizen woman actually guaranteed his integration into the society. Evidence of this is found in the municipal records of 1699:

Citizens, guild masters, craftsmen and municipal representatives who may not be married yet, are to marry within half a year for the sake of honour, status and reputation, otherwise they may be deposed from their offi ce and incur shame and a fee of 25 Hungarian fl orins.36

Somewhat earlier, in 1635, the town issued a similar regulation:

Wealthy young men who live with women illegally must marry them before the following Ash Wednesday, otherwise they will have to pay a fee of 100 golden coins. The poor ones will have to suff er punishment as decreed by the city magistrature. Those who refuse to obey will have their workshops and shops

35 Of course, this rule probably was not valid if the citizen in the magistrature was prominent and esteemed, yet remained a widower. 36 DOBRONIĆ, Slobodni i kraljevski grad, 110.

13 MESTO a DEJINY

closed, and will be prohibited from engaging in trade until they have completely subjected themselves to this regulation.37

Even though these decrees date from the early modern period, similar expectations and rules were typical of medieval Gradec as well. In a regulation referring to the guild of furriers in the Statute of Ilok, each new member had to guarantee, together with honourable men, that he would legally marry and become a family father within a year.38 Another important aspect of the family for members of the urban elite was the fact that family ties were almost regularly made within the same or similar status. This is also manifest in cases of entering a second marriage after the death of the fi rst partner. An important role in establishing such links was certainly played by professional confraternities and guilds. Thus, Article 18 of the Statute of Križevci for the guild of spurriers, locksmiths, blacksmiths and road workers ran as follows: “If a married master dies, the others will send a skilful apprentice to the widow in order to run the business, but both must remain chaste. If the widow should marry a master from a diff erent trade, this apprentice will be sent away.”39 Another article says the following: “If an apprentice marries the master’s widow, or a master’s son takes a master’s daughter while serving as an apprentice... they must pay a fl orin and a half into the guild’s treasury.”40 This was only half of the usual tax, as a new master normally had to pay three fl orins. Remarrying after the death of a marriage partner was rather common in Gradec. Among the judges, Luka Bonioli, Cion, Petar Šafar, Antun, son of Tomo, Mihael Oprašnić and Mihael, son of Sebastijan, married at least twice, and Valentin Šaronić thrice. Likewise, Elena, daughter of Pavao Vugrin, married at least four times, while Katarina, widow of Žigmund, Katarina Soldinar and Margareta Ribarica married at least thrice. In Gradec, it was not uncommon for newcomers to marry rich widows, thus quickly gaining social success and becoming judges. Thus, judge Blaž Stojimilić was married to the widow of the former juror Augustin Kusne, and Andrija Latin was married to Skolastika, widow of juror Juraj, son of Benedikt, who was brother to judge Brikci. Judge Brikcije was the stepfather of the judge Ivan Perović since he married the widow of Pero from Florence.41 Jakov Eberspeck married Margareta, widow of juror Brikci the fi sherman, Antun Roth married Katarina Soldinar, widow of juror Sebastijan Soldinar, and Blaž, son of Lazarin from Ilok, married Katarina, widow of juror Matija and daughter of judge Blaž, son of Pauli. Margareta, widow of judge Sebastijan, remarried to Ivan, son of Pavao, who subsequently held a post in the magistrature at least fi ve times. In fact, there are many cases in which reputation was gained or increased by means of affi nitive relations or marriages with other families or with widows of deceased citizens as described above. Thus, Ivan Vašaš was a son-in-law of judge Mikeč, son of Hench, Cion was a son-in-law of judge Luka Bonioli, and Bonioli of juror Marko earlier.42 Judge Matija, a tailor, was a son-in-law of judge Andrija Šimunić,43 Benedikt

37 DOBRONIĆ, Slobodni i kraljevski grad, 97. 38 KARBIĆ, Obitelj u gradskim, 35. 39 MCZ 3, XXXIII. 40 MCZ 3, XXXI. 41 On Blaž Stojimilić, see: MCZ 10, 221. On Andrija Latin, see: MCZ 10, 9. 42 MCZ 9, 23. 43 MCZ 7, 457.

14 MESTO a DEJINY

Škrinjarić of juror Brikci the fi sherman,44 and Valentine Šaronić, son of judge Mihael, son of Šimun, was a son-in-law of judge Mihael, son of Sebastijan. Another son-in-law of judge Mihael Sebastijan was judge Pavao, son of Stjepan, even though Mihael was already deceased when his daughter married Pavao. Cases of the patrilineal “inheriting” of offi ces were frequent, but that was not the case regarding judges. Valentin Šaronić was the son of the judge Mihael, and his father- in-law Mihael, the son of Sebastijan, was also a judge’s son. Andrija Šafar was a son of the previous judge Petar Šafar, Dominik Perović of judge Ivan, and the Bole family produced judges in three generations: Jakov Bole held the offi ce in 1379, his son Ivan in 1391 and grandson Jakov in 1437. What is interesting, however, is that sons of judges, despite their reputation and wealth, mostly failed to be appointed judges and remained in the offi ce of juror. Those sons of judges who “only” managed to become jurors include Toma, son of Cion, Benedikt and Marko, sons of Mihael Sebastijan, Benedikt and Pavao, sons of judge Gyuan, Jakšin and Pero, sons of Peter Šafar, Janko, son of Ivan Bole, Perenchlo, son of judge Jakomel Quirin, Gašpar, son of Miklin, Ivan, son of Luka Bonioli, Mihael, son of Valentin Šaronić, and Barnaba, son of judge Andrija de Zwinaria. So it seems that other citizens preferred to elect somebody new to the judges seat, if that person was wealthy and prominent. In many cases, these sons of judges were “pushed aside” by a citizen who was often a newcomer, and who achieved success and respect in the community and married a daughter or a widow of a previous member of the elite. The importance of the “son-in-law” principle for entering the councils in medieval cities was already recognized by historians.45 Finn-Einar Elliasen even asked what came fi rst – the election to offi ce or the marriage? He concluded that these “two events seem to have been two sides of the same coin”.46 It seems also that such newcomers as the fresh blood of the elite were even more valuable to the elite than the old blood. It might surely be related to the awareness and consciousness of the elite of their own weakness. Simple (nuclear) families and high mortality in children are usually taken for a reason that no family dynasties ruling for several generations can be identifi ed in Central European cities and towns. Rarely can a family be followed through more than three generations.47 Even though many judges in Gradec had children and even male heirs, their descendants often failed to secure the continuation of the lineage. Thus, it is highly likely that both sons of Gyuan, Benedikt and Pavao, died childless, and that Jakov Šafar’s children from his two marriages did not live long. Although judge Mihael Sebastijan had many children, only one grandson can be identifi ed in the sources. Gradec’s families who gave judges or jurors in more than one generation, such as those of Mihael Sebastijan, Šaronić and Perović, were also numerous families with more children. Thus, even though securing progeny does not seem so problematic if one takes into account that many judges did have heirs, in a long-term perspective there were obviously biological factors at work that made it impossible to create family dynasties.

44 MCZ 9, 235. 45 Cf: Eliassen, The son-in-law principle, 257–281. GODA, Generations of Power, 232–256. GUSTAFSSON, Succession in Medieval, 194–209. 46 Eliassen, The son-in-law principle, 261–262. 47 CARPENTER, The formation of Urban Elites, 119.

15 MESTO a DEJINY

Unfortunately, distant family ties (often rendered as proximus, cognatus or consangiuneo) or godparental relationships are more diffi cult to identify as the sources include less information on them. Nevertheless, we know that Cion’s second wife was a sister of Marin Klarić, who became judge in 1438, that Benedikt, son of judge Gyuan, was a nephew of Petar Šafar, and that Mihael, son of Sebastian, was a relative of Petar Pentera, one of the heirs of the rich Italian de Medzo family. This most certainly speaks of an intricate network of relatives in this relatively small urban setting. Besides, Mihael, son of Sebastijan had three sons and four daughters. One of his daughters married Valentin Šaronić, son of the former judge Mihael, son of Šimun. So, when Mihael Šaronić, son of Valentin, enters the town magistrature in 1472 as a juror, he probably has at least dozens of distant relatives who can support his political career, besides his half-brother who is a councillor in the same year.48 Among the judges identifi ed in the period 1350–1525, it could be established that a third of them were linked either by family or by marriage ties to former magistrature members. Among these, only a dozen links are patrilineal, while others are affi nitive. Moreover, 14 diff erent families could be identifi ed whose close or distant members became judges within a shorter or longer time span:49 Ligeriji (Marko and Petar), de Medzo (Petar Donat, Ivan Zigeštak, and Stjepan, son of Mihael Ortofl ić), Hench (Mikeč, son of Hench, and Ivan Vašaš), Bole (Jakov, Ivan, and Jakov Jr.), Sebastijan (Sebastijan, Ivan, son of Pavao, Marko, son of Mikeč Leonardov, Mihael, son of Sebastijan, Emerik, son of Marko, and Pavao, son of Stjepan), Bonioli (Luka Bonioli, Cion, and Marin Klarić), Gyuan (Gyuan, Petar and Andrija Šafar), Perović (Brikcije, son of Benedikt, Ivan and Dominik Perović), Šaronići (Mihael and Valentin Šaronić), Šimunić (Andrija, son of Šimun, and Matija, son of Marko), Brikcije (Benedikt, son of Mihael, and Jakov Eberspeck), Blaž, son of Paul (Blaž, son of Paul, Blaž Lazarin, and Juraj Vitković), Rawsar (Konrad Rawsar and Fabijan Czaren), Soldinar (Antun Roth and Ivan, son of Sebastijan Soldinar), and Požegaj (Ivan and Marko Požegaj).50 This methodology does not take into consideration only blood or marriage related members but also legal heirs. Thus, Fabijan Czaren is mentioned just as heredes of Konrad Rawsar. Czaren could be the son-in-law of Rawsar or his nephew, or perhaps even his adopted son also.51 In any case, Czaren was the only legal heir that Rawsar had.

The family and inheritance law Sons of former judges or jurors often appear as members of the city magistrature not only owing to the reputation and status of their fathers, but also because they inherited their material property. It is therefore necessary to consider some of the basic principles of inheritance. Nevertheless, one should also note that property inheritance in the Middle Ages is too complex a topic to be treated here in an adequate manner. We shall thus off er only a brief outline.

48 ŠKREBLIN, Uloga obiteljskih veza, 56. 49 I have included here only those families that gave more than one judge. 50 Both blood and marriage are counted here. For example, Marko and Petar Ligerije were probably brothers. But, the only heir of Petar Donat was his niece Francesca. Her daughter Lucija married Ivan Zigeštak. Stjepan, son of Mihael Ortofl ić, was the son of Cecilia, who was the sister of Ivan Zigeštak. Here the Šaronić and Sebastijan families were counted separately. For more details about the exact relations of these 14 families see: ŠKREBLIN, Uloga obiteljskih veza, 39–87. 51 ŠKREBLIN, Uloga obiteljskih veza, 53.

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One of the main features of medieval Gradec, as well as other continental towns in Europe, was the equality of male and female heirs. In tavernical law, which was valid in Gradec as well, both sexes were equivalent in inheritance law: in case of a husband’s death, his wife was a fi rst-degree heir together with the children. Likewise, in the division of parental property, women were legally equal to the male heirs.52 In such circumstances, the principle of primogeniture could not evolve and the eldest son could not count on any advantages in the division of inheritance, and nor could sons with regard to their sisters. Besides having the right to an equal part in the division of family property, women obtained gifts from their fathers, mothers or third parties upon marrying (res paraphernales), and a woman could freely dispose of these things even if the husband died and she remarried. Moreover, when entering a marriage, the husband usually donated a sum of money or a piece of land to his wife, a custom that was legally termed dos.53 The institute of dowry has not been documented in medieval Gradec, but it was customary that the wife should donate her immovable property to the husband. There were many such cases, which is why we shall mention here only those that concerned members of the urban elite: Katarina, widow of Petar Šafar, donated a part of her palace to her third husband, Matija Farkaš; Doroteja, daughter of tailor Blaž, donated her wooden house and a shop to the vendor and juror Toma Cheden; Lucija, widow of judge Ivan Zigeštak, donated a part of the de Medzo palace to her second husband, Mihael, from Božjakovina; Doroteja, daughter of Tomo, donated her part of the palace to her husband, Juraj Vitković, from Modruš; and Katarina, widow of Soldinar, donated all the properties that she had inherited from her second husband to her third husband, Antun Roth, even though she had a son Ivan from her previous marriage.54 Even though there is no direct mention in the sources, it is most probable that Mihael Sebastijan and Cion, son of Ivan, came to possess their large houses or palaces in the same way.55 Interestingly, there are cases in which female heirs obtained the most valuable property, which they subsequently donated to their husbands. Heirs to the late Donat divided the property among themselves in such a way that Ivan, son of Mihael Vitez, left to Franciska, daughter of Gyuan and granddaughter of the said Donat, the most valuable part of the family property by far, namely the palace with shops and a chapel stretching over fi ve curiae, which she subsequently donated to her second husband, Ivan Gračin.56 The palace of judge Blaž, son of Pauli, was inherited after his death by his daughters Agneza and Katarina even though they were not his only children: Blaž also had sons, Juraj, Matko and Mihael, as well as another daughter, Doroteja.57 His palace consequently ended up in the ownership of his sons-in-law. This practice was certainly closely related to their marriage. This was contrary to the practice in Dalmatian communes, where the patricians preferred by far to give dowry in cash or movable property in order to preserve the family estates in the patrilineal

52 KARBIĆ, Obitelj u gradskim, 55. Apostolova-Maršavelski, Iz pravne prošlosti Zagreba, 53. 53 KARBIĆ, Obitelj u gradskim, 47. 54 BEDENKO, Zagrebački Gradec, 51. 55 BEDENKO, Društvo i proctor, 40–41. 56 BEDENKO, Zagrebački Gradec, 44–45. 57 MCZ 10, 170.

17 MESTO a DEJINY system of inheritance and prevent their dissipation.58 Thus, one can see that in Gradec the sons-in-law and husbands of widows usually profi ted from marriage. In conclusion, it is evident that, in the case of the judge’s office, affinitive relations were preferred over the patrilineal. Reasons may be found in the absence of primogeniture, as the eldest sons were not privileged with regard to their brothers and sisters, but obtained an equal share of inheritance. Coming from a prominent family certainly provided the necessary legitimation for the beginning of a political career, but holding the judge’s offi ce ultimately mirrored the individual’s capacities. The long-lasting families of Gradec were an exception rather than a rule, which may be partly explained by biological reasons, as it was diffi cult for the families to secure heirs through several generations, but also by economic ones, as the heirs found it diffi cult to repeat their fathers’ success, especially if inheritance had been divided among various persons. Since the income of the urban elite basically came from crafts or trade, that is, from one’s own work, the heirs of judges and jurors had to make a successful career in order to gain social esteem; otherwise they could be side-tracked by others, especially newcomers who asserted themselves through their wealth or capacities and who, moreover, entered into matrimonial ties with older and respectable families. Thus, one may argue that a new prominent family was mostly created by associating itself to an older one, and that this process was continuously at work in Gradec during the medieval period.

Structure of the urban elite by profession As in other medieval towns, the elite of Gradec consisted of the wealthy stratum of merchants and craftsmen. In the late fourteenth and early fi fteenth centuries, Gradec apparently had the features of a highly developed trade centre, and its urban elite consisted mostly of merchants. Around the mid-fourteenth century, there was an increase in trade-related activities in medieval Hungary owing to the development of international trade and the export of gold, silver and copper from the mines in present- day Slovakia and Romania, which additionally stimulated the growth of crafts, trade and the monetary economy in general.59 A very important characteristic of Hungarian towns is that all of the nation’s major urban centres were situated on important trade and communication routes, or created in the vicinity of mining areas.60 Gradec was located on the crossroads between the major route that connected the north of the kingdom with the south, in particular with Italy, and another that connected German lands with Slavonia, Bosnia and Dalmatia. But besides these routes, there were other communication lines of local importance that fl owed into Zagreb. The surge of trade and the exploitation of raw materials attracted many foreign businessmen and professionals to the kingdom, people who occupied posts such as mine or mint managers. They came primarily from the German lands, but from the mid-fourteenth century onwards, the heads of mines and mints were increasingly Italians, mostly coming from northern Italy.61

58 NIKOLIĆ, Rođaci i bližnji, 65. 59 ENGEL, The Realm, 155. 60 More on the impact of communication lines on the structure and evolution of medieval Hungarian towns in: SZENDE, Towns along the Way, 161–225. 61 ENGEL, The Realm, 155.

18 MESTO a DEJINY

The development of trade from the mid-fourteenth century also caused a change in the structure of citizenship and many new families involved in trade obtained posts in town councils.62 To a certain extent, as far as the sources will allow us to conclude, this phenomenon may be observed in Gradec. The most prominent citizens around the middle of the century included the goldsmiths Nikolet and Jakša, the monetarius Jakov, and Petar Ligerije, the manager of a mint owned by Duke Stephen of Anjou. Besides the said persons, the judges Petar Donatus, Sebastijan and Ivan Božo in the fourteenth century and Ivan Zigeštak, Nikola, son of Petar, and Pavao, son of Stjepan, in the fi fteenth century were also goldsmiths. Another special feature of Gradec was the existence of a Latin colony, which included citizens from northern Italy. However, for most of the Latin community in the second half of the fourteenth century it is hard to identify the town of their origin. These include, for example, Jakomel Quirin, Filip, son of Marko, and the members of the Pintikachy family. Petar Ligerije was mentioned as de Medio (which would imply that he was from Milano), Petar Donat as de Medzo, and Gerin as de Spinal, but it is diffi cult to say whether these are family names or their places of origin. They most probably came from northern Italy and some of them possibly from Florence or Venice, which also had their merchants in Gradec.63 At the end of the fourteenth century, the Latin colony was practically taken over by the Florentines, who included Cion, son of Ivan, Gyuan, son of Benedikt, and Antun Appardi de Ricci, all of them town judges. Pero, son of Angelo, from Florence, did not become a judge, but his son Ivan and grandson Dominik were judges. The Latins of Gradec were involved in textiles, including linen, and various luxury goods imported from Florence and Northern Italy to the Hungarian Kingdom.64 However, from the 1430s onwards, one can observe a perceptible decrease in the number of the Florentine colonists and the absence of new businessmen from Florence. In 1437, Leonard Atthawantis returned to Florence and Budak has taken that event as the symbolical end of the golden age of trade in Gradec.65 Nevertheless, towards the end of the century, another Florentine, Gyuan (Johanes) Pastor, arrived in Gradec and launched an export trade in cattle for the needs of the Venetian market.66 In many of the cases of Gradec merchants who were at the same time members of the town’s elite, their profession is not stated explicitly, which means that we must resort to speculations based on often meagre data from the sources stating those citizens to be engaged in trade on a long-term or occasional basis. The Latin Luka Bonioli, from

62 RADY, Medieval Buda, 94. 63 ENGEL, The Realm, 258. 64 More on the Florentine business networks in the medieval Hungarian Kingdom: ARANY, Florentine Families. PRAJDA, Rapporti. BUDAK, I fi orentini, 681–695. 65 BUDAK, Gradec, 87. 66 Cattle exports increased during the second half of the fi fteenth century and the trade routs ran from the area between the Danube and the Tisza river in two directions: towards the lands of the Empire and towards northern Italy. Budak has argued that Pastor was the fi rst to have experimented with transporting cattle over the sea through the port of Bakar, and that the early sixteenth century was actually the golden age of the export of Hungarian cattle through Zagreb, owing to the inaccessibility of other routes (through Ptuj and Ljubljana) during the war between Venice and Maximilian (1508–1516). Various other merchants of Gradec must have participated in business around cattle transportation to Venice. In the sixteenth century, Emerik Mikulić was involved in trade with Hungarian cattle, which is manifest in 1517, when he is mentioned together with citizen Mihael the furrier, with whom he was associated in a trade society. Cf. ENGEL, The Realm, 249. BUDAK, Gradec u kasnom, 87. On Emerik Mikulić, see: MCZ 14, 19. More on the Pastor family: KRNIC, Ivan Pastor Zagrepčanin, 67–174.

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Puglia, was probably involved in trade, as well as another Latin, judge Lovro, son of Tomo.67 Slaven Nikola, son of Odolas, was likewise a merchant. The sources mention him as trading ad lucrandum, as well as in the context of trading collaboration with another citizen.68 The Hungarian Ivan Vašaš was probably also involved in trade, as was Petar Šafar. Regarding the fact that Miklin is mentioned as a shop owner,69 and Jakov and Ivan Bole in some legal confl icts that may be associated with trade,70 it may be concluded that they were also members of the trading elite, especially as Miklin and the members of the Bole family are never mentioned in connection with a craft. Another enigma is the profession of Mihael, son of Sebastijan, and his stepfather Ivan, son of Pavao. Mihael was the son of a goldsmith and is attested in the sources as the owner of various lands. Like the members of the Bole family, Mihael may be considered as having drawn his wealth from a large number of estates, whereby he got involved in trade only on specifi c occasions, when there was an advantageous opportunity, perhaps giving money to other professional merchants who went for the goods in other cities or local fairs. Regarding the fact that professional merchants also invested their profi t into various types of real estate in the city and its territory, one may speak of a trading- landowning aristocracy ruling over Gradec almost until the mid-fi fteenth century.71 Towards the middle of the century, craftsmen gradually suppressed the merchants, and then the only merchants mentioned in the magistrature or in the judge’s offi ce came from the ranks of petty merchants (stacchunarius, institor, kramar). One cannot argue that trade disappeared, but its range and the promise of sizeable profi t had diminished. It can also be said that large-scale trade had been replaced by the small-scale, and it would regain ground in Zagreb only at the turn of the sixteenth century, but then only for a short period of time.72 In the second half of the fi fteenth century, petty merchants included Konrad Rawsar, Blaž, son of Pavao, Ivan Bolšak and Blaž, son of Lazarin. As for the craftsmen, besides goldsmiths, several judges were tailors (sartores) during the so-called period of trade domination. Petar, son of Grgur, is mentioned as a tailor, and so are Mihael, son of Šimun, Juraj, son of Valentin, Martin Tomić and Benedikt Škrinjarić.73 In the second half of the fi fteenth century, judge-tailors included Blaž, from Šteničnjak, and Matija, son of Marko.74 However, what makes us doubt that these tailor-judges were actually craftsmen is the relatively large number of tailors in general in the town’s records, as well as in the magistrature’s structure. In fact,

67 MCZ 5, 133. 68 MCZ 5, 197, 201. 69 MCZ 9, 112. 70 KARBIĆ, Obitelj Bole, 15. 71 The expression “trading-landowning aristocracy” was fi rst used by Nada Klaić (KLAIĆ, Zagreb, 254). 72 RADY, Medieval Buda, 105. Late in the fi fteenth century, copper from the Slovakian mine at Banská Bystrica was also transported through Zagreb, with Venice as its fi nal destination. The actual owners of that mine were the brothers Žigmund and Ivan Ernest “Hampo”, from Čakovce, but they had given it in lease to Ivan Thurzo and his business partner Jakov Fugger. Their transaction is documented in the records of Zagreb as well. King Vladislav II demanded of Gradec’s citizens to secure the copper trade and prevent possible obstructions by John Corvinus’ men. However, according to Herkov, only a minor part of the total copper production in the kingdom was traded through Zagreb and Senj. HERKOV, Povijest zagrebačke trgovine, 10–11. 73 Juraj, son of Valentin, Martin Tomić and Benedikt Škrinjarić are clearly identifi able as tailors. On Petar, son of Grgur, being a tailor, see: MCZ 5, 173; and on Mihael, son of Šimun, being a tailor, see: MCZ 9, 212. 74 On Blaž Stojimilić being a tailor, see: MCZ 7, 440.

20 MESTO a DEJINY tailoring was the most common profession in the city after cobblery and butchery.75 Regarding such competition, it would be logical to conclude that judge-tailors did not gain their reputation by needle and thread, so to say, but that many among them had previously traded in fabric and linen. Thus, judge Matija, son of Marko, was a tailor as well as a petty merchant (institor).76 In the second half of the fi fteenth century, when craftsmen and petty merchants already dominated the magistrature, the judges’ offi ce was held by two saddlers (frenipar) – Toma, son of Andrija, and Valentin, son of Emerik Nadulen; one cobbler – Benedikt, son of Juraj; one locksmith – Lovro (also referred to as institor); and one blacksmith – Fabijan Czaren. Guilds or professional associations of craftsmen were another important feature of the medieval town. In Gradec, they emerged from the fi fteenth century, and by the late fi fteenth and early sixteenth centuries, all the main crafts had created guilds and issued their own statutes. Even earlier than that, from the fourteenth century onwards, craftsmen had organized themselves in confraternities (confrateritas, kalendinum), and besides these professional ones, there were also those formed on the basis of ethnicity (Slavic, Latin, German, yet no Hungarian confraternity mentioned in the sources). But whereas confraternities were mostly voluntary associations of citizens brought together by a particular common trait (profession, ethnicity), their activity being largely religious and caritative, from the mid-fi fteenth century guilds evolved as proper professional organizations and membership became practically mandatory for all craftsmen. From the late fourteenth century, in fact, guilds acquired considerable political power in many European towns.77 In Buda, guild leaders had to be consulted about all major aff airs in the fi rst half of the fi fteenth century.78 However, in the period from the mid-fourteenth until the early sixteenth centuries, no close link can be seen between the offi ce of confraternity dean and any function in the magistrature, especially not that of a judge. This may also be due to the lack of sources, that is, the very meagre court records and land registers during the last two decades of the fi fteenth and the early sixteenth centuries, which is precisely the time period in which the guilds gained more power in urban life. Before 1450, only 14 citizens in the magistrature are explicitly referred to as deans of a confraternity. It is known that Antun was the dean of the confraternity of butchers, but he managed to hold only the offi ce of councillor, and just once, in 1437. The highest function in the magistrature that a confraternity dean held was that of a juror; a dean of the butchers, Clemens, was a juror in 1448, while all other deans who made the magistrature were councillors.79 The goldsmith Brumen is mentioned in 1384 as the dean of the Latin confraternity, while in 1377 he had been a juror in the Slavic group(!).80 The butcher Luka, who was a councillor in the Slavic group, is also mentioned as a dean.81 The only judges who have been attested as deans of confraternities were Martin Tomić and Petar the Hungarian (Hungarus), son of

75 KLAIĆ, Zagreb, 287. 76 MCZ 7, 373. 77 Nicholas, The Later Medieval City, 113–114. 78 RADY, Medieval Buda, 120. 79 One should keep in mind that the deans of jurors are not to be included in this number, since the offi ce emerged only in the 1460s. 80 MCZ 9, 2. MCZ 5, 75. 81 MCZ 6, 230.

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Pavao. Both were deans of the Slavic confraternity: Petar in 143982 and Martin in 1455.83 However, Petar became the dean of the confraternity after he had held the judge’s offi ce twice, while Martin Tomić had also held the judge’s post thrice before 1455, which is why it cannot be claimed that the dean’s function helped them additionally in their political careers; it was rather the opposite, and moreover, ethnic confraternities cannot be regarded as proper guilds.

Wealth Besides family ties between members of the magistrature, an important feature of the urban elite is their good or excellent fi nancial status. Judges and jurors represented the wealthier part of the urban community. Regardless of whether they gained their wealth by trade or their profession, the aspect they all have in common is that they are documented as owners of more than one estate, including houses in the town and various types of land plots (fi elds, vineyards, pastures) in the urban territory. Some members of the elite, besides owning houses in the town, also possessed shops, mills and towers. Since it is rather diffi cult to estimate an individual’s personal wealth in the medieval period with precision, research on property relations in the medieval town is the only way of reconstructing the fi nancial status of a citizen or a family. However, a full analysis of the possessions and estates of the members of the urban elites would be far too long on this occasion so we have to convey it in the form of a summary. Transaction documents very often show that those citizens who had accumulated some wealth strove to move into more impressive (larger and more solid) houses, and that their improved fi nancial status was refl ected in their social status: one often comes across them as members of the magistrature. By the same token, if a citizen sold an impressive property and moved into a smaller one it mostly meant that his fi nancial power had diminished, which had an impact on his political status as well. The larger and more luxurious houses in the city were largely distributed around the main square and in the south-east, in the fi rst and ninth insula, and along the south-eastern part of the city walls, from the Stone Gate southwards to St Catherine’s church.84 A similar situation, namely the grouping of wealthy craftsmen and merchants in the town square or around it, can be observed in other Hungarian towns as well.85 The poorer parts of the town included, besides the suburbium, its northern and north-western parts. Nevertheless, social segregation was not too extreme, as smaller, wooden houses, owned by petty craftsmen at the most, were also present even in the “elite” parts of Gradec. This was, after all, a typical feature of smaller towns, in which there were always better areas, mostly around the town square, yet in which the houses of wealthy citizens did not necessarily stand next to each other, but rather were often surrounded by cottages housing poorer craftsmen or agricultural workers.86 Gradec’s judges and jurors, regardless of their professions, strove to possess several estates in the city, as well as a range of diff erent land plots cultivated by their servants or serfs (jobagiones); similar tendencies can also be observed in some other Hungarian

82 MCZ 9, 335. As the Hungarians did not have an ethnic confraternity, they may have been included in the Slavic one. 83 MCZ 7, 83. 84 More on urban estates and its owners: ŠKREBLIN, Urban elites, 403–443. 85 SZENDE, Some Aspects of Urban Landownership, 151. 86 Eliassen, The mainstays of the urban fringe, 43.

22 MESTO a DEJINY towns.87 Owning real estate in the urban territory was closely connected to having power in the city, and owning land outside the city walls was an element of power that went beyond urban settings in medieval Hungary, since the population was largely agrarian.88 That is why even larger Hungarian towns and trading centres partly show the same features as those of smaller, agrarian towns. Evidence of an individual’s fi nancial power can also be found in other types of sources. Thus the census of 1368, which lists houses and their inhabitants, shows that the municipality had exempted some citizens from tax payment since it actually owed them money. Next to the name of Petar Ligerije, a former judge and owner of one of the largest estates in Gradec, there is a note by the tax collector: “I have written off as part of the debt all his curiae, as well as those of his familiars, his friend Gianino and his son Mauro; as well as four pence of goldsmith Jankec and four pence of Jankec the carpenter’s widow, and half a curia of Demetrij.”89 Two neighbours of Petar Ligerije, Luka Bonioli and Puhocije (de Carbonis) were also exempted from taxes, and so were the merchant Antonio Renis and some twenty other citizens.90 In some cases, it can be observed that the municipality also donated real estate to citizens, or exempted them from paying taxes. Thus Antun Renis obtained a shop in 1387,91 notary Toma Isip a house,92 Grgur Angeli a shop and exemption from paying taxes for his vineyard,93 Sebold Mayer exemption from all taxes on all his possessions as a remuneration for his night vigils,94 and judge Nikola, son of Demetar, exemption from paying “knežija” tax on his vineyard.95 Mihael, son of Sebastijan, obtained a third of the parish revenues of St Mark’s church in 1402.96 Another interesting document is the book of expenditures of 1462, which describes all payments of the municipality for the year in question. Besides covering repairs in the city, the citizens had to pay far greater sums for various expenditures and gifts for the ban – that is, the royal tax collector – and other royal offi cials. The costliest royal tax collector was Juraj of Kara (Georgius de Kara), who obtained 230 fl orins of taxes as well as expensive gifts (such as damaskino fabric) worth almost 16 fl orins. The taxes and gifts were brought to Juraj of Kara by two prominent citizens, the former judges Konrad Rawsar and Ivan Perović, who also had to have their travel expenses covered.97 In order to pay the royal tax, the judge borrowed almost half of the sum (127 fl orins) from various citizens, for which they were later reimbursed. Thus, the municipal administration regularly returned borrowed money, and if it was unable to, it resorted to exemptions from certain taxes or donated estates, probably in agreement with the creditors. Wealthier citizens participated in such monetary interventions more often, and it certainly contributed to their political careers. Thus

87 SZENDE, Some Aspects of Urban Landownership, 153. 88 SZENDE, Some Aspects of Urban Landownership, 153. 89 MCZ 11, 231. 90 See the list in: MCZ 11, 227–249. 91 MCZ 9, 32. 92 MCZ 9, 98. 93 MCZ 9, 8, 42. 94 MCZ 10, 143–144. 95 MCZ 7, 67. 96 MCZ 9, 126. 97 MCZ 11, 225.

23 MESTO a DEJINY the 800 fl orins that Gradec lent to Duke John Corvinus most certainly did not come from the town’s treasury, but rather from various members of the town’s elite. Duke John exempted Gradec from the annual tax in order to pay the interest.98

Tax Collecting Participating in the collection of taxes could also contribute to one’s reputation.99 The example of Gradec shows this in two functions: Firstly we consider the collecting of the main communal tax called “knežija”. It seems that this offi ce (comes) became identical with the offi ce of treasurer (conductor et comes proventum). It was no rarity that future or former judges acted as the comes, which means that they leased the collection of taxes on crafts, trade and agricultural activities. Thus, in 1389, the knežija tax was collected by the former judge Luka Bonioli and the jurors Antun Juršić and Dragoslav;100 in 1392, it was collected by the Florentines Cion and Pero, and by Mihael, son of Sebastian.101 All three were members of the magistrature at the time, and Cion and Mihael would become judges later on. In the fi fteenth century, it was collected by the former judge Antun Appardi and by Martin Tomić, a future judge.102 In 1464, the tax was collected by Benedikt and Andrija, and in the following year Lovro Šporar acted as the comes.103 All of them became judges later on. One should also mention Marko Kranjec, who leased the knežija tax in 1494 and became a juror as soon as 1495. Marko signed a contract worth 78 fl orins with the town, which has remained preserved. Thus we know that Marko collected market fees, controlled the observation of municipal measures, could also seize goods in case of violation, and was also in charge of the town’s butcher’s shops and the municipal vineyards and fi elds.104 The contract also shows that the comes obviously had to be skilful and experienced in trade in order to perform this task adequately for the benefi t of both Gradec and himself. Briefl y, the offi ce of comes should be distinguished from the rest of the lower functions and should not be confused with that of a royal tax collector (tributarius), who collected rent for the king’s taxes. Since the tax collecting was given in lease, its collectors had to have a good fi nancial status (the initial capital) and probably also skills in monetary dealings and trade, as well as their own employees. In tax collecting, a citizen could demonstrate his skills and utility for the urban community. The offi ce of comes or “duke” may therefore be compared to that of a chamberlain or treasurer, which was also common in other continental European towns.105 A chamberlain (Kammermeister) has been recorded in Sopron.106 As for Ilok, which took over the statute of Buda, a similar function was performed by the “minor judex”.107

98 MCZ 2, 505. 99 RADY, Medieval Buda, 91. 100 MCZ 5, 295–296. 101 MCZ 9, 60. 102 MCZ 6, 176. 103 MCZ 7, 252, 302–303. 104 MCZ 2, 494–497. 105 GUSTAFSSON, Succession in Medieval Swedish Town Councils, 200. 106 GODA, Generations of Power, 235. 107 SCHMIDT, Statut Grada Iloka, book V, chapters 1, 2, 5.

24 MESTO a DEJINY

Secondly, Zagreb was the main seat of a “one-thirtieth tax” for medieval Slavonia, and so it is not surprising that some citizens of Gradec appear in that offi ce as well. The one-thirtieth tax was paid on goods imported to the kingdom, always in cash. The fi rst collector of the one-thirtieth tax mentioned in Gradec was Saracen, who in 1366 came into confl ict with the citizens as he demanded that they should also pay the one-thirtieth tax on wine, salt and corn, which had not been the case previously.108 In 1369, Franjo the tax collector was murdered in a quarrel with Tadija, Petar, and Puhoci de Carbonis, merchants from Florence.109 In 1380, the one-thirtieth tax collector Leon Batista, on the other hand, disturbed the citizens by night with his men.110 It is possible that owing to such problems with tax collectors the citizens demanded that their co- citizens should be entrusted with the post. The sources show that the function of the one-thirtieth tax collector was very attractive to merchants from Italy, particularly Florence. In the fourteenth century, the offi ce was held by Gyuan, son of Benedikt (de Boncarnissa), sometime in the early 1380s, and then by a man called Mafeo, who would in 1384 become a councillor in the town magistrature in the Latin group of councillors.111 In the early fi fteenth century, the Florentines and other Latins in this function were replaced by German offi cials and the familiars of Herman of Celje, who obviously used his political power in order to position his own people in this offi ce. Nevertheless, in the late 1420s, another Florentine appears as the one-thirtieth tax collector: it was Leonard Atthawantis, who became a juror later on.112 It is only in 1467 that another citizen of Gradec appeared in this offi ce: it was the former judge Blaž Stojimilić, from Šteničnjak.113 In the early sixteenth century, there were two future judges among the one-thirtieth tax collectors: Ivan Požegaj, who had been a municipal representative in 1481 at the Noble Assembly of Zagreb,114 and Ivan Pastor, from Florence.115 Thus, all in all there were four town judges, one juror, and one councillor that at some time headed collection of the Slavonian one-thirtieth tax. Participation in tax collection (both the knežija tax and the one-thirtieth tax) could bring personal gain and also contribute to one’s social reputation or improve one’s image as a person who is benefi cial to the community. Apparently, this latter aspect was crucial for the judge’s offi ce, since in the period considered here this position concerned the functioning of the municipality as a whole, with the town’s fi nances as the most important asset, rather than the legal trials. It is possible that actual fi nancial wealth and fi nancial knowledge were among the crucial factors that separated citizens who were elected to the judge’s seat from those who stayed in lower functions. The wealthiest citizens had a much greater ability to intervene in communal fi nancial plans if it became necessary, and many of them did so, as was shown in the book of expenditures of 1462. Of course, the community usually repaid their debts, but in some

108 MCZ 1, 233–234. Saracen may be identical with Jakov or Ivan Saracen, brothers from Padua who came to Hungary in the mid-fourteenth century and became very infl uential in fi nanc. ENGEL, The Realm, 186. 109 MCZ 1, 234–236. 110 MCZ 5, 25, 39. 111 MCZ 5, 171. 112 MCZ 6, 129. More about Leonard Atthawantis see: ŠKREBLIN, Urbana elita zagrebačkog Gradeca u 15. i početkom 16. st., 308–332. ARANY, Generations Abroad, 129–152. 113 MCZ 7, 312. 114 MCZ 3, 145. 115 MCZ 3, 147.

25 MESTO a DEJINY cases they rather exempted the lenders from taxes or gave them property instead. By fi nancing communal obligations and other necessities, certain citizens could also show their dedication and care for the town community which was for sure helpful in their political careers and aspirations.

Formation of the urban elite by political powers outside the city walls In some cases, it is evident that members of the urban elite were linked to the noble or ecclesiastical elites outside of the town walls. It is therefore logical to ask to what extent this fact helped them in their careers. In 1353, Petar Ligerije (de Medio) was the head of the mint of Duke Stephen (comitem camerarum domini Stephani) and the very fact shows that he was trusted by both the duke and his brother Louis of Anjou, who had his royal residence in Gradec where duke Stephen lived from about 1350 until his death in 1354.116 The good relations between the Ligerije and Anjou families are manifest in the fact that, in 1366, Petar stayed in Venice as the royal emissary while, on the other side, another Latin, Jakomel Quirin was working as an agent of Venice.117 A noblemen, Peter Šafar, participated in the defence of the monastery of Topusko when it was attacked from Bosnia, for which they were awarded with four estates in Pokuplje in 1402.118 Ivan Alben, nephew of Zagreb’s bishop, Eberhard, was the abbot of Topusko at the time.119 In other words, it would be logical to conclude that Peter Šafar, elected judge in 1405, was very well known and respected by Bishop Eberhard at the time when King Sigismund pledged Gradec to the bishop of Zagreb. A man who most certainly came to the head of Zagreb’s Gradec with “outside help” was Jacob Eberspeck, from Constance – the former magistar conquine of the Counts of Celje, who became the judge after the Counts of Celje had deposed and incarcerated Martin Tomić in 1448.120 Similar help may have come the way of three other German citizens who also came to Gradec during the Counts of Celje’s regime, namely Konrad Rawsar, from Landeshut, Antun Roth and John Bolsak, from Nürnberg. Similarly, the appointment of the nobleman Gašpar Kušević to the judge’s offi ce in 1493 was closely linked to Duke John Corvinus, the sovereign of Gradec at the time, since Kušević was a nobleman from Turopolje and a familiar of Duke John Corvinus. A number of other judges, members of the petty nobility, could also have had good connections to the higher nobility: Andrija Latinus, from Volavje, Blaž Stojimilić, from Šteničnjak, Nikola, son of Demetar, from Zlat, and the noblemen of Klokoč. At the beginning of the sixteenth century two men who were most certainly well known at the royal court were Ivan Pastor, from Florence, and the Dubrovnik humanist Feliks Petančić, who managed to become the city judge of Gradec during his brief stay in 1511. At fi rst sight, we would conclude that the town’s new supreme lords, Stephen of Anjou, the Counts of Cili, and Duke John Corvinus, had interfered in the civic autonomy and put some kind of pressure on the citizens to elect their trusted persons and vassals to the judges seat. However, it might have been quite the opposite: members of the urban elite might have sought for the head of the community to be a person who would have an open door or easy access to their supreme lords and to the king’s court in

116 SMIČIKLAS, Codex diplomaticus, 194–195. 117 LJUBIĆ, Monumenta Spectantia, 88, 90. 118 LUKINOVIĆ, Povijesni spomenici, 173–174. 119 KARBIĆ, Velikaška obitelj Alben, 18. 120 The Counts of Celje were the sovereigns of Gradec in the period from 1441–1456.

26 MESTO a DEJINY a period when the town was under the protection of the royal crown. During the reign of the Counts of Celje, a former “magister of conquine”, Eberspeck, who was fl uent in the German language, and probably still knew a lot of people in the Celje court, was a much better choice for the judge’s seat than some other prominent merchant or craftsmen who didn’t know either. Furthermore, despite being a former “master of cuisine” of the Counts of Celje, Eberspeck had already been integrated into the urban elite through marriage: he married Margareta, the widow of a former juror. Also, it is worth reminding that being a judge did not mean having an authoritarian power in the city; the decisions were always made by the consensus of the town’s elite, and sometimes even by the whole town community. On the other hand, supreme lords such as Counts of Celje did not have to use the judge or the jurors to execute their power. They, rather, relied on their soldiers and offi cials.121 Anyway, it has to be concluded that political circumstances also had an impact on the election of the town magistrature, and especially of the town judge. To have a person at the head of the community with various connections and acquaintances among the nobility outside the city walls might be very useful for the town, so this “foreign” factor has to be included in research into the formation of the urban elite.

Moral values In order that a citizen might hold a municipal post, certain moral qualities were essential. As mentioned above, the Statute of Ilok states this very clearly, prescribing among other things that citizens holding administrative offi ces should enjoy good reputation and by no means be known as traitors, calumniators, mockers, perjurers, rebels or slanderers. In other words, wealth and familial or social ties could not, in principle, help a citizen to make a career in the magistrature unless he also enjoyed high esteem. Carpenter has indicated that the moral qualities of the members of the urban elite were not only required and expected, but were in a sense an aspect of the elite’s ideology as it sought to secure its position of power.122 This may imply that the elite did not experience its own governance as a rule of the rich, but preferred to place an emphasis on good moral qualities such as honour, honesty, piety and so on. This, of course, leads to the following question: how can we assess in the sources who was honourable and a man of high moral principles, or tell him apart from those who did not enjoy such reputation? In order to do that, the best way to proceed is to take a look at the cases of violation of honour and morality, and see to what extent and in what circumstances members of the urban elite were caught red-handed and how that infl uenced their political careers. Lovro and Friche were jurors in charge of the securing of order (treuga dei) during St Margareth’s Fair in 1417, but they themselves committed certain serious violations, so they were deprived of the juror’s offi ce and forbidden to hold it ever again.123 Nevertheless, they were eventually pardoned, and in 1419 Friche held again the post of juror. In 1440, brothers Pero and Jakov Šafar, together with Benedikt, son of Mihael

121 As was already mentioned, the issue of the urban elite outside the town magistrature is skipped in this article. However, it has to be pointed out that soldiers who served the Counts of Celje during their regime defi nitely qualifi ed for the elite outside the town magistrature due to their unique status. Thus Sebold Mayer, nominally with the duty of captain, was at the same time the main representative of the counts in the city. 122 CARPENTER, The formation of Urban Elites, 84. 123 “...ipsos autem Laurencium et Friche offi cio privavimus, de ceterque nullus eorum juratus nec assesor noster fi eri possent nec ad consilium in medio nostri venire debeant...” MCZ 6, 49.

27 MESTO a DEJINY

Sebastijan, broke into the house of Jakov Bole and gravely wounded one citizen there.124 The attackers were sentenced to a fi ne of 7 fl orins and twenty marks.125 Still, one can clearly identify Benedikt as a city juror in 1448: thus, this violent act did not signifi cantly thwart his political career. However, in 1443, Jakov Šafar committed a murder and fl ed the city to avoid the death penalty.126 Janko Bole, a son of the judge Ivan and a brother of the judge Jakov Bole, fi rst stole some candelabra from the confraternities in 1450, for which he was almost sentenced to death, as such an act was not only considered as theft, but also as sacrilege.127 Due to an intervention by some honourable citizens, Janko was pardoned, but soon afterwards committed another crime and also fl ed the city (or was evicted).128 Marko, son of Mikeč Leonardov, certainly belonged to the city’s elite judging by his reputation and fi nancial status. However, in the early 1390s, he had to leave the city: he was probably evicted for having killed someone. Marko fi rst undertook a pilgrimage to Rome, in order to ask the Pope for the absolution of his sins.129 On the way, he even managed to obtain a pardon from King Sigismund in 1392 and the city allowed him to return.130 In the following year, he was already a juror, and three years later he was appointed to the judge’s offi ce.131 The public notary and councillor Toma Isip likewise killed a citizen, albeit accidentally, and undertook a pilgrimage (peregrinatio) to Rome.132 Furthemore, in 1451, the juror Toma Čeden committed some crime (pro manifesta culpa et crimine suo) and was apparently threatened with the death penalty, but due to an intervention by the members of the Pauline, Dominican and Franciscan orders, and subsequently the city’s captain, Sebold Mayer, he was eventually pardoned.133 Three years after the incident, Toma was appointed a juror. In 1466, Konrad Rawsar slandered the juror Pavao as infi delem et falsarium communi and was sentenced to a fi ne of 25 marks; displeased with the verdict, he appealed to the tavernical court.134 As early as the following year, 1467, Rawsar replaced the deceased judge Antun Roth, and in 1470 he was again appointed judge. According to Tkalčić, if a juror suddenly came under certain suspicion (infamia), he was not to be allowed to participate in governance or be present at assembly meetings until he could prove his innocence.135 In Gradec, bad reputation could be particularly unpleasant, since the town was not so big and rumours spread quickly through all the social strata. And so it was that in 1488 the juror Gal Kudelić lost his good reputation and so raised charges against some citizens for slander. However, he could not prove the case and thus turned to none other than King Matthias Corvinus, who indeed ordered that Kudelić’s verdict should be erased from the records and that the citizens who had

124 MCZ 6, 327. 125 MCZ 6, 328, 337, 341. 126 MCZ 6, 373, 374, 375, 385. 127 MCZ 6, 401, 404. 128 MCZ 7, 13. 129 MCZ 9, 49. MCZ 6, 475. 130 MCZ 1, 340–341. 131 MCZ 1, 348. 132 MCZ 6, 294. 133 MCZ 7, 31. 134 MCZ 7, 294, 300, 351. 135 MCZ 7, IV.

28 MESTO a DEJINY called him a slayer should be punished.136 As evident from the case of Benedikt, son of Mihael Sebastijan, acts such as personal off ences, fi ghts and even woundings were not permanent obstacles to a person’s appointment in offi ce. In those cases in which members of the elite committed grave crimes, they theoretically could not count on a milder penalty, but in practice their crimes were often pardoned due to interventions by other distinguished citizens or clerics. In some cases, even serious criminal off ences did not necessarily mark the end of a political career, even though the culprits did have to expiate their deeds properly, and give satisfaction to their victims. Of course, members of the urban elite were in a better position than poorer citizens, since they could off er suitable satisfaction to the victims, undertake pilgrimages to Rome, and seek help from various ecclesiastical and secular dignitaries, with whom they were probably in social or business relations. Nevertheless, as shown by the cases of Janko Bole and Jakov Šafar, in instances where they committed serious crimes, they could expect the usual punishments regardless of social status.

Piety and charity According to the Statute of Ilok, municipal governors and offi cials also had to be pious. Piety and various forms of devotional behaviour, such as pilgrimages to Rome, believing in the miracles of the saints, and a powerful sense of human sinfulness, were deeply embedded in the mind of the medieval man.137 Among the population of medieval Gradec, piety was most visibly expressed in testamentary legations to the benefi t of paupers, a church, or a monastery, made for the salvation of one’s soul (pro anima sua). Wealthier citizens donated money or estates to the Church even during their lifetimes, which raised their social esteem and enabled them to establish good contacts with the clergy. Thus, in 1398, Cion, son of Ivan, gave 117 fl orins to one parish outside the city walls.138 Mihael, son of Šimun, donated an altar for the local Pauline monastery.139 Before making a signifi cant political career, the judge Martin Tomić was the administrator (rector hospitalis) of the city hospital.140 Finally, we shall end this brief overview of pious deeds in medieval Gradec with another interesting case: Martin, son of Urban, mentioned in 1493 as the judge, obviously moved into a clerical career, since in 1497 the sources mention him as the parish priest of Gradec – an example of symbiosis between secular and spiritual powers in the Middle Ages.141

Education In Gradec, a school is mentioned as early as the fourteenth century, but it provided only a basic education. In order to obtain higher education, one had to attend the cathedral school in the Zagreb Chapter, and the highest education could only be

136 MCZ 2, 467–468, 487–488. 137 ANDRIĆ, Dopuna saznanja, 1–2. LADIĆ, O plemstvu i svećenstvu, 267. 138 MCZ 9, 101. 139 JURJEVIĆ, Mater amabilis Maria Miraculosa Virgo Remetensis. In hoc exiguo libello clare proponitur cum sua origine et nonnullis miraculis per quendam Patrem Fratrem Ordinis S. Pauli primi Eremitae professum Monasterii Remetensis in tertium annum inhabitatorem anno Matris Virginis, 1665. (manuscript), Zagreb, Arhiv HAZU, II. d. 104. 140 MCZ 6, 189. 141 “...provido et honesto viro Martino, seniori judici, nunc vero moderno plebano...” Cf. MCZ 11, 74.

29 MESTO a DEJINY achieved in one of the medieval universities, usually at university in Padova or Vienna.142 However, in the fourteenth century education does not seem to have played any role in obtaining a position in the municipal administration. Literacy implied a knowledge of Latin, since in the late medieval period most documents were still written in Latin, but writing and interpreting offi cial documents was the task of public notaries. Thus, one can only presume that citizens like Petar Ligerije, Jakomel Quirin, and the various Florentine merchants, bankers and diplomats must have been literate and educated. Here I would like to draw attention to the fact that from the mid-fi fteenth century it was standard for the city judges to use the appelation literatus next to their name. Thus, among the literati of the time one fi nds the judge Antun, son of Toma and a nobleman of Klokoč, Antun Roth, from Nürnberg, Dominik, son of Ivan Perović, Emerik, son of Marko, and Matija, son of Ladislav. The three main judges of the fi rst quarter of the sixteenth century, Mihael Oprašnić, Emerik Mikulić, and Mihael, son of Matija, were all marked as literati. In other words, in the late fi fteenth and the early sixteenth centuries, it became more important to acquire a certain level of education, literacy and Latin profi ciency. It is not known whether these men attended merely the school of Gradec or continued their schooling at the cathedral school of Kaptol. Among the judges’ sons, the juror Mihael, son of the judge Blaž, son of Pauli, was perhaps the one with the highest level of formal education. Mihael was, namely, baccalaureus arte liberales, which undoubtedly indicates that he had studied at one of the European universities.143

Noble status To end with, I would like to focus on another feature that was characteristic of the urban elite of Gradec: many judges, and even lower offi cials such as jurors and councillors, belonged to the nobility although they lived in the city and had citizenship. The number of noblemen within the city walls, i.e., noblemen who were also citizens and participated in municipal governance, was far higher than one may suppose at fi rst. Their main characteristic, methodologically speaking, was that their noble status was not explicitly mentioned in the municipal documents, and that one often discovers that a citizen had a noble status from those sources that were not written by the hand of Gradec’s notary. In most cases, these were the so-called “petty noblemen”, who left their – probably very small – estates and came to the city in order to engage in crafts and trade. Nevertheless, some of them, even though living an urban life, still retained and maintained their estates in their places of origin. Some of Gradec’s noblemen were, in fact, former predials, castellans or members of noble communities such as Klokoč, Svetačje or Turopolje. Taking a broader view of the situation, one may say that the increased presence of nobility in urban settings certainly had something to do with the generally high percentage of nobility in the population of the Hungarian Kingdom. Medieval Hungary is considered to have been a land of nobility owing to the high ratio of noblemen in the overall demographic picture, which is estimated at 1–5 %, or even 10 %.144 Besides, many Florentines of Gradec possessed noble status. They must have been members of the Florentine urban nobility, whose status was also recognized

142 KLAIĆ, Zagreb, 529. 143 MCZ 7, 222. MCZ 10, 188. 144 KARBIĆ, Hrvatski plemićki rod, 73.

30 MESTO a DEJINY in the Hungarian Kingdom.145 Thus, judge Mihael, son of Šimun, is marked down as a tailor (sartor) and there are no indications in the municipal documents that he came from a noble family: neither Mihael nor his son Valentin. However, in the records of the Pauline order of Remete that was mentioned previously (Mater Amabilis), the same Mihael is documented as judge Mihael, son of Šimun, nobleman from Gorica. Another example is the Šafar (Saphar) family, which in the municipal documents appear only as citizens. However, as was already mentioned, from a donation of Abbot Ivan of Topusko one gathers that the brothers Petar and Stjepan Šafar were actually noblemen who had participated in the defence of the Topusko monastery against an attack from Bosnia, for which they were awarded in 1402 with four estates in the monastery’s vicinity. This, of course, means that Šafar’s sons – judge Andrija and jurors Pero and Jakov – were also noblemen. As for the goldsmiths Franjo and Mihael Sebestijanov, there is no direct evidence that they had noble status, but both citizens had their daughters married to noblemen from the County of Zagreb. Johannes Pehem, a German from Prague, was married to the noblewoman Agneza.146 The former magistar conquine of the Counts of Celje, Jakov Eberspeck, from Konstanz, must have been a nobleman as well, and so were Petar Ligerije and Jacomell Quirin of the second half of the fourteenth century. From the mid-fi fteenth century, noblemen from other areas of medieval Slavonia and Croatia are increasingly documented in the position of Gradec judges: Andrija, son of Mihael, from Volavje (de Volawye), Nikola, son of Demetrije, from Zlat (de Zlath), Antun, from Klokoč, Blaž, from Šteničnjak, Emerik Mikulić, from Križ, Gašpar Kušević (or Kišević), from Lomnica, and the brothers Ivan and Marko Požegaj, from Egidovec. Felix Petančić was also a nobleman, probably granted the status by King Vladislav Jagello.147 It is too early to claim that the noble title played a decisive role in attaining the highest offi ce: many jurors were also noblemen, such as Nikola Lipovčak, Marko of Čava, Matija Farkaš, Nikola, son of Damjan, and the brothers Petar and Juraj Angeli; Martin Plemenšćak, son of Petar, was a nobleman, yet made it only as far as the position of councillor. It may be presumed that there were other members of the petty nobility among the judges, jurors and councillors, only they cannot be clearly identifi ed as noblemen. Perhaps the noble status in itself did not play a crucial role in getting appointed to one of the municipal offi ces, but it was certainly important if combined with various contacts and connections with other noblemen in the county. In addition, the fact that there were so many petty noblemen among the citizens opens an array of other questions, such as the power and infl uence of the “real” citizenry in Gradec, as well as other cities in the Hungarian Kingdom, but these issues remain a topic for some future research.

Concluding remarks The formation of the Gradec urban elite is in many aspects comparable with the urban elites in other European cities. The elite in Gradec consisted mostly of wealthy merchants and craftsmen who had held economic, social and political power in their community. Besides them, the urban elite also consisted of members of the petty nobility, and of citizens who were connected or associated to the mighty noblemen

145 On principle, urban nobility was acknowledged only in the territory of that city, but could also be recognized beyond, depending on the city’s importance and other circumstances. Cf. KARBIĆ, Plemstvo, 18. 146 MCZ 9, 184. 147 JEMBRIH, Feliks Petančić, 116.

31 MESTO a DEJINY of the county, offi cials and members of the clergy. The appearance of some citizen in the town magistrature of the medieval city is generally a result of his already acquired reputation and status among the other citizens. The social and economic success of a citizen is usually linked with political success. The political career usually started with the offi ce of councillor, but in some cases with the function of juror also. The function of the town judge was reserved only for those with the highest social status in the community. Wealth and fi nancial skills could be one of the crucial factors that separated citizen-judges from other citizens serving lower functions. Since the judge was the main representative of the municipality, the other factor that could promote some prominent citizen to the seat of judge was his connections and contacts among important noblemen in the county, i.e., their infl uence outside the city wall, especially with the ban or at the royal court. Piety, moral values and social skills were also of importance in building one’s reputation among the others, while certain forms of education became more respected from the second half of the fi fteenth century. A special feature of the Gradec urban elite may be the signifi cant number of noblemen in the town’s offi ces which could be related to the generally high percentage of nobility in the population of the Hungarian Kingdom. Research of the family network of the town’s judges showed that at least a third of them between 1350 and 1525 had already had some relative who was in the town magistrature previously. In most cases, it was the affi nitive type of relation; i.e., the elected judges were either sons-in-law, or they married a widow of a former member of the elite. There were many cases of patrilineal relations in the magistrature, but very few regarding the offi ce of town judges. Only a few citizens whose father was the judge succeeded to the offi ce thereafter. In fact, many sons of the judges stayed in the position of juror, while the judge’s position was held by another citizen who was the son-in-law of a prominent citizen, or who had married the widow of a previous member of the urban elite. In that manner, the existing elite accepted and integrated new members into the urban elite to secure its stability and continuity. Certain similarities in the creation and development process can be seen between Gradec and other continental towns in medieval Hungary. These include the large role of the king, who granted privileges, the favourable position of the town at trade route junctions, the fact that a good part of the population arrived from outside the borders of the then kingdom, and the establishing of magistracies according to lingusistic groups, which was also the case in some other Hungarian towns. Regarding town administration, there were only eight jurors in Gradec, while most other Hungarian towns had twelve. Furthermore, there is no mention of an electoral body of one hundred citizens in Gradec; instead, one gets the impression that judges and jurors were elected by all full citizens. It has also been proven that the formal introduction of the Statute of Buda in 1405 as a sort of template for other tavernical towns didn’t leave any notable trace on the form of Gradec’s town administration regarding the composition of the magistrature, or in the town sources in general. To what extent these peculiarities of Gradec were merely an expression of the town’s individuality, which features were quite typical of a medieval town, and whether some other legal customs applied in Gradec, are questions that need to be studied further.

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RADY, Martyn. Foreword. In: LUCA, Cristian – RĂDVAN, Laurenţiu – SIMON, Alexandru (eds.). Social and political elite in eastern and central Europe (15th–18th centuries). London: School of Slavonic and East European Studies – UCL, 2015, pp. IX–XV. RADY, Martyn. Government of Medieval Buda. In: NAGY, Balász – RADY, Martyn – SZENDE, Katalin – VADAS, András (eds.). Medieval Buda in Context. Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2016, pp. 303–321. RADY, Martyn. Medieval Buda: A study of Municipal Government and Jurisdiction in the Kingdom of Hungary. New York: Columbia University Press, 1985. SCHMIDT, Rudolf. Statut Grada Iloka iz godine 1525. Zagreb: Nadbiskupva tiskara, 1938. STONE, Lawrence. Prosopography. In: Daedalus – Journal od the American Academy of Arts and Science, 1971, vol. 100, no. 1, pp. 46–79. SZENDE, Katalin. Some Aspects of Urban Landownership in Western Hungary. In: ELIASSEN, Finn-Einar – ERSLAND, Geir Atle (eds.). Power, Profi t and Urban Land: Landownership in Medieval and Early Modern Northern European Towns. Aldershot: Scolar press, 1996, pp. 141–166. SZENDE, Katalin. Towns along the Way: Changing Patterns of Long-distance Trade and the Urban Network of Medieval Hungary. In: HOUBEN, Hubert – TOOMASPOEG, Kristjan (eds.). Towns and Communication: Communication between Towns and between Towns and Their Hinterland: Introductory Refl ections. Lecce: Mario Congedo Editore, 2011, pp. 161–225. ŠKREBLIN, Bruno. Ethnic groups in Zagreb’s Gradec in late middle ages. In: Review of Croatian History, 2013, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 25–59. ŠKREBLIN, Bruno. Etničke i političke skupine u srednjovjekovnom gradu: Primjer gradečkih lingui. In: Povijesni prilozi, 2008, vol. 35, no. 35, pp. 91–148. ŠKREBLIN, Bruno. Uloga obiteljskih veza u formiranju gradske elite zagrebačkog Gradeca (od 1350. do 1526.). In: Zbornik Odsjeka za povijesne znanosti Zavoda za povijesne i društvene znanosti HAZU, 2016, vol. 34, pp. 39–87. ŠKREBLIN, Bruno. Urbana elita zagrebačkog Gradeca: od sredine 14. do početka 16. stoljeća [Urban elite of Zagreb: from the middle of the 14th to the beginning of the 16th century]. PhD diss., Hrvatski studiji Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, 2015. ŠKREBLIN, Bruno. Urbana elita zagrebačkog Gradeca u 15. i početkom 16. st. In: MLINAR, Janez – BALKOVEC, Bojan (eds.). Mestne elite v srednjem in zgodnjem novem veku med Alpami, Jadranom in Panonsko nižino – Urban Elites in Middle and Early Modern Age between the Alps, the Adriatic and the Pannonian Plain: Zbirka Zgodovinskega časopisa, 2011, vol. 42, pp. 308–332. ŠKREBLIN, Bruno. Urban elites and real estate in medieval town: Owners of palaces in medieval Gradec. In: BENYOVSKY LATIN, Irena – PEŠORDA VARDIĆ, Zrinka (eds.). Towns and Cities of the Croatian Middle Ages: Authority and Property. Zagreb: Hrvatski institut za povijest, 2014, pp. 403–443. TANODI, Zlatko. Uprava grada Varaždina u srednjem vijeku. In: Obnovljeni život, 1940, vol. 21, nos 5–6, pp. 250–265.

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Uses, Confl icts and Regulations in Micro-places: The Case of Early Modern Lyons

Olivier Zeller vol. 8, 2019, 1, pp. 36-53 DOI: https://doi.org/10.33542/MAD2019-1-02

The utilization of a GIS (Geographical Information System) permits the highlighting of urban strategies seen through textual fonts in early modern Lyons. The town council applied a long-lasting micro- urbanism aiming to improve traffi c, to enlarge squares and to control the spatial usage. However, popular culture remained very reluctant, defending two kinds of appropriation. Streets and squares were considered a normal extension of professional premises, and militia units often came into confl ict over shared parade grounds.

Keywords: Small Squares. Micro-Urbanism. Spatial Usage. Confl ict. Lyons. Urban Militia. Early Modern Period.

Any urban spatial study absolutely depends upon precise mapping. For a very long time, historical studies on Lyons lacked spatial analysis. Indeed, no cadastral plan existed before the beginning of the nineteenth century; we only had local drawings and general views a volo d’uccello. Of course, the general plan of Séraucourt published in 1735 off ered reliable topographical and onomastical information but did not show parcels of land.1 However, spatial analysis was absolutely necessary for any comprehensive historical approach in view of local specifi cities. The expansion of Lyons began at the end of the fi fteenth century, thanks to four annual trade fairs instituted as war machines against Geneva; as a border city, Lyons was also the bridgehead of French military expeditions in Italy. The concentration of capital fostered industrialization, mainly silk weaving and printing. Around 1550, the population totalled 55,000 inhabitants, but the civil wars destroyed this prosperity and, at the very beginning of the seventeenth century, the population had fallen to 32,000 people.2 Then occurred a real reconversion. Lyons was transformed into an industrial city: silk waving improved in its technical level and employed more and more people while many industries progressed – fustian weaving, trimming, millinery, the making of gildings and, continuingly, printing. Demographic growth was intense, despite the great plague of 1628–1629 and, circa 1690, the population came to exceed 100,000 people. The food scarcity of 1693–1694, the terrible winter of 1709 and, overall, the disastrous conjuncture in the second part of Louis XIV’s reign broke once again this expansion, and no demographic recovery was possible until 1740. Lyons then become a main producer of high-priced silk clothes for export to America and all over Europe, as far as St Petersburg. Demographic growth restarted, and Lyons had circa 130,000 inhabitants on the eve of Revolution.3 Thus, the population had roughly quadrupled over two centuries. But urbanization had followed a diff erent rhythm. Covered with convents, the two hills of Fourvière and La Croix-Rousse had conserved a semi-rural character. If several urban plans were

1 Plan géométral de la ville de Lyon par Claude Séraucourt, 1735, 1/3000e, 136 cm x 155 cm. https://gallica. bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b/53052814p. 2 ZELLER, Démographie historique et géographie sociale. 3 BAYARD – CAYEZ, Lyon des origines à nos jours.

36 MESTO a DEJINY proposed in the second half of the eighteenth century, they only aimed to create new elite dwellings by reclaiming land on the riverbeds.4 So the built zone was scarcely extended. In fact, two practices had permitted the accommodation of additional inhabitants: During the seventeenth century, a lot of houses were heightened, many reaching fi ve fl oors; then in the following century, popular housing was strongly divided, and la chambre – the room – became an ordinary rental unit.5 The evolution of public space remained unstudied until, in the 1990s and the fi rst decade of the new millennium, a major undertaking was carried out by the geographer and historian Bernard Gauthiez. He realized a Geographical Information System6 dedicated to the historical reconstruction of the plot map and of the street network of the fi fteenth to the nineteenth centuries. In brief, the methods consisted, in a fi rst phase, in considering a Napoleonic general cadastre as a base towards a regressive reconstruction whose main source was the collection of municipal building permits, crossed with census and fi scal roles. The distinctive character of this work was its ability to map information extracted from purely textual sources concerning more than 3000 houses.7 In a second phase, this GIS was supplemented by studying still existing buildings and by integrating elements off ered by rent registers and notarized acts.8 So, it is now possible to consider the spatial transformations and the evolution of property values.9 This progress allows a better knowledge of urban space,10 particularly of small sized squares and public spaces, usually neglected by textual descriptions and city representations. In the same way, it permits very precise measurements of the streets and the squares. Free widths imposed by municipal alignments were originally defi ned according to the local surveying system in toises (fathoms = 6 pieds), pieds (royal French feet), pouces (inches = 1/12 pieds) and even lignes (lines = 1/12 pouces), whose metric equivalent is, theoretically, 0.24 cm.11 So, the calculation possibilities of the GIS can by exploited for the determination of the surface areas of streets and squares everywhere in the city.12 The results are unanimous: in the fi fteenth century, Lyons was absolutely destitute of free urban spaces. When King Louis XII visited Lyons in 1507, the only opportunities for organizing tournaments were off ered by two main streets: la Grenette and la Juiverie.13 Until the second half of the seventeenth century, the celebrated squares of Bellecour and les Terreaux did not yet exist. Bellecour was nothing more than a waste ground where carters used to discharge demolition materials and, in 1655, a poor journeyman,

4 ZELLER, Enjeux d’urbanisme. 5 GARDEN, Lyon et les Lyonnais. 6 About technical aspects: PINOL, Les systèmes. 7 GAUTHIEZ – ZELLER, Ordre textuel et ordre spatial. 8 GAUTHIEZ – ZELLER, Un SIG historique sur l’espace urbain. 9 GAUTHIEZ – ZELLER, Lyons, the Spatial Analysis. 10 GAUTHIEZ – ZELLER, Beautifying the city and improving the streets with building permits. 11 As most French cities, Lyons used a particular metrology. The conversion values calculated in 1795, when the metrical system was enforced, were 2.568 meters for a toise, 34.25 centimeters for a pied, 2.85 centimers for a pouce and 0.24 centimeters for a ligne. 12 I am indebted to Bernard Gauthiez for having calculated the surface areas of the small squares in early modern Lyons and for having designed the map of parade grounds. 13 The toponyms quoted in this paper can be localized on Map 1.

37 MESTO a DEJINY

Chonno, was still paid by the city council to pull up thistles.14 Bellecour was promoted as a Place Royale as late as 1713, then becoming place Louis-le-Grand. For a long time, Les Terreaux also remained a subaltern zone, outside the city until the enlargement of the fortifi cation lines during the fi rst half of the sixteenth century. Situated on the ditches of the old ramparts, activities on les Terreaux incurred a great many undesirabilities: the danger of powder-making, the smoke and the smell of candle-making, the noise of the shooting yard, the dirtiness of the pig market, the lowings from the slaughter house... Gentrifi cation began after 1650, when a new city hall was built there and, overall, during the eighteenth century, around the new theatre. So, Lyons had only two public squares until the second half of the eighteenth century: Confort and Les Cordeliers. Both of them came from ecclesiastical real estate. In 1557, as the town forces found no place to line up their cannon, the Dominicans were obliged by royal justice to sell a large piece of land in front of their convent, despite their harsh opposition.15 In the same year, a more amicable agreement was concluded between the city counsellors and the Franciscans, who swapped an important piece of ground for an annual rent and for the building of their new surrounding wall at the expense of the city.16 Indeed, a third important square existed in Lyons in front of the cathedral; but it was in the middle of the canon’s cloister, beyond the town council’s jurisdiction. Civic space could mainly be improved by reducing cemeteries.17 This occurred by force, as when Protestants destroyed the St Sorlin cemetery, or by negotiation, as in Saint-Nizier in 1565, when town counsellors were able to slightly enlarge the square dedicated to the cheese trade. Indeed, parish vestrymen were overall interested in investments, such as creating around the cemetery lines of shops for rent, or transforming part of the holy ground into land for building developments, as in Notre-Dame de la Platière.18 As a matter of fact, the town council only disposed of weak juridical and fi nancial means, being chronically indebted. In 1697, when general public lighting was ordered, seven architects were commissioned for the realization of a general survey of the street network. Most of them measured not only the length of each street, but also its width and, when the topography was complex, they calculated an equalized width (une largeur esgallée). The results show clearly how narrow streets in Lyons still were. Length weighted, the average width was only 5.2 m (Table 1). In the context of such a spatial paucity, the least free space was considered as a square, even when it was nothing more signifi cant than a short enlargement of a street or an improvement of a crossing. Yet traffi c, crafts, trades, fi refi ghting, feasts and the militia absolutely needed space. This is to emphasize the frequency with which the small squares became the objects of popular usage, regulation and confl ict, their improvement being an important stake in municipal policy. Here are the main goals of the present paper. Of course, historians have nourished a long curiosity towards urban specialized spaces, often likening functions to architectural characters.19 Recently,

14 Archives municipales de Lyon (henceforth A.M.L.), BB 210, f°357, 29 July 1655. BB serie is available on line. www.fondsenligne.archives-lyon.fr/ac69v2/deliberation.php. 15 A.M.L., AA 32, 123, 1557; BB 80, f° 133, 12 June 1557. 16 A.M.L., BB 80, f° 252v°, 9 December 1557. 17 MASLAKOVIC, Churchyard and Civic Square, 190–193. 18 GAUTHIEZ – ZELLER, Environnement urbain, savoir médical et résistances, 431–346. 19 For instance: CALABI, Il mercato. CALABI, Fabbriche.

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Suzanne Rau published an important work about urban space.20 Our study just aims to off er new elements of knowledge regarding the socio-cultural uses of the places and of the streets. Indeed, many things are still to be written on the material and symbolical appropriation of urban spaces.21

Table 1: Street dimensions in Lyons, 1697. (Source: Archives municipales de Lyon, FF 752)

Street width Number of Average length Length part in the (metres) Streets (meters) street network (%) Less than 2.5 5 58 1 % 2.5–3 12 99 4 % 3–3.5 8 52 2 % 3.5–4 25 99 10 % 4–4.5 9 124 4 % 4.5–5 26 122 12 % 5–5.5 9 154 5 % 5.5–6 17 210 14 % 6–6.5 5 208 4 % More than 6.5 20 134 10 % Unknown 31 297 34 % Whole set 163 159 100 %

1 – The various uses of public space 1a – In such an industrial and commercial town as Lyons, local authorities were always worrying about traffi c. Of course, it was embarrassed because of the narrowness of most of the streets. At many points, two carts could not pass each other, and pedestrians had sometimes to take refuge inside the houses. Accidents often occurred, for instance when a heavy cart crashed into a house. But the local topography made things worse. On the right side of the Saône, houses occupied a narrow strip of land between the river and the hill. All the traffi c arriving from the north of the kingdom was obliged to follow a particular route, which lead to a single stone bridge, partially covered with houses. Even if wooden bridges were launched from the second third of the seventeenth century, they brought little help, being often damaged or destroyed by boats, fl oods and ice, as well as by a lack of maintenance. Thus huge traffi c jams occurred around the stone bridge and along the main streets leading to the sole bridge on the Rhône. Writing in 1650, Samuel Chappuzeau could write: “In Mercière and Hospital streets as well in Flandres and St-John Streets and, overall, around the bridge over the Saône, people are pushed, are hit, are carried out. We always feel as though we should be at the tail of a procession”.22 Despite local improvements, things became worse during

20 RAU, Raüme der Stadt. 21 ZELLER, Histoire de l’Europe urbaine: la ville modern. (Paris: Le Seuil, 1. ed. 2003. Spanish translation, Valencia: Publicacions Universitat de Valencia, 2011; French new edition, Paris: Le Seuil, 2012; Chinese translation, Shanghai: Shanghai Educational Publishing House, currently in press). 22 Translation by Olivier Zeller. Original text: « dans les rues Mercière et de l’Hôpital, dans celles de Flandres et de Saint-Jean et surtout aux avenues [abords] du pont de Saône, l’on se pousse, l’on se heurte, l’on se porte il semble toujours que l’on marche à la queue de quelque procession ». CHAPPUZEAU, Lyon dans son lustre, 22.

39 MESTO a DEJINY the eighteenth century because of population growth and industrial activity, but also because of the increasing number of hansom cabs creating order problems, especially around the theatre. 1b – This dense traffi c was hardly compatible with the daily needs of inhabitants. The legal distinction opposing public space to private space was rather inconsistent. The street was an essential working place. For instance, wheelwrights often dug in the street an embature, a kind of trench useful for repairing large wheels.23 Many farriers were working in the very heart of the city, despite the hazard of fi re and the room occupied by horses, generally under a canopy darkening the street.24 Huge problems could occur when a house had to be rebuilt. Masons, carpenters, joiners and roofers could hardly fi nd the space necessary to store their materials. So public squares often received timber, tiles and stone.25 In 1640, even such a well-known mason as Philibert Caille could impede the traffi c on a main thoroughfare, the rue Mercière; he also stored new material on Herberie square, where a vegetable market usually stood, and on Port- le-Roi harbour, impeding any unloading.26 Such blockages set off many complaints and police reports,27 even when house owners were considered responsible for the faults committed by their masons.28 Stone carvers used to build worksite huts as near as possible to construction sites,29 and carpenters were sometimes obliged to use squares – maybe cemeteries, too – to assemble trusses. The least nooks hosted small-scale occupations, such as benches used by small traders, or wooden sheds sheltering tailors, shoemakers or roasters. The water supply was another major stake. Lyons had not a suffi cient number of public wells. Some were built along the front walls of dwelling houses; others were in the very middle of the streets, as Grenette well was, or at the crossing of two streets, as Puits-Pelu was, or in a little square, as on Justice Palace square or in the St-Paul butchery. They not only obstructed traffi c by causing gatherings of servants pouring their buckets. They systematically attracted “les femmes revenderesses”, poor women reselling mainly fruits and vegetables. They needed water to wash their merchandise, and the well was a good place to meet customers. But these women were said to pollute the wells by throwing garbage in them.30 Other revenderesses used to work in the narrow spaces available on both sides of the Saône bridge. Together with men, they used to sell second-hand objects – old books, tools, rusted swords – but also meat, bread and fi sh, against urban regulations. The surroundings of wells were also dangerous and confl ictual areas because of the lack of care of stablemen who used

23 A.M.L., DD 31, 24 July 1670; DD 31, 1 December 1671. 24 A.M.L., BB 193, f°88, 12 April 1639; DD 45, 15 December 1648 and 18 May 1656; BB 215, f° 66, 27 January 1660; DD 30, 22 March 1668; DD 32, 18 February 1672; DD 33, 8 March et 25 April 1674; DD 33, 25 March 1675; DD 34, 17 December 1677; DD 37, 15 June and 13 July 1683, 7 September 1684; DD 39, 15 December 1692; DD 41, 4 July 1698. 25 A.M.L., BB 194, f°184, 17 December 1640; BB 339, f°48, 28 May 1771. Archives départementales du Rhône, 8C 438, 30 March 1781. 26 A.M.L., BB 196, f° 223, 8 December 1642. 27 A.M.L., BB 189, f° 171, 6 November 1636; BB 196, f° 110, 27 June; f° 163, 21 August 1642; f° 223, 8 December 1642; DD 44, f° 422, 28 January 1642, f° 424, 11 February 1642, f° 425, 20 March 1642, f° 74, 21 May 1642; BB 196, f° 21, 4 January 1643, f° 74, 21 May 1643; BB 197, f° 20, 15 January 1643; f° 62, 30 April 1643. 28 A.M.L., DD 44, f° 422, 28 January 1642, f° 424, 11 February 1642, f° 425, 20 March 1642, f° 74, 21 May 1642. 29 A.M.L., BB 58, f° 149 v°, 23 March 1541. 30 A.M.L., BB 214, f° 233, 24 July 1659.

40 MESTO a DEJINY to tie up horses all around their edges. Pedestrians had to push their croups (rumps), risking being bitten or kicked. However, local populations were attached to the wells. When a suppression was programmed, inhabitants often went to the town hall, lead by their militia offi cers, and argued how precious their well was in the case of fi re. Access to the Rhône and Saône was very diffi cult because of fortifi cations and lines of houses built out over the water. Firefi ghting mainly used human chains transmitting leather buckets from the well to the burning house. 1c – Public space, mainly river harbours and small squares, were being used as dumps. In the middle of the sixteenth century, stone and timber that lay everywhere was reused for the building of fortifi cations.31 Masons very often left demolition materials, as in 1640, when a mason abandoned stone impeding any access to the very important guardroom of l’Herberie.32 A heavy fi ne of 50 pounds seems to have been rather insuffi cient,33 and the town offi cer in charge of the streets, the voyer, had to clear some 70 places in 1644.34 Two years later, nothing had changed and many masons were fi ned again.35 1d – From a military point of view, the lack of inner squares constituted a defensive weakness. During the sixteenth century, the inhabitants were organized in militia wards named pennonages, each fl ag being named a pennon. Their main role was to occupy ramparts if the town was besieged. Special lists named établies fi xed the positions to be held by each unit en cas d’eff roy – in the case of attack. Some were always kept as a reserve in the heart of the town. But space was not suffi ciently available. One could deplore the impossibility of gathering 50 armed men in the same place, particularly on the right side of river Saône.36 Years after the conquest of Lyons by Protestant troops in 1562, this lack of space was still interpreted as a major reason explaining why no counter-attack had been possible: the canons of St John, as well as these of St Paul, had barricaded their cloister, so no meeting point had been left for Catholic soldiers who, consequently, were unable to manoeuvre.37 Later, when the place des Changes was cleared, it remained a fully strategical point on the western side of the bridge, in homology with the place de l’Herberie, where a second guardroom was established. During wars or social crises, the town’s light artillery was disposed at the bottom of every bridge: this emphasizes the strategical importance of two small squares controlling the only passage from one part of the town to another. Out of such circumstances, every pennonage needed a parade ground. This space was used for drilling and for gathering those men called for the night guard. Here inhabitants had also to hasten when the tocsin announced a fi re. The square was also used for ward festivals in honour of the birth of a Dauphin, of the recovery of a dangerously sick sovereign, of a military victory or of a peace treaty.

31 A.M.L., BB 64, f° 211 v°, 26 October 1546. 32 A.M.L., BB 194, f° 186, 18 December 1640. 33 A.M.L., BB 197, f° 103, 9 July 1643; BB 199, f° 72, 27 April 1645. 34 A.M.L., BB 198, f° 102, 28 June; f°112, 14 July 1644. 35 A.M.L., BB 200, f° 11, 4 and 8 January 1646. 36 A.M.L., AA 106, f° 320, 25 October 1583; BB 111, f° 259, 16 December 1583. 37 A.M.L., BB 111, f° 251, 15 December 1583.

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2 – Spatial confl icts Spatial concurrence was occurring everywhere, between traffi c, dwellings, work and trade. So confl icts broke out, setting inhabitants against others, illegal users of public space against town authorities and wards against the neighbouring militia units. 2a – House owners were often complaining about street activities. In 1559, inhabitants of the rich quartier de la Juiverie got rid of dyers.38 In the same period, royal judges of the Sénéchaussée39 evicted leather craftsmen, especially tanners, who had to leave la Juiverie and to settle far away around the place Confort,40 from where they were evicted again in 1576.41 The leather market was henceforth fi xed in the rue de la Grenette; the town authorities had explicitly chosen a wide and poor street… Both cases concerned collective actions. The town council was acting diff erently with regard to individual situations. For instance, when the canons of Saint-Nizier church sued in court against an iron monger who used to cut long metal bars in the middle of the place de la Fromagerie, this man was protected by municipal action.42 Some local confl icts could be solved in mutually agreeable ways. For instance, a paper seller, Jean Delabat, was opposed to his neighbour, the farrier André Frugère, who had fastened a ring in one of the pillars of their common house and used it for tying up horses. Delabat complained, showing the members of his family to be exposed to heavy risks as soon as they approached the door. The town council went to the spot and gave an unusual authorization. Frugère was allowed to hammer an oak pole into the public cobblestones, two-and-a-half feet from the frontage. Despite the impeding of traffi c, this decision ended the confl ict: Delabat’s family could go in and out more safely, and the farrier could go on working.43 The town council often played a conciliatory role, and a lot of similar examples could be exposed. They did not concern only streets and squares: fl uvial confl icts often occurred too, when millers fought for the best moorings, or when boatmen struggled for access to tiny harbours. Les gens de rivière – river people – were said to be violent; so the agents of the town council were escorted by soldiers in such cases. Local opposition could be strong enough to ensure the modifying of spatial uses regarding livestock markets. The pig market was originally organized on the tiny square in front of St Peter’s church. Inhabitants said the animals were destroying the doors of their houses, and the market was transferred into the ditches of the old ramparts in 1576.44 But in 1646, the decision to build nearby a prestigious town hall justifi ed a new removal towards the bottom of the city, in St Just, where the bovine and ovine market already stood.45 Similarly the horse market: originally held in Bellecour, it was relegated to the nearby southern ramparts. 2b – Many confl icts opposed people and the authorities, who hardly enforced town regulations. The aforementioned voyer had to ride the streets for the ordering

38 A.M.L., BB 81, f° 194, 27 August 1559. 39 The « Sénéchaussée » justice court had played an important political role during the sixteenth century. Later, it still laid down administrative regulations. 40 A.M.L., BB 81, 1557–1560. 41 A.M.L., BB 94, f° 224, 14 December 1576. 42 A.M.L., BB 166, f° 118, 5 May 1625. 43 A.M.L., BB 226, f° 48, 20 March 1670. 44 A.M.L., BB 94, f° 27, 31 January 1576. 45 A.M.L., BB 200, f° 164, 15 November 1646.

42 MESTO a DEJINY of new paving when the cobblestones were damaged, for the surveying of masons and carpenters building new houses to ensure their accordance to local rules and, daily, for the hunting down of any kind of spatial appropriation. He was faced with a common popular culture, seeing public space around every workshop as a normal expansion of the work area. In the same way, much merchandise was stocked along the facades. Texts often describe banks, harbours and streets blocked by logs and faggots; wood sellers were not mindful of fi re hazard. The town counsellors hoped to obtain better spatial control. They tried concentrating the main food trades. Theoretically, meat could only be purchased in four butcheries. Two were special buildings, denoted boucheries fermées: the butcheries of the Hôtel- Dieu hospital and of La Lanterne. Two were just a group of specialized houses around a slightly enlarged street, and were called boucheries ouvertes: St Georges butchery and St Paul poultry market. But many transgressions were committed.46 A similar regulation was applied to fi sh: from 1583, it could only be sold outdoors. Three points were prescribed, all near to a waterway: in front of the putrid royal jails, near the entrance of the Hôtel-Dieu and on the little square of La Platière. In fact, small fi sh merchants also inconveniently occupied a part of the place de l’Herberie, crossed by the main traffi c route through the sole bridge. In the seventeenth century, the town authorities tried to control this activity by concentrating it in a special building. Two fi sh halls were successively built near the Saône. 47 This was a complete failure because of popular resistance. The concessionary lost money for lack of customers, and urban police could only lament the “diffi culties which happened for trying to force women selling fi sh to set up in the covered market, as well as for preventing fi sh hawkers from going into the streets, squares and crossings, cutting and selling their fi sh there”.48 The market lease collapsed from 2320 pounds in 1673 to only 460 in 1682. Clearly, these women were attached to their freedom to use public spaces, while customers probably found convenient the proximity of these little suppliers. Outside any effi cient control, street vendors proff ered a great many foodstuff s everywhere, including in the suburbs.49 2c – Many confl icts were strictly located on squares because of their symbolical importance in urban militia life. Lyon had between 36 and 39 pennonages up until the last third of the seventeenth century, and later only 35, but the number of parade grounds was notably insuffi cient; space sharing was an obligation. Two, sometimes three diff erent wards comprised houses opening towards the same square. This situation created many diffi culties during ordinary duties. Each day, two pennonages were chosen to guard the city at night by occupying two guardrooms and by patrolling the empty streets. The inhabitants were informed of the occurrence of their guard turn by two means. One of their offi cers, l’enseigne, would deploy his fl ag from his window during the

46 MONTENACH, Une économie du secret. 47 A.M.L., BB 154, f° 78, 15 March 1618, f° 190, 5 July 1618 and f° 310, 4 December 1618; BB 226, f° 167, 3 October 1670. 48 Translated by Olivier Zeller. Original text: « cette intention très louable du Consulat na pu avoir jusques a present aucun eff et par les diffi cultez qui se sont trouvees a reduire lesdites poissonnieres dans ladite halle et empescher que les colporteuses de poisson nallassent dans lesdites places, rues et carreff ours vendre et debiter leursdits poissons ». A.M.L., BB 231, f° 41, 19 February 1675. 49 MONTENACH, Creating a space for themselves on the urban market, 50–68. MONTENACH, Une économie de l’ombre? MONTENACH, Espaces et pratiques du commerce alimentaire. MONTENACH, Le marché au poisson à Lyon au XVIIe siècle. MONTENACH, Entre économie légale et marchés paralléles, 285–297.

43 MESTO a DEJINY daytime. In the evening, he would walk around his territory, wearing this emblem, while the drummer beat the rally. Every inhabitant was supposed to take his own weapons and join his troop at once. Many confusions occurred when several units used a common square, off ering pretexts to defi ant men who preferred to stay at home. Patrols were also opportunities for confl icts because of rivalries between opposing offi cers. They often quarrelled about the authority upon border houses. In fact, territorial stakes were far less important than disputes of honour. Patrolling in the neighbouring pennonage was considered as a territorial claim, and the town counsellors had sometimes to pacify offi cers by fi xing rules, as they did in 1658, making a drawing showing where the patrols of the Rue Buisson and Bon rencontre had to walk50 (Figure 1).

Figure 1: A territorial confl ict opposing two militia units: fi xed patrolling paths (1658). The indications “passage des rondes” show the respective itineraries.

50 A.M.L., BB 213, f° 458, 16 November 1658.

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Most major incidents happened during festivals. Generally, the town council used to light the main fi reworks in the middle of Saône bridge, then every ward had its own bonfi re on its parade ground. So several fi res were given on the same square. They were off ered by offi cers, mainly by the captain, and this was for him an opportunity to show his generosity and his political loyalism, increasing thus the familial capital of honour. So, the beauty of pictures, the numbers of bombs and rockets, and the intelligence of mottos were objects of rough currency. When a royal birth was celebrated, wine barrels gave out free wine to the people. Joined to the diffi culties necessarily linked to the overcrowding of tiny spaces, such conditions often lead to disorder and violence. Authorities feared popular wards like St Vincent and prohibited any organization of festivals, except offi cial ones.51 Symbolically, parade grounds seem to have played an important role in signifying the collective identity of the militia units. This is clearly explained by the personal journal of Leonard Michon, captain of Rue Neuve from 1722 to 1746. His way of thinking appears in regard to an annual religious ceremony founded in 1722 for the celebration of the king’s recovery of good health.52 He wrote:

The Consulate [town council], according to the orders of Mr. The Field Marshall [Governor de Villeroy], decided that the unit normally on duty this precise day would have to go to the Place des Jésuites and all around the church, instead of the Rue Neuve unit who did so last year because, it is said, one did not want to oblige the same unit to fulfi l this role every year. I consider that there are pros and cons for the Rue Neuve ward. On the one hand, it is relieved of an annual obligation. On the other hand, it would be more honourable for him not to see a stranger ward coming and performing duties using its very own parade ground, which is the Place des Jésuites. It would have been better for the Rue Neuve unit to do the honours, so to say, at home, and not to leave them to strangers.53

“At home”, “strangers”, “very own”: the vocabulary clearly reveals how spatial appropriation was important in the mind of Léonard Michon.

51 A.M.L., BB 203 f° 264v°, 23 December 1649. 52 A.M.L., BB 284, f° 78, 9 August 1721; BB 285, f° 147, 24 August 1722. 53 Translation by Olivier Zeller. Original text: « Le consulat, de l’avis de Mr le maréchal, a réglé que le quartier de la ville qui seroit de garde ce jour-là se rendroit à la place des jésuites & autour de l’église, & non le quartier de Ruë Neuve qui s’y rendit l’année dernière parce que, dit-on, on n’a pas voulu assujettir le même quartier à faire toutes les années ce service. Il y a, sur cela, le pour & le contre pour le quartier de Ruë Neuve car, si d’un côté il est délivré d’une charge annuelle, d’autre part il luy seroit plus honorable qu’un quartier étranger ne vint pas faire le service dans sa propre place d’armes qui est la place des jésuites, & que ce fut le quartier de Neuve qui fi t, pour ainsi dire, les honneurs chez luy & non pas les étrangers. Ne sachant donc lequel valoit le mieux des deux partis, je laissay l’aff aire à la décision du consulat sans en parler en aucune façon, étant cependant en droit de le faire en qualité de capitaine pennon dudit quartier de Ruë Neuve ». LETRICOT, Rosemonde. Édition critique numérique des Mémoires de Léonard Michon, Université Lyon III, (CNRS, UMR 5190). Édition numérique en ligne: http://journal-michon.symogih.org/.

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3 – Micro-urbanism and spatial regulations 3a – In charge of ruling the urban spaces, the town authority, the Consulat, always privileged the traffi c principle. From the time of Charles IX, he could impose alignment acts in view of enlarging and straightening the streets. He could also impose a one-and- a-half foot recoil every time the facade of a house had to be rebuilt. However, he was obliged to pay damages to house owners to compensate for more sizeable recoils.54 To improve crossroads, he also ordered the rounding of the corners of houses from the soil to the second fl oor, creating a solid stone enchant. After 1763, when this power was given to royal offi cers, the Trésoriers de France, regulations became more and more severe. House and shop signs could henceforth not be hung over the street but had to be fastened directly onto walls. Shops’ folding shutters had to be replaced by rolling ones. Rules applicable to canopies, to roofs, to shop benches and stalls were strictly enforced. Even gutters had to be embedded into walls along their lower parts. So, everything was implemented to save room and enlarge the useful width of the streets. 3b – With regard to free spaces, the authorities followed two opposite options. Either they were very small, and caused to disappear; or they already marked a useful enlargement of a street or a small square, and eff orts were made to improve them. Eff ectively, the existence of free tiny spaces posed many problems to the town council. When space was left between two houses, or along the wall of a public building or of a church, it was quickly fi lled with rubbish, rubble or excrement. Vacant spaces were therefore accused of public insalubrity, responsible for epidemics according to noxious air theory. Through the same cultural concepts, free space was supposed to conceal the nightly unwilled population: vagrants, villains and prostitutes. The cellars of demolished houses were said to shelter a dangerous population. This probably explains why an enclosure policy was strictly applied. Indeed, many members of the Compagnie secrète du Saint-Sacrement were members of the town council.55 Several means were applied to make any wasted space disappear. The fi rst consisted in fi lling it with a tiny shop, a man or a woman receiving then a special authorization. For instance, the northern part of the Boucherie des Terreaux was extremely dirty, for people used to throw mud and bones along it. Small shopkeepers were allowed to create a rank of wooden shelters under condition of keeping the place clean;56 they would be shoemakers, fruit sellers, tailors, glaziers and, very often, widows. Such permissions were also given to town employees.57 Others were permitted to keep the surroudings of St Vincent’s church clean, the vestrymen thus earning the rent of two new shops.58 Later, the same was done in favour of the

54 GAUTHIEZ – ZELLER, Le dédommagement des reculements, 45–74. 55 Founded in 1630 by the duke of Ventatour, the Company of the Holy Sacrament was a secret Catholic society recruiting its members among important fi gures, mainly justice high offi cers. It aimed to establish a moral public order by force and struggled against Protestants and libertines. It was a major agent of the “Grand Renfermement”, imprisoning beggars, prostitutes, vagrants, blasphemers and fools. Theoretically, the Company was dissolved in 1666 by Louis XIV, but it remained active for a long time. 56 A.M.L., BB 207, f°86, 18 February 1653; BB 211, f° 95, 16 March 1656 ; f° 208, 25 June 1656, f° 378, 7 November 1656; BB 212, f° 386, 20 August 1657 and f° 435, 12 October 1657, f° 497, 13 December 1657 and f° 554, 18 December 1657; BB 213, f°369, 22 August 1658 and f° 637, 24 December 1658; BB 214, f° 84, 6 February 1659 and f° 103, 13 February 1659, f°126 r°-v°, 6 March 1659, f°552 and f° 554, 18 December 1659; BB 215, f° 267, 3 August 1660; BB 217, f° 121, 26 January 1662; BB 221, f° 67, 30 March 1666; BB 228, f°117, 8 October 1672; BB 229, f° 128, 7 September 1673; BB 240, f° 95, 7 September 1683; BB 243, f° 54, 28 May 1686. 57 A.M.L., BB 243, f° 54, 28 May 1686. 58 A.M.L., DD 44, 28 June 1639; DD 44, 12 March 1643.

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Dominicans.59 Even the militia guardrooms were dirty. So old sergeants were allowed to use them by day to sell vegetables, having to sweep the place before the arrival of the night patrols. The second way of getting rid of free spaces was simply to give them up to private landowners. For instance, a housing scheme realized in 1560 and 1561 had in its design little square places around each crossing of the projected streets.60 In fact, they were used as dumps, so the Consulat gave eight of them away in 1657, mainly to religious orders, under the condition only of building walls. All these actions aimed to suppress any accessible vagrancy. After each house demolition, ground had to be fenced. Gardens and free spaces had to be protected by walls from one house to another, forming thus a continuous line. At night, houses’ doors were to be locked. So, ideally, urban space left no room for “scandalous behaviour” and garbage laying. Even the inner parts of the ramparts were walled up. When the night patrol and its lantern arrived, nobody could – theoretically – hide himself. 3c – At the same time, the town council tried to create or to enlarge as many small squares as possible. The reasons were multiple: improving traffi c conditions, freeing space for small outdoor markets, creating specialized areas as the new place aux fi ls dedicated to textiles, off ering parade grounds for fi refi ghting and militia duties, and sometimes also embellishing the city, prescribing an architectural unity as they did in the place de la boucherie Saint-Georges. The town council used several methods. Sometimes, they bought houses and demolished them at once. They could only do this with small or ruined buildings, whose value was low. Generally, they used alignment acts. When they imposed important spacings, the remaining ground would not be suffi cient for rebuilding a liveable house, whose owner was then obliged to sell. In fact, the town council could do nothing but wait for opportunities. This is why several enlargements were made step by step over periods lasting several decades.

59 A.M.L., BB 208, f° 144, 12 March 1654. 60 GAUTHIEZ, La topographie de Lyon au XVIe siècle, 26.

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Table 2: Creations and improvements of small squares. Lyons, 1562–1752.

Location Period Total cost Employed means General assembly (Protestant rule) Place Saint-Nizier 1562 Demolition of a block, suppression of rue de la Panneterie. Special taxation. Place du Change 1582–1585 £ 28,000 Purchase of four houses, demolition. (1st phase) Place Croix-Paquet 1605 Alignment. (1st phase) Place du Purchase of a ruined house, indemnity for Gouvernement 1620 £ 8,925 seignorial rent, paving. (1st phase) Place du Change 1631 £ 28,000 Purchase of three houses, demolition. (2nd phase) Place du Grand Purchase of three houses, partial demolition. 1646 £ 31,120 Collège (1st phase) Indemnity for neighbors, paving. Place Croix-Paquet 1649 Purchase of a ground parcel. (2nd phase) Decree regarding danger property. Purchase Place de la Trinité 1649–1652 £ 2,792 of ruins. Purchase of two houses. Demolition (1st phase) Indemnity for seignorial rent. Place du £ 47,038 Purchase of three houses, demolition, Gouvernement 1660–1662 indemnity for seignorial rent, aligment, paving. (2nd phase) Place Croix-Paquet 1662 £ 770 Alignment. (3rd phase) Place de l’Hôpital 1662 £ 1,200 Two alignments. (1st phase) Place de la Trinité 1665–1670 Nine alignments, levelling, backfi lling, paving. (2nd phase) Place du Grand 1670 £ 34,000 Purchase of a house, partial demolition. Collège (2nd phase) Place Saint-Georges 1676 £ 2,775 Purchase of a ruin and of a house, demolition. (1st phase) Place de la Trinité 1680–1685 £ 718 Two alignments. (3rd phase) Place de l’Hôpital Alignment. Purchase of three houses. 1689 £ 12,729 (2nd phase) Demolition, indemnity for seignorial rent. Place Saint-Georges 1681 £ 7,325 Four aligments, indemnities, paving. (2nd phase) Purchase of two houses, expulsion of Place Grenouille 1749–1752 £ 20,500 inhabitants, demolition.

48 MESTO a DEJINY

Such operations were limited by their cost. Once a house was bought, giving indemnities was necessary. Either current leases were respected, and several years were lost, or they were broken, and a sum had to be given to tenants. Overall, transforming private property into public space created huge diffi culties over seignorial rent. Henceforth, ecclesiastical landlords would not receive the rent anymore, for lack of tenants. So the town council had to liberate the ground by compensating this loss with considerable capital or by creating a correspondent rent. Materially, it was necessary to demolish (the price being lowered by selling recyclable materials), to fi ll old cellars, to level and to cobble the ground. Lyons having almost no sewers, the web of streets was also a hydraulic system; so creating public spaces sometimes required water channelling works.

Table 3: Surface areas of squares in Lyons c.1750. (Source: GIS Bernard Gauthiez)

Côté de Fourvière Côté de Saint-Nizier (western side of Saône) (eastern side of Saône) Surface area Surface area Squares Squares (square metres) (square metres) Bourgneuf, La Roche 861 Saint-Vincent 592 Boucherie Saint-Paul 486 Marché aux fi ls 1089 Douane 1450 La Feuillée 936 Change 978 Neuve des Carmes 1271 Gouvernement 585 Boucherie des Terreaux 825 Petit-Collège 531 Saint-Pierre 1342 Baleine 473 Le Plâtre Saint-Esprit 844 Neuve Saint-Jean 595 Fromagerie 1076 Trinité 419 Saint-Nizier 1166 Le Sablet 582 Grand Collège 1341 Saint-Georges 1017 Grenouille 217 Hôpital 686

The results of this long-term policy were limited. Enlargements were more frequent than creations and, in the middle of the eighteenth century, the average area of small squares was only 463 square meters. The real improvement concerned militia. After major strikes and riots in 1744 and 1745, the urban geography was utterly transformed. Police wards were reformed as well as militia units, whose number was reduced from 35 to 28. Henceforth, each of them fi nally had its own parade ground. This put an end to confl icts over space sharing. But local rivalries continued in diff erent ways, such as the appearance of uniforms: The men composing the socially most distinguished units wore spectacular outfi ts and looked like hussars or pandours, while the poorest inhabitants could only dye old clothes blue. In the last years of the Old Regime, the aristocratic ward of Louis-le-Grand still displayed distinctive colours in spite of royal orders.

49 MESTO a DEJINY

Map 1: Parade grounds of the militia units in Lyons, 1746.

Three conclusions may be taken from this short essay. First, the local authorities were able to apply a continuous micro-urbanism. Even if it was less aesthetic and acclaimed than political urbanism, it was able to improve segments of streets and small squares according to traffi c and local life necessities. The main results were achieved during the eighteenth century; the enlargement policy enacted by 1680 town planning legislation was slowly fruitful. Second, even though a mere wide segment of a street or of a riverbank might be named a “square” for the sake of the system, at least every urban militia unit ended up having its own parade, festival and drill ground. So the multi-polarization of space was accentuated. Third, free space was rarely available. Every square foot had some usefulness to a trade or craft. For moral and public health reasons, the city council was very solicitous in fi lling-in tiny spaces. But popular culture considered other stakes. Empty zones were seen as free spaces, available for working. The best illustration can be given by two documents. The fi rst was written in 1583. When four houses were destroyed to create the place des Changes, a crowd of women selling fruit and vegetables invaded the place as soon as it was cleared of the demolition materials, even before paving had begun.61 The second was a lament from the town councillors of 1670:62

61 A.M.L., BB 111, f° 226, 17 November 1583. 62 Translation Olivier Zeller. Original text: « Les grands soings et despenses que nous avons employées a faire des places et agrandir les rues par les reculemens des maisons demeurent non seullement inutilles a leff et que nous nous sommes proposez, mais servent au contraire a donner lieu auxdits marchans et autres personnes d’embarrasser davantage les passages et d’occuper pour leur commodité particullière les espaces que nous n’avons agrandis que pour celle du public, ce qui se voit particullièrement és rues estans aux environs de l’hostel de ville ou nonobstant leur largeur, l’embarras causé par lesdits bois est tel qu’un carrosse ou qu’une charrette n’y peuvent presque passer et que mesme les maisons des particulliers ainsi que les ports voisins en deviennent la pluspart du temps inaccessibles ». A.M.L., BB 226, f° 61v°- 62, 6 May 1670.

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the constant care and the important expenses we employed to create squares and enlarge streets thanks to house alignments not only become useless compared to our intents, but quite the reverse produce occasions to the merchants and other inhabitants to encumber more and more and to occupy according to their own particular convenience spaces which we only enlarged for public utilities. This can mainly be seen in the streets around the town hall where, despite their width, the bulk of wood piles is so signifi cant that a coach or a cart can hardly pass and, often, private houses and the neighbouring doors became inaccessible.

Urban nature abhors a vacuum will be the fi nal conclusion.

Figure 2: Small squares in 1735. Detail of the general plan of Séraucourt, 1735. 51 MESTO a DEJINY

BIBLIOGRAPHY Archives municipales de Lyon Archives départementales du Rhône

BAYARD, Françoise – CAYEZ, Pierre (eds). Lyon, des origines à nos jours, 2d ed. Lyon: ELAH, 2007. CALABI, Donatella. Fabbriche, Piazze, Mercati: la città italiana des Rinascimento. Roma: Offi cina Edizioni, 1997. CALABI, Donatella. Il mercato et la città. Piazze, strade, architetture d’Europa in Età moderna.Venezia: Marcilio, 1993. GARDEN, Maurice. Lyon et les Lyonnais au XVIIIe siècle. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1970. GAUTHIEZ, Bernard. La topographie de Lyon au XVIe siècle. In: Lyon, les années Rabelais. Lyon: Archives municipales, 1994. GAUTHIEZ, Bernard – ZELLER, Olivier. Beautifying the city and improving the streets with building permits. Lyons 1580–1770. In: SLATER, Terry – PINTO, Sandra (eds.). Building regulations and urban form 1100–1900. Londres; New York: Routledge, 2017, pp. 177–199. GAUTHIEZ, Bernard – ZELLER, Olivier. Environnement urbain, savoir médical et résistances: le transfert des cimetières à la fi n du XVIIIe siècle. In: GAULTIER, Mathieu – DIETRICH, Anne – CORROCHANO, Alexis (eds.). Rencontres autour du paysage du cimetière médièval et moderne. Actes du colloque des 5 et 6 April 2013. Tours: Revue archéologique du centre de la France, 2015, pp. 431–346. GAUTHIEZ, Bernard – ZELLER, Olivier. Le dédommagement des reculements: un instrument de la politique d’aménagement urbain à Lyon aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. In: Histoire et Mesure, 2013, vol. 28, no. 1, pp. 45–74. GAUTHIEZ, Bernard – ZELLER, Olivier. Lyons, the Spatial Analysis of a City in the 17th and 18th Centuries. Locating and Crossing Data in a GIS built from Written Sources. In: RAU, Susanne – E. SCHOENHERR, Ekkehard (eds.). Mapping Spatial Relations, Their Perceptions and Dynamics. The City Today and in the Past. Heidelberg; New York; Dordrecht; Londres: Springer, 2014, pp. 97–118. GAUTHIEZ, Bernard – ZELLER, Olivier. Ordre textuel et ordre spatial à Lyon à l’époque moderne. Du parcours de visite au rôle nominal, une spatialité implicite. In: Histoire et Mesure, 2010, vol. 25, no. 1, pp. 197–230. GAUTHIEZ, Bernard – ZELLER, Olivier. Un SIG historique sur l’espace urbain de Lyon aux XVe-XIXe siècles. In: PANZERI, Matteon – FARUGGIA, Angela (eds.). Fonti, metafonti e GIS per l’indagine della struttura storica des territorio. Turin: Celid, 2009, pp. 39–49; pp. 114–117. CHAPPUZEAU, Samuel. Lyon dans son lustre, Discours divisé en deux parties, la première embrasse les éloges de la ville et des habitants, la deuxième par une recherche curieuse l’état présent du corps ecclésiastique, du politique et du militaire, suivi des noms et qualités de tous ceux qui les gouvernent, et de plusieurs autres singularités. Lyon: Scipion Jassserme, 1656. MASLAKOVIC, Anna. Churchyard and Civic Square. The production of Civic Space in Late Medieval and Early Modern Lyon. In: Proceedings of the Western Society for French History. 2001, vol. 27, pp. 190–193. MONTENACH, Anne. Creating a space for themselves on the urban market. In: DE GROOT, Julie – DEVOS, Isabelle – SCHMIDT, Ariadne (eds.). Single life and the city 1200–1900. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2000, pp. 50–68. MONTENACH, Anne. Entre économie légale et marchés paralléles: les femmes dans le petit commerce alimentaire lyonnais au tournant des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. In: GRENET, Matthieu – JAMBON, Yannick – VILLE, Marie-Laure (eds.). Histoire urbaine et Sciences Sociales. Mélanges en l’honneur du professeur Olivier Zeller. Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2014, pp. 285–297. MONTENACH, Anne. Espaces et pratiques du commerce alimentaire à Lyon au XVIIe siècle. L’économie du quotidien. Grenoble: Presses universitaires de Grenoble, 2009.

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MONTENACH, Anne. Le marché au poisson à Lyon au XVIIe siècle ? Contrôle et enjeux d’une fi lière et d’un espace marchand. In: Rives Méditerranéennes, 2012, vol. 43, no. 3, pp. 13–25. MONTENACH, Anne. Une économie de l’ombre? La fraude dans le commerce alimentaire à Lyon au XVIIe siècle. In: Fraude, contrefaçons, contrebande de l’Antiquité à nos jours. Genève: Droz, 2007, pp. 515–538. MONTENACH, Anne. Une économie du secret. Le commerce clandestin de la viande en Carême (Lyon, fi n du XVIIe siècle). In: Rives Méditerranéennes, 2004, vol. 17, no. 1, pp. 85–103. PINOL, Jean-Luc. Les systèmes d’information géographique et la pratique de l’histoire. In: Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, 2011, no. 5, pp. 111–126. RAU, Susanne. Raüme der Stadt. Ein Geschichte Lyons 1300–1800. Frankfurt: Campus, 2014. RAU, Susanne. History, space and place. London; New York: Routledge, 2019. ZELLER, Olivier. Démographie historique et géographie sociale. Les recensements lyonnais de 1597 et de 1636. Lyon: Presses universitaires de Lyon, 1983. ZELLER, Olivier. “Enjeux d’urbanisme à Lyon en 1777. Propriétaires contre promoteurs”. In: Bulletin du Centre Pierre Léon d’Histoire économique et Sociale, 1995, no. 1, pp. 3–15. ZELLER, Olivier. Histoire de l’Europe urbaine: la ville moderne. Paris: Le Seuil, 2003.

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Narvik, a Swedish Norwegian Border Town

Steinar Aas vol. 8, 2019, 1, pp. 54-79 DOI: https://doi.org/10.33542/MAD2019-1-03

This article gives an insight into the industrialization and colonization processes of northern Scandinavia. Urbanization due to industrialization is a vital part of the perspective, and brings us into an industrial mega system in Swedish Lapland in the late nineteenth century based on iron ore export. It was to be connected to the industrial centre of Europe, especially the Ruhrgebiet of Germany, and paved the way for a new kind of urban development in peripheral Europe – the industrial network town. The history and foundation of the Norwegian harbour town Narvik is vital for gaining insight into this mega system. By studying Narvik we can envisage particularities of, and similarities and diff erences between Norway and Sweden when it comes to their urban economic foundations, urban development/planning regimes, and the relations between the municipalities, the modern nation states and the dominating companies. Even the development of a uniquely Scandinavian identity connected with the labour movement and the development of a post-war social democrat order visibly results from the new industries. Thus the common Swedish-Norwegian fi gure of the rallar – something like navvy or construction worker – has a signifi cant place in this study, and the use of the fi gure in addition to later processes of memory creation, both within the Norwegian and Swedish labour movements, is addressed.

Keywords: Urban History. Modernization. Industrialization. Norwegian History. Swedish History. Technology. Urban Planning. Memory Studies. Rallar. Labour History.

Of his journey to Narvik in 1899, the Norwegian historian Yngvar Nielsen wrote, “Many things have already changed in and around Narvik. But still bigger changes will appear”.1 In two years, the small place had experienced its own Klondike. A town had formed and urban structures had been built over marshland and pastures. The town had streets, pavements, and even beautiful modern houses and quarters, and modern shops and offi ces.2 The rapid urbanization of the settlement previously called Victoriahavn (Victoria’s Harbour) led to a formal resolution by the Norwegian parliament to establish a town in the Ofoten fjord in the Salten region of Nordland County in 1901.3 The town was established during the common Swedish-Norwegian union (1814–1905), during the reign of the Swedish king Oscar II (1829–1907). However, there was considerable tension between the Norwegian and Swedish authorities with regard to the construction of Narvik. The Norwegian Home Offi ce and several other departments had substantial interests in the outcome of the founding of the new town; these interests were linked to national security, communications and property development. Thus, the Norwegian central authorities were greatly involved in its urban development, both in the initial phase and later. In Norway, until recently one could not establish a new town without a parliamentary proposition, debate and resolution. As a result of this, the establishment of the new town became part of a national debate that was linked to tensions between the two future neighbouring states.4

1 NIELSEN, Fra Ofoten, 8. 2 NIELSEN, Fra Ofoten, 1. 3 INDST.O.NR.66. 1900–1901. BESL. O. NR. 72. 1900–1901. 4 AAS, Narviks historie, 57–69.

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Narvik soon became a modern town, growing rapidly as part of the Swedish industrialization and colonization of its northern borderland. This article examines the background of the urbanization process and discusses the creation of a signifi cant labour culture. In addition, it deals with the common Swedish-Norwegian memory process regarding the new urban settlements on the northern peripheries. The article demonstrates how urbanization and industrialization paved the way for the creation of a common Swedish-Norwegian fi gure – the rallar5 – who, for both countries, was to be made the symbol of the founding of the modern industrialized nation. In this manner, he became a symbol for post-war social-democratic Nordic hegemony, and thus became the symbol of the working-class pioneers in instigating the later Nordic welfare-state model. The article demonstrates how Narvik became part of this narrative and argues that the processes of urbanization and industrialization were vital by virtue of their connecting the rallar and the later welfare state.

A Swedish harbour town in the Norwegian borderlands Narvik’s origins date to the end of nineteenth century in the northern part of Sweden. The reason for the existence of the town is found in its geographical position west of the mountain range between Sweden and Norway – Kjølen. However, the driving forces behind its urbanization are found on the eastern side. At that time, this northern part of Sweden had many novel nicknames, such as “the land of the future” and “the America of Sweden”.6 In the rhetoric and propaganda of those times, the most optimistic visionaries considered the northern borderland to be “our latest Sweden”. In public debate, there were widespread visions of a virgin region ready for exploitation.7 Supporters of a more active process of colonization in the Swedish north claimed that the Swedes were destined to colonize and expand into such relatively less populated areas full of timber and minerals, and of waterfalls that could potentially be used in the development of hydropower plants. In this view, the initiative should result in Swedes populating, colonizing and expanding in the region. The language deployed by the colonizers made the area seem like Sweden’s America for another reason too. In these marginal areas of tundra, woodland and marshland, the dominant people were the indigenous Sami population. Social-Darwinist views on the cultural struggle in the north were signifi cant. Writing in 1900 while visiting the emerging town in the hidden fjords of Nordland, Nielsen, an example of someone who held such an ideology, stated that he expected what he then called the Sami race to be driven away by expanding civilization.8 Adapting to the environment, they raised reindeer, fi shed and hunted – and no progress had hitherto threatened their culture. Sami people had long been using the Norwegian coastal areas as summer pastures and spending the winter season in the hinterland of Norway or the Swedish Lapland. The Sami world was in many respects “borderless”, and, in the then twin-kingdom of Sweden-Norway, the Sami moved freely across borders after the establishment of the union in 1814. After 1905, a new, stricter management of the national borders was implemented, and this negatively aff ected the reindeer herders. Other problems they faced were

5 THEANDER, I rallarens spor, 61. The normal defi nition of the Swedish world is “Navvy” or “casual labourer”, “construction worker”. 6 SÖRLIN, Framtidslandet, 49f. 7 PERSSON, Från ødemark til stad, 26. SÖRLIN, Framtidslandet, 13. 8 NIELSEN, Fra Ofoten, 1.

55 MESTO a DEJINY advancing railroad construction, the establishment of new mining towns, and other modern installations. All these modern developments threatened the Sami way of life by hindering their reindeer husbandry.9

Figure 1: The Ofoten–Luleå Railway connected the harbours of Luleå (Sweden) in the south with the harbour of Narvik (Norwegian district of Ofoten) in the north west. The mines were in Malmberget/Gällivare and Kiruna, while the fortress defending the railway was in Boden. (Photo: Brunnström, Umeå 1981)

The combination of the growth of the nation states and their associated nationalisms meant that the future of the Sami culture and language was put under pressure. There was a strong standardization process occurring in Norway, especially towards immigrants of Finnish or Kven origin, as well as a strong “Norwegianization” policy in relation to the Sami population. This was particularly marked by a strong assimilation policy directed at Sami and Kven people in the northernmost parts of Norway, partly as a component of the security policy that was applied to the border areas with Russia and Finland. The Norwegian historian Einar Niemi concluded that the aim of this policy was the inclusion of minority groups according to the terms of the greater society, so that they were gradually completely transformed into part of the majority group of Norwegians.10 The fi rst discovery of iron in the mountains of Kiruna – 130 km east of the Swedish- Norwegian border posed an additional threat to the Sami population. The mountains, which the Sami called Gironvàrri (Grouse Mountain) and Luossavaara (Salmon Mountain) contained enormous amounts of iron, but it was unusable until the development of the Thomas-Gilchrist process in 1875. This process also made it possible to use the residual phosphorous as fertilizer.11

9 EVJEN – MYRVOLL, Från kust til kyst, 18–19. 10 NIEMI, Hvem er kvenene?, 7–9. 11 HELLAND, Ofotbanen og jernmalmfelterne i svensk Lapmarken, 34.

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However, the logistics of accessing this resource posed challenges. The wilderness of Swedish Lapland had no infrastructure, and its vast marshlands were isolated and distant. Nonetheless, thanks to the earlier invention of the steam locomotive and the fast development of railroads during the last half of the nineteenth century, technological solutions could be applied to these problems. However, railroads were expensive both to build and to operate, and the distance between Kiruna and the Swedish coastline was great. Instead of building the railroad to a Swedish harbour, the industrialists built it westward to a harbour on the Norwegian coast. The director of the regional Road- and Waterway Building Board (Väg- og Vattenbyggnadsstyrelsen) in Sweden, Robert Schough, had his way. The railroad was built through Kiruna from Swedish Luleå in the Gulf of Bothnia, as shown in Figure 1, to the small and remote bay of Narvik in Nordland County, Norway. This solved three problems: transportation costs, construction costs and problems with climate. The Swedish winter is harsh, and the Gulf of Bothnia normally freezes from November to May because of the low salt content of the seawater. The Norwegian side of Kjølen, on the other hand, off ered a year-round ice-free coastline for the transport of iron ore.12 Construction of the railroad started in 1898 and was completed in 1902. During this period, hundreds of mostly young, male workers from all over Scandinavia participated in the construction eff ort. The railroad was built in a harsh climate, a treeless subarctic terrain, using manual power, pickaxes, sledgehammers, shovels and dynamite. Approximately 5,800 employees worked on the railway on the Norwegian side of the border. From 1898 to 1900, during the course of the construction of the railroad, the population of the place called Narvik grew from 300 to 3,342.13

A northern Scandinavian industrial mega system The harbours of Luleå and Narvik were adapted to accommodate ore from the Kiruna and Gällivare mines in Swedish Lapland. Railroad systems with shunting yards were established, and the capacity of the mines was coordinated with the ship traffi c in both harbours. The Swedish historian Staff an Hansson introduced the concept of a “technological mega system” to describe this mining industry: the iron-ore railway, the power station of Porjus and the Narvik and Luleå harbours, as well as the military installations at Boden fortress near Luleå.14 Every component of the institutions and plants of the system connected to one another in a single unit, as visualized in Figure 2. The establishment of the system resulted in the growth of railway stations, steel works, sawmills, wool-spinning mills, dairies, bakeries, mechanical industry and workshops and the timber industry. To secure this complex system from the threat of Russia, which controlled neighbouring Finland until 1917, fortifi cations were constructed, and garrisons established in a new garrison town – Boden. Now four Swedish urban settlements had sprung forth as a result of the industrial mega system: Kiruna, Gällivare, Boden and Luleå.15

12 AAS, Narviks historie, 22–23, 85–91. 13 AAS, Narviks historie, 49–50. 14 HANSSON, Malm, Räls och electrisitet, 45–76. 15 LAGERSTAM, Program förr Norrbottens industriarv.

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Figure 2: The development of the North Swedish mining industry resulted in a vast range of other activities – or a megasystem, as Swedish historians have characterized it. The harbour in Luleå and Narvik, the hydroelectric plant in Porjus, the fortress in Boden, mines and railways along the route are all part of the mega system. (Photo: Länsstyrelsen Norrbottens län)

The expansion had lasting consequences. The fortifi cations and garrisons required to protect the harbours, power plants, railway and mines resulted in the establishment an offi cer candidate’s school in the neighbouring Norwegian town of Harstad and infantry regiments in Setermoen and Elvegårdsmoen, as well as in the Swedish towns across the border. After 1897, military service became compulsory in the three northernmost counties of Norway. One motive for this decision was the planned railway and the need for military defence. The establishment of the industrial complex created the western and eastern harbour cities, Narvik and Luleå, with the railway as the lifeline connecting their common fate. Compared to other towns in northern Norway and Sweden, the system also created its own economic foundation. Kiruna, Gällivare, Boden and Narvik became urbanized. Some of the new urban areas, like Narvik and Kiruna, hardly had any hinterland. They became “company towns” like Kiruna or towns with few central functions for the hinterland, like Narvik. In this respect their functions diff ered from other towns, which typically played a role as market places for the surrounding area, had administrative functions within the public sector or fi nance, or acted as business hubs. The Norwegian town of Narvik was founded more or less due to the strategies of the Swedish king Oscar II and his government. Together with the other towns in the

58 MESTO a DEJINY mega system, Narvik was meant to play a role within the system, more than in a network with other Norwegian towns.16 Narvik not only became a “Swedish” town in Norway, but an archetypical “network” town too. Other Norwegian towns were essentially central towns with important functions for the areas surrounding them. In Norwegian urban history, when describing categories of towns, one uses the archetypal dichotomy of “central town” versus “network town”.17 The categories are based on towns’ functions regarding trade, public services and business in connection with their surrounding regions. The established North Norwegian towns – Bodø and Tromsø – were both “central towns”: they had connections to regional trade and commerce as well as to public administration and service and to the service industry, which were directed towards the surrounding region. “Network towns” such as Narvik (Figure 3), on the other hand, were part of a network in which commerce and the handling of iron ore were the core functions of the town. The Norwegian town not only became a part of a network within the Swedish iron-handling industry, it also became a part of a larger, international web that from the beginning included harbours and steel works in France, Great Britain, the United States, Canada, the Netherlands, Germany and Belgium. Other networks were connected to Narvik too. The Ruhr region of Germany, with its steel giants Krupp und Thyssen (then two diff erent companies), became the most important purchaser of Swedish iron ore from Lapland, as illustrated by the statistics of export in Figure 4. Consequently, the most prominent harbours on the continent that connected with Narvik were Rotterdam in the Netherlands and Antwerp in Belgium.18 Ships from the continental harbours called more frequently at Narvik than ships from the neighbouring North Norwegian towns of Harstad and Tromsø. Narvik became part of an economic web that was separate from that of its neighbours in the Norwegian north.19 The extension of Swedish railway lines, both from Norrland to Stockholm by the main line and the inland line, connected Narvik to the Swedish and European railway network. This made Narvik more closely connected to the Swedish towns of Norrland than to neighbouring towns in North Norway. It was easier to travel from Narvik to the Swedish capital, Stockholm, than to the Norwegian capital, Oslo. As part of the mega system, Narvik shared its fortune with the towns of Kiruna, Luleå and Gällivare. Good times for the iron-ore industry on the international markets would consequently be positive for all the towns in the system. In this respect, Narvik had more in common with these towns than with its Norwegian neighbours. Instead of being a part of a Norwegian hierarchy of cities and towns according to its importance as a hub in a web of urban settlements, Narvik’s place was within an international web of cities. Consequently, its prosperity depended both on the eff ectiveness of the miners in Kiruna and on the international iron-ore markets, and this understanding characterized Narvik’s citizens for generations. They knew their prosperity and fate depended on the international iron-ore markets.20

16 AAS, Narviks historie, 11–31. 17 MYHRE, Byenes hamskifte. Fra førindustriell til industriell by, 21–35. 18 Swedish National Archives, Arninge (hereinafter SRA), Archives of Trafi kaktiebolaget Grängesberg – Oxelösund (hereinafter TGO), TGO-protokol for 1904:1267. 19 AAS, Narviks historie, 82–85. 20 AAS, Narviks historie, 87–88.

59 MESTO a DEJINY

Figure 3: Narvik became a town within four years. Its major function was to export Swedish iron ore from the north to the world markets, in particular via Rotterdam and Antwerp to Germany.

Although the towns were established at the same time, they were governed in diff erent ways. While the Swedish town Kiruna became a typical “company town”, Narvik had autonomous status as a legal city, with a municipal government, budgetary powers and income from the taxes of the Swedish mining company, Luossavaara- Kiirunavaara Aktiebolag (LKAB). Even though LKAB and the Norwegian government together decided on the founding of the new town, the municipal council attained a more autonomous position after legal proceedings concluded with a judgement that, from 1912, the council could deduct taxes from the company’s earnings. This position was strengthened by the Planning and Building Act of 1924. The city council then gained the legal power to execute general town planning independently of the interests of the Swedish mining company. Until then, LKAB had intervened more directly in the governing of the municipality as, in 1910, as much as 75–80 % of the male working population was directly or indirectly involved in iron-ore handling activities in Narvik harbour or its surrounds.21 Kiruna, on the other hand, had a paternalistic structure. The general manager of LKAB, Hjalmar Lundbohm, ruled the town and its inhabitants. While Narvik was an autonomous city in 1902, Kiruna’s status was that of a municipalsamhälle (municipality community), which meant that the society and its inhabitants were more dependent on the strategies of LKAB. In practice, this meant that LKAB made area development plans

21 NOS, V, 211, Folketellingen i Norge 1.des.1910. Fjerde hefte. Tabell 6.

60 MESTO a DEJINY and decisions regarding housing development, public transport, hospitals, schools, churches and the like. Kiruna was almost entirely a company town.22

The industrial group and Narvik LKAB in Narvik was part of LKAB Sweden, a subsidiary company of the industrial group Trafi kaktiebolaget Grängesberg-Oxelösund (TGO), a Swedish company that was infl uential in trade and industry and that existed from 1896 to 1956.23 This connection to the giant company strengthened Narvik as a network town. The board of TGO determined the strategies of LKAB from 1903; these strategies involved railway transport, mines, industry and even shipping. The industrial group wanted its own shipping fi rm, Luleå-Ofoten, to undertake all iron ore transport from the Narvik harbour. TGO already had mines in southern Sweden with an adjacent private railway line, railway equipment and an iron ore harbour. At the time, Norway had no company comparable to this industrial group. It almost had a monopoly within the Swedish iron-ore production industry, and was a central political actor in Sweden until 1957 when the Swedish government took control of LKAB.24 Narvik harbour was one of three harbours in the TGO system and primarily shipped Kiruna iron ore, while Malmberget/Gällivare sent their iron ore to Luleå. However, during winter, LKAB sent iron ore from Malmberget/Gällivare to the waiting ships in the ice- free harbour of Narvik. Consequently, Narvik became the most important harbour for iron ore from Swedish Lapland.25 In addition, with the increasingly important market for Northern Swedish iron, supply grew rapidly during the fi rst decade of the twentieth century. Between 1890 and 1910, Norrland increased its share of Sweden’s total exports of iron ore from 14.6 % to 75.1 %, and, as a result, Narvik became even more important as an iron-ore port.26 The economic system that created these Norwegian and Swedish towns also determined their fate and paved the way for a common understanding of the destiny of the working classes. Labour movements in Narvik, Kiruna and Malmberget/Gällivare joined forces to coordinate their common interests in relation to the mighty company. Consequently, the Narvik labour organization became a member of the Swedish district trade organization Exportgruvfeltarbetarnas Samorganisation – a common union for iron-ore workers. The fi rst editor of Narvik’s Labour movement paper Fremover (Forwards) called Narvik “a city of capitalism par excellence” after traveling by train between Narvik and Luleå in 1903 “because here it is a complete cultivated plant. I can see its root, its leaves, its fl owers, and its fruit”.27 He could almost physically feel the industrial complex which owned all the means of production as well as making considerable amounts from investments: “One can notice its fi nger everywhere. The workers are, if they do not own a strong organization, completely in this beast’s power”.28

22 BRUNNSTRÖM, Kiruna: ett samhällsbygge i sekelskiftets Sverige. PERSSON, Från ödemark till stad, 27. 23 ERIKSSON, Gruva och arbete, 29–39. 24 EKEROT, Trafi kaktiebolaget Grängesberg – Oxelösund. 25 SRA, TGO, TGO 2–599, Statistik. 26 BJÖRKLUND, Den samhällsekonomiska bakgrunden till Bodens fästning, 26. 27 PUNTERVOLD, Socialismen nordpaa, 22. 28 PUNTERVOLD, Socialismen nordpaa, 22.

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Figure 4: LKAB’s exports of iron ore from 1913–1956 show that the main importer of Swedish iron ore was Germany (Tyskland), with the United Kingdom (England) and Belgium (Belgien) as second and third most important. (Photo: 54 år i Lappland, TGO)

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Narvik planned by the Norwegian state and LKAB Before the establishment of a municipal council in Narvik, the Norwegian state and LKAB enacted vital strategies for the future of their industrial activities which had consequences for civilian life in Narvik. LKAB created its own property company, A/S Taraldsvik, and hence Narvik was aff ected by the Swedish company’s strategies in the same way Kiruna was when it came to property development in civil society. LKAB owned the water supply and the graveyard, and the population in Narvik had to apply to TGO to build houses. A/S Taraldsvik infl uenced public investments, taxes, the water supply, road construction and housing development in the town because it owned a substantial amount of the property within the borders of the town. After 1905, when the Swedish state became a co-owner of LKAB, Narvik became subject to Swedish governmental or parliamentary oversight.29 In 1897, the Norwegian state property company implemented the fi rst development plan in Narvik because the authorities wanted to control national interests and prevent LKAB from controlling the town. This infl uenced the municipal development plan and had long-term implications for the physical placement of parks, houses, schools and streets, as well as trade, transport and commerce. The development plan was never presented for local debate or public comment, nor to the municipal government, which is inconsistent with what occurred in other Norwegian towns. The harbour’s industrial area became the central area around the bay of Narvik, the heart of the future town rather than a zone outside the town.30 The commercial and residential areas and public institutions were situated behind the harbour and its iron-ore stores and the railway line connecting it to Sweden. In this respect, the railway cut the town into two parts as a river would, while the harbour and iron-ore stores formed a triangular delta at the seafront which was literally cut off from the town behind it. The development was in line with the strategies of the industrialists, which created the shape of the city, as shown in Figure 5. The town’s development was a result of the eff orts of LKAB and the Norwegian government. They did not wait for the establishment of the local municipal government.31 This tension between local municipal interests, LKAB and Norwegian state authorities continued for years. The Norwegian government’s property development policy intensifi ed the tension. The municipality and the citizens of Narvik were squeezed between LKAB and the Norwegian state. In 2007 still, 400 to 500 houses in Narvik were on state-owned property. In 2007 still as much as 30 % of all Norwegian state-owned property in Norway was in Narvik. These special circumstances have made future planning by the municipal government more complicated even in recent years. By the turn of the twentieth century the confl icts between the municipality and the Norwegian state as well as LKAB had already become signifi cant. Decisions regarding the details of the building of schools, roads, churches and other public buildings were subject to governmental or parliamentary oversight. The Norwegian parliament, the

29 SRA, TGO, TGO-protokol for 1906. p. 1878f, and 1886f. 30 YTREBERG, Narviks historie, 238. Malmlageret I Narvik, 19–20. Byanalyse Narvik, 24. NOS, V, 93. Bind II, XVIII. Nordland Amt, 2. Narvik Library, Blix-Collection, Letter from E.M.C. Johansen to Einar Blix, 27.2.1925, 2. THOMASSEN, Herlege tider, 62. 31 THOMASSEN, Herlege tider, 62. LØVVIK, Minder fra Ofotbanen, 4. Byanalyse Narvik, 22 f.

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Storting, had to decide on local issues because of the strong central governance of the town.32 LKAB and its property company A/S Taraldsvik still owns a signifi cant amount of land in the town. This company then owned the property of the town’s water supply, and the municipality leased the land for the local graveyard from A/S Taraldsvik. Additionally, the Narvik railway station was on A/S Taraldsvik property. At the turn of the twentieth century, the local newspapers heavily criticized the private ownership of these lands.33 During one of these confl icts between the municipality and LKAB, regarding the enlargement of the storage area in 1924, Narvik’s mayor Julius B. Olsen claimed that when battling against the “mighty Swedish million company’s interests, the interests of Narvik and its citizens weigh little”. The company then enlarged the storage area to the townspeople’s disadvantage. This caused an increase in problems associated with dust and noise in the residential areas.34

Figure 5: Land ownership on the Narvik peninsula was largely distributed between two main actors, the Swedish company LKAB, with its property company A/S Taraldsvik (brown colour), and the Norwegian state property company (Statens eiendommer, light green). The dark green area is the industrial area with the connecting railway line, owned by the Norwegian State Railway company (NSB). (Photo: Narvik municipality)

32 OT.PRP.NR. 60 (2007–2008) Department of Culture and Church, INST. S. NR. 108 (1995–1996) Department of Administration. 33 Ofotens Tidende, 13 May, 1 June and 21 October 1899. SRA, TGO, Board Protocol from The Tgo-Board for 1907, 2264. Appendix C. 34 Narvik municipal archives (hereinafter NAKOM), Letter from J. B. Olsen and O. Chr. Normann to the Norwegian Parliament 20 March 1924.

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Narvik integrated into the Swedish economy Unlike the rest of Norway, the town experienced strong economic and demographic growth during the 1920s. Following a decline during World War I, shipments of iron ore reached pre-war levels again in 1921. Unlike the stagnating Norwegian economy, the growth of Narvik continued throughout the 1920s.35 Compared to other Norwegian towns, the integration of Narvik into the Swedish economy became particularly evident during the 1920s. In 1927, astonished journalists from newspapers based in neighbouring towns in North Norway reported on the level of growth in Narvik compared to its Norwegian neighbours. While Tromsø’s population, for instance, had grown by 256 people during the 1920s, the population of Narvik had grown by nearly 4,000 people. A Tromsø paper wrote that Narvik was about to surpass other towns in the Arctic north to become the most prominent town there. This growth was due to the iron-ore trade. Between 1,600 and 1,700 employees worked at the Narvik branch of the Norwegian State Railways and LKAB combined. Among the 600 to 700 jobseekers in town, only 10 % of them were native to Narvik. The majority came from other parts of the country.36 This implies that by then the town had become a central town for jobseekers from surrounding districts in Norway. Shipping traffi c clogged Narvik bay, with as many as 20–30 iron-ore steamers waiting in the bay. The town was marked by “life and business”, the journalist stated. It was not similar to the rest of Norway, he added. Narvik overshadowed even much larger cities such as Trondheim. Its North Norwegian neighbours did not compare when it came to business, economic growth or increase in population. By 1932, annual iron-ore shipments were double those of 1927. Among the reasons for the generally negative development in other parts of the Norwegian realm were the extraordinary fi nancial measures taken by the government during the 1920s. The aim of the Central Bank of Norway was to keep the Norwegian kroner on a par with the gold standard because of infl ation during and following World War I – the so-called “Par policy”. Infl ation resulted in lost fortunes, bankrupt banks and companies, and public sector debt. Unemployment rates increased rapidly because of reduced production, strikes and lockouts. Confl icts between employers and employees’ organizations increased during the 1920s. The Norwegian historian Pål Tonstad Sandvik states that the “Par policy” was common throughout the world, but that it had more negative eff ects in Norway than anywhere else.37 Narvik did not experience the same economic upheaval. A short stagnation occurred in 1922 but was soon followed by growth, as in Sweden. The Swedish economic boom- and-bust cycles infl uenced Narvik’s economy more than did the Norwegian economy. In this period, the infl uence of Swedish industries resulted in state investments in hydroelectric power plants – such as Porjus in Swedish Lapland – which led to the electrifi cation of the Swedish side of the Ofoten Railway. Narvik harbour and Norwegian State Railways also profi ted from these investments. Transport became more effi cient and paved the way for additional industrial development on both sides of the border.38 The Porjus investments completely reshaped the industrial delta of Narvik, and the

35 SRA, TGO, TGO 2–599, Statistik. 36 Nordlys, November 8, 1927. 37 TONSTAD SANDVIK, Nasjonens velstand, 188. 38 NAKOM, LKABs styrelsesberättelse för räkenskapsåret 1919–1920, 3; 1921–1922, 3; 1930–1931, 3. NAKOM, II-E-5-n-4.

65 MESTO a DEJINY changes created a greater demand for workers in order to prepare for the technological transition to electric operations in and around Narvik harbour. TGO’s strategies had a direct impact in Narvik and demonstrated the towns’ dependence on Swedish strategies.39

Figure 6: Narvik, with its harbour and iron ore storage, lay in the middle of the City, like a delta between two of the main quarters. This photo shows the area in the late 1950s. (Photo: 54 år i Lappland. TGO)

A Swedish town? The question remains, however, as to whether Sweden’s infl uence over Narvik has been greater than that of Norway’s. To answer this question, factors such as demography, culture and language need to be examined. Let us thus analyse the national background of the population fi rst. As with most Norwegian urbanization, the majority of the population of the new town came from the closest regions surrounding the town or from the same county. In the census of 1900, taken during the fi rst urbanization period of the town, only 3.2 % of the population in Narvik had been born in Sweden. At the next census, in 1910, the proportion of Swedish-born inhabitants of Narvik had risen to 5.4 % – still a marginal population. LKAB was well established and the head of the company was Swedish. The Swedish branches of TGO recruited personnel for the shipping line and the railway company, but even then the percentage of Swedish employees in Narvik remained low. Later, in 1936, a company census conducted by Statistics Norway counted the workers at LKAB Narvik. The census included typical Swedish family names like Alqvist, Blomsköld, Eck, Engblom, Gustavsson, Hammarström,

39 NAKOM, VII-E-8-h, Årsberetning for Narvik Off entlige arbeidskontor 1922. Jul. Brekkes, 9. and NAKOM, II-E- 5-n-4, LKABs styrelsesberättelse för räkenskapsåret 1925–1926 and 1926–1927, 3.

66 MESTO a DEJINY

Hellström, Karlsson, Karolin, Lindquist, Lindström, Ljunggren, Nylander, Olsson, Petterson, Söderblom and Östergren. Some of these families still live in the town.40 According to the Norwegian history of immigration (Norsk innvandringshistorie, 2003), Swedes easily assimilated into Norwegian society at the end the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries. As many as 100,000 Swedes moved to Norway during the second half of the nineteenth century, and they held a unique position as the best-integrated immigrants of Norway.41 The Norwegian historian Jan Eivind Myhre states that due to the union between Norway and Sweden from 1814 to 1905, the countries had common economic and labour markets, resulting in Swedes being simultaneously both foreigners and good neighbours. Additionally, the Swedish language is similar to the Norwegian language – although speaking Swedish was indicative of high social status. 42 The cultural similarities and connections, as well as the mutual comprehension between Norwegians and Swedes, resulted in a close connection between the two peoples. Additionally, inter-ethnic marriages between Norwegians and Swedes were common. Generally, Norwegian women married Swedish men. Of the inter-ethnic couples in Narvik in 1900, the husband was Swedish in 55 of the married couples. Only four inter-ethnic couples comprised a Swedish woman and a Norwegian man, and nine married couples were of a Swedish husband and wife.43 This asymmetry has not been thoroughly studied yet, but may be explained by the higher social standing of Swedish men relative to Norwegian men, or by the fact that Swedish men were more mobile, but surely were much more sought for by the industrialist, thus they came to Norway in greater numbers than Swedish women. Nevertheless, many aspects indicate the higher social status of Swedes in Narvik, particularly when it concerns language. The dialect of Narvik contains many Swedicisms, that is, words from the Swedish language. A locomotive is loket, as in Swedish. Similarly, words such as Swedish farsan, morsan and brorsan are used in Narvik, as in Sweden, for “father”, “mother”, and “brother”. A crazy man can be characterized as tokig, and lessan means depressed or blue, as in Sweden. Prison is fi n k a in Narvik, fi n k a n in Swedish, and fengsel in Norwegian. These words show the cultural exchange between Narvik and its Swedish neighbours, as well as being an example of the social infl uence of the Swedish language in Norway in the twentieth century. However, the Narvik dialect is a North Norwegian regional dialect, not a Swedish one. This is because of the town’s location in North Norway and because the majority of inhabitants populating the town from the start were North Norwegians.44 Nevertheless, because of urbanization, the founding of the railway, the harbour and the mines occurred in similar manners during the course of the process of dissolution between Norway and Sweden. There were tensions between the two nations, especially between 1884 and the fi nal year of the union, 1905. During this period, Norway had its own defence force, its own parliament and government, and its own government

40 RHD, Printed Census of the municipality of Ankenes 1900, and for Narvik 1910. Norwegian National Archives (hereinafter NRA), SSB–archives, The company census of Narvik 1936. 41 “På fl yttefot til og innen Norge”, Norgeshistorie.no. Accessed 2 November 2018. https://www.norgeshistorie. no/industrialisering-og-demokrati/kommunikasjon-og-kunnskap/1505-pa-fl yttefot-til-og-innen-norge.html. 42 MYHRE, I nasjonalstatens tid 1814–1940, 260ff . 43 RHD, Printed Census of the municipality of Ankenes in 1900. 44 DANIELSEN, Schnakkes, 132–134, about the Swesisms of Narvik. NETELAND, “vann og kan og mann”, 9–12 about the North Norwegian origin of the Narvik dialect.

67 MESTO a DEJINY departments such as, among others, those occupied with communication and trade. Norway had won self-government on the domestic front but lacked an independent foreign policy. From 1893 there had been military preparations on both sides of the border; however, much due to the liberal political forces in Sweden, the dissolution of the union was to be completed peacefully during the summer and autumn of 1905. With the dissolution, Narvik again became the centre of attention.45 The continuation of the iron-ore traffi c had to be arranged. This was in the interests of both the new nation, Norway, and Sweden. The Norwegian State Railways were, for instance, transporting the iron ore on the Norwegian side of the border, earning the Norwegian state substantial income to invest in other projects.46 Despite the hostile environment at the end of the nineteenth century, Swedes became integrated into Narvik’s business community. Like the Norwegians, they worked in the mechanical workshops, at the harbour, in construction or on the railways. They were also barbers, artisans, sailors or hotel cleaners. The labour market did not segregate the two national groups, nor did the residential areas. Swedes worked together with Norwegians and lived together with them. Under the auspices of the Swedish company LKAB, the residential areas could have become ghettos based on ethnicity or nationality. However, this did not happen. Only one small enclave developed, in Harbour Street (Havnegata), and this was due to social rather than national or ethnic segregation. On this street, close to the LKAB administration building, TGO erected houses for the management and upper administrative echelons of the company during the 1920s. At the beginning of the 1930s, the majority of the principal wage earners in these ten houses were Swedes (seven out of ten). This residential area was popularly referred to as bolaget, which is the Swedish word for “the company”. One man who grew up on this street later stated that there used to be surströmning parties in the street. During this reverential Swedish ceremony, the stench of fermented herring from the opened tin cans on the terraces completely enveloped the residential area.47

Ties between Sweden and Narvik The Swedish mega system created a lifeline between Narvik and the other towns in Swedish Lapland. This formed the basis for stronger ties between the towns. These strong ties were evident in the organizational activities in Narvik and in neighbouring Swedish towns along the railway line. The labour movement met and had common assemblies at the railway stations and in the towns. The temperance movement was another vital movement that had a considerable impact along the Ofoten line during this formative period. Clubs and societies met to strengthen relations between the two peoples. Religious associations and cultural activities were part of this fraternization between Norwegians and Swedes in these border regions. In addition, sports activities took place between Swedes and Norwegians, even in the middle of the confl ict concerning the dissolution of the union of Norway and Sweden before 1905. During the tensest period of the confl ict, pupils from schools of Narvik travelled to Kiruna in Sweden, and some Norwegians tried to forcibly prevent them from going. Despite this pressure, a delegation of 60 Norwegians went to Kiruna and were welcomed. One

45 MYHRE, Norsk historie 1814–1905, 285–290. 46 AAS, Narviks historie, 194. 47 AAS, Narviks historie, 304.

68 MESTO a DEJINY argument for the Narvik students going to Kiruna came from the editor of the local labour newspaper in Narvik: Grownups should not “instil hatred in young hearts”.48 Even Norwegian rifl e clubs travelled to Sweden in 1905. Established in 1893 by the Norwegian parliament, the National Rifl e Association of Norway was considered an unoffi cial army with which Norway might have countered any Swedish military intervention should the dissolution of the union have met with a sticky end. In 1905, Norwegian offi cers were in Kiruna competing on the rifl e range with rivals from Sweden. The event took place just months before the dissolution of the union.49 The good relationship with the Swedes did not disappear after the dissolution of the union. Sports clubs, especially football associations, competed against one another. The fi rst football club of North Norway, Narvik/Nor, typically played versus Kiruna from Sweden before playing against Bodø/Glimt from the neighbouring town of Bodø in Nordland county, Norway.50 Nevertheless, especially after the dissolution of the union, Narvik began to integrate into the Norwegian realm. Associations and organizations, sport and leisure, cultural activities and other formal matters had to connect more closely within a Norwegian state for the good of the development of the nation state after 1905. Consequently, communications too were strengthened between Narvik and the other regions of North Norway. Steam ships, roads and ferries, as well as telegraph lines and postal systems were developed. The administrative arrangement of regional systems of law and order, and clerical and other administrative institutions, integrated Narvik into the Nordland County administration. Consequently, football clubs and sports associations were also to be part of the regional and national organizational sports system. This was to counterbalance the Swedish connection.

Swedish-Norwegian cultural memory Despite these eff orts to integrate Narvik into Norway, aspects of a common Swedish- Norwegian culture remain because of the urbanization processes in Narvik and Swedish Lapland. Individuals, museums and public and non-governmental organizations have all promoted this common history of Narvik through remembrance of industrial history and of the connection with Sweden. The French historian Pierre Nora introduced the concept of “memory places” (lieux de memoire) in his study of the growth in cross- cultural research in “memory studies”, paying attention to how memories have been constructed as well as perceived.51 Central concepts in memory studies are the concepts of “collective memory”, “community of remembrance”, and “social memory”.52 References are often made to the French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs’ (1877–1945) 1950 book The Collective Memory. According to Halbwachs, all memory is collective, and people can only remember as members of a social group. In addition, forgetfulness plays an important part in the concept of collective memory; forgetting means a withdrawal from the social

48 AAS, Narviks historie, 191. 49 AAS, Narviks historie, 192–193. 50 AAS, Narviks historie, 186–195, 346. HORRIGMOE, Fotballklubben Narvik/Nor, 95. 51 NORA, Rethinking the Past, XI. 52 ERIKSEN, Det var noe annet under krigen, 14. CONNERTON, How Societies Remember, 1. KVERNDOKK, “De kjempet de falt de gav oss alt”, 3. OLICK, The politics of Regret.

69 MESTO a DEJINY community of memory and remembrance.53 Most recent studies of collective memory have relied on Halbwachs, paying special attention to the study of war memorials. Another scholar writing on collective memory, the American historian Jay Winter, has attached importance to memories, both “personal and social”, and asserts that “sites of memory are created not just by nations, but primarily by small groups of men and women who do the work of remembrance”. Winter emphasizes that such groups are virtually the “social agents” of remembrance and that “without their work, collective memory would not exist”.54 Since World War II, memory places, as described by Pierre Nora, have been created in Norway and Sweden in connection with the memory of the places and persons involved in the industrialization and urbanization of the northern regions. They have been heavily connected to the mega system and its industrialization processes. In Nora’s world, one should search for memory places – lieux de memoire – to fi nd evidence for the studies of symbols which can tell us something about later generations’ use of the memory places and symbols in memory processes. In this view, the industrial heritage of Narvik has a strong Swedish connection.55

Figure 7: The monument to Rallaren (The Navvy) was unveiled by the Norwegian king Olav (left) in Narvik in 1959. By the ceremony the king paid homage to the “famous fi gure who had been contributor to the development of both railways, roads and hydroelectric power plants” – essen- tially the creation of a modern Norwegian nation state. (Photo: Vår konge og hans hus. Oslo 1959)

53 HALBWACHS, The Collective Memory, 24. 54 WINTER, Remembering War, 136. 55 NORA, Rethinking the Past, XI.

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One reason for this is that the industrialization of the north mobilized a considerable workforce on both sides of the border. Norwegian historians have called the period between the dissolution of the union and 1920 “the new working day” because of the enormous investments into new industries that took place then. Tonstad Sandvik uses the phrase as a collective term for the economic progress during those two decades. Norway’s gross domestic product (GDP) increased by 30 % from 1905 to 1914. This growth rate was similar to that of the United States, and the growth escalated during World War I. Between 1905 and 1920, Norway’s GDP increased by approximately 60 %, which was more than that of any other Western European country.56 The Norwegian side of the Ofoten line had 1,500 Swedish, as well as a group of Finnish, workers employed in construction projects. 57 The Norwegian historian Edvard Bull has referred to this period with another label: the “liberating phase of capitalism” as a consequence of “the new working day”. People broke with the old system of adscription in the old farming communities. They had other opportunities to choose from in the new industries. This freed both men and women from the old paternalistic restraints and restrictions of former times, even though men were in the majority in the new, growing sector. The growing need for more workers resulted in more opportunities. All over Norway, emerging construction projects showed the same demand for workers. The simultaneous urbanization process contributed to this emancipation too. The new industries also supported the liberation of individuals from family ties and constraints that were part of the traditional system of land tenure. The substantial demand for more workers also made it possible for them to request higher salaries, and they could leave places where salaries or social conditions were poor for areas with booming economies if they were dissatisfi ed.58 Consequently, the period between 1870 and 1920 became a period dominated by high mobility within the lower classes in society. The result was a time during which wanderers infl uenced the society, politics and culture of Norway and Sweden. The workers walked from one construction site, plant or factory to the next that was under construction. The Swedish word rallare was usually used for these male workers, mostly of Swedish origin, who were typically engaged in infrastructural works, railroads, roads and hydro-power construction. In Norway, these unskilled workers were called slusk or bus, meaning “rowdy”, “vagrant”, “tramp” or “bum” in English.59 In Sweden, the period was referred to as Rallartiden – the age of the rallare, which was characterized by labour migration and the emergence of a distinctive fi gure: the rallare (in English, “navvy”). He became a mythical fi gure and was later used as an icon for the emerging labour movement of Scandinavia. He symbolized the culture of workers as well as the spirit of radical politics. The fi gure of the navvy was of Swedish origin, but rooted in the Norwegian land, and was later strikingly used as the role model and founder of the labour movement in both countries. The labour movement became a strong force in Narvik. It was the backbone of the political establishment in the town, with

56 TONSTAD SANDVIK, Nasjonens velstand, 141. 57 ANDREASSEN, Førr malm ska børja køras nittanhundratvå, 38. 58 BULL, Fra bøndenes og husmennenes samfunn til den organiserte kapitalisme, 12, 15–19. 59 “Ordnett.no”. Accessed 1 March 2018. https://www.ordnett.no/search?language=en&phrase=slusk. “Vinterfestuka”. Accessed 15 March 2018. http://www.vinterfestuka.no/innhold/om-oss/historikk/det- begynte-i-1956.aspx.

71 MESTO a DEJINY near continuous rule of the municipality from 1913 to the present day.60 The “rallar culture” was present in Sweden and was especially conspicuous in the formation of Narvik’s identity, history and cultural sector. Narvik established a week-long annual festival – The Winter Fest – and Kiruna has a “Rallarfest” and an annual remembrance at the Rallar monument.61 This was part of an intentional public policy on the part of the municipality, local organizations and individuals in Narvik. The reason for such a memory policy is to connect the history of the town with the period of the rallar, who is a symbol of urbanization, and to instil a collective understanding of how this process coincided with industrialization and how the making of Narvik was possible thanks to the rallar. The memorials to this common Swedish-Norwegian fi gure are a symbol of the modernization of the Arctic north. He became the symbol of the economic and social transformation of the north. The labour- and capital-intensive companies, especially in the mining industry, challenged the traditional primary industries of fi shing and farming. In addition, other Arctic towns marked by industrial activities used the rallar as a symbol of their history. The mining towns of Kirkenes/Bjørnevatn, Sulitjelma, Kiruna and Gällivare all have memorials depicting the rallar.62 Even though the traditional industries of fi shing and farming – the peasant-economy – showed resilience long after World War II, the transformation of peripheral Norway from a traditional, self-suffi cient, agrarian society to a more modern industrialized society was underway. More urbanized areas in the border regions of Nordland, such as Narvik, Ballangen, Fauske, Rana and Vefsn, experienced the new division of labour, specialization, and the concomitant growth of the new labour movement.63 For Norwegian men in the labour movement, the rallar became an impressive fi gure, and a symbol for the strong, self-aware, steady, class conscious and confi dent worker. Due to increasing interest in the labour movement and workers’ culture in Norway during the 1950s and 1960s, historians and ethnologists collected much oral history of industrial workers of Norway. In one of these histories, a worker from the Sulitjelma mines shared his memories of the labour barracks for mineworkers:

We were sitting there quiet as mice listening to their stories and learnt how to swear: all in Swedish. However, we could not be proper rallar before we could handle a pinch of snuff .… It was rough like sawdust, and burnt like heat. We became sick, threw up, but it passed, and soon we could take a pinch of snuff properly, and spit like a rallar too.64

This memory from the barracks tells a story of how the new, local, working class paid respect to the idolized rallar, who, for many reasons, became a role model for the newcomer.

60 AAS, Narviks historie, 157–159. 61 “The Winter Festival of Narvik”, Vinterfestuka i Narvik. Accessed 12 March 2018. http://www.vinterfestuka. no/sub_body.asp?meny_parent=596&side_id=303&divisjon=hovedsider&meny_id=596. 62 BENUM, Industrialiseringen i Nord-Norge ca. 1875 ca. 1920. DRIVENES – JERNSLETTEN, Det gjenstridige Nord-Norge. LUNDESTAD, Fiskarbønder, arbeidere og arbeiderbevegelse i Nordland og Troms 1900–1940. SÖRLIN, Framtidslandet 1988. 63 BENUM, Industrialiseringen i Nord-Norge ca. 1875 ca. 1920. DRIVENES – JERNSLETTEN, Det gjenstridige Nord-Norge. LUNDESTAD, Fiskarbønder, arbeidere og arbeiderbevegelse i Nordland og Troms 1900–1940. SÖRLIN, Framtidslandet 1988. 64 BULL, Renhåring slusk, 118.

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Other cultural expressions were inspired by the rallar. The rallar songs were work songs from the construction sites along the railways, just as shanties became the sailors’ work songs. The Swedish author Agge Theander has claimed that the “rhythm of the songs made work easier when the men had to hit the drilling steel in time with their sledgehammers”.65 Workers sang the rallar songs when performing a task together; later they were to include “work songs” that described the situation at work for the rallars. Most towns in Norway have a song which is a homage to their home town. In Narvik the song is a traditional rallar song, probably composed by a Swede named “Skara-Pelle” Persson from Västra Götaland County in southern Sweden, telling the story of a railway building. He was fi red from the construction site on the Swedish side of the Ofoten Railway, likely because he had criticized the working and living conditions along the line.66 Skara-Pelle heavily criticized the bosses who frequently came to observe the work along the railway line during the construction period. The “big shots” travelling by in “glad rags” should have tried to live with the rallars in their barracks during a long, cold winter. Then they would have experienced how bad the barracks placed at their disposal by the state really were. The politics of the labour movement is steeped in the origins of these songs. In this respect, one can clearly see the political implications of the songs, especially for the memory and identity of the people of Narvik.67

Integrating the common memory culture with the triumph of the social democrats Majority governments of social democrats ruled both Sweden and Norway after World War II. In 1945, the Norwegian Labour prime minister Einar Gerhardsen (1897– 1987) launched the “common programme”. The basic idea of the programme was that the cooperation across party lines that had existed during the war should continue in the reconstruction period that followed the making of peace. National solidarity following the German occupation of Norway during World War II continued. Labour won the election in the following years and became the predominant party, with nearly 50 % of the votes. This gave the party political hegemony for years to come in what has been described as a “social democratic order”, which showed relatively broad support for a mixed market economy with a high degree of state infl uence and intervention – just as in Sweden.68 In 1959, the newly anointed Norwegian king Olav (1903–1991) demonstrated the new common cause in Narvik. He unveiled a monument to the rallar and in his speech he paid homage to the “famous fi gure who had been a contributor to the development of railways, roads and hydroelectric power plants”, as seen in Figure 7. 69 The memorial honours the memory of the pioneers in the formative years of the industrial municipalities. The rallar was “borderless” – sometimes in Sweden and sometimes in Norway. One local Labour Party spokesperson connected the present with the past in a speech that was broadcast live nationally. He made comparisons between the history of the town and this historical character. The monument pays tribute to

65 THEANDER, I rallarens spor, 76. 66 STENSTAD – THEANDER, Feiselklang og anleggssang, 17–18. 67 STENSTAD – THEANDER, Feiselklang og anleggssang. 68 FURRE, Vårt hundreår, 210, has described the Norwegian aspect of the matter, while TILTON, A Swedish Road to Socialism, 505–507, describes the ideological basis of the Swedish social democrats in similar terms. 69 Fremover, 18 July 1959.

73 MESTO a DEJINY a “strong and healthy group of people” as much as to an occupational category, and served as a reminder of good and important qualities of the townspeople in 1959. The brave construction workers founded both Narvik and the local Labour Party. The fi rst board members of the fi rst trade union in Narvik were all Swedish. The memorial service was a homage to them. In this sense, the character of the rallar came to represent the modern nation state of Norway as well as the majority rule of the Labour Party.70 The fi gure of the rallar shaped the future. The symbolism of both the king and the previously revolutionary Labour Party strategist Martin Tranmæl (1879–1967) giving speeches at the monument cemented the vision of the new national order. Tranmæl underlined this by stating that the rallar had unifi ed Norway and developed the nation.71 The memorial service showed the new closeness of the old radicals and the new monarch: King Olav as a member of the Norwegian monarchy and Tranmæl as a reformed revolutionary. Together they symbolized the formation of modern Norwegian society. Later Tranmæl published an article in the local Labour Party paper about the fi gure, stating that the rallar had been a pioneer for the labour movement. The monument reinforced the idea that socialist Norway was ruled by the workers.72 Since then, the rallar has become a familiar fi gure in the identity-building processes and branding of the industrialized societies of the Arctic. In Narvik, the labour movement and the town developed at the same time.73 Paying tribute to the famous character was an homage to the toil of the working class, as well as to international class cooperation and class fraternity. After the rise of the modern women’s movement in the 1970s, and following the United Nation’s International Women’s Year in 1978, the masculine rallar fi gure acquired a feminine monumental counterpart in Narvik in 1986. On the opposite side of the road, the town erected a monument to the female cook from the construction workers’ shed. The new monument honoured the many hardworking women who had supported the construction work. Now, the heritage of both the female and the male working class were included in the memory- and identity-building processes of the town.

70 Fremover, 18 July 1959. FUGLESTAD, Omkring arbeiderbevegelsens framvekst i Nord-Norge, 39. FORSELV, Arbeidere og arbeiderbevegelse I Narvik før 1920, 28–29. 71 Fremover, 24 July 1959. 72 Fremover, 24 July 1959 73 AAS, Ei byhistorie om Narvik 1902–1950, 81.

74 MESTO a DEJINY

Figure 8: The railway between Luleå and Narvik (within the blue circle) was of great importance for the Swedish colonization of the northern areas. By connecting the Gulf of Bothnia and the Norwegian Sea with the iron ore mines in Kiruna and Gällivare it became vital in the moderniza- tion and growth of the Labour movement in the North as well.

75 MESTO a DEJINY

Summary The Ofoten Railway between Narvik in Norway and Luleå in Sweden – the largest joint Swedish-Norwegian enterprise during the 1814–1905 period – created a bond between Swedish and Norwegian brothers.74 One can see the railway line as a part of the railway network of Northern Norway in Figure 8. The line was of enormous economic importance to both Sweden and Norway, and resulted in economic growth and prosperity. Despite the dissolution of the united Norway and Sweden, Swedish workers populated towns of North Norway. They were assimilated into these towns and contributed to urbanization and to the formation of modern Norway. They introduced radical ideologies into traditional Norwegian liberal democratic society. In addition, with the utopian goal of a classless society based on equal rights, they sought the emancipation of the lower classes. They played an active part in the founding of the “Nordic model”, as participants in the founding of social and political movements, and by establishing the heritage and memory of the latter.75 The cultivation of the rallar myth became an example of the merging of Swedish and Norwegian cultures. Consequently, the success of the use of the myth became part of the great myth of modernization through the ideas and eff orts of the labour movement, in which the working class, with its quest for equality, became a driving force in the nation-building process. Narvik was fi rmly rooted in the Swedish economy while simultaneously becoming a part of the newly established Norwegian nation state. The considerable majority of the population were Norwegians, spoke Norwegian, and refl ected Norwegian culture, politics, administration and society. Nevertheless, memory agents, the producers of identity and local culture, connected the local identity with a common Swedish- Norwegian colouring, especially through the common labour culture. However, the evidence does not indicate that Narvik is a Swedish town.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

SOURCES Norwegian public investigations/Parliamentary decisions: Indst.O.nr.66. 1900–1901, Indstilling fra Justiskomiteen til lov om oprettelse af en kjøbstad ved Ofotbanens endestation ved Narvik. Besl. O. Nr. 72. 1900–1901, Beslutning til lov om oprettelse af en kjøbstad ved Ofotenbanens endestation ved Narvik. Indst. S. XV A. 1899/1900, St.Prp. nr. 29 for 1899/1900.

Norwegian public statistics: NOS, VII, 131, Folketellinga i Norge 1.des.1920. Ellevte hefte. Tabell 3. NOS, V, 211, Folketellinga i Norge 1.des.1910. Fjerde hefte. Tabell 6.

Annual report from the county governor, Nordland: Beretninger om Amtenes økonomiske tilstand 1901–1905, Bind II, XVIII. Nordland Amt:2. Kristiania 1906.

74 Fremover, 15 November 1952. Special edition printed for the 50th anniversary of the building of the Ofoten railway: 29. 75 BRANDAL – BRATBERG – THORSEN, The Nordic Model of Social Democracy. Described among others by EINHORN – LOGUE, Can Welfare States Be Sustained in a Global Economy.

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Published census: Cencus from Ankenes municipality 1900 (Folketeljinga for Ankenes 1900). Registreringssentral for historiske data. Tromsø.

Publications from Narvik municipality: Byanalyse Narvik. Narvik kommune: Asplan Viak, 1995. Malmlageret i Narvik, Nasjonal idekonkurranse. Narvik: Narvik kommune, 1992.

ARCHIVAL DOCUMENTS Narvik library– the local collection of sources and books: The Blix collection (Blix-samlinga).

Narvik municipal archives: LKABs styrelses berättelse for åra 1919–1920, 1921–1922, 1925–1926, 1926–1927, 1930–1931. Arkiv II-E-5-n-4. Årsberetning for Narvik Offentlige arbeidskontor 1922. Jul. Brekkes. Arkiv VII-E-8-h. Jul. B. Olsen og O. Chr. Normann: Til Stortinget. Ad: Veiforbindelsen Frydenlund- Oskarsborg. Arkiv II-E.

Private archives, The TGO-archive, Swedish Nartional Archives, Arninge, Stockholm: TGO-protokoll for 1904, 1906, 1907.TGO-arkivet. SRA-Arninge. TGO 1-598 og 2- 599. Statistik 1880–1956. TGO-arkivet. SRA-Arninge.

The Norwegian National archives, Oslo, Statistics Norway: The company census of 1936. (Bedriftsteljinga Narvik 1936)

NEWSPAPERS Fremover, 1908–1909, 1959 Nordlys, Tromsø, 1927 Ofotens Tidende, 1899.

WEBSITE CONTENT “The Swedish Academy, digital dictonary”, Den Svenska akademin. Accessed 15 March 2018. https://www.saob.se/artikel/?seek=rallare&pz=2. “The Winter Festival of Narvik”, Vinterfestuka i Narvik, Accessed 12 March 2018. http://www. vinterfestuka.no/sub_body.asp?meny_parent=596&side_id=303&divisjon=hovedsider&meny_ id=596. “Thomas, Sidney Gilchrist”, Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Accessed 2 April 2019. https:// academic.eb.com/levels/collegiate/article/Sidney-Gilchrist-Thomas/72175. “Norgeshistorie.no”, Norgeshistorie.no. Accessed 2 November 2018. https://www. norgeshistorie.no/industrialisering-og-demokrati/kommunikasjon-og-kunnskap/1505-pa- fl yttefot-til-og-innen-norge.html. “Svenska akademins ordbok”, Accessed 1 October 2018. https://www.saob.se.

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Legislative Interventions into the Creation of Local Political Elites as an Instrument of Anti-Jewish Policy during the Holocaust (A Comparative View)*

Zuzana Tokárová vol. 8, 2019, 1, pp. 80-109 DOI: https://doi.org/10.33542/MAD2019-1-04

The extension of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the fi rst half of the twentieth century, which hit most European states, required political interferences within the highest legislative and executive authorities of states as well as in local administrations and bodies of self-government. Legislative interventions resulted in the formation of new local political elites whose representatives, mostly recruited by the criterion of political reliability, held the defi ning positions and played the signifi cant role in implementing anti-Jewish policy during the Holocaust era. The main aim of this contribution is the analysis of the mechanisms of legislative interventions into the creation of new local political elites in selected examples of Nazi-occupied countries (General Government, Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia) and allied regimes (Slovak State and Hungary).

Keywords: Local Political Elites. Local Administration. Self-Government. Nazi-Occupied Countries. Legal Rules. Anti-Jewish Policy. Holocaust.

Introduction In the short period from the German invasion of Poland and the outbreak of World War II in September 1939 until mid-1941, Nazi Germany was able to gain control over most of continental Europe. While some countries were fully incorporated into the Third Reich or were put under direct Nazi military occupation, other countries and newly- formed states became German war allies which, whilst being de jure independent of the Third Reich, were, however, fully serving its ideas. Nazi power or the newly-constituted non-democratic regimes in allied countries were accompanied by changes within the highest legislative and executive state authorities, which naturally resulted in political interferences at the lower levels of local administrations and the authorities of self-government. This process also resulted in the exchange of local political elites. A thorough knowledge of the composition and tasks of local elites, as political authorities with various levels of political infl uence, is a key element in understanding the character and the diversity of the non-democratic regimes. The total scope of the application of non-democratic principles (the “success” or “eff ectiveness” of regimes) was signifi cantly dependent not only on the central organs, but also on the performance, abilities, loyalty and behaviour of the elites at regional or local level, elites whose representatives were responsible for the process of local policy making and who played a signifi cant role in implementing anti-Jewish policy during the Holocaust era. The research on elites is currently multifaceted, and it can be analysed across several dimensions. One of these dimensions relates to the social background of an elite’s members and the positions held preceding their entering the elite, the course of their careers or their personal characteristics. Another dimension refers to whether the members of an elite share common ideological models and styles of

* This article is published as part of the grant project VEGA 1/0254/17 Strategies of Surviving the Holocaust and Urban Elites.

80 MESTO a DEJINY control. One specifi c dimension entails the study of circulation within an elite, not only how long members remain in their positions, but also how the exchange of that elite’s membership takes place (evolutionary or revolutionary). A valid and important dimension of elite research refers to the interlinking of an elite (social, economic or ideological connection), that is, whether their members constitute a coherent elite or, on the contrary, are inconsistent. The communication and interaction of the members of elite with the masses, i.e., with people who do not belong among that elite (upward or downward communication, or the role played by mediating groups), and mechanisms leading to social interaction within the elite are also important in elite analysis.1 One of the key problems in understanding the role of the political elite in a non-democratic regime is undoubtedly the role of the regime in the shaping of that elite and the regime’s related legitimacy. The legitimacy of the elite in a non-democratic regime is ensured by ideology, which, enforcing universal moral principles, attempts to justify the existence of a ruling class and convinces the masses of the legitimacy of the power of the elite.2 In this paper, the focus of attention is on the role of non-democratic regimes in the formation or the exchange of local political elites in relation to the establishment and consolidation of non-democratic regimes and to the occupation by Nazi Germany. The main aim is the analysis of the mechanisms of the creation of new local political elites in selected countries of Nazi-occupied Europe during the Second World War.3 The subject of the research is l egal rules adopted by the contemporary legislatures and by the occupying power (regulations, legal acts, governmental or other decrees, etc.). Through their example can be explored dynamics of the transfer of political power as well as accompanying features related to the exchange of local elites such as, for example, the implementation of anti-Jewish policies by the removal of Jewish members from executive components of administrations, possibly speeding up the implementation of anti-Jewish measures by the appointment of offi cials loyal to the over-arching Nazi regime. In individual countries of Nazi-dominated Europe, the mechanism of power transfer was characterized by those countries own rules and had their own historical, ideological and political backgrounds and forms depending on the degree of control by the Third Reich. In this paper I try to provide a comparative view on the scale of the legislative interventions in selected examples of Nazi-occupied countries (General Government, Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia) and the allied regimes (Slovak State, Hungary). The achievement of the above-mentioned aim can facilitate the fulfi lment of the following research objectives: to analyse the nature of legislative measures taken in the fi eld of executive units of individual countries; to explore the chronology of the legislative processes in selected countries; and to assess similarities and diff erences between the power transfer mechanisms in the four selected countries depending on the infl uence of Nazi Germany. The purpose of this research is not the analysis of the specifi c personnel changes at the district or municipality level in the form of microstudies, which are beyond the scope of this discussion. The analysis according

1 On issues of theoretical concepts of elite research see: WASNER, Eliten in Europa, 23–27. 2 Blackwellova encyklopedie, 99. 3 The analysis of the mechanism in individual countries cannot be strictly linked to the defi ned time frame of the duration of the Second World War (1939-1945) and must be exceeded. The attention is therefore paid also to the period before the outbreak of World War II (meaning the autumn of 1938).

81 MESTO a DEJINY to the above-mentioned objectives is perceived as a precursor to, and as a basis for, further research towards to the understanding and knowledge of the nature of non- democratic regimes, knowledge which can help to shed new light on the process of German Gleichschaltung. In terms of methodology, the research is based primarily on content and contextual analysis of the legal rules, allowing the assessment of historical and political factors and circumstances and the nature of the power transfer mechanisms at a local level as well as the consequences of the adoption of legislative measures. Legal rules adopted in the individual countries are available in preserved contemporary period collections of laws and regulations.4 The content and contextual analysis is further supplemented by comparative analysis on selected examples of Nazi-occupied countries. The selection of countries is built on Hagen Fleischer’s concept, which distinguishes between countries of Nazi occupation and domination in Europe according to the political- ideological motives and the military-strategic interests of Germany. It was political, military-strategic and economic as well as ideological factors that determined the various forms of Nazi occupation and administration during World War II. Within the categories laid down in Fleischer’s concept, this study analyses countries from both groups defi ned – Czechoslovakia (the Slovak State and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia) represents a country whose conquest was based on the hegemonic interests of the Third Reich while Hungary is one of the countries whose occupation was considered militarily necessary or which were occupied during the war to ensure the original “possession”. In the analysis is included also Poland, in whose case not only strategic but also racially-ideological, political, economic and psychopathological

4 The offi cial publication of German laws with validity in the occupied territories was the German offi cial gazette Deutsches Reichsgesetzblatt. Legal rules adopted for the territory of the General Government were formally published in Das Recht des Generalgouvernements. In addition, Polish law remained in force and it was published in 1939-1940 in Verordnungsblatt des Generalgouverneurs für die Besetzten Polnischen Gebiete with the Polish title Dziennik Rozporządzeń Generalnego Gubernatora dla Okupowanych Polskich Obszarów. After September 1940 the collection was renamed to Verordnungsblatt für das Generalgouvernement with the Polish title Dziennik rozporządzeń dla Generalnego Gubernatorstwa. The Reich laws applicable to the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia became valid through publication in the Deutsches Reichsgesetzblatt, or in the legal bulletins of its various ministries. The collection of regulations, decrees and orders for the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia issued by the Reich Protector valid within the protectorate was the offi cial gazette of the Reich Protector Verordnungsblatt des Reichsprotektors in Böhmen und Mähren with the Czech title Věstník nařízení Reichsprotektora in Böhmen und Mähren. In March 1941, the Czech title of the collection was modifi ed to Věstník nařízení říšského protektora v Čechách a na Moravě and after 1942 the Czech title was removed. During the military occupation in 1939, until entering Constantine von Neurath as the fi rst Reich Protector, the legislation was issued by the German Minister of State for Bohemia and Moravia in the collection of regulations for Bohemia and Moravia Verordnungsblatt für Böhmen und Mähren. The regulations issued during the military occupation by the Chiefs of Civil Administration were published in Ústřední list for the territory of Bohemia and for the territory of Moravia in Ústřední list zemského úradu v Brně. In addition, there was issued Czech autonomous legislation in the collection of laws and regulations with the name Sbírka zákonů a nařízení státu česko-slovenského. In 1939 the collection was renamed to Sbírka zákonů a nařízení republiky Česko-Slovenské [Sammlung der Gesetze und Verordnungen]. On 15 March 1939 the collection was retitled Sbírka zákonů a nařízení and from the end of September 1939 the collection was called Sbírka zákonů a nařízení Protektorátu Čechy a Morava. From August 1940 the collection was bilingual with the German name Sammlung der Gesetze und Verordnungen des Protektorates Böhmen und Mähren. The autonomous legislation was published also in Nové zákony a nařízení Protektorátu Čechy a Morava, Věstník ministerstva vnitra, the gazette of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia with the title Úřední list Protektorátu Čechy a Morava [Amtsblatt des Protektorates Böhmen und Mähren], etc. In the Slovak State the legal rules were published in Slovenský zákonník, Úradné noviny or Krajinský vestník pre Slovensko. In Hungary the legal rules were published in Magyar Törvénytár, Országos Törvénytár or Belügyi Közlöny, etc.

82 MESTO a DEJINY reasons for occupation prevailed.5 On the one hand, each of the countries analysed was politically autonomous; on the other hand, the level of infl uence of the Third Reich and the direct interventions of the German authorities into political events and the countries’ administrations, with respect to the aforementioned interests and motives of Germany, diff ered. Grounds for comparison are also based upon signifi cant diff erences in the national compositions of the countries, diff ering systems of administration and diff ering stages of political development and methods of government relating to political developments in the preceding, interwar period. Whereas in Poland (after the establishment of military dictatorship of Piłsudski in 1926) and in Hungary (after Miklós Horthy became a regent of the Hungarian Kingdom in 1920) authoritarian regimes were established, interw ar Czechoslovakia, as a multi-ethnic country with a pluralist democracy, guaranteed the protection of minority rights in its Constitutional Act of 1920 including the same political rights for all groups within the population. In connection with the above-mentioned analysis a diachronic approach is used, which allows us to observe the changes that occurred in each country over a specifi ed period in parallel with the thought timeline. The diachronic approach is combined with a synchronic approach allowing us to confront transformations in several locations (countries) within the same time frame and playing a key role in the application of the aforementioned comparative analysis. Methodologically, the research is built also on the study of the results of previous research and current debates. The issue of the national-socialist German occupation policy in western, central and central-eastern Europe is a relatively well-explored area.6 Similarly, nowadays, we can fi nd valuable results from systematic research focused on the issue of the interaction of Nazi Germany with local politics in occupied countries, off ering a multifaceted view of their relationships and collaboration with occupation forces.7 A special topic deserving wider examination, especially in terms of a comparative perspective, is the issue of the support of local elites concerning anti-Jewish policy, since their having a key role in general is indisputable and it is an important subject in the broader fi eld of Holocaust research. Therefore, more attention is being given, at present, to research on the involvement and accountability of the civil administrators and state offi cials of local bureaucratic apparatuses, the matter being covered in an increasing number of case studies. These very eff ectively off er well documented cases at the level of regions and cities in the individual Nazi occupied

5 For more on Fleischer’s concept and the policy of national-socialist domination see: H IRSCHFELD, Formy nacionálno-socialistickej okupačnej politiky, 12–13; or FLEISCHER, Nationalsozialistische Besatzungsherrschaft im Vergleich, 257–302. 6 See, e.g.: LEMKIN, Axis Rule. KROENER – MÜLLER – UMBREIT, Germany and the Second World War. MAJER, “Non-Germans” Under the Third Reich. WEVER – GOETHEM – WOUTERS, Local Government in Occupied Europe. A systematic view on the development of the German administration of individual occupied territories or allied countries is provided also in older but still valuable studies, e.g.: GROS S, Polish Society under German Occupation. BR OSZAT, Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik. BERENSTEIN – RUTKOWSKI, Niemiecka administracja wojskowa na okupowanych ziemiach polskich. BÜHLER, Das Generalgouvernement. KONIE CZNY – KRUSZEWSKI, Historia administracji na ziemiach polskich. UMBR EIT, Deutsche Militärverwaltungen. BRAN DES, Die Tschechen unter deutschem Protektorat. MAST NY, The Czechs Under Nazi Rule. 7 On the issue of collaboration with occupants see e.g.: POHL, Collaboration and the Holocaust. QUINKERT – DIECKMANN – TÖNSMEYER, Kooperation und Verbrechen. FELDMAN – SEIBEL, Networks of Nazi Persecution, 141–258.

83 MESTO a DEJINY territories and allied countries.8 Despite the growing interest of historians, this question remains far from exhausted and further systematic and in-depth analysis of data collected from direct archival research, along with comparative-oriented research as well as detailed case studies, is needed. We cannot yet, in the current state of knowledge, answer all the major questions relating to such a wide and complicated issue and long-term research is required.

Theoretical Framework Before analysing the legislative measures adopted in individual countries, I will try to briefl y defi ne the concept of local elites for the purposes of this contribution, with regard to the absence of a generally valid and common theory for the defi nition of the term “elite”. The theoretical framework to defi ne the term “elite”9 in this paper is based on the so-called power line of elite concepts relating to the theories of Gaetano Mosca, Robert Michels, Sorel von Wiese, C. Wright Mills, James Burnham and, partially, Vilfredo Pareto.10 According to this power line, the term “elite” is identifi ed with the “ruling class” and restricted only to the fi eld of power in the meaning of the Mosca concept.11 Therefore, I defi ne the term “elite” as a small group with a dominant infl uence in whose hands is concentrated the political authority and whose infl uence determines the further direction of social and political development. Similarly, a “power elite” is defi ned by Mills as “composed of men whose positions enable them to transcend the ordinary environments of ordinary men and women; they are in positions to make decisions having major consequences”.12 In the literature, we can also see the term “strategic elite” because this grouping has more social weight and its activities have greater signifi cance for society than other elite groupings (e.g., economic elite).13 In this meaning, the term “elite” covers a privileged functional elite whose members hold the highest positions at the state level, but also at the level of local politics, and monopolize power and enjoy its advantages while, in contrast, there are numerous groups of politically inactive people controlled and directed by this elite.14 An important role is played by the fact that access to political offi ces is strictly limited to this relatively small and cohesive social group whose members have a commonality of interests15 and participate (or are at least close to) political decision-making on serious matters of society’s development (economic, political, cultural, etc.). With respect to the above-mentioned defi nition, local political elites include the members of local government and self-government authorities holding executive or

8 On the issue of local initiatives in the implementation of anti-Jewish policy in Nazi Germany see for example case-studies by Wolf Gruner: GRUNER, Öff entliche Wohlfahrt Und Judenverfolgung. GRUNER, The German Council of Municipalities; or GRUNER, Local Initiatives, 269–294. 9 In the 17th century, the term “élite” referred to commodities of extraordinary quality, later it referred to higher social classes, e.g. higher nobility or prestigious military units. For more see: BOTTOMORE, Elites and Society, 1–14. 10 BIRCH, The Concepts & Theories, 228. JODL, Teorie elity, 74. 11 For more about the Mosca concept see, e.g.: MOSCA, The Ruling Class. 12 MILLS, The Power Elite, 3–4. 13 KELLER, Elites, 26. 14 MOSCA, The Ruling Class, 50. NÁRTA, Teorie elit, 77–78. 15 BIRCH, The Concepts & Theories, 227.

84 MESTO a DEJINY regulatory competencies within their political area16 (civil servants appointed to their positions at the level of counties, districts or municipalities, and elected members of self-governing bodies).

Interv entions in the German-Occupied Countries (General Government and Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia) As already mentioned, the mechanism and scope of interventions both in the composition of local and municipal self-government authorities and in the formation of new local political elites were diff erent in individual countries and depended on the scale of German infl uence. In the incorporated countries (in which the Nazi aim was the total assimilation of all political, social, economic and cultural institutions) an administrative system was automatically established according to the German pattern of administration. A slightly diff erent situation existed in non-incorporated areas, for example, the General Government or the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which were not directly attached to the Reich, but were occupied by German forces. In the case of the Protectorate, this meant full economic cooperation and, partially, also political cooperation as well. In the General Government, as an area of German interest, this meant the intention of Germany to draw from this territory raw materials, food, labour, etc. In these countries Nazi rule was introduced in the form of the civil administration, which was deployed in “areas of settlement” with the colonization which had already begun during the war. Germany usurped the sovereignty by various legislative acts, which created the fundamental framework for the German occupational administration, by changing laws or by introducing a German pattern of administration, despite the fact that, after the start of the occupation, Germany had initially declared that the local legislation and law would remain in force unless it was contrary to Germany’s occupation policy, the security of German troops and the purpose of warfare.17 Immediately after the start of the Nazi occupation of the Polish territory, a military administration [Militärverwaltung] was established in Poland, lasting to 25 October 1939.18 In the fi rst weeks of the war, preparations for the organization of the occupation administration began. The draft on the establishment of a military administration in occupied eastern territories was issued by Adolf Hitler on 8 September 1939. It became the basis for the Führer Decree on the organization of the military administration in the occupied former Polish territories issued on 25 September 1939.19 Based on the afore-mentioned decree, in addition to establishing the military administration, the territorial organization of the civil administration, its hierarchical structure and also the engagement of former Polish offi cials were regulated.20 The civil administration was headed by the Chiefs of Civil Administration [Chef der Zivilverwaltung], whose task was, in close cooperation with the army and the police, to secure the uniform management and administration of their area.21 The original German plans for administration of

16 See: ŘÍCHOVÁ, Analýza politiky, 21. 17 LEMKIN, Axis Rule, 8–9, 25. HIRSCHFELD, Formy nacionálno-socialistickej okupačnej politiky, 14. 18 After 25 October 1939, the German military government was dissolved and simultaneously on the occupied Polish territory the civil administration structures were established. 19 Erlaß des Führers über die Organisation der Militärverwaltung in den besetzten ehemals polnischen Gebieten von 25. September 1939. See: MOLL, Führer Erlasse, 97–99. 20 More see: KOZYRA, Okupacyjna administracja, 37–38. 21 BÖHLER, Ordinary Clerks. See also e.g.: MUSIAL, Deutsche Zivilverwaltung.

85 MESTO a DEJINY occupied Poland assumed that all top administrative posts would be staff ed by Germans, and former Polish civil servants would be employed in subordinate posts as an auxiliary staff . One of the main intentions was also the introduction of a unifi ed law throughout the territory of the Reich, including the occupied territories. The concept of the unifi ed administration22 (the most eager supporter of this principle being the Governor General Hans Frank) was based on the elimination of the departmental principle and of special administration, and their consolidation under a single leadership. This meant that, at all levels, the administration was to be headed by a Chief Administrator, who was to hold all the power and responsibility in his hands. The intended principle of the unifi ed administration was also characterized by the politicization of administration, which meant that administrative leadership at all levels was also to be the party leadership, and, consequently, the dualism of state and Party was to be removed. For several reasons the principle of unifi ed administration was not fully implemented.23 The original plans remained at the theoretical stage, not only for political reasons, but also because of high demands on the leader’s position, and ultimately also for a lack of qualifi ed staff .24 Later, after the abolition of the military administration, according to the Decree of the Führer and Reich Chancellor concerning the administration of the occupied Polish territories of 12 October 1939, taking eff ect on 25 October 1939, all branches of the administration in the newly established General Government for the occupied Polish territories [Generalgouvernement für die besetzten polnischen Gebiete] were directed by the Governor General for the occupied Polish territories.25 The decree was based on the leadership principle [Führerprinzip] as well as the principle of unifi ed administration.26 The basic principles of the civil administrative structure in the General Government were defi ned by the First Decree on the Development of the Administration in the Occupied Polish Territories, issued by the Governor General on 26 October 1939.27 According to this decree, the four districts [dystrykt/Distrikt] of the General Government into which the territory was divided28 were headed by the District Chiefs [szef dystryktu/Distriktschef],29 who were subordinate to the Governor General and were responsible for managing the district’s entire administration. These senior posts

22 In 1935 the unifi ed regulation of public administration was introduced by the German Municipal Code of 30 January 1935 for the whole territory of Germany. The activity of the self-government bodies was entirely subordinate to the state and Party. The introduction of this act meant the intervention of the state and Party in the personal composition of the Municipal Assembly, and also the replacement of previous structures of eligibility by direct appointment. See: Deutsches Reichsgesetzblatt (hereinafter RGBl.) I, 1935, 49 (Die Deutsche Gemeindeordnung vom 30. Januar 1935). 23 MAJER, “Non-Germans”, 275–279. 24 For more see: ROTH, Herrenmenschen, 69. 25 RGBl. I, 1939, 2077 (Erlaß des Führers und Reichskanzlers über die Verwaltung der besetzten polnischen Gebiete vom 12. Oktober 1939). It was partially modifi ed by a decree of 7 May 1942. See: RGBl. I, 1942, 294 (Erlaß des Führers über die Verwaltung im Generalgouvernement vom 7. Mai 1942). 26 KOZYRA, Okupacyjna administracja, 42–44. 27 Verordnungsblatt des Generalgouverneurs für die Besetzten Polnischen Gebiete (hereinafter VOBl. GG) I, 1939, 3 (Erste Verordnung über den Aufbau der Verwaltung der besetzten polnischen Gebiete vom 26. Oktober 1939 = Pierwsze rozporządzenie o odbudowie administracji okupowanych polskich obszarów z dnia 26 października 1939 r). 28 The territory of the General Government was divided into districts: Krakow, Lublin, Radom and Warsaw. After the attack on the Soviet Union, newly conquered Galicia was added as the fi fth district of the General Government. 29 In 1940 this post was re-assigned to the Governor [Gouverneur/Gubernator].

86 MESTO a DEJINY in the civil administration were occupied by Germans30 – naturally, only longstanding party members. At the lower and lowest levels, the German administration supervised and controlled the Polish local community administration,31 the structure of which was prescribed by a regulation of 28 November 1939.32 The districts were divided into rural and urban counties [powiat/Landkreis und Stadtkreis] administered by the Offi ces of the County Governor [Kreishauptmannschaft] or in larger autonomous cities by the Offi ces of the City Governor [Stadthauptmannschaft]. Counties were further divided into municipal and village communes [miasto, wieś] headed by appointed Mayors or Commune and Village Administrators [burmistrz, wójt or sołtys].33 The Mayors appointed fi ve or ten advisers (depending on the number of inhabitants) who were to assist them in the administration of the municipalities. In addition, a Special Commissioner was also appointed (by the District Chiefs/Governor) to act in the municipalities with the Mayor.34 The immediate superior bodies to the Village Councils and Administrators were the County/City Governors [Kreishauptmann/Stadthauptmann], who as the functionaries of the occupying administration utilized these units as an executive arm. The County/ City Governors had the power to abolish, modify, replace or forbid all self-government regulations. Thus, Polish, Ukrainian or ethnic German offi cials were subject to unlimited control by the German authorities. The structure created in this way was intended to eliminate Polish autonomy and to prevent the formation of a Polish elite from the beginning of Poland’s occupation.35 Interestingly, according to research by Markus Roth, the group of County/City Governors was relatively homogeneous in terms of social background, education and training. Despite the fact that one of the main selection criteria was NSDAP membership, the vast majority of individuals included in these posts came from a middle-class bourgeois background and had a good education, though almost half of them achieved offi ce without prior administrative experience.36 In the period that followed, further steps were taken to build up the occupational administration and end self-government. On 27 June 1940 the Regulation on Creation and Administration of Municipal Associations in the General Government was issued,37 on the basis of which the Municipal Associations [związek gmin] in each county were established as “territorial public corporations” and they were to be self-government bodies with their own responsibility. Although the Municipal Associations acted as self- governing units and took over the assets of previous self-governing units, according to § 2, item. 3, they were not their predecessors’ legal successors. According to § 6 of this regulation, it was possible for these bodies to establish their own legal advisory boards, but in practice this was not allowed. As a result, Mayors and Village Administrators

30 SKIBIŃSKA, Guide to the Sources, 192–194. 31 KROENER – MÜLLER – UMBREIT, Germany and the Second World War. 32 VOBl. GG I, 1939, 71 (Verordnung über die Verwaltung der polnischen Gemeinden vom 28. November 1939 = Rozporządzenie o zarządzie gmin polskich z dnia 28 listopada 1939 r). 33 The Mayors, who headed the municipal administration, were appointed by the Governor General in communities of over 20,000 inhabitants (in smaller communities they were appointed by the Governor). VOBl. GG I, 1939, 71. See also: KOZYRA, Okupacyjna administracja, 42–44. SKIBIŃSKA, Guide to the Sources, 192–194. 34 LEMKIN, Axis Rule, 10–13, 225–226. 35 ROTH, Herrenmenschen, 83–84. 36 ROTH, Herrenmenschen, 426–427. 37 VOBl. GG I, 1940, 208 (Verordnung über Bildung und Verwaltung von Gemeindeverbänden im Generalgouvernement vom 27. Juni 1940 = Rozporządzenie o tworzeniu i administracji zwiazków gmin w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie z dnia 27 czerwca 1940 r).

87 MESTO a DEJINY became offi cials of the occupational administration, and the Municipal Councils, which had initially in 1939 continued to operate, were liquidated along with the whole Polish local self-government structure.38 In an eff ort to introduce full centralization and unifi ed administration in the General Government, there were issued two further regulations by the Governor General: the Second Decree on the Development of the Administration in the General Government (Decree on the Unifi ed Administration), on 1 December 1940,39 and the Third Decree on the Development of the Administration in the General Government, on 16 March 1941, 40 with eff ect from 1 April 1941.41 The afore-mentioned decrees regulated the responsibilities and subordination within the civil administration and confi rmed that the District Chiefs and the County/City Governors were, as the administrative authority, the sole representative of the General Government.42 Introducing Nazi rules generally meant the removing of the eligibility of local representative bodies, which were replaced by appointment, and they allowed not only central offi ces, but also local and municipal administrative positions to be occupied by local Germans, Volksdeutsche or Poles with pro-German sympathies.43 This ensured the implementation of anti-Jewish legal regulations (for example, introducing the marking of Jewish people with an armband, the prohibition of staying at an indicated place of accommodation, the prohibition of performing certain professions, etc.). The Jewish population was naturally excluded from any public positions, although it can be assumed that only a very small number of civil positions were occupied by members of the Jewish minority in the preceding years. Already early in the interwar period, only 2.23 % of Jews were working in the state administration in Poland and, at the beginning of the 1930s, this number decreased to 1 %, which represented a signifi cant disparity with regard to the high percentage of Jewish population in Polish society.44 With regards to the composition of the administrative authorities at the lower level, all members of public administration in the General Government had to submit proof of Aryan descent [Ariernachweis] and, on 31 July 1942, the Governor General issued

38 VOBl. GG I, 1940, 208–210 (Verordnung über Bildung und Verwaltung von Gemeindeverbänden im Generalgouvernement vom 27. Juni 1940 = Rozporządzenie o tworzeniu i administracji zwiazków gmin w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie z dnia 27 czerwca 1940 r). KOZYRA, Okupacyjna administracja, 46. 39 VOBl. GG I, 1940, 357 (Zweite Verordnung über den Aufbau der Verwaltung des Generalgouvernements (Verordnung über die Einheit der Verwaltung) vom 1. Dezember 1940 = Drugie rozporządzenie o odbudowie a Aministracji Generalnego Gubernatorstwa (Rozporządzenie o jednolitości Administracji) z dnia 1 grudnia 1940 r). 40 VOBl. GG I, 1941, 99 (Dritte Verordnung über den Aufbau der Verwaltung des Generalgouvernements (Gliederung der Regierung des Generalgouvernements) vom 16. März 1941 = Trzecie rozporządzenie o odbudowie Administracji Generalnego Gubernatorstwa (Organizacja Rządu Generalnego Gubernatorstwa) z dnia 16 marca 1941 r). 41 KOZYRA, Okupacyjna administracja, 46–47. 42 VOBl. GG I, 1940, 357 (Zweite Verordnung über den Aufbau der Verwaltung des Generalgouvernements (Verordnung über die Einheit der Verwaltung) vom 1. Dezember 1940 = Drugie rozporządzenie o odbudowie a Aministracji Generalnego Gubernatorstwa (Rozporządzenie o jednolitości Administracji) z dnia 1 grudnia 1940 r). 43 See: Poland under Nazi Rule. Confi dential Required Report Written by Vice Consul T. H. Chylinski, 1941, 44. Accessed January 20, 2018. https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/POLAND%20UNDER%20NAZI%20 RULE%201941_0001.pdf. See also: KROENER – MÜLLER – UMBREIT, Germany and the Second World War. 44 In the interwar period, the most numerous Jewish communities in Central Europe lived in Poland; for example, in 1931 the Jewish population represented 9.8 % of the population in the country. NIŽŇANSKÝ, Židovská komunita na Slovensku, 223–224.

88 MESTO a DEJINY a decree which ordered that all Polish servants still employed in the civil administration were to be dismissed.45 Case-studies investigating the civil administration in the districts of the General Government using a mostly a group-biographical and institutional approach of research confi rm the opinion that there is no doubt about the involvement of a signifi cant share of the civil administration and local administrative offi cers in the systematic implementation of anti-Jewish genocide policy.46 Various case studies provide convincing evidence from a detailed analysis of specifi c authorities and offi cials that it was not an anonymous bureaucratic apparatus with minimal freedom to carry out its activities. Bogdan Musial, on the basis of his research on civil administration on the selected example of the Lublin district, expresses the opinion that the majority of the civil authorities in the investigated district were directly involved in the implementation of anti-Jewish policy in order to isolate the Jewish population and remove their infl uence from the economy. Like members of the Schutzstaff el (SS) or police, members of the civil administration at all levels of the local bureaucracy were aware of their decisions, and were willing or even active in the persecution of the Jewish population, whereat the implementation of a local politics which was mainly based on decisions of the County/City Gov ernors. The day-to-day implementation of the anti- Jewish policy was largely decentralized, and the County/City Governors had a high degree of freedom in their actions within the districts.47 A similar conclusion is the result of research by Markus Roth reconstructing the social and political profi les of the County/ City Governors in the General Government and examining their role and importance in the German occupation policy of Poland. Roth demonstrated the direct involvement of the County/City Governors in the persecution of the Jewish population and showed that they had relatively great room for manoeuvre and freedom of choice in pursuing anti-Jewish policies.48 Therefore, the intensity of the anti-Jewish measures at a regional level was largely dependent on the personalities of County/City Governors. Many of them took offi ce with anti-Semitism already rooted and spontaneously took their own initiatives, which were not ordered by central authorities and which sometimes even confl icted with the basic lines of central anti-Jewish policy. They were gradually guiding the occupation policy in an increasingly radical direction, sometimes even beyond their competence. The prevailing anti-Semitic consensus within the administration, with a corrupt and violent social environment acting as a catalyst, signifi cantly accelerated sociological changes in values.49 The appointment of Germans to central authorities and local administrative offi ces was similarly allowed in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The fi rst signifi cant personnel changes had already taken place during the post-Munich Second Republic, not only in the posts of the highest state authorities, but also in the fi eld of local administration and self-government. These changes were related to the formation of a new regime and the attempt to remove the exponents of the former “Beneš regime” and persons of Jewish origin. In December 1938, several District Assemblies were

45 If they or their spouses were of Jewish or half-Jewish descent. MAJER, “Non-Germans”, 298. 46 See, e.g.: POHL, The Murder of Jews, 92. 47 MUSIAL, Deutsche Zivilverwaltung, 4, 61. 48 ROTH, Herrenmenschen, 72. 49 ROTH, Herrenmenschen, 430–432. For further case studies see also, e.g.: P OHL, Von der “Judenpolitik” zum Judenmord. SEIDEL, Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in Polen. M ŁYNARCZYK, Judenmord in Zentralpolen.

89 MESTO a DEJINY dissolved by the Ministry of the Interior with the statement that the seats of these offi ces were outside the territory of Czecho-Slovakia, or that their composition no longer corresponded to the new political and national composition that had occurred in the republic as a result of the border changes after the Munich Agreement. These District Assemblies were replaced by the Administrative Committee.50 These and similar measures were adopted under the Constitutional Act of 1938 Sb. z. a n.51 and, on 27 January 1939, the Government Decree, which did not allow Jewish civil servants to remain in active service, was adopted.52 During January and February 1939, in several cities there were changes in the posts of Mayors who were forced to resign as unsatisfactory persons, and Municipal Councils were disbanded on the grounds that they were unable to perform the tasks assigned to them.53 According to the Government Decree of 3 February 1939, Municipal or (in more instances) District Secretaries were appointed in municipalities as stated by the government. The Secretaries (civil servants who exercised the transferred competence of the municipality and who had signifi cant supervisory and advisory powers) were authorised to propose the annulment of any orders of Mayors, Municipal Assemblies and Councils which they considered a threat to municipal or state interests.54 After the start of the Nazi occupation of this territory by German military units on 15 March 1939, the area was, for several weeks, as the General Government, subjected to a military administration led by the Commander Generals and the civil administration led by the Chiefs of Civil Administration [Chef der Zivilverwaltung].55 At the middle level, Administrative Chiefs at Army Corps Headquarters [Korpsverwaltungschef] were subordinate to the Chiefs of Civil Administration and at the lowest level of German administration the offi ces of Oberlandrats were established according to the Reich pattern as basic units of the German military political administration. Their task was to manage the lower units of the occupation administration and to supervise the activities of the autonomous bodies of the Czech administration and organs of self-government. This meant that, until 15 April 1939, a civil occupation apparatus built on strict subordination supervised the Protectorate’s government and the whole administration, and, irrespective of the law in force, interfered with its activities.56 Although, according to Article 3 of the Decree of the Führer and Reich

50 SCHELLE, Organizace veřejné správy, 173. 51 Constitutional Act No. 330/1938 Sb. z. a n. of 15 December 1938 authorized the President for two years to issue decrees with the power of constitutional act (used only once), and also authorized the government to take all necessary measures (with the consent of the State President) which otherwise would have required an act. The National Assembly was dissolved by the President on 21 March 1939; as a result, the only autonomous legislative body was the Protectorate government. See: Sbírka zákonů a nařízení státu česko-slovenského, 1938, 1205 (Ústavný zákon č. 330/1938 Sb. z. a n. zo dňa 15. decembra 1938 o zmocnení ku zmenám ústavnej listiny a ústavných zákonov republiky Česko-Slovenskej a o mimoriadnej moci nariaďovacej). The validity of this Constitutional Act was later unlimitedly extended by the order of the Reich Protector of 12 December 1940. See: Verordnungsblatt des Reichsprotektors in Böhmen und Mähren (Hereinafter VOBl. R. Prot.), 1940, 604. 52 Sbírka zákonů a nařízení státu republiky Česko-Slovenské, 1939, 42 (vládní nařízení č. 15/1939 Sb. z. a n. ze dne 27. ledna 1939 o přezkoumání česko-slovenského státního občanství některých osob). 53 SCHELLE, Organizace veřejné správy, 173. 54 BALÍK, Komunální politika, 53. 55 GRUNER, Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, 104. 56 Military administration in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia lasted until the onset of the Reich Protector in Bohemia and Moravia Konstantin von Neurath. See: BRANDES, Češi pod německým protektorátem, 30–31.

90 MESTO a DEJINY

Chancellor concerning the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia of 16 March 1939,57 the Protectorate was declared an autonomous area with rights to administer its territory itself and the exercise of paramount rights to be ensured by its own offi ces and its own offi cials in accordance with the political, military and economic needs of the Reich, its autonomy could be de facto limited or totally removed at any time. The changes of law were adopted by the Czech government under pressure from Germany or directly by the German authorities.58 The civil administration of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia was thus characterized by a specifi c feature – a dualism which was to be further profi led after the end of the military occupation, and which would create from the Protectorate a specifi c type of occupation regime which diff ered from most Nazi occupation regimes in Europe. After the abolition of the military occupation, the introduction of centralization and the principle of the unifi ed administration in the Protectorate of Boh emia and Moravia was not immediately possible; as a result, the Reich intended to gradually transfer important posts to German hands by replacing native District Chiefs [okresn í hejtman] with Germans or by assigning its own supervisory offi cials.59 This meant the building up of the German administration at all levels to control the Czech autonomous local authorities, which the Protectorate’s government kept in its hands, for the governance of the country. The placement of Germans in the Protectorate’s autonomous administrative bodies was made possible by the publication of the Reich ordinance of 20 April 193960 regarding the acquisition of German citizenship by former Czechoslovak subjects of German nationality, according to which any Germans resident in Bohemia and Moravia (not only Germans who were natives of Bohemia and Moravia or who had lived there before 16 March 1939) had conferred upon them the rights of subjects of the Protectorate and could consequently be installed in offi ces of the autonomous Protectorate government to entrench German control over Protectorate institutions.61 The power of the Reich Protector to control the whole autonomous administration was enshrined in Hitler’s order concerning the authority to promulgate laws in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia of 7 June 1939.62 The Reich Protector had the power to change local law and autonomous regulations if the common interest of the Reich and the Protectorate required it; and the orders and measures issued by the

57 RGBl. I, 1939, 485 (Erlaß des Führers und Reichskanzlers über das Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 16. März 1939); VOBl. R. Prot., 1939, 7 (Erlaß des Führers und Reichskanzlers über das Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 16. März 1939 = Výnos Vůdce a říšského kancléře o Protektorátu Čechy a Morava ze dne 16. března 1939). During 1939 the Decree was supplemented by other legal documents: RGBl. I, 1939, 549 (Verordnung zum Erlaß des Führers und Reichskanzlers über das Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 22. März 1939) and RGBl. I, 1939, 1681 (Verordnung über den Aufbau der Verwaltung und die Deutsche Sicherheitspolizei im Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 1. September 1939). 58 LEMKIN, Axis Rule, 26–27. 59 KROENER – MÜLLER – UMBREIT, Germany and the Second World War. 60 RGBl. I, 1939, 815 (Verordnung über den Erwerb der deutschen Staatsangehörigkeit durch frühere tschecho- slowakische Staatsangehörige deutscher Völkszugehörigkeit vom 20. April 1939). 61 JACOBY, Racial State, 65. 62 RGBl. I, 1939, 1039 (Verordnung über das Rechtsetzungsrecht im Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 7. Juni 1939) or VOBl. R. Prot., 1939, 37 (Verordnung über das Rechtsetzungsrecht im Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 7. Juni 1939 = Nařízení o právu vydávati právní předpisy v Protektoratu Böhmen und Mähren ze dne 7. června 1939).

91 MESTO a DEJINY

Reich offi ces could not be examined by courts or other administrative authorities of autonomous administration.63 The power to make any changes in the Protectorate administration, and thus, de facto, to limit the autonomous rights in the Protectorate, was later enshrined also in the Decree of the Führer concerning administration in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia of 7 May 1942.64 Germans thus controlled the autonomous authorities and also interfered with their composition and radically restricted their scope of competence, which fi nally led to its own occupation administration. As was mentioned, there was a gradual build-up of a strongly centralized occupation apparatus; the administration was restricted, and self-government was gradually liquidated. In many cities and municipalities with a German minority (even in some cities inhabited by a purely Czech population or with a minimal element of a German minority, such as Brno or Olomouc), the Municipal Assemblies were dissolved, and the Mayors were replaced by appointed German Government Commissioners [Regierungskommissar/vládní komisař]. Mayors, Municipal Assemblies and Municipal Councils had previously remained in cities with prevalently Czech populaces; however, later, the Mayors gradually assumed a key position, and were entrusted with a mandate to convene the Municipal Assemblies and the Municipal Councils only in case of need. Beside the Mayor was also installed a so-called Attache [přidělenec], most often a German offi cer, and German members were appointed to the Municipal Assemblies in many municipalities. Also, some District Assemblies were dissolved, and their power was transferred to the District Chiefs [okresní hejtman] or the German District Chiefs [Kreishauptmann].65 The German infl uence also gradually grew through the internal structures of autonomous authorities in cities and districts with a larger Czech share of the population. On 12 December 1939, the cities of the Protectorate were subjected to the same principles that had been established for the Reich administration by the German Municipal Code of 30 January 1935.66 At the end of December 1939, 95 municipalities were under German leadership, and by the end of 1940 the number was 125. Later, all localities with more than 25,000 inhabitants (except for Prague and Pilsen, where Germans held the position of Deputy Mayors) were governed by Germans.67 Another of the legal possibilities for the gradual removal of inconvenient offi cials was the requirement to have a compulsory knowledge of the German language as a condition for the further placement of senior offi cials of the Protectorate administration at all levels, this being introduced on 23 May 1940, based on the order of the Reich Protector. In December of that year, the regulations on the personnel constitution of

63 The Protector’s power was later extended by the order of 1 September 1939. See: RGBl. I, 1939, 1681 (Verordnung über den Aufbau der Verwaltung und die Deutsche Sicherheitspolizei im Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 1. September 1939); and later by Hitler’s Decree issued in mid-November 1940, on the basis of which the Reich Protector was authorized to appoint and to dismiss Reich offi cials. 64 RGBl. I, 1942, 329 (Erlaß des Führers über die Verwaltung im Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 7. Mai 1942); VOBl. R. Prot., 1942, 117. 65 SCHELLE, Organizace veřejné správy, 175–177, 181. 66 RGBl. I, 1935, 49 (Die Deutsche Gemeindeordnung vom 30. Januar 1935). All municipalities annexed by Germany after 1 October 1938 as a result of the Munich Agreement were governed according to the Order of 10 November 1938 by the German Municipal Code of 30 January 1935. RGBl. I, 1938, 1614 (Verordnung über die Einführung der Deutschen Gemeindeordnung in den sudetendeutschen Gebieten vom 10. November 1938). 67 GRUNER, Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, 115.

92 MESTO a DEJINY local self-government bodies were modifi ed, which speeded up the whole process of Germanization.68 By the end of 1941, German officials almost fully staffed the autonomous offi ces. This was also related to the eff ort of Germans to remove the dual system of administration, as the autonomous offi ces were de facto German.69 During the drafting of the proposal for administrative reform by Reich Protector Reinhard Heydrich on 14 November 1941, there was a clear intention for the wide-scale involvement of German offi cials in the autonomous administration in accordance with the principle that the autonomous government was to be liquidated from within and that, with a minimum of manpower, all possibilities for control of the Protectorate territory were to be maximized.70 After obtaining the authorization to reorganize the administration on the basis of the Decree of the Führer concerning the administration in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia of 7 May 1942,71 Heydrich issued, on 23 May 1942, the Decree on “Reichsauftragsverwaltung” in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia (im Auftrage des Reichs),72 according to which part of the agenda and powers of the Oberlandrats were transferred to the Czech administrative autonomous authorities for districts, on the basis of which action the administrative offi ces in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia were bound by the instructions of the Reich authorities and were occupied by Germans. The Oberlandrats were abolished and new authorities were created [vedoucí okresní hejtman]73 whose territorial responsibilities corresponded to the former Oberlandrats. As a consequence of the reform, the majority of districts were under German leadership (in 50 districts out of 67 the position of District Chief was occupied by a German, while, in nine other districts, the post of deputy chief was occupied by a German, empowered to take independent decisions on matters of the administration of the Reich mandate). Similarly, at the lowest level, municipalities headed by Germans outnumbered municipalities with Czech leadership, and, by the end of 1942, this number had risen to almost 200 municipalities.74 The process of the total liquidation of elected municipal and district self-government was fi nally completed on 26 February 1944 by Government Decree No. 51/1944 Sb. z. a n.75 Based on this decree, Protectorate municipalities with more than 3,000 inhabitants were to be headed by appointed so-called Senior Offi cials [úředničtí vedoucí]. They took over the whole scope of competence of the Mayors and other municipal authorities, and thereby, municipal self-government in the Protectorate was fully removed, and

68 Věstník ministerstva vnitra v Praze, 1940, 477. 69 SCHELLE, Organizace veřejné správy, 179, 182–183. 70 BRANDES, Češi pod německým protektorátem, 265. 71 RGBl. I, 1942, 329 (Erlaß des Führers über die Verwaltung im Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 7. Mai 1942); VOBl. R. Prot., 1942, 117. 72 VOBl. R. Prot., 1942, 118 (Verordnung über die Reichsauftragsverwaltung im Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 23. Mai 1942); Nové zákony a nařízení Protektorátu Čechy a Morava, 1942, 668 (Nařízení říšského protektora o správě z říšského příkazu v Protektorátu Čechy a Morava ze dne 23. května 1942). 73 Later called the District Governor with Extended Powers [okresní hejtman s rozšířenou působností]. 74 See: BRANDES, Češi pod německým protektorátem, 264–267. 75 Sbírka zákonů a nařízení Protektorátu Čechy a Morava, 1944, 309 (Vládní nařízení č. 51/1944 Sb. z. a n. ze dne 26. února 1944 o úřednícké správě obcí = Regierungsverordnung vom 26. Februar 1944 über die hauptamtliche Verwaltung der Gemeinden).

93 MESTO a DEJINY district self-government and the agenda of their competence was transferred to the political authorities.76 Similarly, as in the case of the General Government, in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia the Jewish population was banned from working in the civil and public administration. As noted above, the fi rst interventions in this direction had already occurred in the post-Munich period. The Germans exerted constant pressure in connection with the Czech attitude toward the Jews, which was supposed to clearly indicate the acceptance of the pro-German political direction of the Second Republic. In this context, on 16 November 1938 an ordinance concerning the provisional regulation of certain questions aff ecting the legal profession was issued.77 Although the ordinance did not mention Jews explicitly, the result of its adoption was the exclusion above all of Jews.78 Immediately after the establishment of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, according to the pattern of the Third Reich,79 the preparation of a government regulation that would regulate the legal status of Jews was begun. On 4 July 1939 the government adopted basic legislation regulating the status of Jews in public life in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, referring directly to the Jews.80 However, the act was not published until 24 April 1940. This delay related to the Protectorate government resisting the German requirements for enactment of a law openly discriminating between Jews and Czechs and defi ning Jews according to Nazi racial principles.81 According to this act, Government Decree No. 136/1940 Sb. z. a n. concerning the legal status of Jews in public administration, Jews were forbidden to hold a number of public functions, including public administration. A later issued Regulation of the Reich Protector of 23 October 1939 allowed the further release of the Jewish population from the civil service.82 Finally, in 1942, measures against Jewish civil servants were extended to half-Jewish people and Jewish spouses.83 The fact that Germans occupied the leading positions in local public administration also meant the creation of new local political elites involved in the implementation of the anti-Jewish regulations required by Nazi Germany immediately after the establishment of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. However, Germans were not the only ones who ensured the anti-Jewish measures were enacted; Czech

76 BALÍK, Komunální politika, 55. SCHELLE, Organizace veřejné správy, 183. 77 Sbírka zákonů a nařízení státu československého, 1938, 1117 (Opatření Stálého výboru č. 284/1938 ze dne 16. listopadu 1938 o prozatímní úpravě některých otázek týkajícich se advokacie). 78 JACOBY, Racial State, 118. 79 The legal status of Jewish civil servants was adjusted by the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service. See: RGBl. I, 1933, 175 (Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamtentums vom 7. April 1933). 80 Sbírka zákonů a nařízení Protektorátu Čechy a Morava, 1940, 337 (Vládní nařízení č. 136/1940 Sb. z. a n. ze dne 4. července 1939 o právním postavení židů ve veřejném životě). 81 JACOBY, Racial State, 118. See also: KREJČOVÁ, Specifi cké předpoklady amtisemitizmu, 153–154. 82 VOBl. R. Prot., 1939, 281 (Verordnung über die Entlassung jüdischer Angestellter im Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 23. Oktober 1939 = Nařízení o propouštění židovských zaměstnanců v Protektoratu Böhmen und Mähren ze dne 23. řína 1939). The Regulation was later supplemented on 14 September 1940 by the Regulation of the Reich Protector on the Legal Status of Jewish Employees in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. See: VOBl. R. Prot., 1940, 475 (Verordnung über die Rechtsstellung jüdischer Angestellter im Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren vom 14. September 1940 = Nařízení o právním postavení židovských zaměstnanců v Protektoratu Böhmen und Mähren ze dne 14. září 1940). 83 Sbírka zákonů a nařízení Protektorátu Čechy a Morava, 1942, 766 (Vládní nařízení č. 137/1942 Sb. z. a n. ze dne 9. dubna 1942 o židovských míšencích ve veřejné službě = Regierungsverordnung vom 9. April 1942 über die jüdischen Mischlinge im öff entlichen Dienst).

94 MESTO a DEJINY offi cials in key positions and in the positions of local Mayors also participated in their implementation at all steps. This in part related to the fact that the Germans would exploit existing bureaucratic structures in the occupied countries, and the day-to-day introduction of anti-Jewish measures was left for the local bureaucracy as much as possible. On the one hand, this was due to Germany’s lack of staff and the fi nancial resources to manage all of the occupied territories; on the other hand, the application of anti-Jewish measures required a knowledge of local realities (such as identifi cation of Jews and their property) that only local institutions could provide.84 This is confi rmed by research on the activities of the local authorities and offi cials in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Wolf Gruner concluded that the anti-Jewish persecution in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia was not only the result of pressure and control from Berlin, but that the whole process of anti-Jewish policy and its radicalization was controlled and accelerated by regional and local actors. As in the case of the General Government, in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, the implementation of measures until 1941 was mainly supported by the Czech government and resulted from the initiative of regional authorities.85 The same statement is made by Benjamin Frommer. According to him, the German occupiers were not the only ones to implement anti-Semitic regulations, and Czech offi cials throughout the bureaucracy, from state ministries to the lowest levels of Mayors, were an integral part of the anti-Jewish political system.86 This issue cannot be deal with extensively here, but it is important to note that there were local political elites atop local structures and that their members, as direct perpetrators, auxiliaries or bystanders,87 through their decisions, directly or indirectly, infl uenced the development of anti-Jewish policy and made considerably easier the implementation of anti-Jewish regulations at a local level.

Interventions in the Countries within the Nazi Sphere of Power (Slovak State and Hungary) A similar mechanism of interventions leading to the centralization and gradual liquidation of self-government during this period can also be observed in the countries which were not directly occupied by Germany but which were within the Nazi sphere of power. The Slovak State and Hungary, as German allies, were not subjected to direct interventions by Germany in the fi eld of administration until direct German occupation of their territories in 1944; despite this, we can fi nd common features of intervention in the composition of local public administration and offi ces of self-government with the intention to shape new local political elites to satisfy of the regimes in these countries. After the establishment of authoritarian regimes and the seizure of power by Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party in Slovakia in the autumn of 1938, the top leadership positions were occupied by the new political elite, for which it was necessary to consolidate its positions by introducing legislative measures and controlling the regional structures.88 While in the case of the highest political positions the personnel

84 POHL, Collaboration and the Holocaust, 5. 85 For more see: GRUNER, Die Judenverfolgung, 293. 86 FROMMER, Perzekúcia prostredníctvom tlače, 114. 87 On the concept of perpetrators, bystanders or auxiliaries see more: HILBERG, Perpetrators. 88 Similarly, according to Article II of the Constitutional Act No. 330/1938 of 15 December 1938 the Slovak autonomous government was empowered to issue decrees in matters in which the parliament was authorized to issue legislation. See: Sbírka zákonů a nařízení státu česko-slovenského, 1938, 1205 (Ústavný zákon

95 MESTO a DEJINY changes were relatively radical, at the middle and lower levels of the administration and bodies of self-government the personnel changes were not signifi cantly refl ected. The reason was mainly that many civil servants – for example, the District Chiefs [okresný náčelník] – were willing to collaborate with the new regime and adapted to the new conditions in order to preserve their positions.89 In order to remove any vestiges of pluralist democracy, the new regime fi rst adopted legislative measures intended to remove inconvenient people from the local and municipal public administration and self-governing authorities, especially representatives of socialist and Jewish parties. In the fi rst instance so-called National Committees [národný výbor] were established as subsidiary organs, which de facto represented a counterbalance to elected self- government authorities. Their establishment marked the fi rst attempt to infl uence the activities of the autonomous municipal authorities.90 In the second phase, municipal self-government was gradually liquidated. Based on the relatively general and vaguely formulated Regulation of the Land Offi ce in Bratislava of 19 October 1938, concerning the dissolution of Municipal Assemblies, the municipal self-government authorities were liquidated in towns or villages where their representatives “did not suit the needs” of the new regime. Later, this process was further specifi ed in Regulation 42.070-5/1939 of 27 February 1939, which, in addition, allowed almost unlimited interference of the state administration into the fi eld of local self-government and introduced the party principle into the process of the dissolution of the Municipal Assemblies.91 Representatives of elected municipal self-governments, in particular the deputies of dissolved political parties, who lost their mandates, were replaced by Government Commissioners [vládny komisár]. They had decision-making powers and as loyal civil servants they were supposed to replace inconvenient self-governing bodies and the Municipal Assemblies, which continued to function only formally. Thus, the autonomous government lawfully ensured the hegemony of Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party at the lower level of administration92 and began to increasingly adopt anti-Semitism by replacing the Jewish population in these positions. This trend of the limiting and liquidation of the authorities of self-government continued after the establishment of the Slovak State. A signifi cant part of the legislative competence of the parliament was transferred to the government by § 4 of the Act No. 1/1939 Sl. z. on 14 March 1939;93 thus, the government, as an executive component was authorized to issue decrees with the force of law and basically it received unlimited power to infl uence the further political and social development of the Slovak State, including the administration.94

č. 330/1938 Sb. z. a n. zo dňa 15. 12. 1938 o zmocnění ke změnám ústavní listiny a ústavních zákonů republiky Česko-Slovenské a o mimořádné moci nařizovací). 89 NIŽŇANSKÝ, Dvojnásobné zmocnenie sa vlády, 193–196. 90 However, their existence was short: on 28 November 1938, following a decision of the Presidium of the Land Offi ce in Bratislava, and on 19 December 1939, based on the decision of the government of the Slovak Land, these bodies were dissolved. PODOLEC, Medzi kontinuitou, 158–159. 91 NIŽŇANSKÝ, Zásahy do samosprávnych orgánov, 126–127. 92 PEKÁR, Zmeny v samospráve, 83–84. 93 Slovenský zákonník, 1939, 1 (Zákon č. 1/1939 Sl. z. zo dňa 14. marca 1939 o samostatnom Slovenskom štáte). 94 ZAVACKÁ, Charakter zmocňovacieho zákonodarstva, 643–644.

96 MESTO a DEJINY

Immediately after the establishment of the independent state a relationship was also established with the Third Reich, anchored in the so-called Protection Agreement of March 1939. By signing it, Slovakia committed itself to a close link to Germany, which was then further strengthened after mutual negotiations in Salzburg in the summer of 1940, the result of which was, among other things, the arrival of so-called Advisers as an instrument of Germany’s “revolutionary foreign policy”.95 However, Tatjana Tönsmeyer notes that the Slovak political elite did not perceive German infl uence as a disturbing factor “in terms of pursuing its own political ideas and goals” and, as far as possible, circumvented it.96 In 1940, with the intention to remove decentralized power, a reform of the public administration was introduced according to Act No. 190/1939 Sl. z. of 25 July 1939. On the basis of this act, the provincial establishment97 in Slovakia (including provincial self-governing bodies)98 was removed and district-level self-government was replaced by self-government at county level.99 All the powers of the abolished district self- governing elected bodies passed into the hands of appointed civil servants – the County Governors [župan], who became, as heads of the County Offi ces, relatively strong actors within the local state administration. Within the county self-government offi ces, the County Committees [župný výbor] were established, consisting of 12 members and 12 alternates, who were not elected by the people but were appointed by the Minister of the Interior. Thus, instead of inconvenient self-governing bodies, the regime could use the services of loyal civil servants to promote its policy across regions. In the lower instances, the District Chiefs, as heads of the district offi ces, were appointed by the Minister of the Interior and were responsible to the Minister of the Interior and to the appropriate County Governor. Pavol Tišliar rightly states that the justifi cation of the Committee of the Slovak Parliament in discussing the outline of the Act on Public Administration in the context of the abolition of district self-government, referring as it does to the fact that district-level self-government was not viable because it was limited to “providing assistance, subventions and, at most, the building of luxury district offi ces”, sounds incompetent and without reasoning considering the fact that one of the main purposes of the introduction of the district self-government at the time of the provincial establishment was support activity.100 In addition, the liquidation of self-government continued at the level of the municipalities in the context of increased centralization in the 1940s. In the selection of Government Commissioners, who were appointed to replace dissolved municipal self-government representatives and who were granted all competences of the former municipal authorities (Mayor, Municipal Assembly, Municipal Council and Commissions) in April 1941, their nationality was taken into account, and Czechs and Jews were excluded. In 1942, the elected municipal authorities operated in only a third of

95 TÖNSMEYEROVÁ, Od ochranného přátelství, 228–231. 96 TÖNSMEYEROVÁ, Od ochranného přátelství, 228–235. 97 The principle of the provincial establishment, according to which the highest administrative institution in Slovakia was the Land Offi ce, was introduced from 1 July 1928 by law no. 125/1927 Sb. z. a n. on the organization of political governance. From the territorial-administrative point of view the Land Offi ce in Bratislava was the link between the Ministry of the Interior in Prague and the lower administrative units. 98 Provincial self-government bodies – Provincial Assembly, Committee and Commissions were dissolved at the time of Slovak autonomy by the order of the autonomous government on 21 November 1938. 99 Slovenský zákonník, 1939, 403 (Zákon č. 190/1939 Sl. z. zo dňa 25. júla 1939 o verejnej správe vnútornej). 100 See: TIŠLIAR, Okresné zriadenie, 113–114, 117–118.

97 MESTO a DEJINY municipalities.101 Municipal self-government in the Slovak State was fi nally liquidated in 1943 by Act No. 171/1943 Sl. z. of 22 December 1943,102 which removed all remnants of municipal self-government with eff ect from 1 January 1944, and subsequently the new administrative authorities (six-member Municipal Committees [obecný výbor] headed by the Mayors), which were governed by civil offi cials and fully serving the needs of the regime, were created. The list of candidates for these posts was discussed by all members of Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party in the respective municipalities, which meant that the appointment was signifi cantly infl uenced by family relationships and neighbourly rivalries, and by political and confessional orientation, providing opportunities for total control of local administration by the state-party.103 The establishment of the authoritarian regime in Slovakia in the autumn of 1938 and the collaboration of Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party with the Third Reich, with respect to which the anti-Jewish doctrine became an offi cial part of government policy, was refl ecting an open and strong anti-Semitism in this post-Munich era. In connection with the cessation and later banning of socialist and Jewish parties their representatives lost their membership in self-governing bodies. Subsequently, the fi rst anti-Jewish proposals were submitted, which were implemented in modifi ed form as early as the fi rst year of the existence of the Slovak state (including the defi ning of Jews and the restricting of Jewish participation in economic and public life).104 The Jews had been expelled from the public administration in 1939 under Government Decree No. 74/1939 Sl. z. of 24 April 1939. All Jews employed in the civil and public administration were to be dismissed according to § 2 of this decree no later than 1 January 1940.105 The time limit for the dismissal of Jews according to § 2 was later extended to 1 March 1940 according the Decrees with the force of Law No. 7/1940 Sl. z. from 11 January 1940.106 The reform of the public administration in 1940, accompanied by the process of liquidation of self-government authorities, made it possible to occupy the key posts of local administrations with “reliable” personnel and shape the new local political elites, whose members were to direct the political decision-making on serious issues such as the implementation of the anti-Jewish policy. A signifi cant role and obvious personal involvement of the highest representatives of the regime,107 and also of other members of the bureaucratic apparatus in the adoption of anti-Jewish measures is undeniable. Present research indicates that the C ounty Governors and the District Chiefs had relatively broad powers and a large margin of manoeuvre in the adoption

101 PODOLEC, Medzi kontinuitou, 161. 102 Slovenský zákonník, 1943, 850 (Zákon č. 171/1943 Sl. z. zo dňa 22. decembra 1943 o zmenách v samospráve obcí). 103 PODOLEC, Postavenie obecnej samosprávy, 659–661. PEKÁR, Zmeny v samospráve, 83–84. 104 KAMENEC, Po stopách tragédie, 33–34. 105 Slovenský zákonník, 1939, 88 (Vládne nariadenie č. 74/1939 Sl. z. zo dňa 24. apríla 1939 o vylúčení židov z verejných služieb). Dismissal of Jews from public service was later regulated by the Order of the Minister of the Interior and the Minister of Justice no. 122/1939 Úr. nov. of 16 May 1939. See: Úradné noviny, 1939, 279 (Vyhláška ministra vnútra a ministra pravosúdia č. 122/1939 Úr. nov. zo dňa 16. mája 1939 č. 8973/39-7 M.V. a č. 10.552/39-2 M. P. o vylúčení židov z verejných služieb). 106 Slovenský zákonník, 1940, 5 (Nariadenie s mocou zákona č. 7/1940 Sl. z. zo dňa 11. Januára 1940 ktorým sa pozmeňuje vládne nariadenia o vylúčení židov z verejných služieb). 107 On the attitudes of Slovak politicians to anti-Jewish politics and on the personality profi les of some aggressors see, e.g.: NIŽŇANSKÝ – KAMENEC, Holokaust na Slovensku 2. H RADSKÁ, Prípad Dieter Wisliceny. MIČEV, Augustín Morávek. NIŽŇANSKÝ, Prvé deportácie Židov, 89–104.

98 MESTO a DEJINY of many local legislature anti-Jewish regulations, with such eff ect as to accelerate the process in a more radical direction. In the territory of Eastern Slovakia (Šariš-Zemplin County) especially, with the highest percentage of Jewish people, anti-Jewish measures (concerning for example the obligatory marking of Jews with a three-centimetre wide yellow armband regardless of age or gender; the prohibition of Jews entering public parks or other public places; the prohibition to live in specifi ed parts of cities, etc.) were taken on their own initiative by local actors ahead of state regulations, often with a stricter character and greater intensity than in the rest of the Slovak State or going far beyond instructions from above.108 These claims are also confi rmed by recent research dealing with the role of Holocaust actors – perpetrators, in terms of the relationship between the centre and the periphery. The results of this research point out that there could be no single centralized command, but that the process of genocide (the term being applicable to all steps of the anti-Jewish policy) was realized in the interplay between headquarters and the periphery, not only at the level of the relationship between Nazi Germany and the occupying/allied countries but also at the level of the relationships between the central authorities and local/municipal institutions, which developed their own initiatives to radicalize anti-Jewish measures.109 Concerning analysis of the transformation of the public administration and the mechanisms by which power was seized by the new local political elites in Hungary between 1939 and 1945, it should be noted fi rst that Hungary represents a specifi c case within the countries analysed, this relating to the facts that Hungary was more independent compared to the Slovak state as an ally of Nazi Germany, and that as an ally of Germany achieved the assimilation of part of the surrounding countries into its territories immediately before and during World War II (southern area of Slovakia as a result of the fi rst Vienna arbitration in November 1938, Subcarpathian Rus in March 1939, Northern Transylvania as a result of the second Vienna arbitration in August 1940 and the regions of Baranja and Bačka in northeastern Yugoslavia in April 1941), in which local administrations were rebuilt and new local elites were formed with some regional diff erences compared to the territory of Trianon Hungary.110 The administration of Trianon Hungary organized before German occupation, according to Act No. XXX of 1929,111 enshrined local autonomy; however, it refl ected also the government’s eff orts to centralize the system. Counties and towns with full municipal rights were formally governed by the Lord Lieutenants [fõispán] nominated by the Minister of the Interior and appointed by the Regent, who had the power to control all local administrative authorities. The factual control of counties and towns with full municipal rights was in the hands of the Sub-prefects [alispán] elected by the Municipal Assemblies. At a lower level of the local administration were the districts [járás] headed by the Chief Constables [főszolgabíró] and were subordinate to the County Offi ce. At the head of the county towns and cities with full municipal rights

108 On the role of the various components of the power-repressive apparatus of the Slovak State in the implementation of anti-Jewish measures see, e.g.: FIAMOVÁ, Úloha žandárstva pri deportáciách, 48–55. SOKOLOVIČ, Hlinkova garda, 325–363. TOKÁROVÁ, Slovenský štát, 191–208, etc. 109 BAJOHR – LÖW, Tendenzen und Probleme, 9–30. 110 The term “Trianon Hungary” is understood as a territory of the Kingdom of Hungary within boundaries that were set by the ratifi cation of the Peace Treaty of Trianon in 1920 as one of the successor states to Austria- Hungary. 111 Magyar Törvénytár, 1929, 333 (1929. évi XXX. törvénycikk a közigazgatás rendezéséről).

99 MESTO a DEJINY were the Mayors elected by the Municipal Assemblies.112 However, the aforementioned Act No. XXX established the right to dissolve the Municipal Assembly in the case of threatening the political interests of the state or economic plans, and, after 1942, according to Act No. XXII of 1942,113 the Minister of the Interior acquired t he right to appoint the offi ce holders, whereas previously they had been elected.114 The gradually increasing centralist eff orts of the Hungarian government and the eff ort to replace the elected members of the representative Assemblies by appointed offi cials were also refl ected in the areas annexed by Hungary. In the case of the Slovak southern area, which was attached to Hungary as a result of the First Vienna Award, measures to occupy all administrative offi ces by the Hungarian offi cials (the District Chiefs [okresný náčelník] being replaced by Chief Constables [főszolgabíró]) were in troduced immediately after the start of the Hungarian military occupation on 11 November 1938. In the offi ces of the district and municipal self-government bodies, not only Slovaks, but also elected offi cials of Hungarian nationality were removed, primarily representatives of inconvenient political parties and members of the Jewish minority. After the end of the military administration and the establishment of the civil administration on 22 December 1938, this level of government was annexed to the respective political districts, and the administrative standards in force in Trianon Hungary were introduced throughout the territory.115 The power of the self-government authorities was limited by extending government control over municipal authorities and gradually appointing representatives of the regime,116 naturally the most reliable, mostly from landowners, Germanophiles and revisionists. The emphasis in the selection was naturally based on nationality or, in case of non-Hungarian nationals, on loyalty to the Hungarian nation.117 Elections to the representative bodies never took place in this area, and, with the introduction of Act No. XXII of 1942, they were abolished throughout the territory of Hungary.118 A similar situation was also unfolding in other incorporated areas. Positions within the communal bureaucracies, administrative fi elds and public service were occupied mostly by Hungarian civil servants beginning immediately after the start of the military occupation. Later the Hungarian right began expanding into these territories.119Although in the case of Subcarpathian Rus the Hungarian government declared the idea of autonomy in March 1939, from the beginning of the military occupation such autonomy was restricted by provisions concerning the assimilation of the administration of Subcarpathia into the regime of Hungary. The administration was originally in the hands of the Hungarian military authorities, but, after the offi cial annexation of this territory on 22 June 1939, a civil

112 MOLNÁR, Nazi Perpetrators. 113 Országos Törvénytár, 1942, 153 (1942. évi XXII. törvénycikk a vármegyei, városi és községi tisztviselők alkalmazásának, valamint egyes szolgálati viszonyainak átmeneti szabályozásáról). 114 MOLNÁR, Nazi Perpetrators. 115 In December 1938 the Hungarian Royal Cabinet issued Decree No. 9330 of 18 December 1938 concerning the administration of the autonomous administrative bodies in the area, which was incorporated into Trianon Hungary. See: Belügyi Közlöny II., 1938, 1200 (387. A m. kir. minisztériumnak 9.330/1938 M. E. számú rendelete. A Magyar Szent Koronához visszacsatolt felvidéki területek közigazgatása). 116 VIETOR, Dejiny okupácie, 23–24, 146–148. 117 SZEGHY-GAYER, Personálna kontinuita, 132–133. 118 VIETOR, Dejiny okupácie, 23–24, 146–148. 119 For the case of Northern Transylvania see, e.g.: HORVÁTH, Ethnic Policies, 110–111, 114.

100 MESTO a DEJINY administration headed by a Commissioner was introduced and the vaunted autonomy was never granted.120 Immediately after the start of the German occupation of Hungary on 19 March 1944, Hungary lost its sovereignty. Germany demanded the dismissal of all Lord Lieutenants and Sub-prefects. The most important criterion was political reliability and affi liation to the right-wing Hungarian ruling circles, despite the fact that, according to the law concerning administrative matters, the posts were to be held by persons with adequate training and qualifi cations. The massive dismissal and exchange of civil servants which took place during this period was legislatively enshrined in the aforementioned Act No. XXII of 1942. The Lord Lieutenants and the Chief Constables were gradually removed, while the Sub-prefects and the Mayors remained almost untouched by such interventions until the end of June 1944. In some counties, almost all Chief Constables were replaced (up to the end of July 1944, 58 new Chief Constables were appointed and, in 25 cities and towns, new Mayors were installed);121 in other counties no changes were undertaken.122 The exchange in the positions of the Lord Lieutenants also aff ected, for example, seven of the 10 Lord Lieutenants in the territory of Northern Transylvania and several Mayors, while the Sub-prefects, with just a few exceptions, remained in their posts.123 The exchange in positions did not especially aff ect those offi cials who had already in the fi rst weeks of the occupation recognized the legitimacy of the new government along with the anti-Jewish acts. The main aim of the changes made in individual posts was, as in other countries, the intention primarily to replace the Chief Constables with reliable persons who would seamlessly ensure the eff ective implementation of anti-Jewish measures and speed up the process of the deportation of the Jewish population. Although the implementation of anti-Jewish measures was basically an everyday issue of the Hungarian administration from 1938 onwards, after the German occupation it rose to the top of list. Here, the specifi city of Hungary among the countries analysed should be highlighted. Already in the interwar period, there were clearly evident anti-Semitic attitudes in Horthy’s Hungary towards the Jewish population, despite this demographic constituting at that time a relatively integrated part of economic and cultural life (mainly on the basis of a national-Hungarian identifi cation on the part of most of the regions Jews). Indeed, Hungary became the fi rst country in post-war Europe, without Nazi pressure, to enact Jewish legal discrimination by the adoption of the so-called Numerus Clausus Act No. XXV/1920 on 20 September 1920, which limited the number of Jewish students in universities to 6 % of the total number of students enrolled.124 Although the provision was essentially abolished in 1928, further regulations were adopted in 1938-1939 to limit the “disproportionate” proportion of Jews in certain professions. Similarly, as in the other countries analysed here, in Hungary also the Jews were gradually excluded from state and public services. First, in 1938, the percentage

120 MAGOCSI, Chrbtom k horám, 355–356. LEMKIN, Axis Rule, 152. 121 VÁGI – CSŐSZ – KÁDÁR, The Holocaust in Hungary, VI. 122 MOLNÁR, Nazi Perpetrators. 123 GIDÓ, The Hungarian Bureaucracy, 646–647. 124 NIŽŇANSKÝ, Židovská komunita na Slovensku, 218–220. On the issue of Numerus Clausus Act No. XXV/1920, see also, e.g.: K ARADY – NAGY, The Numerus Clausus. KO VÁCS, The Numerus Clausus and the Anti-Jewish Laws. For more about the anti-Jewish legislative measures adopted during the inter-war period see, e.g.: KATZBURG, Hungary and the Jews.

101 MESTO a DEJINY of Jews in liberal professions and fi nancial, commercial and industrial enterprises was reduced to 20 % by the First (Anti-) Jewish Law No. XV/1938 of 29 May 1938, enacted with the stated intention of ensuring greater effi ciency in securing balance in social and economic life.125 Subsequently, the Jewish population was excluded from state and public services and offi ces by the Second (Anti-) Jewish Law No. IV/1939 of 5 May 1939, limiting the expansion of Jews within the public and economic spheres, which defi ned a Jew not only on the basis of religious affi liation, but also racial principles along the lines of German racial theories.126 Later, the exclusion of Jews from representative bodies was also enshrined in Act No. XIX of 1940.127 From early April 1944, a series of decrees were issued by the Hungarian government for the total exclusion of Jews from public life. The municipal authorities, together with their offi cials, were fully involved in their implementation. Around 200,000 state offi cials within the Hungarian administrative apparatus actively participated in the execution of these decrees, from members of the government to local clerks and offi cials, including members of the gendarmerie, police and other security forces.128 As Randolph L. Braham noted, only a few county and municipal offi cials, including police offi cers, refused to participate in anti-Jewish actions and resigned, but the vast majority of local, district and county offi cials and civil servants fully cooperated with the occupying powers or with the new politics.129 According to research by Judit Molnár, most offi cials approached the implementation of the anti-Jewish measures with fl exibility and often with enthusiasm or their own initiative. In some cases, they also ensured such anti-Jewish decrees were marked as confi dential or were not offi cially published.130 A similar situation existed in the occupied territories, where the anti-Jewish persecution was carried out by the local authorities to a greater or lesser extent, essentially freely, without much restriction.131 Above all, the Sub-prefects played one of the most important roles in the process of the implementation of anti-Jewish policy and ghettoization. For many of the civil servants, collaboration with the regime meant the opportunity to build their careers or to move up on the professional ladder.132 The relatively strong local support for anti-Jewish policy was driven most signifi cantly by the economic interests of the local Hungarian community.133

Conclusion This paper analysed the mechanisms by which the transformation of local political elites was eff ected by interventions of the regime or the occupying power into the

125 Magyar Törvénytár, 1938, 132 (1938. évi XV. Törvénycikk a társadalmi és a gazdasági élet egyensúlyának hatályosabb biztosításáról). 126 The Second (Anti-) Jewish Law No. IV/1939 reduced the proportion of Jews in state service and economic sphere to 6 %, the right to acquire citizenship and determined the position of Jews in society. See: Magyar Törvénytár, 1939, 129 (1939. évi IV. Törvénycikk a zsidók közéleti és gazdasági térfoglalásának korlátozásáról). 127 Országos Törvénytár, 1941, 185 (1941. évi XIX. törvénycikk a törvényhatósági bizottsági és a községi képviselőtestületi tagsági jogról, továbbá a gyakorlati közigazgatási vizsgára vonatkozó átmeneti szabályokról). 128 FROJIMOVICS, The special characteristics, 254. See also: KARSAI, Holokauszt, 240. 129 BRAHAM, The Politics of Genocide, 72. 130 MOLNÁR, Nazi Perpetrators. See also: MOLNÁR, Csendőrök, rendőrök, hivatalnokok, 124–133. 131 JELÍNEK, Dávidova hviezda, 268. 132 GIDÓ, The Hungarian Bureaucracy, 646, 648. 133 BLOMQVIST, Local Motives, 699.

102 MESTO a DEJINY composition of local public governments and self-government authorities through the issuing of legislative acts to four selected examples of countries in Nazi-dominated Europe (the Nazi-occupied General Government, the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and the German allies the Slovak State and Hungary). Despite the diff erences of historical and political background and character of occupation regimes, the analysis within the four cases showed some common parallels. First, within all countries analysed, there was a clear intention to centralize the administration and to remove the eligibility of the autonomous government as a pillar of pluralist democracy. Self-government was not removed immediately in any of these countries but from the beginning (the beginning of the occupation or the establishment of a new regime) clear steps were taken for its gradual liquidation. The dissolution of the local autonomous government units meant direct decision-making from above or through appointed offi cials who replaced elected members of representative bodies in the posts at the middle and lowest levels of the public administration and the forming of new local political elites. Individuals did not become members of these elites on the basis of previously highly valued characteristics (fi rstly origin and family, later property, intellect, education or skills); rather, the main attributes that allowed participation in political power and created the conditions for entry into the local political elites were membership of the “Chosen Nation”, membership in the ruling party, loyalty (even unlimited devotion) to the ruling regime or other values corresponding to the offi cial ideology. The question remains to what extent membership in the ruling party or loyalty prevailed over the appropriate education, experience or qualifi cation. It can be assumed that, rightly regarding these criteria, the abilities of such newly appointed political actors did not always fully correspond in practice to the positions they held. Regardless, it is certain that there was widespread exchange in key posts of local public administrations following the onset of occupation power or non-democratic government in all the countries here analysed. In the German-occupied countries, native heads at the middle and lower levels of administration were replaced by Germans, and all-important posts were transferred to Germans or people with a strong pro-German orientation. The lower subordinate posts remained occupied by native civil servants, many of whom were actively involved in the implementation of anti-Jewish measures, as is confi rmed by many case studies. The new structures of occupation power were aimed at eliminating local autonomy and preventing the formation of local political elites from native actors from the beginning of the occupation. In allied countries, the most reliable pro-German and pro-regime-oriented members of the ruling party were appointed until a country’s elected government was fi nally removed and the process of centralization of the public administration was complete. A common motive for the interventions of the ruling power was to clear the local and municipal administrative and executive authorities of anti-German and undesirable elements with the intention both to replace any unreliable personnel with offi cials whose loyalty and devotion to the regime had been clearly declared, and to build its own strongly centralized administrative apparatus devoid of the principles of eligibility. In so doing, the Nazi regime ensured the hegemony of the ruling state-party or occupation power at all levels of administration and, in this regard, also increased their eff ectiveness in implementing anti-Jewish measures. As the analysis above has shown, the interventions into the formation of new local elites were undertaken within the limits of laws put in force to establish a semblance of legitimacy. In the occupied countries, despite the fact that after the start of occupation

103 MESTO a DEJINY local legislation and law remained in force unless it was contrary to Germany’s occupation policy, Nazi power guaranteed for itself by decrees the power to make any changes to the administrations, to change or abolish all autonomous regulations, and to issue its own regulations, which fi nally meant the limiting of autonomous rights in the occupied countries with the intention to introduce a unifi ed system of municipal administration, as in Germany, according to the German Municipal Code. Simultaneously, the structure of the occupation power was deliberately created to allow the occupiers to work closely with local administrative authorities and to minimize the need for the use of German personnel. In the allied countries, the measures necessary for the transfer of power at local level were taken in the form of regulations, acts of law or decrees. An important role was played by the fact that the allied countries shared some aspects of National Socialism to an extent that was refl ected in similar tendencies and in the adoption of very similar legislative legal rules even before the direct German occupation of their territories. Steps had been taken, for example, concerning the transfer of legislative competences from parliament to the government, which due to the Enabling Legislation received practically unlimited power or the removal not only of inconvenient members of opposing political parties but also of people of Jewish origin from positions of the public administrations and authorities of self-government. According to Nazi racial principles, legal rules were adopted which legally defi ned Jews on the basis of race and which openly discriminated between them and the majority population, etc. The analysis can only furnish conclusions on legislative interventions into local and municipal government across the range of a country; the scope and possibilities of this paper do not allow us to assess the deeper level of personnel changes at a local level or to outline all the impacts of this exchange (for example the degree or extent of the decision-making power of the local elites to impose their own Jewish policies or specifi c autonomous initiatives for their implementation). In spite of this, the personal involvement of a large majority of such newly appointed representatives of the state governments and of civil servants remaining in key posts of local administration because of their willingness to collaborate with the new regime or occupying power and to adapt to new conditions in the adoption and implementation of anti-Jewish measures is undeniable in all the countries surveyed. As Raul Hilberg noted, persecution to such an extent would undoubtedly not have been possible without the execution of orders from upper levels of the hierarchy of the entire bureaucratic apparatus; however, it would not have been possible to implement the whole process if all members of the bureaucratic apparatus had had to wait for instructions.134 Therefore, a signifi cant role was undoubtedly played by their own initiative and, in many cases, the putting into practice of anti-Jewish measures in the various posts in particular offi ces or departments of local government authorities beyond central government decrees. A great number of civil servants within local public administration fully participated in all steps of anti-Jewish policy (organizing the registration of Jews, the Aryanization or expropriation of Jewish real estate and property, the establishing of ghettos and forces labour, deportation, etc.) and tried to pursue their own agendas. In all countries analysed, the radicalization of anti-Jewish policy was accelerated by local actors (a process which in all countries concerned the middle level of governance) who, due to the relatively large margin of manoeuvre and freedom in their actions, approached the implementation of anti-Jewish policy quite fl exibly, developing their own initiatives

134 HILBERG, The Bureaucracy of Annihilation, 127.

104 MESTO a DEJINY for anti-Jewish legislation. As a result, the intensity of the measures implemented at the regional level was largely dependent on regional actors’ personality. Another question is the extent to which individual members of the local elites used their own positions and whether they were constrained in any way by inner moral barriers or not at all. Answers to these and similar questions could contribute further to a better understanding of the character of the pro-Nazi non-democratic regimes and regimes under direct German occupation.

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Kronika Chronicle MESTO a DEJINY

LOOKING AT THE WORLD HISTORY OF PLANNING: 18TH INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE YOKOHAMA, JAPAN, 15–19 JULY 2018

Looking at the World History of Planning was announced as the overall theme of the 18th conference organized by the International Planning History Society (IPHS), which took place in July 2018 in Yokohama, Japan. A close connection becomes visible between the conference slogan and The Routledge Handbook of Planning History (2018), edited by Carola Hein. Many IPHS council members having contributed to the publication, both the conference and the book apparently refl ect the society’s idea to overcome national borders and to involve scholars from other world regions to contribute to a global approach in planning history. The time and place of the biennial conference in Yokohama appear to mark the prelude of two jubilees in Japanese planning history: The Japan-US Treaty of Amity and Commerce was signed 160 years ago (1858), which resulted in the Opening of the Port of Yokohama a year later (1859). Furthermore, planning historians celebrate the centenary of Japan’s fi rst City Planning Act (also known as the Old Act of 1919) this year. The fi rst event not only affected the urban development of the former fi shing village but also constituted a milestone in the country’s rapid modern urbanization process. Being forced to give up the Tokugawa Shogunate’s policy of national seclusion that had endured for more than 220 years, the remote Yokohama village was favoured over vibrant Kanagawa City to host foreign settlements as well as international trading and thus also became the major gateway for western infl uence. Shortly after Emperor Meiji moved his seat to Edo and renamed it Tokyo in 1868, the fi rst Japanese railway lines were built, in 1872, to connect the newly installed capital with the growing harbour city Yokohama. Recovering twice – after the great Kantō earthquake in 1923 and the air raid at the end of the Second World War – Yokohama is today the second largest Japanese city by population and part of the Greater Tokyo Area, the most populous metropolitan area in the world. Hence the Yokohama Port Opening Memorial Hall, the main conference venue, was the perfect place to discuss and refl ect upon the global impact of planning history. The start of the conference coincided with the Yokohama Sparkling Twilight Festival, with a ship parade, fi reworks and young locals all around the harbour area wearing traditional kimonos or yukatas. Strolling around between Yokohama Park, Yamashita Park, the Osanbashi Pier and Chinatown gave a fi rst impression of the city’s urban development. The classical nineteenth-century grid of the Kannai district, which grew around the central axis of Nihon- ōdōri Avenue, is still visible in the present-day street pattern and allows easy orientation within the urban quarter. Even the subtle difference between the rigid and rectangular plots of the former Japanese residential zone and the rather laxly laid-out grid of the area where foreign residents could settle – Chinatown following its own checkerboard system – can still be experienced today. The IPHS 2018 Yokohama Conference lasted for fi ve days. Three days were scheduled for conference papers, with up to ten parallel panels in nine sessions. All together 68 panels were organized, eleven of them co-sponsored by the Global Urban History Project (GUHP). Furthermore, seven roundtable discussions broadened the discourse. More than 330 participants presented papers, approximately half of them coming from the East Asian region. Mirroring the multidisciplinary approach of the area of study, the professional background of the conference attendees included town planning, architecture, urban design, urban and regional planning, environmental planning, civil engineering, urban engineering, landscape architecture, art and design, history, art history, architectural history and theory, urbanism, built environment, human geography, cultural studies, social studies, heritage studies, economics and management, human life science, disaster science and urban safety engineering. Accordingly, the range of panels was quite broad, some also following subthemes connected to the venue, as in the case of Cities, Modernity and City Planning in East Asia or Harbour Cities and their Planning Histories. The introduction of local and national Japanese planning history can thus be seen as a second emphasis of the conference: Several panels and keynote speeches,

112 MESTO a DEJINY exhibitions, the evening programme and various excursions provided a pleasant interaction between the local setting and the international visitors. The fi rst conference day was reserved for the IPHS council meeting and the pre- symposium Re-evaluating the City from Life and Cultural Perspectives, which was mainly addressed to local residents. Furthermore, two complementary exhibitions, which introduced Yokohama’s planning history to both professional and lay visitors, opened their doors. The exhibition of sketches From Architectural Ethnography to Planning displayed the work of the architects Kon Wajiro (1888–1973) and Nishiyama Uzō (1911–1994), while the panel exhibition Planning and Heritage: Yokohama’s Urban Planning History and its Legacy, organized by Yokohama Heritage in collaboration with the IPHS conference, dealt with the city’s urban planning history and its legacy. On the Monday morning, conference conveyor Naoto Nakajima (University of Tokyo) led the opening session in the festive setting of the Yokohama Port Opening Memorial Hall. In the fi rst two keynote speeches Nobuharu Suzuki (Yokohama City University) introduced the “History of Yokohama and its planning” and Fukuo Akimoto (Prof. em., Kyushu University) discussed the conference’s main theme by linking national characteristics with a global perspective: “Connections and Identities of Planning History of Japan: Looking into World History of Planning”. Later in the afternoon international scholars gave the fi rst presentations. Finally, the conference reception at the Yokohama Creative City Center concluded this eventful day. Besides three further paper sessions, the third day was designated for the “Planning Perspectives” editorial meeting and a book talk, which gave conference attendees the chance to present their newest research outcomes. Since interest in the latest planning history publications was quite high, more than twenty books were introduced in three parallel sessions. A discussion arose especially around those written in languages other than English, since these books and their topics often stay less known within the Anglophone discourse. In the afternoon Yukio Nishimura (Kobe Design University) held the third keynote speech on the “Socio-cultural Background of City Form in Japan”. Four optional evening tours were offered to introduce, on site, Yokohama’s recent urban development projects in regard to both the important role of the city in the country’s planning history as the fi rst port of call and its recent waterfront development. After the last three paper sessions, the late afternoon and evening of the fourth conference day were reserved for the closing ceremony. Dirk Schubert (Emeritus, HafenCity University Hamburg) held the Gordon E. Cherry memorial lecture on “Cities and Plans”, which marked the fi nal activity of his IPHS presidency. The council and all participants honoured him with a ceremonial farewell and welcomed Christine Garnaut (University of South Australia) as the new IPHS president as well as Carola Hein (TU Delft) as vice-president. Interestingly, this is not the fi rst time in IPHS history that the society has been led by two chairwomen: Laura Kolbe was supported by Eugénie Birch as vice-president during her IPHS presidency of 2006–2010, before handing over the mandate to Birch. During the awards ceremony not only the most outstanding Anglophone papers and books on planning history published in the last two years were honoured; this IPHS conference two special distinctions were granted for the fi rst time: Since The Routledge Handbook of Planning History (2017) was edited and written by members of the IPHS council (and the award committee), it didn’t compete for the IPHS book prize, but was awarded the Special Book Prize for its “outstanding quality and pioneering survey” (Dirk Schubert). But the highlight of the ceremony was the conferment of the inaugural Sir Peter Hall Award for Lifetime Achievement in Planning History to Shun-ichi Watanabe (Emeritus, Tokyo University of Science). In their nomination, Michael Hebbert, Carola Hein and Fukuo Akimoto honoured Watanabe for having “made an outstanding scholarly contribution to establish the fi eld of planning history in Japan, foster its development within South East Asia and globally, and convey its relevance to contemporary planning challenges”. The conference organizers even chose the venue of the conference dinner to have a link to Yokohama’s urban history. Close to the piers, the Hotel New Grand was opened in 1872, only a decade after the port opening, as one of the fi rst hotels in Japan (back then called

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Yokohama Grand Hotel). The festive setting of long buffets and cocktail tables underlined the communicative, friendly and open atmosphere which could be experienced throughout the whole conference and which allowed lively discussions between many different researchers. The amazing traditional Japanese drum performance made a vibrant and lasting impression after three days of intensive scholarly exchange. On the last day of the conference, three excursions were organized to visit some built planning heritage around Yokohama and Tokyo. One could choose between exploring the new town development in the Yokohama suburban area, visiting two refurbished historic urban neighbourhoods in Tokyo, and fi nding out more about the Olympic legacy and Imperial Gardens in the capital. Even though the humid summer heat and the journey in a commuter train during rush hour were both physically challenging, the tours guided by local experts offered impressive insights into the host region and a great opportunity for informal interaction with other attendees and the organizing committee. It was a great experience to meet various international scholars and to recognize similarities between the urban development and planning history in different world regions. After all, the conference theme not only provoked refl ections upon the global factors and impacts of planning history, but also to re-think Eurocentric or western views on this topic.

Helene Bihlmaier, M. Sc. Bauhaus-University Weimar, Germany Susanna Weddige, M. A. Blekinge Institute of Technology, Sweden

STREDOEURÓPSKE SÚVISLOSTI NÁRODNOSTNÉHO VÝVOJA NA ZAČIATKU 21. STOROČIA [CENTRAL-EUROPEAN CONTEXTS OF NATIONALITY RELATIONS DEVELOPMENT AT THE BEGINNING OF 21ST CENTURY] KOŠICE, 15. NOVEMBER 2018

Dňa 15. novembra sa v historickej aule rektorátu Univerzity Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach uskutočnila konferencia Stredoeurópske súvislosti národnostného vývoja na začiat- ku 21. storočia.1 Organizátormi podujatia boli Centrum spoločenských a psychologických vied SAV, Katedra histórie FF UPJŠ a Katedra politológie FF UPJŠ. Konferenciu otvoril vedúci pro- jektu Štefan Šutaj, ktorý privítal účastníkov. Hneď na začiatok oznámil smutnú správu o úmrtí historičky Anny Jurovej, ktorá sa venovala rómskej problematike a požiadal prítomných o mi- nútu ticha. Následne predstavil projekt a jeho ciele a informoval o organizačných pokynoch konferencie. Prvý blok konferencie Národnostná politika ako predmet vedeckého výskumu – výsled- ky komparatívneho výskumu národnostnej problematiky otvoril Jozef Výrost z CSPV SAV, Spoločenskovedného ústavu v Košiciach s príspevkom Kto má mať kompetenciu v záležitos- tiach kultúry menšín v optike ich príslušníkov? Porovnanie odpovedí respondentov z rokov 2004 a 2017. Uviedol, že v zmysle Rámcového dohovoru o ochrane národnostných menšín je jeho pl- nenie monitorované každých päť rokov, pričom doposiaľ Slovensko absolvovalo štyri cykly mo- nitorovania. Na základe monitorovacích správ možno vyvodiť, že ochrana národnostných men- šín, ich práv a slobôd spadá do oblasti medzinárodnej spolupráce. Zodpovednosť za tento stav nesie štát, ktorý má prostredníctvom vlády realizovať opatrenia a odporúčania a informo- vať Radu Európy a ostatné štáty o plnení Rámcového dohovoru. V závere uviedol, že pozitív- ne možno hodnotiť – z hľadiska spôsobu uplatňovania princípov Rámcového dohovoru v re- zolúciách Rady Európy – zvyšujúci sa akcent, respondentmi pripisovaný auto-regulatívnym

1 Konferencia je súčasťou riešenia projektu APVV-15-0475 Tendencie vývoja etnických vzťahov na Slovensku (komparatívny výskum národnostnej problematiky v rokoch 2004 – 2020) – (TESS2). Konferencia sa uskutočnila v rámci podujatia Týždeň vedy a techniky na Slovensku 2018.

114 MESTO a DEJINY mechanizmom uplatňovaným jednak prostredníctvom samosprávnych orgánov regiónov, ako aj orgánov minorít. Michal Kentoš z CSPV SAV, Spoločenskovedného ústavu v Košiciach sa venoval téme Vývoja vzťahov národnostných menšín na území SR (2004 – 2017). V rámci interetnických vzťahov hovoril o etnických paradoxoch, vzťahoch minorít k majorite a minorít medzi sebou, etnickej hrozbe, predsudkoch voči etnikám či interetnických vzťahoch v kontexte iných javov. V rámci výskumu prezentoval účastníkov výskumu a uplatnené metódy a následne prezentoval výsledky výskumu v rámci grafov, ktoré sa týkali hodnotenia vzťahov v rámci etník a vzťahov minorít k majorite a opačne. Tretí príspevok Posuny a súvislosti vo vnímaní etnickej identity a etnicity medzi rokmi 2004 a 2017 predniesol Juraj Martonyik z CSPV SAV, Spoločenskovedného ústavu v Košiciach. Na úvod charakterizoval pojem etnická identita a jej komponenty. Následne uviedol konkrétne po- ložky v rámci dotazníka, a to hrdosť na vlastnú národnosť, subjektívne vnímanú príslušnosť k etnicite, autostereotyp ohľadom vlastnej skupiny a mieru angažovanosti. Na grafoch k jednot- livým položkám poukázal pri všetkých národnostiach na rozdiely medzi prvým kolom dotazníka v roku 2004 a druhým kolom v roku 2017. V závere zhrnul výsledky výskumu, že etnická iden- tita je relatívne stabilná v čase a rozdiely sa nachádzajú na úrovni jednotlivých komponentov a že prevláda pozitívne vnímanie etnickej identity. S príspevkom Postavenie materinského jazyka v systéme hodnôt vybraných národnos- tí v rokoch 2004 – 2017 vystúpila Mária Ďurkovská z CSPV SAV, Spoločenskovedného ústavu v Košiciach. Porovnávala postavenie materinského jazyka v rokoch 2004 a 2017 v systéme hod- nôt u respondentov slovenskej, maďarskej, rómskej a rusínskej národnosti na základe výsledkov získaných prostredníctvom aplikovaného dotazníka. Kritériami výberu výskumnej vzorky boli pohlavie, vek, vzdelanie a verejná deklarácia príslušnosti k menšine. V dotazníku obsahovala metodika sedem hodnôt, ktoré možno zaradiť do troch oblastí: personálne hodnoty (zamestna- nie, vzdelanie, rodina), etnické hodnoty (materinský jazyk, národnosť, vierovyznanie) a sociálne hodnoty (sloboda). Na základe výskumu zhodnotila, že u všetkých národností sa v rokoch 2004 a 2017 preukázal pozitívny vzťah medzi hrdosťou na svoju národnosť a hodnotou materinský jazyk. Poslednou referujúcou v bloku bola Lucia Heldáková z CSPV SAV, Spoločenskovedného ústavu v Košiciach, ktorá rozprávala o Refl exii vnímania kompetencií rozhodovania v oblasti národnostnej kultúry v rokoch 2005 – 2017 na základe dotazníkového výskumu. Nasledovala bo- hatá diskusia. V druhom bloku s názvom Spoločenské a humanitné vedy a výskum národnostných vzťa- hov v strednej Európe I (historické, politologické, právne, etnologické, psychologické, sociologic- ké, fi lozofi cké a pedagogické aspekty menšinovej problematiky) odzneli celkovo tri príspevky. Ján Gábor z Ministerstva zahraničných vecí SR sa pred konferenciou ospravedlnil a z pracovných dôvodov sa jej nezúčastnil. Branislav Šprocha z Prognostického ústavu CSPV SAV v Bratislave vystúpil s príspevkom Pokračujúca transformácia rodinného a reprodukčného správania národ- nostných menšín na Slovensku na začiatku 21. storočia. Vychádzal z údajov zo sčítania ľudu, do- mov a bytov v rokoch 1991 a 2011, pričom sa zameral na slovenskú, maďarskú, rómsku a rusín- sku národnosť. Po obednej prestávke vystúpila Klara Kohoutová z CSPV SAV, Spoločenskovedného ústa- vu SAV v Košiciach s príspevkom Vliv sociodemografi ckých faktorů na vnímaní míst pamě- ti ve veřejném prostoru. Posledný príspevok Describing feelings between frustration and hope. Potential of anthropological minority research in Slovakia predniesla Yuko Kambara-Yamane z University of Kitakyushu v Japonsku. Vo svojom výskume sa zamerala na Košice, ktoré porov- návala s predošlým výskumom zameraným na Dunajskú Stredu a Komárno. Je problematické zhodnotiť vzťah Slovákov a maďarského etnika. Rozdielne výsledky boli na južnom Slovensku, Slováci, ktorí predstavujú majoritu, hodnotia vzťahy s iným etnikom ako dobré. Etnografi cké štúdie popisujú interetnické vzťahy ako dobré, no zaznamenávajú aj problémy a konfl ikty, ktoré však nevznikajú kvôli etnickým rozdielom. V závere príspevku zhodnotila, že výskum v proble- matike minorít či interetnických vzťahov je heterogénnou oblasťou. Po diskusii nasledoval posledný tretí blok s názvom Spoločenské a humanitné vedy a výskum národnostných vzťahov v strednej Európe II. Zlatica Sáposová z CSPV SAV, Spoločenskovedného

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ústavu v Košiciach priblížila Používanie maďarského jazyka a maďarská menšina v Košiciach. Prezentovala výsledky prieskumu zameraného na komunikačné správanie maďarskej menši- ny v Košiciach na základe vybraných otázok dotazníka. Materinský jazyk má dôležitú rolu pri odovzdávaní kultúry ďalším generáciám a je nevyhnutný pri tvorbe identity. Na záver uviedla, že komunita maďarskej národnosti v Košiciach žije v bilingválnom prostredí, je otvorená inoja- zyčnej kultúre, no snaží sa zachovať svoju identitu a jazyk. Boris Michalík a Jaroslav Čukan z Katedry manažmentu kultúry a turizmu, Filozofi ckej fakulty UKF v Nitre priblížili Kontexty zmien identity a kultúry dolnozemských Slovákov. V príspevku chceli poukázať na niekoľko sú- vislostí minoritnej kultúry, vplyvu globalizačných zmien na identitu príslušníkov menšinových spoločenstiev nielen na Dolnej zemi. Dolnú zem charakterizovali ako územie južne od hranice Slovenska, teda Maďarsko, Srbsko, Rumunsko a Chorvátsko. Silvia Letavajová z Katedry etnológie a mimoeurópskych štúdií FF UCM v Trnave vystúpi- la s príspevkom Nové etnické a náboženské minority na Slovensku. Posledným prednášajúcim bol Petr Bednařík z Ústavu pro soudobé dějiny AV ČR v Prahe s referátom Obraz historie a so- učasnosti národnostních menšin v českých médiích na začátku 21. století. Nasledovala diskusia, po ktorej sa Štefan Šutaj poďakoval prednášajúcim za ich príspevky a pozval všetkých prítom- ných na občerstvenie. Konferencia určite naplnila očakávania členov projektu, ktorí mohli prezentovať doterajšie výsledky výskumu. Výsledkom konferencie bude dvojjazyčný zborník, ktorý vyjde samostatne v slovenskom a v anglickom jazyku.

Mgr. Barbara Kacerová Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach.

SEMINAR ON HOLOCAUST STUDIES FOR SLOVAK EDUCATORS JERUZALEM, 9. – 16. DECEMBER 2018

V závere roku 2018 sa v Jeruzaleme uskutočnil vzdelávací seminár, určený pedagógom zo Slovenska. Organizátormi boli Izraelská pamäťová inštitúcia Jad Vashem, Ministerstvo škol- stva, vedy, výskumu a športu Slovenskej republiky a občianske združenie Edah o. z. Cieľom se- minára bolo predstaviť najnovšie formy vyučovania a vzdelávania o holokauste spôsobom, kto- rý účastníkom seminára prinesie nové poznatky a metodické postupy v pedagogickom procese. Seminár otvorili svojimi príhovormi J. E. Peter Hulényi, veľvyslanec Slovenskej republiky v štáte Izrael a Richelle Budd Caplan, riaditeľka Európskeho oddelenia Jad Vašem, ktorí vy- jadrili obojstrannú radosť z možnosti vzdelávania slovenských učiteľov na pôde inštitúcie Jad Vašem v Jeruzaleme. Po úvodných príhovoroch a následnej diskusii nasledoval pracovný program, ktorý tvorila teoretická a praktická časť. Prvý deň bol venovaný téme predvojnového života židovskej populá- cie. Problematike holokaustu a genocíd sa v prednáške Holokaust a genocídy venovala lektorka Hailey Sharon Dilman a Noam Gittin pokračovala predstavením vzdelávacieho modelu Jad va- šem o predvojnovom živote Židov prostredníctvom workshopu: Ulica v Poľsku. Workshop je ur- čený pre študentov od 15 rokov a vyššie. Učitelia si mohli názorne vyskúšať prípravu a priebeh workshopu, ktorý sa sústreďuje na konkrétne postavy a ich životné osudy pred druhou svetovou vojnou a v závere sa venuje aj osudom počas vojny prípadne po jej skončení. Učitelia tak mali možnosť stotožniť sa s konkrétnymi postavami a na ich príklade vnímať dopady rasových záko- nov, ako aj dôsledkov nacistickej hrôzovlády. Noam Gittin využila príležitosť, aby predstavila workshop ako hotový produkt pre učiteľov, ktorí ho môžu prevziať a priamo využiť pri vzdeláva- ní svojich študentov na slovenských školách. V druhej polovici dňa sa pedagógovia pod vedením Jany Marcus, skúsenej lektorky Jad Vašem, zúčastnili prehliadky historickej expozície múzea, ktorá je tvorená interaktívnym spô- sobom a predstavuje tragédiu holokaustu metódou Jad Vašem od predvojnového života Židov cez samotnú tragédiu, jej priebeh až po súčasnú úlohu inštitúcie, ktorá sa komplexne tejto

116 MESTO a DEJINY problematike venuje od svojho založenia v roku 1953, keď izraelský parlament Kneset prijal zá- kon o jej zriadení. Prehliadka historickej expozície bola zakončená diskusiou o obsahu a forme prezentácie vo výstavných priestoroch. Druhý deň seminára sa zameriaval na židovské identity, antisemitizmus a nacistickú po- litiku. V úvodnej prednáške Daniel Rozenga Židovské identity predstavil pestrosť židovských identít, ktoré sa stáročiami sformovali vo svete. Poznanie vzájomných odlišnosti v židovstve je jedným z predpokladov, ako predchádzať stereotypom zaužívaným v majoritnej spoločnosti. Na prednášku vhodne nadviazala prehliadka výstavy fotografi í, ktoré sa zachovali z rodinných al- bumov obetí, ich vrahov a ofi ciálnej tlače. Výstava niesla veľavravný názov: Záblesky spomie- nok, keďže tí, ktorých sa týkali už nedostali možnosť vypovedať ich príbeh. Zostali len fotografi e a kontext ich vzniku. Aj pri ich prezentácii bola zachovaná postupnosť od predvojnového života cez holokaust až po záver druhej svetovej vojny a nový začiatok. Prehliadka potom pokračovala do rozľahlého areálu Jad Vašem návštevou Údolia komunít a synagógou, kde sa účastníci mohli zoznámiť s náboženským rámcom judaizmu. Popoludňajší program pokračoval workshopom o každodennom živote v getách, ktorý vie- dol Yiftach Meiri z Jad Vašem. Náročný celodenný program bol zakončený vo večerných hodi- nách prehliadkou Izraelského múzea v Jeruzaleme. Dané múzeum vystavuje a spravuje vzácne artefakty z dejín židovského národa a národov Blízkeho východu od praveku až po súčasnosť. Ďalší deň bol venovaný téme „Konečné riešenie“ – výučba o voľbe. Úvodnú prednášku na tému: Kto dal rozkaz? Evolúcia „konečného riešienia“ predniesol Dr. Daniel Uziel, ktorý pouká- zal na postupný vývoj v nacistickom myslení smerujúci k rozhodnutiu vyvraždiť židovskú popu- láciu. Na túto prednášku nadväzoval workshop o možnosti voľby, pred ktorou stál alebo aj dnes môže stáť jednotlivec. Anna Stocker, ktorá ho viedla, využila pri jeho spracovaní udalosti prvé- ho transportu nemeckých Židov z Düsseldorfu do Rigy. Po obedňajšej prestávke účastníci seminára obdŕžali od Jad Vašem vzdelávací materiál, ktorý môžu využiť vo vzdelávacom procese na svojich školách. Následne seminár pokračoval workshopom na tému: Ako čeliť súčasnému antisemitizmu. Dr. Noa Mkayton predstavila súčas- né formy antisemitizmu a možnosti ich eliminácie. Záverečnou prednáškou doc. Petra Borzu na tému: Katolícka cirkev a holokaust na Slovensku sa účastníci venovali stavu refl exie holokaustu na Slovensku aj v kontexte narastajúceho extrémizmu v spoločnosti. Vo štvrtok sa účastníci znova zišli v priestoroch Medzinárodnej školy pre štúdium holokaus- tu v Jad Vašem a venovali sa téme: Vplyv perzekúcie na jednotlivca. Dopoludnie vyplnili prezen- tácie vybraných učiteľov o tom, ako vyučujú o holokauste. Súčasťou prezentácií bola odborná diskusia spojená s ocenením inovatívnych prístupov, ako aj usmerneniami pre ich zdokonale- nie v prospech vzdelávacieho procesu. Súčasťou dňa bola aj moderovaná diskusia s preživším Naftali Fürstom, ktorý pochádza zo Slovenska a bol jednou z obetí nacistického protižidovského snaženia. Osobný rozhovor s ním umocnil autentickosť preberanej témy a znova účastníkov vo- viedol do reality dôsledkov nacistickej ideológie. Rozhovor moderoval Dr. Martin Korčok, vedúci Múzea holokaustu v Seredi. Naftali Fürst bol jedným z väzňov koncentračného tábora v Seredi, kde sa dnes nachádza výnimočné múzeum. Popoludňajší program pokračoval prednáškou Perzekúcie Nežidov počas 2. svetovej vojny, ktorú viedol Yossi Gilad. Pozornosť účastníkov zameral na nacistami marginalizované skupiny obyvateľstva, ktoré znášali spoločný osud s prenasledovaným židovským obyvateľstvom. Téma holokaustu tak nadobudla širší kontext a prednášajúci poukázal na tragické dôsledky ideológie nadraďujúcej príslušníkov jednej rasy nad tých ostatných. Náročný pracovný deň ukončila spo- ločná diskusia a vyhodnotenie pracovnej časti seminára v priestoroch Jad Vašem. Trvanie seminára bolo ohraničené na osem dní, z toho dva dni boli vyhradené na cestu zo Slovenska do Izraela a späť. Štyri dni vypĺňala intenzívna práca v priestoroch Jad Vašem a dva dni organizátori vyhradili aj pre poznávanie histórie a kultúry Izraela. Bolo tomu tak aj z prak- tického hľadiska, pretože v piatok popoludní začína v Izraeli sabat a s tým je spojený pracovný pokoj až do soboty večera. Preto pre účastníkov organizátori pripravili komentovanú prehliadku starého mesta Jeruzalem a výlet na Masadu v Judskej púšti. Plnohodnotne strávený čas v Izraeli pod gesciou najvýznamnejšej pamäťovej inštitúcie Jad Vašem bol pre pedagógov zo Slovenska cennou skúsenosťou pre ich vzdelávaciu činnosť, ale aj

117 MESTO a DEJINY osobný život. Prístup organizátorov a lektorov, ako aj vedenia Jad Vašem v Jeruzaleme bol pro- fesionálny a v mnohom inšpirujúci. V rámci seminára sa pedagógovia zoznámili s novými po- znatkami o holokauste a metódach jeho výučby, ktoré môžu využiť vo svojej pedagogickej praxi. Absolvovanie seminára prispelo k skvalitneniu pedagogických zručností a prehĺbeniu komplex- ného poznania nielen problematiky holokaustu, ale aj židovskej kultúry a štátu Izrael.

doc. ThDr. Peter Borza, PhD. Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach

UNITY V4 – INTERNATIONAL WORKSHOPS KRAKOV, 1. – 3. MÁJ 2019

V dňoch 1. – 3. mája 2019 sa v poľskom Krakove uskutočnili workshopy pre študentov a doktorandov z krajín Vyšehradskej skupiny, o ktorých organizáciu sa postarala Katedra kra- jiny a kultúrneho dedičstva na Fakulte histórie a kultúrneho dedičstva Pápežskej univerzity Jána Pavla II. v Krakove (Katedra Krajobrazu i Dziedzictwa Kulturowego, Wydział Historii i Dziedzictwa Kulturowego, Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie). Okrem organi- zátorskej univerzity sa akcie zúčastnili aj pozvané univerzity z ostatných krajín V4, konkrétne Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach, Univerzita Karlova v Prahe a Gál Ferenc Főiskola v Szegede. Slovenskú výpravu z Katedry histórie Filozofi ckej fakulty UPJŠ v Košiciach pod ve- dením doc. ThDr. Petra Borzu, PhD. tvorili traja študenti dennej formy doktorandského štúdia a traja študenti II. stupňa vysokoškolského štúdia. Cieľom trojdňovej akcie bolo navzájom spo- znať krajiny Vyšehradskej skupiny a ako vyplýva už z názvu grantu – Semiologiczny, historycz- ny i kulturowy aspekt tożsamości narodowej na przykładzie krajów Grupy Wyszehradzkiej. Próba znalezienia jedności w różnorodności – nájsť jednotu v rozmanitosti, keďže krajiny V4 sa na jed- nej strane od seba odlišujú, na strane druhej ich mnoho spája. Akcia bola ofi ciálne otvorená 1. mája o 9:00 úvodným slovom dr hab. Lucyny Rotter, po kto- rom sa prešlo k tzv. integračnému workshopu, ktorého cieľom bolo zábavnou formou sa navzá- jom spoznať a snáď aj uvoľniť formálnu atmosféru. Nasledovala prezentácia krajín Vyšehradskej skupiny, počas ktorej mali všetci účastníci vyhradený čas na prezentáciu svojej krajiny. Je nut- né zdôrazniť, že každá skupina sa svojej úlohy zhostila ináč, čo tiež prispelo k atmosfére „rozma- nitosti“. Hosťovská krajina predstavila Poľsko najmä za pomoci krátkych videí o kľúčových his- torických udalostiach, naši južní susedia stavili na opis multikultúrnych miest v Maďarsku, Česi dali dôraz najmä na svoje architektonické pamiatky, zatiaľ čo slovenská skupina zostavila rebríček desiatich vecí, ktoré by mal o Slovensku každý vedieť. Jednotlivé skupiny priniesli aj predmety typické pre ten-ktorý národ, samozrejme nemohla chýbať ani ochutnávka tradičných pokrmov. Po krátkej prestávke prebiehal kurz tancovania skladajúci sa z dvoch častí. V prvej polovici bolo predstavených niekoľko rôznych tancov (ale nechýbal napr. ani historický šerm) pôvodom z 19. a začiatku 20. storočia, v druhej časti sa zúčastnení mohli vybrané tance pod ve- dením odborníkov naučiť. Išlo síce o archaické tance, avšak práve vďaka tomu pôsobili origi- nálne a zaujímavo. Nasledovala prestávka na obed, po ktorej prišiel na rad trojhodinový work- shop o vzájomnom vnímaní krajín Vyšehradskej skupiny spojený s prácou na projektovom logu. Každá skupina mala k dispozícii rôzne pomôcky pre tvorbu plagátov, na ktorých mala zachytiť ostatné tri krajiny. Zámerom workshopu bolo nájsť prieniky medzi štyrmi zúčastnenými kra- jinami, ktoré mal grafi cký odborník následne spracovať do podoby projektového loga. Súčasne s tvorbou plagátov prebiehalo aj fotografovanie účastníkov akcie. Na tomto mieste je nutné po- znamenať, že takmer celý program prvých dvoch dní bol natáčaný pre budúce použitie v rám- ci propagácie projektu. Druhý deň sa niesol v znamení exkurzií. Začal sa o 9:00 niekoľkohodinovou prehliadkou Novej Huty – mestského obvodu Krakova a priemyselného centra mesta, vybudovaného na pre- lome 40. a 50. rokov 20. storočia. Dopravu účastníkov zabezpečoval historický autobus Jelcz 272 (hovorovo nazývaný Uhorka), pričom cestu medzi dvoma zastávkami mohli vždy tri osoby

118 MESTO a DEJINY absolvovať vozidlom Trabant 601. Prehliadka bola poňatá originálne, v štýle socialistického re- žimu. Nezabudlo sa na žiaden dôležitý bod spájajúci sa s Novou Hutou – hlavné námestie, meta- lurgický závod, kostol Pánovej archy, či sovietsky tank IS-2 vystavený na jednej z novohutských ulíc. Jednou zo zastávok bol aj byt zariadený v štýle socializmu, vďaka čomu si najmä mladší účastníci prehliadky mohli predstaviť, ako sa žilo v Poľsku a iných krajinách východného blo- ku pred niekoľkými desaťročiami. Súčasťou prehliadky bolo aj natáčanie scénok pre propa- gačné účely. Exkurzia sa zakončila v popoludňajších hodinách spoločným obedom. Po prestáv- ke nasledovala ďalšia prehliadka, tentokrát v centre Krakova, v priestoroch múzea Sukiennice pod historickou tržnicou. Návštevníci mali na výber výklad v dvoch jazykoch (poľsky a anglic- ky), samotná prehliadka sa v rozsahu necelých dvoch hodín pokúsila o chronologický prehľad dejín Krakova. Dobrý zážitok priniesli návštevníkom najmä skúsení sprievodcovia, ktorí mali počas svojho výkladu k dispozícii množstvo interaktívnych pomôcok a historických predmetov. Podzemné priestory moderne zariadenému múzeu taktiež pridávajú na nevšednosti. Druhý deň bol zakončený vo večerných hodinách spoločnou večerou všetkých účastníkov akcie v reštaurá- cii v centre mesta. Tretí, záverečný deň sa začal sumarizáciou prác na projektovom logu, kde bolo zúčastneným predstavených niekoľko rôznych návrhov grafi ckého dizajnéra, založených na ich predchádza- júcich prácach. Po spoločnom zvolení najlepšieho návrhu a krátkej prestávke bola na programe posledná prehliadka – jazda turistickým autobusom okolo vybraných krakovských pamiatok. O 12:45 nasledoval záverečný bod programu, krátky súhrn trojdňovej akcie, v ktorom neboli opomenuté hlavné prínosy, ktoré workshopy priniesli ako organizátorom, tak všetkým účastní- kom. Išlo najmä o lepšie spoznanie ostatných krajín Vyšehradskej skupiny, ľudí, ktorí tieto kra- jiny reprezentovali, a ako bolo i hlavným cieľom workshopov, objavenie jednoty v rozmanitosti.

Mgr. Peter Pavonič Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach

STAROSTLIVOSŤ O OSIRELÉ A SOCIÁLNE ODKÁZANÉ DETI V UHORSKU/SLOVENSKU V OBDOBÍ MODERNIZÁCIE [CARE OF ORPHANED AND SOCIALLY DEPRIVED CHILDREN IN THE TIME OF MODERNIZATION (MID 18TH CENTURY – MID 20TH CENTURY)] BRATISLAVA, 22. – 23. MÁJ 2019

Deti aj v súčasnosti patria k najzraniteľnejším členom našej spoločnosti. Vyžadujú si mi- moriadnu pozornosť a starostlivosť, aby z nich vyrástli sebestační, šikovní ľudia, ktorí si vedia poradiť s rozmanitými životnými situáciami. Osobitnú skupinu medzi nimi tvoria siroty, resp. polosiroty a deti z chudobných rodín. Vývojom starostlivosti o túto spoločenskú kategóriu sa zaoberala konferencia pod názvom Starostlivosť o osirelé a sociálne odkázané deti v Uhorsku/ Slovensku v období modernizácie, ktorú v dňoch 22. – 23. mája 2019 zorganizovali Historický ústav SAV a Slovenská historická spoločnosť pri SAV v priestoroch na Klemensovej ulici v Bratislave. Úvodným príhovorom otvoril podujatie v mene vedenia Historického ústavu SAV Peter Šoltés. Ako prvá vystúpila Diana Duchoňová z Historického ústavu SAV, ktorá sústredila pozor- nosť na siroty v aristokratických rodinách, pričom si všímala, od čoho záviseli osudy šľachtic- kých sirôt. Hlavnými determinantmi boli predovšetkým vek (určujúci spôsobilosť na jednotli- vé právne úkony) a takisto pohlavie. Najväčšie boje boli o poručníctvo dievčat, pretože poručník mohol rozhodovať o ženíchovi, čo mu umožňovalo získavať výhodné spojenectvá (refl ektované záujmy poručníka). Podľa uhorského Tripartita existovali tri typy poručníctva: zákonné, na- riadené a testamentárne. Za negatíva sirotského stavu označila citovú stratu, stratené detstvo a majetkovú stratu a uviedla príklady snáh o získanie sirotského majetku, napr. prostredníc- tvom spochybnenia legitimity dieťaťa.

119 MESTO a DEJINY

Nadviazal na ňu Michal Duchoň z Archívu mesta Bratislavy, ktorý presunul pozornosť do mestského prostredia. Zameral sa na participáciu mesta na starostlivosti o majetok sirôt v 16. – 18. storočí, pričom tému ilustroval početnými príkladmi z prostredia Bratislavy. Mesto zabez- pečovalo napr. vzdelanie takýchto detí, dávalo ich na výchovu do rodín. Aktívne vstupovalo do sirotskej agendy, a to zabezpečením majetku siroty a jeho spísaním. Mestom ustanovení poruč- níci museli viesť účtovné knihy, ktoré predkladali na revíziu magistrátu. Po roku 1690 do tohto procesu zasahovala i uhorská dvorská komora. Mesto sledovalo okrem majetkových pomerov si- rôt aj ich osobnostný rozvoj, dôležitým faktorom bolo pre deti sociálne zázemie – postavenie ro- dičov v rámci mestských elít, resp. cechov. Ivona Kollárová z Historického ústavu SAV vystúpila s príspevkom Kauza Gombos. Pozadie a problémy verejnej správy sirotského majetku. Na úvod priblížila fungovanie sirotského úra- du v Bratislave. V roku 1753 vznikla sirotská komisia, ktorá mala viesť evidenciu sirôt, vykoná- vať správu ich majetku, sústrediť na rôznych miestach uložený sirotský majetok. Ozrejmila jej štruktúru (20 členov) a predstavila osobu Michala Gombosa, ktorý osem rokov zastával funk- cie so zodpovednosťou za vedenie sirotského úradu (a ďalšie funkcie v bratislavskom magis- tráte). Počas tohto obdobia vznikol dlh viac ako 18 000 zlatých. Opísala priebeh vyšetrovania a procesu proti Jozefovi Fináczymu v 80. rokoch 18. storočia pre defraudáciu sirotských peňa- zí. M. Gombos nikdy neakceptoval svoju vinu v tomto prípade. Kauza defraudácie ho stála pozí- ciu v zastávanom úrade a mal zaplatiť 1/3 defi citu. Opätovne žiadal o prešetrenie prípadu, na- koniec bol pri svojej obhajobe úspešný a zbavený obvinenia. Na druhej strane sa nezbavil úplne splácania dlhu, bol vyhlásený za súkromného dlžníka pokladne. Obhajoval sa tým, že sirotský úrad nesledoval pre výkon iných povinností. Ďalšia zástupkyňa Historického ústavu SAV a hlavná organizátorka podujatia Ingrid Kušniráková sledovala ústavnú starostlivosť o osirelé deti v uhorskom prostredí v 18. storočí. Jej cieľom bolo analyzovať snahu štátnej moci vybudovať v 70. rokoch 18. storočia z niekoľkých individuálne založených sirotincov štátny systém, čo v konečnom dôsledku nebolo dosiahnu- té. Princípmi ústavnej starostlivosti boli náboženská a mravná výchova detí, výchova k prá- ci, ich stavovsky podmienené zaopatrenie i vzdelávanie. Počiatky ústavnej starostlivosti mô- žeme v Uhorsku sledovať od polovice 18. storočia (sirotince v Kőszegu, Tomášikove, Soproni). Vysvetlila príčiny, pre ktoré sa angažovali Mária Terézia a František Esterházy v prípade za- loženia sirotinca v Tomášikove. Tejto inštitúcii a jej dejinám venovala pomerne široký priestor. Porovnala situáciu za vlády Jozefa II., ktorý uprednostňoval pestúnsku starostlivosť. Ivana Červenková zo Slovenského národného archívu v popoludňajšom bloku opísala po- mery v tejto oblasti na cisárskych panstvách Holíč a Šaštín, kde fungovali sirotské úrady vede- né spočiatku osobitnými vedúcimi, neskôr panskými pokladníkmi. Hľadala odpovede na otáz- ky, kto sa mohol stať poručníkom, ako fungovala správa sirotských peňazí (pôžičky, prenájom nehnuteľností), za akých podmienok prichádzalo k ich vyplateniu (žiadosti zo strany poruční- kov i sirôt). Vysvetlila i spôsob vedenia účtovnej evidencie sirotských úradov a zmeny, ktorými prešla. Plynule na ňu nadviazal svojím príspevkom Marián Liščák z Kysuckého múzea v Čadci, ktorý sa zameral na sirotské záležitosti vo svetle archívnych dokumentov panstiev Strečno a Teplička z prvej polovice 19. storočia. Agenda spadala do kompetencie fi škálov, záležitosti správy majetkov viedli panskí pokladníci. Pre panstvo bolo prvoradým zabezpečenie kontinui- ty obhospodarovania urbárskej pôdy. Vysvetlil spôsob nakladania s majetkom po zosnulom, po- vinnosti tútorov v súvislosti so správou tohto majetku, či kto sa mohol stať tútorom. Na týchto panstvách sa viedli súpisy sirôt, keďže však neexistoval jednotný predpis o tom, čo majú obsa- hovať, ich výpovedná hodnota sa veľmi líši. Svoje zistenia ilustroval na niekoľkých vybraných prípadoch. Daniela Kodajová z Historického ústavu SAV si vzala pod drobnohľad osud sirôt v rodinách národovcov, kde prichádzalo k prepleteniu konfesionálnych, fi lantropických a nacionalistických koncepcií. Svoj príspevok založila na výskume korešpondencie slovenských intelektuálov. Určila osem typov riešení sirotskej situácie: v rámci blízkej rodiny; väzby v rámci kmotrovstva; ná- sledným sobášom rodiča (časté prípady ženby/vydaja so súrodencom zomrelého/zomrelej); naj- staršia dcéra preberá úlohu matky; model matky-samoživiteľky s deťmi; ojedinele vstupujú do

120 MESTO a DEJINY tejto situácie ľudia, ktorí sú bývalí zamestnávatelia rodičov; cirkev (najmä katolícka); ústavná starostlivosť. Adriana Švecová z Trnavskej univerzity sa z pohľadu právnej historičky zamerala na čin- nosť úradov Okresnej starostlivosti o mládež v medzivojnovom období na Slovensku. Uviedla kategórie najviac problematizovaných detí a mládeže, obsah a základné úkony starostlivosti (napr. starostlivosť o nezamestnanú mládež, o abnormálnu mládež, zriadenie a zabezpečenie existencie detských zotavovní, obstarávanie dopravy detí do nemocnice, zabezpečovanie zdra- votníckej diagnostiky, výkon vyživovacích a ošacovacích akcií atď.) Gabriela Dudeková Kováčová z Historického ústavu SAV hovorila o prelomoch v starostli- vosti o osirelé deti koncom 19. a začiatkom 20. storočia v Uhorsku. Zodpovedala otázku, aké boli typy neštátnej starostlivosti o sociálne odkázané deti (súkromná, komunálna, cirkevná, dobro- činné a svojpomocné spolky). Skúmala jednotlivé kroky smerujúce k poštátneniu tejto oblasti. V roku 1901 boli zriadené štátne detské azyly a v roku 1903 bol vytvorený centralizovaný sys- tém azylov s centrálou v Budapešti. Do roku 1915 vzniklo 17 azylov, pričom na území Slovenska to bolo len v Košiciach a Rimavskej Sobote. Zámerne sa vyberali lokality s väčšinovým maďar- ským obyvateľstvom, aby sa aj týmto spôsobom zabezpečila výchova detí v maďarskom duchu. Nezabudla zdôrazniť pozitíva i negatíva tohto systému štátnej starostlivosti. Osvetlila aféru „odvlečenia slovenských detí“ po epidémii cholery v roku 1873 do južného Uhorska, čo pertrak- tovali slovenskí autori na stránkach novín alebo v rôznych svojich prácach. Refl ektovala aj si- tuáciu vzniknutú počas prvej svetovej vojny, kedy sa objavuje nová kategória „vojnových sirôt“. Nasledujúce tri príspevky boli venované dejinám vybraných sirotincov. Katarína Repásová zo Štátneho archívu v Nitre, pracoviska Archív Komárno vykreslila vznik a počiatky fungova- nia mestského sirotinca Szillárda Hefl era v Komárne. Szilárd Hefl er bol člen municipálneho výboru, riaditeľ Komárňanskej sporiteľne a redaktor regionálneho týždenníka Komárňanské listy, ktorý v testamente zanechal svoju nehnuteľnosť mestu s podmienkou, že bude slúžiť opus- teným deťom. Zriadil aj fundáciu pre túto inštitúciu. Opísala kroky, ktoré predchádzali samot- nému otvoreniu sirotinca v roku 1897 s počtom miest 12. Podmienky prijatia do sirotinca boli nasledujúce: domovská príslušnosť v meste, nemajetnosť, dovŕšený 6. rok života, dobrý zdravot- ný stav, očkovanie proti osýpkam. Sirotinec fungoval do začiatku 50. rokov 20. storočia. Ďalší zástupca organizujúcej inštitúcie Peter Macho predniesol príspevok k dejinám evanje- lického sirotinca v Modre, ktorý bol prvým slovenským evanjelickým sirotincom na našom úze- mí. Pri jeho zrode stál modranský farár Pavel Zoch. Sirotinec bol otvorený v roku 1905 pôvodne pre 5 detí, ich počet však postupne narastal (v r. 1915 ich bolo už 56). Hľadal odpoveď na otáz- ku, prečo bol sirotinec zriadený práve v Modre? Dôležitým aspektom bolo fungovanie viacerých štátnych a cirkevných škôl v meste, okrem toho prísľub pomoci a podpory zo strany magistrátu. Zaoberal sa správou sirotinca, fungovaním a zložením sirotincového výboru. Zariadenie slúžilo pre deti z celého Slovenska, a to pre dievčatá aj chlapcov vo veku 6 – 16 rokov, pričom sa dbalo najmä na konfesionálnu príslušnosť prijímaných detí. V roku 1951 bo zrušený a deti premiest- nené na Starú Turú. Ako posledná v prvý konferenčný deň vystúpila Alica Kurhajcová z Katedry histórie FF Univerzity Mateja Bela v Banskej Bystrici. Predmetom jej výskumu sa stal v roku 1873 zalo- žený sirotinec pomenovaný po dcére cisára Františka Jozefa, Gizele, ktorý bol umiestnený do priestorov Ľupčianskeho hradu. Zachované ročenky Gizelinho robotníckeho sirotinca jej umož- nili vytvoriť obraz o živote v tejto inštitúcii. Všímala si personálne zloženie vedenia sirotinca, jeho kapacitu, kto bol prijímaný (chlapci z rodín robotníkov vo veku 6 – 13 rokov), odkiaľ siro- ty pochádzali, denný režim, zabezpečenie základného vzdelania i uplatnenie sirôt po opustení ústavu. Druhý deň konferencie zahájil Štefan Gaučík z Historického ústavu SAV s prednáškou o si- rotinci Mária ochrana v Prešporku. Jeho vznik sa viaže k pandémii cholery v roku 1831, po kto- rej doznení bolo potrebné riešiť situáciu väčšieho počtu osirelých detí. Predstavil jednotlivých iniciátorov projektu (napr. František Ziči), mecénov z radov uhorských aristokratov. Sirotinec otvoril svoje brány koncom roka 1831, spočiatku sídlil v prenájme. Vlastná budova sirotinca bola slávnostne otvorená v októbri 1832. Neskôr nad ním prebrala patronát Štefánia Belgická a sirotinec zmenil názov na Sirotinec Štefánia. Venoval pozornosť zloženiu personálu, počtu

121 MESTO a DEJINY opatrovaných detí, konfesionálnemu zameraniu. Od 1. júla 1893 prevzali vedenie sirotinca vin- centky. Existoval do roku 1946. Silvia Pavlíková zo Štátneho archívu v Banskej Bystrici, pracoviska Archív Rimavská Sobota skúmala zriadenie sirotinca v Rimavskej Sobote ženským spolkom a spolkom Biely kríž. Základná myšlienka založiť sirotinec v meste pochádzala z roku 1890. Slávnostne bol otvorený 15. januára 1899. Sledovala počty prijatých detí, výšku príspevkov od jednotlivých spolkov a štá- tu. Keďže záujem o umiestnenie detí v ústave bol enormný, bolo potrebné hľadať iné riešenie. Našlo sa v pestúnskej starostlivosti u náhradných rodín v okolitých lokalitách. Od roku 1903 prechádzala starostlivosť o tieto deti pod štátne detské domovy. Spomenuté spolky však naďa- lej vyvíjali aktivity na tomto poli. Silvia Lörinčíková zo SNM – Múzea Betliar predstavila príbeh Františky a Dionýza Andrášiovcov, ktorí rozvinuli dobročinnú činnosť presahujúcu konfesionálne i národnostné hra- nice. Keďže manželka bola z meštianskeho prostredia, bol Dionýz rodičmi vydedený. Až po pred- časnej smrti rodičov mu boli prinavrátené dedičské práva. Františka nemohla mať vlastné deti, preto sa manželia zamerali na pomoc cudzím deťom. Prednášajúca vymenovala najvýznam- nejšie základiny, ktoré zriadili, napr. 1896 umelecká základina, 1898 dôchodková základina, Nemocnica infekčných chorôb v Rožňave (po 1902). Po smrti manželky zintenzívnil Dionýz ešte viac svoje dobročinné aktivity, napr. daroval svoju vilu v Unterdöblingu mestu Viedeň pre zria- denie dievčenského sirotinca. Dana Hučková z Ústavu slovenskej literatúry SAV nazerala na sirotinec ako na literárny motív v slovenskej literatúre konca 19. storočia a prvej tretiny 20. storočia a Katarína Balleková z Jazykovedného ústavu Ľudovíta Štúra SAV ukončila konferenciu príspevkom pod názvom Čo odhaľuje slovenčina o sirotách a vdovách? Zo slovnej zásoby rodinných vzťahov. Po každom bloku prednášok počas oboch konferenčných dní prebehli búrlivé diskusie s množstvom podnetov a pripomienok, častokrát ukrajujúce podstatnú časť naplánovaných pre- stávok, čo však nebolo nikomu zo zúčastnených proti vôli. Z podujatia je plánované vydať kolek- tívnu monografi u, ktorá by mala vyjsť v priebehu roka 2020.

Mgr. Ivana Červenková, PhD. Slovenský národný archív

122 Recenzie Reviews MESTO a DEJINY

TAMÁSKA, MÁTÉ – KRCHO, JÁNOS – SEKAN, Miskolc v porovnaní s Košicami v závidenia- JÁNOS – SZŰTS, ISTVÁN G. (EDS.). VÁLTOZÓ SZEREPEK, hodnej pozícii. Stačí uviesť mnohozväzkovú VÁLTOZÓ VÁROSKÉPEK: KASSA ÉS MISKOLC prehľadnú syntézu dejín Miskolca, od počiat- A 20. SZÁZADBAN. BUDAPEST: MARTIN OPITZ KIADÓ, 2019, 203 S. ISBN 978-963-9987-40-1. kov po najnovšie dejiny, ktorej hlavným edito- rom bol István Dobrossy. Tento stav bolo pre- to nutné zohľadniť aj pri zostavovaní obsahu Myšlienka predstaviť popri sebe premeny recenzovaného zborníka. dvoch dôležitých regionálnych centier severo- V úvode hlavný editor Máté Tamáska, východného segmentu Karpatskej kotliny – ktorého primárnym predmetom bádania je Košíc a Miskolca – v tzv. krátkom 20. storočí, sociológia architektúry miest a obcí, v mier- sa zrodila v roku 2016. S iniciatívou prišlo kul- ne lyricky poňatom texte podrobnejšie ob- túrne a akademické združenie Észak-Keleti jasňuje okolnosti vzniku publikácie a myš- Átjáró, so sídlom v Miskolci. Výsledkom je lienkové cesty, ktoré k nej viedli. Jednotlivé zborník jedenástich rozsahovo kompaktných štúdie zborníka nemajú na zreteli primárne štúdií, ktorý uzrel svetlo sveta vo forme tre- komparatívne hľadisko, no snaha o hľadanie tieho zväzku knižného projektu TÉRformák – paralel – ale aj odlišností – bola v tvorivom TÁRsadalomformák (Tértár), budapeštian- a editorskom procese nesporne obsiahnutá. skeho nakladateľstva Martin Opitz. Autormi Tamáska tiež v krátkosti predstavuje kľúčové príspevkov sú architekti, historici a muzeoló- aspekty jednotlivých príspevkov. Prirodzene govia, ktorých výskumná činnosť – a v nejed- žiadna súčasná publikácia, ktorá mapuje de- nom prípade aj osobný život – je úzko spätá jiny Košíc v prvej polovici 20. storočia, ne- s menovanými dvoma metropolami. Rozličné môže celkom obísť odkaz azda najslávnejšie- polia pôsobnosti jednotlivých autorov priro- ho Košičana, spisovateľa Sándora Máraiho. dzene prinášajú aj obsahovú rozmanitosť tex- Na prvých stranách nás privíta hneď niekoľ- tov, zborník samotný tak predstavuje poten- ko Máraiho citátov, ktorý v 40. rokoch minu- ciálne pútavé čítanie aj pre laickú verejnosť. lého storočia navštívil svoje rodné mesto nie- Napriek tomu, že publikácia obsahuje koľkokrát. Na tomto mieste je však príhodné presne tucet príspevkov (ak započítame aj edi- podotknúť, že mimoriadne intímny vzťah toh- toriál z pera Máté Tamásku), ktoré sú svojím to veľkého Európana ku Košiciam bol v tomto obsahom heterogénne, považujem za vhod- období prinajmenšom ambivalentný. V kon- né predstaviť všetky, vo viac či menej jadrnej templatívne ladenom denníku z roku 1943 forme. Je zjavné, že kým niektoré príspevky čítame: s košickou tematikou majú povahu synté- „Košice ma už nerozrušujú, nezne- zy (napr. štúdia J. Sekana či autorskej dvo- pokojujú, už nepočujem zázračný zvuk zvo- jice M. Bobková – Z. Sáposová), texty týkajú- na potopeného v hlbočine detstva. Keď krá- ce sa Miskolca si skôr kládli za cieľ predstaviť čam po ulici, neprepadá ma už žiaden pocit niektoré zaujímavé fragmenty imaginárnej tiesne; detstvo pominulo nielen v skutočnos- (MÁRAI, Sándor. obrázkovej skladačky, ktorá predstavuje pre- ti, ale aj vo mne.“ Denníky Bratislava: Kalligram, 2012, meny mesta s bohatými obchodnými a vi- I. 1943 – 1956. s. 36) O niekoľko strán ďalej: nárskymi tradíciami, na výkladnú skriňu „Malomesto je „socialistickej“ industrializácie. Dôvod toh- asi príšerné. Tá strnulosť v správaní ľudí! to členenia tkvie predovšetkým v rozličnej Príliš vedomé pohľady, sadania, príchody, od- „preskúmanosti“ týchto miest. Hospodárske, chody, oslovenia, trápne prehlušovanie pocitu kultúrne a politické postavenie Košíc počnúc menejcennosti, osobná a lokálna pýcha, trva- stredovekom takmer vo všetkých obdobiach le zúžený priestor, kde sa ľudia vzájomne šú- predčilo postavenie Miskolca. Dokonca aj dnes chajú lakťami i pohľadmi… Celé dni sa po- je evidentné, že po hospodárskej a demogra- hybujem v priestore Greenovho Leviatana. fi ckej stránke sa Košiciam naoko vodí lepšie. Žiť sa dá niekde na usadlosti, alebo vo veľko- Miskolc naproti tomu v posledných dekádach meste. Tu v malomeste, uprostred ustavičných zažíva menšiu „demografi ckú krízu“. Z pos- nárazov, odrenín a vzájomného potkýnania tu druhého najväčšieho mesta Maďarska sa a ospravedlňovania, sa predčasne minie aká- „prepadol“ na štvrtú priečku (podľa údajov koľvek energia a túžba duše po nezávislosti.“ (MÁRAI, Denníky I., s. 40) Samotný zborník Štatistického úradu platných pre rok 2018). sa začína štúdiou autorskej trojice Priatková – Z hľadiska spracovania dejín mesta je však Sekan – Tamáska, ktorá sa zameriava na

124 MESTO a DEJINY predstavenie Komenského ulice v Košiciach monarchia v novembri 1918 podpísala prí- a jej organického okolia. Autori predostierajú merie so štátmi Dohody. Stretávame sa zá- obraz mestského priestoru, ktorý možno vní- roveň aj s prvou markantnou paralelou vo mať ako rozľahlú živú výstavu jednotlivých vzťahu Košíc a Miskolca. Významný predsta- urbanistických konceptov, počnúc obdobím viteľ maďarskej urbanistiky, architekt László monarchie po začiatok 60. rokov 20. storočia. Warga, totiž pôsobil v oboch mestách a odtlač- Tvár Košíc v prvých dvoch dekádach po skon- ky jeho ideí sú dodnes viditeľné na územných čení prvej svetovej vojny formovalo aj ideové plánoch. Dramatické zmeny po roku 1920 so súperenie dvoch zdanlivo protichodných prin- sebou pochopiteľne priniesli aj obmeny v po- cípov. Na jednej strane vôľa nového štátneho hľadoch na staviteľskú perspektívu Košíc. zriadenia dynamicky pretvárať a na strane Proklamovanie modernity a účelovosti nastu- druhej odpor tradičného meštianstva Košíc. pujúceho funkcionalizmu malo za úlohu odrá- Dokonca aj dnes väčšina Košičanov pravde- žať dynamizmus a „sviežosť“ nového štátneho podobne hľadí na svoje mesto skrz optiku pa- zriadenia; prinajmenšom tak to vnímalo po- miatkovej rezervácie mesta a okolitý „veniec litické vedenie nového štátu. Búrlivé politic- socialistického realizmu“ vníma iba ako ku- ké a spoločenské udalosti priniesli radikálne lisu nutného zla. Preto vnímam ako kľúčové zmeny taktiež na poli demografi ckých pome- konštatovanie, že na dnešnú formu mesta je rov. Tie okrem iného generovali aj chronický v skutočnosti správnejšie nazerať ako na „so- nedostatok bytových jednotiek. Dozvedáme sa cialistické novomesto“ a kulisou je skôr úze- tiež, že v období centrálneho plánovania jest- mie obkolesené niekdajším fortifi kačným sys- vovala koncepcia, ktorá si vytýčila za cieľ pre- témom Košíc (s. 20). Dnešná Komenského taktovať výstavbu 8, 10 a 13-poschodových pa- ulica pôsobí z urbanistického hľadiska po- nelových domov, na 13-26-poschodové. Košice merne koherentne, najmä ak ju porovnáme pred realizáciou tohto „skvostného“ plánu na- s inými „modernými“ časťami mesta. Preto šťastie uchránila nedostatočná vyspelosť do- nesporne prekvapí zistenie, že tunajšia zá- stupných stavebných technológií (s. 71). stavba v skutočnosti nebola výsledkom uce- Architekta Adriana Priatková, ktorá sa leného regulačného plánu, ale prebiehala vo svojom výskume okrem iného venuje aj rapsodicky a účelovo (s. 27). To, že výsledok medzivojnovému staviteľstvu v Košiciach, do predsa pôsobí vcelku harmonicky, je akis- zborníka prispela zaujímavým článkom o roz- te výsledkom odbornej staviteľskej kontinui- sahovo grandióznej Výstave východu ČSR ty, ktorá bola zachovaná naprieč jednotlivými v Košiciach, zorganizovanej doslova v pred- obdobiami. V neposlednom rade za to vďačí- večer podpísania Mníchovskej dohody. Ako me aj skutočnosti, že v čase hromadného ná- M. Tamáska v úvode výstižne poznamenáva: stupu panelových technológií začiatkom 60. „Text Adriany Priatkovej predstavuje košickú rokov bola už Komenského ulica prakticky syntézu štátom podporovaného štýlu, Výstavu kompletne zastavaná (s. 31). Príspevok vhod- východu ČSR z roku 1938. Funkcionalistická ne dopĺňa aj bohatá séria fotografi í, predsta- logika uplatnená pri výstavbe pavilónov sym- vujúca všetky dôležité architektonické ele- bolizovala racionálne hospodáriaci, každo- menty štúdie. denného človeka zbytočne nezaťažujúci štát, V nasledujúcom – tentokrát už samostat- teda to Česko-Slovensko, ktorého úmyslom nom príspevku – J. Sekan mapuje vývoj územ- bolo predstavovať protipól aristokratické- ného plánovania Košíc v 20. storočí. V roku ho, v okrasných stavbách zmýšľajúceho sve- 1917 mestský magistrát vypísal súťaž na vy- ta. Strohý funkcionalizmus však zároveň pracovanie regulačného plánu mesta. Jedná vyžaroval aj silu, ktorú sa snažili učiniť jed- sa pravdepodobne o prvú takúto súťaž svojho noznačnou prostredníctvom monumentality druhu na území niekdajšieho Uhorska (s. 57). hlavného pavilónu a ohromnými vlajkovými Jednotlivé návrhy sa nanešťastie nedochovali, stožiarmi .“ (s. 11, preklad V. L.) Grandiózna no z dobových periodík a zápisnice súťaže, kto- výstava, ktorej niektoré časti boli neskôr im- rá je uložená v archíve mesta, je možné jednot- plementované do komplexu Technickej uni- livé koncepty čiastočne rekonštruovať. Vieme verzity, bola jedným z nemnohých projektov preto, že prvú cenu v súťaži udelila porota sta- v Košiciach, ktoré realizovali striktne na zák- viteľskej dvojici László Warga a Jenő Lechner. lade vopred plánovaných urbanistických kon- To všetko niekoľko mesiacov predtým, ako ceptov (s. 27, 92).

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Kým v Košiciach vznik Česko-Slovenska osudy a dielo pražského rodáka Josefa Poláka preťal vlákno architektonického poníma- sú v českom a slovenskom prostredí pomerne nia, ktoré svoje predobrazy nezriedka hľa- dobre známe, no v Maďarsku zaiste pomenej. dalo a nachádzalo v monumentálnom bu- Pritom aj vďaka nemu Košice v medzivojnovom dapeštianskom štýle, „tradičná“, mierne období poskytli dočasné útočisko takým maďar- archaizujúca architektúra obdobia monar- ským intelektuálnym a umeleckým špičkám, chie predznamenala urbanistické riešenia ako Oszkár Jászi, Lajos Kassák, Jenő Krón, Miskolca aj v medzivojnovom období. Vyplýva Lajos Tihanyi a i. (s. 129). Po Mníchovskej do- to z textu maďarskej architektky Évy Lovra, hode musel Polák opustiť Košice a neskôr aj ktorá je v istom zmysle miskolcským zrkad- Slovensko. Typický stredoeurópsky osud ho lom Sekanovej štúdie o evolúcii košického re- však dostihol aj v jeho rodnej Prahe. Nesporne gulačného plánu. Pri čítaní pochopíme, že i židovské korene primäli Poláka, aby parti- nové tváre a úlohy Košíc a Miskolca v me- cipoval na činnosti československého odbo- dzivojnovom období – ale aj po ňom – boli de- ja. Svoju životnú púť ukončil pravdepodobne terminované predovšetkým geopolitickými v Osvienčime, v januári roku 1945. zmenami v stredoeurópskom priestore. Nové Zoltán Bereczki v zborníku prezentuje tváre a úlohy oboch miest boli v istom zmys- segment svojho širšieho bádateľského progra- le „oktrojované“, i keď z rozličných príčin. mu, v ktorom predstavuje dielo dvoch talen- Kým česko-slovenský štát sa z mesta na bre- tovaných, dnes už prakticky zabudnutých ar- hoch Hornádu pokúšal vytvoriť akúsi výstav- chitektov – Alfréda Blocha a Lajosa Stimma. nú metropolu očisteného, funkčného moder- V ich architektonických prácach sa jasne zr- nizmu, ktorý síce neprejavoval vôľu otvorene kadlí fakt, že v Miskolci 20. a 30. rokov boli ničiť odtlačky starého režimu, no vytvorením naďalej živé tradície secesie, arts and crafts dichotómie „nového a starého“ mal nespor- a predovšetkým novobaroka, ktoré ustupovali ne v úmysle prezentovať (nielen) staviteľstvo modernizmu omnoho pomalšie, ako tomu bolo habsburskej monarchie ako tolerované, no v Košiciach (s. 144-145). „vyšumelé“. Miskolc naproti tomu v novom, Charakter fi lmového scenára má text his- okyptenom Maďarskom kráľovstve dostal úlo- torika Krisztiána Kapusiho, ktorý stavia pre- hu kľúčového regionálneho centra, na ktorú važne na archívnom výskume. Pojednáva mesto samotné vonkoncom neašpirovalo. o osude niekoľkých severotalianskych ro- Že Miskolc musel v medzivojnovom obdo- dín, ktoré emigrovali z územia dnešného bí suplovať nielen hospodársku a administra- Talianska a Švajčiarska do maďarskej čas- tívnu úlohu Košíc, ale aj kultúrne a umelecké ti habsburskej monarchie. Dnešnému čitate- funkcie iných, pre Maďarsko stratených úze- ľovi pripadá temer neuveriteľné, že dôvodom mí, dokumentuje príspevok historičky umenia pohybu Talianov smerom na severovýchod a muzeologičky Andrey Pirint. Umelecký tábor bol únik pred materiálnou biedou v ich do- (művésztelep) zriadený v Miskolci v roku 1921 movských regiónoch. Boli to práve talianski mal okrem iného za úlohu čiastočne nahradiť hostinskí, ktorí založili v Miskolci cukrár- slávnu maliarsku umeleckú školu v marma- sku a kaviarenskú scénu (s. 147). Talianska rošskej Nagybányi (nem. Frauenbach, dnes komunita bola prítomná aj v Košiciach. Ku Baia Mare v Rumunsku), ktorej členmi boli aj koloritu vtedajšieho mesta neodmysliteľ- takí mimoriadni umelci, ako Károly Ferenczy ne patril aj hostinský Paolo Galimbertina so či János Thorma (s. 119). Osobitú hodnotu svojím výčapom na Dominikánskom námestí majú diela tých maliarov pôsobiacich v me- či Giovanni Bartolli, ktorý v Košiciach zalo- dzivojnovom období v Miskolci, ktorí vo svo- žil šermiarsku školu so sídlom na Zvonárskej jich dielach zvečnili pre budúce generácie tvá- ulici. Angelo Baroffi o prevádzkoval kamenár- re mesta, ktoré dnes už zahladil čas. sku dielňu, kde zamestnával niekoľko svojich Takmer dokonalým protipólom tradičné- krajanov (s. 149). Autor prízvukuje, že článok ho lokálpatriotizmu „historizujúcej“ maliar- je skôr smernicou k ďalšiemu bádaniu, než skej scény v Miskolci je neformálna skupina uzavretým projektom a pritom do budúcna talentovaných kubistických umelcov, ktorí sa nastoľuje aj mnohé relevantné otázky na poli v Košiciach združovali okolo svojráznej, sil- urbanizmu. Bolo by nesporne zaujímavé ve- nej osobnosti Josefa Poláka, správcu a neskôr dieť, či svojské estetické cítenie talianskej ko- riaditeľa Východoslovenského múzea. Životné munity malo v konečnom dôsledku vplyv na

126 MESTO a DEJINY formovanie mestského prostredia. Kapusiho bol spočiatku študentom Hansa Emila príspevok zároveň uzatvára virtuálnu množi- Mayera v Bauhause. Po Mayerovom odvola- nu príspevkov, predmetom ktorých je medzi- ní Weiner odišiel spolu so svojím mentorom vojnové obdobie. Približne tri dekády, ktoré do Sovietskeho zväzu. V Maďarsku jeho meno uplynuli po skončení prvej svetovej vojny, so rezonuje predovšetkým v súvislosti s vý- sebou nesporne priniesli fundamentálne ur- stavbou Dunaújvárosu (medzi rokmi 1951 – banistické zmeny, ktoré sa prejavili v celko- 1961 príznačne Sztalinváros). Rovnako ako vom vzhľade skúmaných miest. Ak ich však v Košiciach, bolestivé konverzie mesta z hľa- porovnáme s drastickým obratom, ktoré pri- diska životných pomerov zďaleka nenaplnili nieslo obdobie „socializmu“, môžu sa javiť do nich vložené očakávania. Počnúc 60. rok- takmer ako bezvýznamné. mi sa v miestnej tlači množia sťažnosti pod- Autorská dvojica Mariana Bobková – mienené kolíziou vidieckeho a mestského Zlatica Sáposová prispela do publikácie sveta. Prisťahované rodiny s koreňmi v ag- článkom s poetickým názvom – Železné pľú- rárnom prostredí sa nehodlali vzdať aspek- ca Košíc (Kassa vastüdeje), v ktorom mapu- tov svojho tradičného živobytia ani v nových jú komplexný vzťah medzi Košicami a hlav- podmienkach. Na niektorých sídliskách boli ným determinantom podoby mesta počnúc miestni obyvatelia svedkami chovu poľnohos- druhou polovicou 20. storočia, až do dnešných podárskych zvierat doslova medzi panelák- dní – košickými železiarňami. Aj napriek sna- mi a zabíjačky prebiehali nezriedka priamo he českých úradov pretvoriť tradičný charak- pred vchodom. Výsledkom boli prirodzene so- ter mesta zakotvený v dobách monarchie, ciálne trenice a snahy o spontánnu segregá- meštianske tradície Košíc mali svoje orga- ciu (s. 183). Zborník uzatvára článok Kristíny nické pokračovanie aj v medzivojnovom ob- Markušovej, riaditeľky košického pamiatko- dobí (s. 155). Všetko sa však začalo drama- vého ústavu. Dnes sú Košice mestom s naj- ticky meniť s príchodom pohnutých 60. rokov väčšou súvislou pamiatkovou rezerváciou na minulého storočia. Do konca 70. rokov sa do Slovensku, ktorú tvorí takmer 1000 architek- Košíc za vidinou stabilnej práce prisťaho- tonických objektov (s. 195). Preto je paradox- valo takmer 45 tisíc osôb (s. 160). Aj vďaka né, že pri prvom vytýčení zoznamu mestských Košiciam sa východné Slovensko stalo regió- historických centier na Slovensku hodných nom s najväčšou migráciou pracovnej sily ochrany z roku 1950 Košice v súpise chýbali v celom Česko-Slovensku. Dynamický nárast (s. 190). Bolo by nesporne zaujímavé vedieť, obyvateľstva trval až do roku 1991, kedy po- či toto rozhodnutie bolo v skutočnosti podmie- čet obyvateľov Košíc dosiahol číslo 235 160 nené „nevhodným“ etnickým zložením košic- (s. 160). Dodnes je nedostatočne zdôrazňo- kého obyvateľstva. Centrum Košíc sa pamiat- vaným faktom, že tento masívny prílev novej kovým územím stalo – šokujúco – až v prvej pracovnej sily od základov zmenil etnické po- polovici 80. rokov (s. 193). I tak sa v Košiciach mery mesta. Je preto chvályhodné, že štúdia napokon búralo menej, než sa pôvodne plá- upozorňuje aj na tento problém a tiež potre- novalo. Autorka však neľútostne dodáva, že bu ďalšieho komplexného bádania tejto otáz- mnohé vysoké, charakterovo nevhodné stav- ky (s. 161). Okrajové mestské časti, ktoré si by vyrástli príliš blízko „intímnej“ zóny mest- až do 60. rokov zachovali vidiecky nádych, sa ského jadra, čím do značnej miery pridusili rýchlo premenili na územie so sivou zástav- jeho historickú povahu. Nezdráha sa tiež kri- bou monotónnych blokových domov. Ospalé, ticky – a podľa autora tejto recenzie aj veľ- pokojné periférie „zmutovali“ na temer auto- mi pregnantne – sumarizovať spoločenský nómne proletárske mestá. problém, ktorý zavše vedie k tomu, že ochra- Starí aj noví obyvatelia Miskolca boli na pamiatok v meste zlyháva. „Dnešní vlast- svedkami obdobného procesu, ktorý úplne níci domov v Košiciach, ale aj inde v krajine, pretvoril charakter ich mesta. Fúziou his- prevažne nie sú nositeľmi rodinných [meštian- torického Miskolca a niekoľkých priľahlých skych] tradícií, nie sú potomkami niekdajších obcí sa zrodilo industriálne centrum, analo- staviteľov a aristokracie, preto nemajú osobné gické Košiciam. Tento prechod súhrne pred- väzby k budovám v ich vlastníctve ... [nehnu- stavuje Ildikó Hajdú. Autorom územného plá- teľnosť] pre nich nie je zdedeným rodinným nu nového socialistického Miskolca bol známy domovom, ale iba tovarom.“ (s. 196-197). maďarský architekt Tibor Weiner. Weiner

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Pre úplnosť spomeňme aj niektoré slabi- AMEDOSKI, DRAGANA (ED.). BELGRADE 1521-1867. ny tejto inak nanajvýš obsažnej práce. Ako COLLECTION OF WORKS, VOL. 38. BELGRADE: THE – to v prípade publikácií obdobného charakte- INSTITUTE OF HISTORY; YUNUS EMRE ENSTITÜSÜ TURKISH CULTURAL CENTRE BELGRADE, 2018, 516 S. ru býva, ani tejto sa celkom nevyhli nedostat- ISBN 978-86-7743-132-7. ky v úprave textu a gramatické chyby, ktorým bolo azda možné predísť prísnejšou editáciou Zborník prác z medzinárodného vedecké- (podiel viny na týchto nedostatkoch nesie aj ho sympózia Belgrade 1521-1867, usporiada- pisateľ týchto riadkov, nakoľko je autorom ného 28. – 29. septembra 2017 v Belehrade, prekladu jedného z príspevkov). Silnou strán- predstavuje už na prvý pohľad kvalitný inter- kou celého zväzku je takmer úplné dištanco- disciplinárny elaborát. V úvode by sme mali vanie sa od morálnych súdov, no v náznakoch hneď naznačiť, že postrádame predslov, slovo je však zjavná tendencia niektorých auto- na úvod či publikovaný úvodný referát, ktorý rov (vrátane maďarských) hodnotiť obdobie by aspoň čiastočne zarámcoval konferenciu, jej prvej republiky ako „rýdzo“ demokratické, zámery či chronologické hľadisko rokov 1521 – spravodlivé a v pozitívnom zmysle moderni- 1867. Pre čitateľa, ktorý disponuje poznatka- zujúce. Naopak maďarský štát 20. a 30. ro- mi z dejín Srbska, sú roky zrejmé, ale prečo kov je mimovoľne vnímaný ako „neobaro- práve toto vymedzenie? Publikácia začína prí- kový“ a spiatočnícky. I keď tieto stereotypy spevkom Marka Popovića Siege of Belgrade in nemožno označiť za absolútne neopodstatne- 1521 and Restoration of Fortifi cations after né, skutočnosť – ako to poväčšine býva – Conquest. Rok 1521 nie je dôležitý iba z po- bola omnoho komplexnejšia (pozri napríklad: hľadu pádu Belehradu, keďže Turci v roku MAXWELL, Alexander, Choosing Slovakia. 1521 pod svoju kontrolu získali i ďalšie Srbmi Slavic Hungary: The Czechoslovak langua- obývané územia, a to Mačvu a časť Sriemu. ge and Accidental Nationalism. London; New Na centrálnom území niekdajšieho srbského York: I. B. Tauris, 2009, s. 166–186. STONE, štátu boli vytvorené tri sandžaky – smederev- Norman. Hungary: A Short History. Profi le ský, kruševacký a vučitrnský, východné časti Books, 2019, s. 116–143). Z pohľadu sloven- patrili do správy sandžakov vidinského, sofi j- ského publika je azda trochu konšternujúci ského a kjustendilského. Sandžaky so sídla- fakt, že štúdie nedisponujú resumé v anglic- mi v Prizrene a Škodre zahŕňali južné a juho- kom ani nemeckom (či dokonca slovenskom) východné oblasti (z dnešného pohľadu i časti jazyku. Kniha je však určená predovšetkým Albánska a Čiernej Hory). Územie západné- pre maďarské publikum, ktoré pociťuje ne- ho Srbska s časťami Bosny spadalo pod ad- dostatok kvalitných multidisciplinárnych od- ministratívu hercegovinského, bosnianske- borných publikácií zameraných na poznanie ho a zvornického sandžaku. Územie dnešnej rôznych aspektov histórie Košíc po prvej sve- Vojvodiny bolo rozdelené medzi sriemsky, se- tovej vojne. Je však tiež prístojné dodať, že gedínsky, temešvársky, čanádsky a banát- vo „výzbroji“ súčasného bádateľa dejín Košíc sky sandžak. V štúdii autor poukázal na sla- pred rokom 1945 nesmie chýbať primera- bé stránky belehradského opevnenia a akým ná znalosť maďarského a nemeckého jazyka. spôsobom osmanské jednotky do mesta pre- V tomto kontexte teda jednojazyčnosť zväzku nikli. Obnova hradieb nastala ihneď po zís- nemožno vnímať celkom kontraproduktívne. kaní mesta, keďže Belehrad bol mimoriadne Keďže v úvode zborníka nachádzame nie- dôležitý vzhľadom na ďalší postup do stred- koľko citátov z diela Sándora Máraiho, nech nej Európy. Autor použil i niekoľko vizualizá- je aj tento krátky sumár spečatený slovami, cií stavu belehradského opevnenia pred a po ktoré v kontexte obsahu recenzovanej publi- páde mesta. kácie znejú až mrazivo prorocky: „Možno pre- Machiel Kiel sa v príspevku s názvom The žijem, nikdy však už neuvidím Európu, akú Caravanserai of Tuygun Pasha in Belgrade: Its som poznal kedysi. A keby som žil ešte dvad- Description by Hans Dernschwam (1555) and sať rokov, nájdem Lübeck či Hamburg plný Some Notes about its Founder in the Ottoman panelákov. V Neapole zostane hádam aspoň Archives in Istanbul venoval jednému z naj- Vezuv...“ (MÁRAI, Denníky I., s. 37-38) väčších belehradských karavanserajov, po- stavenému v roku 1553, v záznamoch Jána Mgr. Viktor Luby Dernschwama. Karavanseraje boli orientálne hostince či „motely“ umiestnené pri hlavných

128 MESTO a DEJINY cestách, ktoré slúžili k občerstveniu a zotave- denník Abdullah bin İbrahima známeho ako niu karaván na cestách. Odpočívali tu ľudia aj Üsküdarî, kde popísal jednu z najväčších deš- ich zvieratá. Ján Dernschwam (1494 – 1567) trukcií belehradskej pevnosti, a to počas vý- je ako banský odborník mimoriadne známy aj buchu skladu so strelivom počas obliehania v slovenskom prostredí, keďže svoj život do- v roku 1690. Jej následkom bol zničený stre- žil v Častej, pochovaný bol v miestnom kosto- doveký hrad vybudovaný despotom Stefanom le, kde bol jeho náhrobok zachovaný do roku Lazarevićom v 15. storočí. Pre belehradskú 1939. Jeho telesné pozostatky sú pravdepo- pevnosť priniesol rok 1690 výrazný medz- dobne uložené v neprístupnej krypte v pres- ník, keďže sa boje presunuli na územie juž- bytériu kostola. Pozornosť tomuto zaujíma- ného Uhorska a Belehrad sa stal najvýznam- vému človeku venovali aj slovenskí historici, nejšou pohraničnou pevnosťou a rovnako tak čo autor zrejme z jazykového hľadiska opo- sa zmenilo i opevnenie, keďže stredoveké črty menul (Eva Kalhotková, Viliam Čičaj, Milan vystriedali modernejšie. Hock, Jozef Valachovič, Ovidius Faust a i.). Štúdia Mahira Aydina The Belgrade V princípe štúdia tak ako je koncipovaná po- Fortress before the Treaty of Passarowitz jednáva o niekoľkých vetách opisu belehrad- (1697-1717) sleduje osudy belehradskej pev- ského karavanseraju z Dernschwamovho nosti v stanovenom období, pričom autor pou- denníka (BABINGER, Franz (ed.). Hans kázal na jej mimoriadnu dôležitosť a zaradil ju Dernschwam‘s Tagebuch einer Reise nach medzi najdôležitejšie pevnosti celého osman- Konstantinopel und Kleinasien (1553/55) ského impéria. Na prvý pohľad mimoriadne nach der Urschrift im Fugger-Archiv. Berlin: zaujímavý príspevok predstavuje štúdia The Duncker & Humblot, 2003), zvyšné pasáže sú 1717 Siege of Belgrade and the Ottoman War len doplnením všeobecného kontextu. Equipment Captured by the Habsburgs after Dragana Amedoski v príspevku Belgrade the Siege, ktorej autorom je Hakan Karagöz. Women in Ottoman Society: Muslim Women Belehrad zohrával významnú úlohu pre obe from Belgrade at Sharia Court (17th Century) susediace ríše – pre Habsburgovcov bol brá- analyzovala rolu žien v osmanskej spoloč- nou na Balkán a pre Turkov bránou do stred- nosti v 17. storočí so zreteľom na prítomnosť nej Európy. Autor neobišiel ani jednu z naj- moslimských žien z Belehradu na belehrad- významnejších postáv rakúsko-osmanských skom súde šaría a rovnako v ostatných mes- konfl iktov Eugena Savojského (1663 – 1736) tách, kde sa aktívne podieľali na správe. a práve jeho taktika a strategické plány pri Podľa autorky sa v mestách ako Belehrad získaní Belehradu v roku 1717 predstavujú moslimské ženy podieľali na mestskej spolo- nosnú časť štúdie, pričom podľa názvu by sa čenskej scéne. Mohli vlastniť hnuteľný i ne- mal venovať aj vojenskému vybaveniu, ktoré hnuteľný majetok, pracovať a zarábať. Zdroje, získali Habsburgovci od Turkov po oblieha- ktoré autorka analyzovala, však pojednávali ní, to je však spomenuté iba na jednej stra- vo väčšej miere o prehreškoch voči spoločnosti ne (s. 147), názov príspevku teda nie je úpl- a dozvedáme sa tak veľmi málo o živote žien, ne presný. ktoré žili pokojným a usporiadaným životom. Isidora Točanac-Radović v príspev- V príspevku Aleksandara Fotića The ku Belgrade – Seat of the Archbishopric Belgrade Kadi’s Müraseles of 1683: The and Metropolitanate (1718-1739) predstavi- Mirror of a Kadi’s Administrative Duties na- la mesto ako sídlo významných inštitúcií – chádzame analýzu jedného špecifi ckého typu arcibiskupstva a metropolitanátu v rokoch osmanského dokumentu – müraseles (príka- 1718 – 1739 (ako súčasť štruktúry srbského zy kádiho/sudcu), ktoré sa v minimálnej miere pravoslávneho patriarchátu so sídlom v Peći). zachovali ako originálne archívne dokumen- V období habsburskej nadvlády, ako prízvu- ty, rovnako je im venovaná veľmi obmedzená kuje autorka, a iniciatívy metropolitov boli pozornosť. Autor preskúmal záznamy beleh- v Belehrade postavené dôležité budovy, kto- radského kádiho z roku 1683, ktoré sa docho- ré Belehradu dovtedy chýbali, ako naprí- vali v Biblioteca Universitaria di Bologna. klad katedrálny chrám a metropolitátny dvor. Tatjana Katić pripravila príspevok Walking Nasledujúce štúdie od Uğura Kurtarana, Through the Ravaged City: An Eyewitness Hatice Oruç, Mehmeta Tütüncü predstavu- Testimony to the Demolition of the Belgrade jú síce zaujímavé, no marginálnejšie problé- Fortress in 1690, v ktorom sa pozrela na my v kontexte celej publikácie, preto sa im

129 MESTO a DEJINY nebudeme detailnejšie venovať. Dejiny kaž- and Power: Melek Hanim in Belgrade 1847- dodennosti mal priblížiť príspevok Life in the 1848. Melek Hanım publikovala svoje pamä- Belgrade Fortress in the First Quarter of the te v dvoch častiach a v prvom diele sa venuje 19th Century (Nurbanu Duran), kde autor po- svojmu pobytu v Belehrade, kde sprevádza- ukázal na zmeny belehradskej pevnosti a jej la svojho manžela Kıbrıslı Mehmeda Emina súčastí v kontexte prvého srbského povstania Pašu, pričom výnimočnosť jej pohľadu spočí- v rokoch 1804 – 1813, no samotnému „životu“ va v ženskom videní Belehradu v druhej po- v Belehrade a pevnosti sa takmer vôbec ne- lovici 19. storočia. Z jej pohľadu bol Belehrad venuje, čo je podľa nášho názoru veľkou ško- „mestom zle postaveným a špinavým, miest- dou. Nedeljko V. Radosavljević vo svojej štúdii ne moslimské ženy boli etnografi cky zaujíma- Belgrade Metropolitanate 1825-1831 ozrej- vé, no odlišné od zvyšných...“. Ako však píše mil situáciu v belehradskom metropolitaná- autorka, jej pohľad je síce zaujímavý a uni- te v rokoch 1825 – 1831, a teda v čase keď kátny, no musí byť konfrontovaný s kon- dochádzalo k zmenšovaniu osmanského vply- textom a skúsenosťami ženy, ktorá si dr- vu a naopak posilneniu srbských inštitúcií. žala svoju osmanskú kultúrnu a triednu Autor defi noval štruktúry pravoslávnej cirkvi identitu. Hospodárske dejiny zastúpil prí- v priestore smederevského sandžaku s cen- spevok Gordany Karović Establishing Steam trom v Belehrade. Výraznú zásluhu na budo- Navigation in the Principality of Serbia, vaní a konsolidácii srbského štátu mali met- v ktorom sa autorka venovala zavedeniu pa- ropolitovia Antim a Kiril. roplavby po Dunaji zo strany Srbského knie- E. Attila Aytekin priblížil na základe prá- žatstva, čo výrazne pomohlo rozvoju obchodu. ce Belgradi Raşid Pašu Ta’rih-i Vaqa-i Hayr Prvý parník zakúpili predstavitelia kniežat- etnüma-i Belgrad ve Sırbistan dvojitú admi- stva v roku 1862 a bol pomenovaný Deligrad nistratívnu správu v Belehrade počas trvania podľa slávnej bitky počas prvého srbského po- srbskej autonómie. Population of Belgrade vstania (pre porovnanie, v západnej Európe as a Focus of Political and Administrative bola paroplavba zavádzaná od začiatku Interest in the Mid–19th Century je názov spo- 19. storočia). ločného príspevku Nina Delića a Aleksandry Príspevky Ljubudraga P. Ristića The Vuletić. Autori porovnávali demografi cké šta- Bombing of Belgrade (1862) and the Cession tistiky osmanského a srbského pôvodu, čo ná- of Fotresses to Serbia (1867) in British sledne veľmi vhodne zasadili do európskeho Politics a Suzany Rajić Belgrade and the kontextu, kde už v 18. storočí prebiehali ko- City Question 1866/1867 in Confi dential lekcie dát, čo sa srbské autority snažili na- Correspondence of Foreign Offi ce predstavu- praviť. Zaujímavý je napríklad prezentova- jú dôležité body mozaiky celej publikácie, no ný fakt o počte obyvateľov z roku 1854, keď našu pozornosť mimoriadnym spôsobom za- mal Belehrad iba niečo vyše 16 000 obyvate- ujal príspevok Evrena Kutlaya Elements of ľov (dnes je to okolo 1 700 000) v porovnaní Ottoman Infl uence in Serbian Music. Ako s Bukurešťou (120 000) a Pešťou (178 000). hodnotí autor, počas dlhej spoločnej koexis- Autori poukázali na mnoho ďalších zaují- tencie do srbskej hudby prenikli turecké me- mavých faktov, ako napríklad pôrodnosť, lódie i rytmické štruktúry. S budovaním ka- úmrtnosť, prirodzený prírastok a sobášnosť viarenskej tradície sa v srbskom prostredí v Belehrade v porovnaní s ostatnými európ- začala udomácňovať tzv. sevdalinka – šlo skymi metropolami. o melancholické ľúbostné piesne. Autor sa ďa- Bojana Miljković Katić prezentova- lej venoval hudobným nástrojom a budovaniu la príspevok About Contradictory Policy of srbskej národnej hudby v priebehu 19. sto- Purchases of Muslim Estates in Belgrade and ročia. Okrem spomenutých fenoménov autor the Principality of Serbia na tému predaja identifi koval historické paralely vývoja v hu- moslimského majetku v Srbskom kniežatstve dobnej politike v Osmanskej ríši a Srbsku. a taktiež sa dotkla regulácií a procesov, ktoré Príspevok Vladimira Tomića The Viennese komplikovali proces samotného predaja a vy- View on Belgrade. Belgrade in the Works of sídlenia moslimskej populácie. S individuál- Viennese Engravers between the 17th and the nym ľudským príbehom a spomienkami na 19th Century from the Belgrade City Museum Belehrad v 19. storočí prichádza vo svojej štú- Collection poukazuje na fakt, akým spôso- dii Irena Ćirović – Ottoman Woman, Agency bom bol Belehrad zobrazovaný v prácach

130 MESTO a DEJINY viedenských rytcov v 17. až 19. storočí (ulože- štátna moc využíva v procese konštruovania ných v belehradskom mestskom múzeu), pri- národnej identity a legitimizácie národnost- čom je to mimoriadne dôležitý materiál pri ného štátu. Autori hneď v úvode načrtávajú štúdiu belehradského historického a urbán- aj to, akú cestu si v prípade svojej publiká- neho vývoja. Štúdia obsahuje mnoho zaujíma- cie zvolili. Kalendár štátnych sviatkov, ktorý vých rytín (presne 27) od roku 1651 do roku bol ukotvený legislatívne, si všímajú predo- 1881. Pre čitateľa, ktorý by sa hlbšie zaujímal všetkým prostredníctvom konkrétnych prak- o dejiny Belehradu v osmanskej ére (1521 – tík pri jeho realizovaní v praxi. Prístup tvor- 1867), je podstatný posledný príspevok cov zahŕňa zaujímavý aspekt verejných osláv Selima Aslantaşa A Bibliography of Works on a tým je performačný rozmer slávenia sviat- Ottoman Belgrade, kde autor analyzoval re- kov. Autori hovoria priamo o záväznej podobe levantné zdroje k dejinám mesta v tureckom, sviatkov, ktoré boli inscenované a upevňova- srbskom, nemeckom a anglickom jazyku. né prostredníctvom festivít (s. 18). Nazeranie Publikácia na prvý pohľad ponúka akú- na praktizovanie štátnych sviatkov cez opti- si syntézu dejín Belehradu v období ro- ku performatívnych štúdií nie je úplne nové kov 1521 – 1867, no nie je tomu úplne tak, (zahraniční autori ako Richard Sennet ale- keďže ide skôr o vybrané parciálne problé- bo Erving Goffmann, ktorí sú označovaní ako my dejín mesta a v širšom kontexte Srbska „performatívna škola“, ovplyvňujú výskum a Osmanskej ríše. I napriek tomu publiká- verejného priestoru a jeho previazanosťou cia prináša mnoho zaujímavých príspevkov, s politikou už od 70. rokov 20. storočia.) Česká ktoré obohatia každého, kto sa o danú oblasť a ešte viac slovenská historiografi a však in- zaujíma. terpretuje dejiny pomocou tejto metódy zried- kavo. Pritom v prípade verejných osláv a ma- Mgr. Maroš Melichárek, PhD. nifestácií, ktoré sú mnohokrát organizované Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika a v podstate vždy kontrolované štátnou mo- v Košiciach cou, ide o podnetnú možnosť, ako prispieť k diskusii o úlohe verejného priestoru pri bu- dovaní národnej identity, ale aj iných iden- tít spojených s príslušnosťou k náboženstvu, HÁJKOVÁ, DAGMAR – HORÁK, PAVEL – KESSLER, triede a pod. VOJTĚCH – MICHELA, MIROSLAV (EDS.). SLÁVA Úvod publikácie je venovaný objasneniu REPUBLICE! OFICIÁLNÍ SVÁTKY A OSLAVY pojmu sviatok a jeho rôznorodému chápaniu. V MEZIVÁLEČNÉM ČESKOSLOVENSKU. PRAHA: ACADEMIA, 2018, 532 S. ISBN 978-80-200-2870-9. Ako množstvo iných pojmov, s ktorými pracu- je moderná historická veda, aj sviatok možno Publikácií s témou Československej me- chápať v rôznych rovinách a náhľad na tento dzivojnovej republiky vyšlo za posledný rok fenomén komplikuje aj jeho interdisciplina- viacero. Je to prirodzeným odrazom toho, že rita. Autori preto považujú za dôležité ujas- sme si v roku 2018 pripomenuli 100. výročie niť čitateľovi, v akých rámcoch chápania poj- vzniku tohto štátu. Zároveň, ako ukazuje živý mu sviatok sa pohybovali pri svojom výskume záujem o túto tému, je to problematika, kto- oni. V prvom rade sa zamerali na politický rá rezonuje nielen v odborných kruhoch, ale a politizujúci kontext sviatkov, s čím úzko sú- aj v radoch širšej verejnosti. Kniha s názvom visí aj ďalšia špecifi kácia výskumu a tou sú Sláva republice! od kolektívu autorov pod hla- verejné slávnosti. Sviatky a rituály, ktoré sa vičkou Akademie věd Českej republiky je síce týkajú napr. ročného cyklu a dôležitých život- venovaná tomuto obdobiu, ale tematicky sa ných situácií, ktoré spadajú skôr do súkrom- od iných publikácii odlišuje. nej sféry, ostali mimo ich rámca výskumu. Na prvý pohľad sa môže zdať, že téma Toto rozhodnutie je vzhľadom na cieľ predkla- štátnych sviatkov je príliš úzka na to, aby danej publikácie logické. Metodologicky pub- mohla byť spracovaná v tak obsiahlej publi- likácia vychádza z dvoch premís. Jednou je už kácii, akú predkladajú jej autori. Avšak ako spomínané nazeranie na praktizovanie sviat- sa ukazuje, legislatívne rámce slávenia štát- ku ako na divadelné predstavenie, pričom au- nych sviatkov, ako aj ich samotné praktizo- tori nadviazali na prácu Ervinga Goffmana, vanie predstavujú fenomén, ktorý môže pri- ktorá je v českom preklade známa pod ná- spieť k podnetnej diskusii toho, aké nástroje zvom Všichni hrajeme divadlo. V úvode

131 MESTO a DEJINY podkapitoly sú načrtnuté možnosti výsku- Iné kapitoly, napríklad hneď nasledujúca, ve- mu slávenia sviatkov v kontexte performač- novaná oslavám 28. októbra, pracuje s tradič- ných štúdií. Na verejné oslavy možno nazerať ným názorom, ktorého podstatou je radikálny ako na divadelné predstavenie so všetkým, čo rozkol sviatkového kalendára s predchádza- k tomu patrí. Historik sleduje divadelný sce- júcimi katolíckymi sviatkami z čias monar- nár, aktéri, hlavné a vedľajšie role, publikum, chie. Autori jednotlivých podkapitol nazerajú komparz, ale aj atmosféru a priestor verej- na konkrétne slávenie sviatkov vo viacerých ných osláv (s. 26). Druhou premisou predkla- rovinách a veľmi dobre si uvedomujú, že išlo daného výskumu je kategória národ. Autori o dynamický proces. Každá tematicky lade- kladú dôraz predovšetkým na praktickú re- ná kapitola je preto chronologicky členená alizáciu tejto kategórie a úlohu, ktorú tieto na viacero podkapitol, ale aj parciálnych tém. praktiky zohrávali v legitimizačnom proce- Dôraz je kladený predovšetkým na praktiky, se československého národného štátu. V úvo- ale podnetné sú aj kapitoly venované zmyslo- de objasňujú aj obsahovú štruktúru publiká- vým aspektom sviatkov. Veľmi sugestívne pô- cie, tematické a geografi cké rámce výskumu sobí napríklad podkapitola Zvuky, farby, gestá a jeho pramennú bázu. Interpretácia sláve- v druhej kapitole venovanej oslavám 28. ok- nia sviatkov prostredníctvom početných sond tóbra. V publikácii sa neustále opakuje mo- a ich následná generalizácia predstavujú tív odlišných praktík a interpretácií sviatkov vzhľadom k črte festivít, ktorou je pravidel- v závislosti na tom, či šlo o české, slovenské, nosť, a tým aj značná početnosť (ak vezmeme nemecké alebo maďarské etnikum. Aj časť do úvahy aj rôzne obmeny slávenia ako aktu druhej kapitoly je venovaná nejednoznačnosti vzhľadom na regionálne odlišnosti), opodstat- slávenia 28. októbra. Spor o tom, či je vhodné nenú zvolenú pracovnú metódu. Rovnako aj oslavovať 28. alebo 30. október napokon pre- výber sond v jednotlivých regiónoch znie lo- trval až dodnes a je stále predmetom nielen gicky a mal by poskytnúť objektívny obraz verejnej diskusie, ale aj konkrétnych politic- slávenia sviatkov. Tento prístup so sebou ale kých rozhodnutí. prináša aj isté úskalia, ktoré sú navyše mini- Viaceré kapitoly sa zaoberajú aj didaktic- málne v slovenskom prostredí o to väčšie, že kým rozmerom sviatkov a úlohe mládeže pri doteraz sa téme sviatkov, rituálov a verejných ich praktizovaní. Niektoré kapitoly, ako na- osláv v slovenských mestách v sledovanom príklad tretia v poradí, venovaná oslavám na- období nevenovala veľká pozornosť. rodenín prezidenta republiky, odkazujú na Členenie publikácie na 10 tematických praktiky, ktoré nový štát prevzal z monar- kapitol je logickou voľbou a čitateľovi tak chie. Pomocou metód performatívnych štú- umožní vnímať aj jednotlivé parciálne témy. dií autori ukazujú, že rituály sa síce nezme- Publikácia je výsledkom výskumu a práce ko- nili, ale zmenili sa ich kulisy a aktéri. Nie je lektívu autorov. To, že sa na príprave podie- vynechaný ani vzťah vojska a štátnej moci ľalo viacero historikov, na práci nezanechalo ako takej pri organizovaní verejných osláv. viditeľnejšiu stopu. Všetkých 10 kapitol pôso- Osobitne sa touto témou zaoberá autor kapi- bí až na drobné výnimky koherentne. Úvod je toly venovanej spomienkovým oslavám Bitky venovaný legislatívnemu rámcu sviatkového pri Zborove. Tieto oslavy, ktoré vo verejnom kalendára, kde na viac než dvadsiatich stra- priestore 1. Československej republiky zau- nách autorka kapitoly podáva plastický ob- jali pevné miesto, boli navyše úzko prepojené raz toho, v akej atmosfére vznikali tieto zá- s umeleckými vizualizáciami a predstavujú kony. Okrem iného je jej snahou polemizovať tak určité špecifi kum v ofi ciálnom sviatko- s názorom, že obdobie bezprostredne po vzni- vom kalendári. K reprodukovaniu legionár- ku Československa, má byť označované ako skeho kultu do veľkej miery pomohli aj lite- doba odklonu od katolicizmu. Autorka s tým- ratúra, dramatická tvorba a v neposlednom to nesúhlasí a tvrdí, že minimálne v legisla- rade aj nový umelecký žáner – fi lm. Prínosom tívnej rovine týkajúcej sa slávenia sviatkov publikácie je snaha o čo najobjektívnejšie za- nešlo o tak radikálnu zmenu a ofi ciálny sviat- chytenie vnímania a praktizovania sviat- kový kalendár do veľkej miery kopíroval cir- kov. V každej kapitole sa autori preto snažia kevné sviatky z rakúsko-uhorského obdobia. o zachytenie čo najpestrejšieho počtu aktérov Určitú nekoherentnosť v publikácii môžeme a motívov pri slávení sviatkov. vidieť práve v súvislosti s týmto tvrdením.

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Ďalším rozmerom, ktorý sa niekoľkokrát ktorá bola podľa samotného autora v organi- v publikácii opakuje, je konfesionálny rozmer zácii 1. mája tak zdatná, že sa stala suverén- slávenia sviatkov. Vnímanie sviatkov a rituá- nym lídrom v pomyselnom súperení jednotli- lov s nimi spojených do veľkej miery ovplyv- vých strán a organizácií. Autori vo viacerých ňovala aj náboženská príslušnosť. Stret kapitolách konštatujú, že štátna moc sa sna- odlišných koncepcií veľmi dobre refl ektujú ka- žila prostredníctvom verejných osláv zasiah- pitoly venované oslavám venovaných Janovi nuť do mestského priestoru najintenzívnej- Husovi a cyrilometodskému kultu. Oba kulty šie v druhej polovici dvadsiatych rokov. Práve podliehali do veľkej miery politizácii, ktorej toto obdobie predstavuje vyvrcholenie viace- účelom bolo odkazovať na staré tradície, kto- rých štátom organizovaných slávností, ako ré by novému štátu dodali punc legitímnosti. tomu bolo napríklad v prípade osláv 28. ok- Kult Jana Husa sa stal jedným zo základných tóbra, osláv Jana Husa, cyrilometodského pilierov vznikajúceho Československa, pričom kultu alebo kultu sv. Václava. Ako usudzuje rozhodujúcu úlohu tu zohral postoj najvyšších napríklad autorka kapitoly venovanej osla- štátnych predstaviteľov. Jan Hus bol vnímaný vám sv. Václava, veľkoleposť a monumentál- ako nositeľ českej tradície, ako osoba, ktorá nosť miléniových osláv mali doma i v zahra- sa zaslúžila o český národ, jazyk a literatúru, ničí demonštrovať československú prosperitu a preto v národno-emancipačnom úsilí zohrá- a modernitu (s. 385). Nie všetci obyvatelia val významné miesto. Slovenská verejnosť Československa sa však dokázali stotožniť sa s týmto kultom z pochopiteľných dôvo- so štátom podporovanými oslavami. Podobný dov nevedela stotožniť. Autor poznamenáva, scenár ako v prípade kultu Jana Husa ba- že Slovensko malo svoje náboženské, väčši- dať na Slovensku aj v prípade sv. Václava. nou katolícke korene pevne usadené v sociál- Aj napriek rôznym snahám sa tento kult nej štruktúre spoločnosti. Nátlak na slávenie na Slovensku neuchytil, aj keď v niektorých sviatku Jana Husa sa prepojil s pocitmi utlá- mestách ako napríklad v Košiciach boli sna- čania prevažne katolíckych Slovákov zo stra- hy o väčšiu akceptáciu tohto sviatku. V roku ny Čechov. Cyrilometodský kult naproti tomu 1936 tu bola dokonca slávnostne odhalená nemal veľkú podporu českých politických elít bronzová socha sv. Václava, ktorá však napo- a jeho slávenie bolo v českej časti krajiny spá- kon na svojom mieste ostala len dva roky. jané predovšetkým s kresťanskou tradíciou. Posledné dve kapitoly sú venované sviat- Slávenie tohto sviatku bolo neustále sprevá- kom, ktoré neboli súčasťou ofi ciálneho ka- dzané napätými vzťahmi medzi katolíckym lendára, avšak v priebehu celej existencie táborom a Hradom. Neustále sa opakujúca medzivojnovej republiky zohrávali v živote diskusia na tému Jan Hus vs. Cyril a Metod menšinového obyvateľstva svoju úlohu. Zatiaľ odrážala hlboký ideologický konfl ikt konzer- čo pripomínanie si „nemeckých dušičiek“ sú- vatívneho a pokrokového prostredia, zo stra- viselo s krvavými udalosťami zo 4. marca ny ľudákov navyše umocnený o snahy o pri- 1919, slávenie uhorsko-maďarských sviatkov vatizáciu cyrilometodského kultu. V tomto nadväzovalo na tradíciu z predchádzajúceho kontexte je veľmi zaujímavý postreh autora, obdobia. Obe tradície, či už tú z nemeckého, ktorý hovorí o tom, že aj napriek viditeľným alebo maďarského prostredia, charakterizo- snahám o presadenie cyrilometodského kultu vala ich lokálnosť. Tieto menšiny chápali svo- v slovenskom prostredí, sa kult nerozvinul do je sviatky ako príležitosť k demonštrácii svoj- takej miery, ako sa očakávalo. ho vlastného odhodlania. V oboch prípadoch Sociálny rozmer ofi ciálnych štátnych však štátna moc využívala rôzne nástroje, osláv je najviditeľnejší v kapitole venovanej ktoré mali dopomôcť k obmedzeniu ich snáh. oslavám 1. mája. V tejto časti sa opäť o niečo Negatívny postoj štátnych orgánov sa odrá- viac odráža snaha interpretovať verejné osla- žal aj vo vzťahu k symbolom, ktoré by na tieto vy v kontexte performatívnych štúdií. Autor tradície nadväzovali. si okrem iného všíma, že sociálna otázka, kto- Predkladaná publikácia je kvalitným rú v sebe tieto oslavy zahŕňali, bola predme- a systematickým výstupov výskumu verej- tom politického boja. Prvomájové sprievody ných osláv a sviatkov z obdobia medzivojno- vníma ako objekt súperenia rôznych politic- vej Československej republiky. Autori svoje kých síl. Jedinečný koncept pritom v tomto kapitoly podložili adekvátnym metodologic- súperení predstavila súkromná fi rma Baťa, kým východiskom a do veľkej miery sa im

133 MESTO a DEJINY podarilo naplniť očakávania, ktoré súvise- k výhre „väčšieho“ nad „menším“, federácia li s vydaním práce. To, že boli vo svojej misii však bola len jednou časťou socializmu, ktorú úspešní, je okrem iného aj výsledkom spraco- z centra riadila komunistická strana na zá- vania archívneho materiálu zo 40 rôznych ar- klade pokynov Sovietskeho zväzu. Skutočnú chívov z celého územia. Kvalitu celej publiká- federáciu krajiny priniesla až demokratic- cie navyše podčiarkuje práca s adekvátnou ká revolúcia, ktorá prebehla v novembri roku zahraničnou literatúrou a so štúdiami z čes- 1989. Federálne zhromaždenie potom existo- kého a slovenského prostredia, ktoré v mi- valo viac než tri roky. Skončilo spolu so zá- nulosti túto tému už čiastkovo spracovali. Aj nikom federálnych inštitúcií a rozdelením keď najväčšiu pozornosť autori venovali čes- spoločného štátu Čechov a Slovákov na ná- kej časti štátu, môžeme povedať, že dostatoč- stupnícke krajiny. Kniha „Návrat parlamen- ne je spracované aj slovenské územie a vní- tu – Češi a Slováci ve Federálním shromáž- manie ofi ciálnych verejných osláv v prípade dení 1989 – 1992“ historikov Adély Gjuričovej slovenských elít a obyvateľstva. Okrajovo je a Tomáša Zahradníčka sa venuje práve tomu- spracované len územie Podkarpatskej Rusi, to obdobiu – trom turbulentným rokom exis- čo koniec koncov priznávajú v úvode aj auto- tencie Federálneho zhromaždenia v demokra- ri knihy. To môže do istej miery determinovať tickej Československej federatívnej republike. celkový veľmi dobrý dojem z publikácie, avšak Adéla Gjuričová a Tomáš Zahradníček určite to nie je nedostatok, ktorý by mal zá- pôsobia na Ústave pro soudobé dějiny AV ČR sadný vplyv na kvalitné spracovanie proble- v Prahe a venujú sa komunistickému a post- matiky ofi ciálnych sviatkov a osláv v medzi- komunistickému obdobiu českých, resp. čes- vojnovom Československu. koslovenských dejín. Spoločne na téme dejín Federálneho zhromaždenia v danom období Mgr. Patrícia Fogelová pracovali niekoľko rokov, ich práca vyústila Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika až do samostatnej, vyše 250-stranovej publi- v Košiciach kácie sledujúcej dianie v parlamente v rokoch 1989 – 1992. Text, ohraničený úvodom a zá- verom, rozdelili do troch kapitol, ďalej člene- ných na podkapitoly. GJURIČOVÁ, ADÉLA – ZAHRADNÍČEK, TOMÁŠ. Federálny parlament je jedným z najukáž- NÁVRAT PARLAMENTU: ČEŠI A SLOVÁCI VE kovejších orgánov štátnej moci, cez ktorý je FEDERÁLNÍM SHROMÁŽDĚNÍ 1989 – 1992. možné sa opätovne pozrieť na prevratné poli- PRAHA: ARGO; ÚSTAV PRO SOUDOBÉ DĚJINY tické dianie v Československu. Autori v úvode AV ČR, 2018, 276 S. ISBN 978-80-257-2623-5; spomínajú vývoj Federálneho zhromaždenia ISBN 978-80-7285-213-0. a znaky jeho štyroch rôznych inštitucionál- nych fáz. V krátkom období podľa nich v kra- Spoločný štát Čechov a Slovákov zažil jine existovali štyri rôzne parlamenty, ktoré v druhej polovici 20. storočia niekoľko politic- zjednodušenie rozdelili nasledovne: „socialis- kých zvratov. Po druhej svetovej vojne hovo- tický parlament“ (zbor poslancov zvolených ríme o vzniku tretej Československej repub- v roku 1986, ktorý zdedila novembrová revo- liky, ktorú už vo februári 1948 vystriedala lúcia a aj napriek tomu sa ho rozhodla na- nadvláda komunistickej strany. Na dlhých rýchlo využiť k legitimizácii zmien), „revo- 40 rokov potom ovládala celé politické a spo- lučný parlament“ (ktorého hlasovanie malo ločenské dianie v krajine. Liberalizáciu, kto- legalizovať zmeny požadované revolučnou rá napriek panovaniu totalitnej moci nastala verejnosťou, či už išlo o nové postavy exeku- v 60. rokoch, ukončil zásah armád Varšavskej tívy, úpravu ústavy či nové pravidlá politic- zmluvy 21. augusta 1968, po ktorom nastala kej súťaže), „ústavodarný parlament“ (ktorý urýchlená federalizácia štátu. Fakticky tak priniesli voľby v júni 1990 a ktorého hlav- vzniklo nové, federalizované Československo, nou úlohou bolo prijať novú ústavu, čo sa mu ktoré malo od 1. januára 1969 okrem dvoch však nepodarilo) a nakoniec „likvidačný par- národných rád tiež dvojkomorové Federálne lament“ (fungujúci od leta 1992 približne pol zhromaždenie. To pozostávalo zo Snemovne roka a počas ktorého existencie došlo k rozpa- ľudu a Snemovne národov. Obidve republiky du Československa). síce mali mať svoje právomoci a nemalo dôjsť

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V úvode sa nám naskytá predostrenie ob- namiesto Gorbačovovej prestavby (perestroj- razu, čo to vlastne Federálne zhromaždenie ky) či dokonca tajne spolupracovali s opozí- bolo, jeho najväčšie pozitíva i negatíva, kto- ciou. Autori prichádzajú so zaujímavou inter- ré sú ďalej rozoberané v jednotlivých kapito- pretáciou, že opozícia, resp. Občianske fórum, lách. Autori hovoria tiež o zdrojoch, ktoré boli sa federálnym parlamentom začala zaoberať pri písaní knihy najviac prínosné a inšpira- oveľa skôr, než tomu bolo v doterajších pred- tívne. Vzhľadom na to, že téma nezachádza stavách. Kapitola podáva detailne vysvetlený do hlbokej minulosti, ale ide v podstate o ne- významový rast Federálneho zhromaždenia, dávne dejiny, výskumný tím urobil rozhovory ktorý sa staval čoraz podstatnejšou inštitú- s viacerými slovenskými, českými, moravský- ciou v revolučnom období, čo paradoxne po- mi i zahraničnými poslancami a poslankyňa- ukazuje na to, že novokonštituované demo- mi Federálneho zhromaždenia z rokov 1986 – kratické štátne zriadenie sa muselo opierať 1992, čo významnou mierou prispelo k inému o inštitúcie a predstaviteľov štátnej moci z to- pohľadu na skúmané udalosti. Samotní auto- talitného obdobia. ri uvádzajú, že rozhovory de facto rozbili line- Ako je uvedené už v obsahu knihy, v tex- árny príbeh, ktorý dovtedy postavili na zákla- te je zohľadnená aj slovenská perspektíva, čo de archiválií. má byť zaujímavé najmä vzhľadom na to, že Na úvodných stranách nachádzajme aj knihu písali v Prahe dvaja Česi. A skutočne, krátku, no zaujímavú introspekciu do histó- už v prvej kapitole môžeme pozorovať sna- rie budovy Federálneho zhromaždenia. Aj to hu zapracovať do textu slovenskú otázku. demonštruje široký rozhľad v téme, ktorej sa Nevynecháva sa činnosť slovenských strán obaja autori venujú už dlhodobo. Medzi sa- (Strana slovenskej obrody a Strana slobody), motnými kapitolami nachádzame aj niekoľko ktoré však, ako uvádzajú autori, behom pádu zväčša dvojstranových fotografi í zachytávajú- starého režimu nezohrali viditeľnejšiu úlo- cich vnútro budovy parlamentu. Tieto fotogra- hu. Citovaní sú slovenskí poslanci, spomína fi e plnia jednak estetickú zložku publikácie sa i vtedajšia opozícia pôsobiaca na sloven- a sú nedeliteľnou časťou výborne zvládnuté- skom území. Je však nutné poznamenať, že ho dizajnu, zároveň od seba jednotlivé celky pri spracovávaní tak podstatnej udalosti v de- oddeľujú a prispievajú k celkovej prehľadnos- jinách Čechov a Slovákov by vynechať sloven- ti textu. ský aspekt zrejme ani nebolo možné. Prvá kapitola Nevítaný pokus o emanci- V druhej kapitole s názvom Ústavodárný paci: Federální shromáždění v českosloven- parlament, jenž nepřijal ústavu: Federální ské revoluci 1989 sa snaží zmapovať situá- shromáždění od jara 1990 do června 1992 ciu, v ktorej sa Federálne zhromaždenie ocitlo je sledovaná emancipácia parlamentu, kedy v prelomovom roku 1989. V centre záujmu sa profesionalizácia poslaneckej práce menila nachádza najmä niekoľko týždňov od začiatku parlamentnú každodennosť i poňatie posla- novembra 1989, keď sa do vrcholných ústav- neckého mandátu na riadne platenú pozíciu ných funkcií dostali Václav Havel (prezident s dlhodobou perspektívou. Práve profesionali- Československa) a Alexander Dubček (pred- zácii je venovaná značná časť kapitoly, v kto- seda Federálneho zhromaždenia). Kapitola, rej sa autori snažia odpovedať na otázku, čo ktorá je prepracovanou a rozšírenou verziou priniesol poslancom ich poslanecký mandát. štúdie Nevítaný pokus o emancipaci oboch Ak vezmeme do úvahy skutočnosť, že viac autorov, prináša novú perspektívu o novem- než 40 rokov bola politická scéna kontrolova- bri a decembri 1989. Ako pripomínajú autori, ná komunistickou stranou, nebol pre politic- počas protestov v novembri 1989 bola budo- kých nováčikov vstup do vysokej politiky vô- va parlamentu davom protestujúcich bez väč- bec jednoduchý. Ešte v roku 1989 poslanci šieho záujmu prehliadnutá, čo pripisujú fak- vykonávali svoju funkciu „bezplatne“ (dostá- tu, že inštitúcia a jej osadenstvo v tých časoch vali však nezdanenú náhradu vo výške 2 000 nemala výrazný mocenský vplyv. Zaoberajú Kčs) a okrem poslaneckého mandátu mali sa poslancami Federálneho zhromaždenia, svoju bežnú prácu. Prechod k weberovskému ktorí ešte pred 17. novembrom 1989 kritizova- politikovi „z povolania“ teda po niekoľkých li smerovanie československej politiky a žia- dekádach amatérskeho vykonávania posla- dali návrat k hospodárskej politike z obdobia neckej funkcie a najmä bez akejkoľvek „vý- pražskej jari, hovorili o „radikálnej reforme“ chovy“ záujemcov k profesionálnej politickej

135 MESTO a DEJINY práci bol v mnohých ohľadoch zložitý. Autori s príznačným názvom Přijměte ústavu!. knihy nezabúdajú spomenúť ani genderovú, Federálne zhromaždenie totiž do svojho dvoj- v dnešnom období mimoriadne populárnu ročného funkčného obdobia vstupovalo naj- otázku, či tému súkromných životov poslan- mä s podstatnou úlohou – vymyslieť a schvá- cov, ktoré boli vznikajúcou profesionalizáciou liť novú ústavu, odpovedajúcu federatívnemu politiky mnohokrát značne poznačené. V tom- štátu a zároveň ústavu, ktorá by bola prijatá to prípade ide o tú časť knihy, kedy ustupuje českou a slovenskou verejnosťou i politickou politická rovina do úzadia a do značnej miery reprezentáciou. Napriek tomu, že k tomuto sú ilustrované životné osudy aktérov vtedaj- účelu boli vytvorené až dve komisie, do proce- šieho politického života. Treba poznamenať, su vstúpil na začiatku roku 1991 aj prezident že zameraním sa na podobné problémy sa au- Václav Havel. Predstavil vlastný návrh, ktorý torom podarilo detailne rozobrať a vykresliť bol najmä opozičnými poslancami kritizovaný život poslancov Federálneho zhromaždenia, ako „separátne jednanie s koalíciou“. Havlova ktorý si vďaka textu dokáže čitateľ znameni- ústava by okrem iného odobrala niektoré prá- te predstaviť. vomoci Federálnemu zhromaždeniu a nao- Ako môžeme čítať v druhej kapitole kni- pak, posilnila by úrad prezidenta. Autori pre- hy, politická (stranová) rozdrobenosť a ne- zieravo predkladajú Havlov výstup v televízii ustále zmeny viedli k celému radu problémov. 17. novembra 1991, ktorým si na pomoc pri- O ťažkých začiatkoch parlamentnej demokra- bral verejnosť a vyzval ju k „hlasnejšie vy- cie sa môžeme presvedčiť aj z úst samotných jadrovanej túžbe po živote v prosperujúcom aktérov. Pomalé rozbiehanie nového režimu štáte“. Možno ho chápať jednak ako preziden- a ľpenie na starých komunistických zákla- tovu snahu povzbudiť voličov, aby v tejto otáz- doch kritizoval Václav Havel, prezidentský ke „rozhodli“, na druhú stranu aj ako aké- poradca Milan Šimečka či slovenský disident si zneužívanie vlastnej popularity. Ako však Ján Budaj. môžeme čítať v závere podkapitoly, tento typ Pre čitateľa je tiež mimoriadne zaujíma- politiky vyniesol Havla do najvyššej ústavnej vým poznatkom otázka nosenia zbraní do funkcie a zároveň sa ukázal byť jeho najväč- parlamentu. Zistenie, že ešte v roku 1990 ne- šou slabinou. V jeho ostrej kritike parlamen- mala budova Federálneho zhromaždenia za- tu je však ešte výraznejšie badať problémové vedený žiaden bezpečnostný režim a že po- znovuzrodenie demokracie v spoločnom štáte čas vystúpenia britskej premiérky Margaret a neschopnosť parlamentu prijímať dôležité Thatcherovej sedeli zákonodarci v sále ozbro- zmeny a závery. jení, patrí určite k najprekvapujúcejším, mož- Tretia kapitola s názvom Konec fede- no povedať aj najinteresantnejším momen- race ve federálním parlamentu: Likvidační tom celej knihy. Federální shromáždění, červen – prosinec V kapitole sa otvára aj citlivá téma lu- 1992 sa venuje obdobiu konca federálnej re- strácií pracovníkov štátnych inštitúcií, kto- publiky. Kapitola sa snaží ozrejmiť zánik ré, ako autori zdôrazňujú, pri vzniku „par- Československa, ktorý podstatnou mierou sú- lamentnej vyšetrovacej komisie“ v pôvodnom visel s činnosťou Federálneho zhromaždenia zadaní vôbec neboli. Vyšetrované mali byť a jeho poslancov. Najprv nás do problemati- udalosti 17. novembra v Prahe vrátane prí- ky uvedie výsledkami volieb v júni 1992, aby čin, následkov a zodpovednosti (politickej či následne prešla k snáď najpodstatnejšej po- trestnej) jednotlivých osôb. Okrem iného sa litickej téme z druhej polovice roka, a teda dozvedáme, aké vášne vyvolal v parlamentne k narastajúcim komplikáciám v česko-sloven- lustračný zákon a jeho rôzne verzie. V súvis- ských vzťahoch, s čím súviselo aj nepodporo- losti s tým nie je zabúdané ani na médiá, au- vanie Václava Havla za prezidenta zo stra- tormi uvádzané ako sprostredkovateľ a záro- ny slovenských poslancov (ale i značnej časti veň nástroj politiky, ktoré sú v knihe naozaj českých poslancov) a následne jeho nezvole- v hojnej miere využívané a poskytujú tak za- nie. V tejto časti sa prirodzene najviac otvára ujímavý pohľad do vtedajších politických uda- aj slovenská otázka. Autori prinášajú pohľad lostí – akým spôsobom boli tieto udalosti vní- na danú udalosť z rôznych perspektív a sna- mané médiami a laickou verejnosťou. žia sa o čo najobjektívnejšie zhodnotenie kri- Problémami, ktoré vznikli pri snahe pri- tickej situácie. jať novú ústavu, sa zaoberá podkapitola

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Pre čitateľa rozhodne patrí k prekvapujú- autora, na druhú stranu sa však tvorcovia cim momentom zistenie, že značná časť čes- knihy snažili vybrať také karikatúry, ktoré kých poslancov sa v tejto „kríze“ prikláňala nie sú rušivé a celkom vhodne dopĺňajú sku- na slovenskú stranu a vyjadrovala jej (resp. točnosti plynúce z prečítaného textu. Avšak HZDS) svoju podporu. Načrtnutá je aj akási použiť väčšie množstvo dobových fotografi í na neobjektívnosť novín v otázke vtedajšej poli- úkor karikatúr by možno bolo vítanejšie. tickej krízy, ide pritom o problém badateľný Ako už bolo uvedené vyššie, dvojstranové aj v súčasnosti. fotografi e budovy Federálneho zhromaždenia V závere knihy autori sumarizujú uvedené oddeľujúce od seba jednotlivé celky prispie- skutočnosti, snažia sa najmä o krátke vykres- vajú k celkovej prehľadnosti textu. K tej na- lenie toho, akú rolu hralo Federálne zhromaž- pomáhajú aj podkapitoly, vďaka ktorým text denie v hektickom období rokov 1989 – 1992. získava prijateľnú a čitateľnú formu. Počas tejto krátkej doby na našom území pa- V závere knihy je uvedený rozsiahly sú- dol totalitný režim, nastúpila demokracia, do- bor použitých prameňov a literatúry. S tým šlo k profesionalizácii poslaneckej práce, za- súvisí aj poznámkový aparát, ktorý knihu aj čali sa zvyšovať rozdiely medzi politickým napriek jej prístupnému jazyku radí do od- smerovaním Čechov a Slovákov, až nakoniec bornej sféry a vzďaľuje od populárno-vedeckej došlo k rozdeleniu spoločnej republiky a vzni- literatúry. Za obrovskú výhodu považujem to, ku nástupníckych štátov. Toho všetkého bol že poznámky pod čiarou sú uvádzané na prí- parlament priamym a dôležitým účastníkom. slušnej strane a nie v zadnej časti knihy, čo je Veľkou devízou knihy je snaha o podrob- pri odbornej publikácii nepraktické. Tobôž, né, na druhú stranu však pútavé vykreslenie keď v mnohých prípadoch nejde iba o uvede- sledovaných udalostí, čo môžeme pozorovať nie zdroja, z ktorého autori pri danej informá- už od prvej kapitoly. Autori zohľadňujú nie- cii vychádzajú, ale mnohokrát ide aj o doplne- len všeobecne známe udalosti a neopierajú sa nie, či rozvinutie „hlavného“ textu. len o archívny výskum, ale predkladajú aj vý- Počas celého rozsahu knihy nenatrafíme stupy poslancov v televízii, vychádzajú z ich na informáciu, ako si obaja historici „rozde- publikovaných spomienok i nových, pre potre- lili“ prácu na knihe, čo však vôbec nie je na by knihy vzniknutých rozhovorov so zaintere- škodu, pretože v publikácii nebadať rozdiel- sovanými osobami. ny prístup k tej-ktorej téme, celý text pôsobí Napriek tomu, že spracovanie akejkoľvek ucelene a kompaktne. Autori na takmer 250 témy v dejinách Československa v období ro- stranách otvorili snáď všetky dôležité otázky, kov 1989 – 1992 môže viesť k zachádzaniu ktoré boli v danom období s Federálnym zhro- k rôznym bočným témam a odklonu od prvot- maždením späté. Je nutné uznať, že odkrý- ného prioritného záujmu, ktorým je v tomto vajú aj tie otázky, ktoré sú v politickom dia- prípade Federálne zhromaždenie, autori ostá- ní prítomné dodnes. Ťažko povedať, či je po vajú počas takmer celého rozsahu publiká- vydaní tejto publikácie vôbec možné prísť cie v objekte vytýčeného záujmu a ak to nie je v danej tematike s niečím prevratným, mi- vyslovene nutné, od svojho cieľa neodbočujú. nimálne však kniha otvára dvere k spracova- V knihe je zhromaždené množstvo informácií niu ďalších tém z nedávnych českých i sloven- k viac než trom rokom existencie Federálneho ských politických dejín. zhromaždenia, napriek tomu text nestráca na prehľadnosti, zároveň je aj laickému čitateľo- Mgr. Peter Pavonič vi predkladaný v zrozumiteľnom jazyku, čo je Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika obrovské pozitívum. Je však otázne, nakoľko v Košiciach dokáže tak špecifi cky zameraná téma osloviť čitateľov mimo akademickej sféry. K popularizačnejšie poňatej, avšak nepo- chybne vedeckej práci prispievajú aj fotografi e a karikatúry, ktoré sa nesú celým rozsahom publikácie. Použitie karikatúr vo vedec- kej práci síce zväčša nepovažujem za vhod- né, keďže majú veľakrát tendenciu vykresľo- vať tú-ktorú udalosť subjektívnym pohľadom

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JEMELKA, MARTIN – ŠEVEČEK, ONDŘEJ. TOVÁRNÍ a v priestore Československa sú týmito medz- MĚSTA BAŤOVA KONCERNU: EVROPSKÁ KAPITOLA níkmi roky 1948 a 1989. GLOBÁLNÍ EXPANZE. PRAHA: ACADEMIA, 2016, 910 S. Metodologické otvorenie problematiky je ISBN 978-80-200-2635-4. obsiahle, informačne bohaté a zároveň hutné. Východisko tvorí už spomenutá charakteris- Firma, resp. koncern Baťa, jeho fungova- tika a zameranie konceptov „novej globálnej nie, fi lozofi a, systém práce, ako aj osobnosti histórie“ a jej vzťahu k svetovým korporát- s ním spojené sú dlhodobo vnímané ako feno- nym spoločnostiam. Je preto prirodzené, že ťa- mény so širokým, spravidla hospodársko-so- žisko týchto úvah spočíva primárne na úrovni ciálnym a kultúrnym dopadom. Samotný hospodárskych a sociálnych dejín. Autori na Tomáš Baťa je navyše vnímaný ako syno- tejto úrovni kombinujú rôzne prístupy, pričom nymum moderného podnikania, a to nielen v predkladanej monografi i hrajú dominantnú v priestore českých krajín, ale aj ako globálny úlohu pre európsky priestor typickejšie zá- podnikateľský fenomén viažuci na seba rôzne sady „business history“, ktoré v hospodár- súvislosti, významy a konotácie. Predkladaná sko-ekonomických mechanizmoch kladú zvý- monografi a zvolila ako ťažisko svojho výsku- šený dôraz na „ľudský faktor“. Súčasťou tejto mu problematiku továrenského mesta, ktoré state je aj obsiahly sumár a hodnotenie širo- vykazuje ako z urbanistického, tak aj z hospo- kého spektra literatúry. dárskeho a sociokultúrneho hľadiska viacero Východiskom sú dobové, spravidla eko- špecifík. Továrenské mesto prezentujú autori nomické a národohospodárske diskusie a po- ako organickú súčasť zložitého mechanizmu lemiky, ale aj teoretické štúdie z oblasti ar- zahŕňajúceho okrem vlastného urbanizmu chitektúry a urbanizmu. Pozoruhodným napr. experimentálne formy manažmentu, prameňom je napr. „manuál“ s názvom usporiadanie štruktúry vnútorných a von- „Průmyslové město“ z roku 1939. Na tom- kajších vzťahov, hospodársko-ekonomické sú- to pozadí autori vyzdvihli pomerne ostrú vislosti a nemenej dôležitý sociálny a kultúr- polarizáciu, v rámci ktorej proti sebe stá- ny dopad na viacerých úrovniach. Na tomto li technokratický a modernistický ideál ver- mieste narážajú autori hlavne na postave- zus kapitalistická tyrania (akcentovaná nie človeka v kreujúcej sa priemyselnej dobe hlavne ľavicovými intelektuálmi). Táto vše- a kultúre a na jeho schopnosť „adaptovať sa“. obecná polarizácia sa prostredníctvom pôso- Práca približuje navyše špecifi cký fenomén benia koncernu Baťa preniesla aj na územie „baťovského“ továrenského mesta ukotve- Československa, pričom autori osobitne vy- ný v súvislostiach globálnej expanzie pod- zdvihujú jej prienik aj do takých oblastí ako niku, a to aj napriek tomu, že sa primárne napr. beletria či fi lm (približujú napr. sfi l- venuje európskym mestám Baťovho koncer- movaný román Botostroj autora Svatopluka nu. Vychádzajúc z metodologických koncep- Tureka). Je prirodzené, že po roku 1948 táto tov „novej globálnej histórie“, ktorá fenomén kritika naberala na sile a ako výskumná „nadnárodnej korporátnej spoločnosti“ pre- téma podliehala fi rma Baťa silnej politizácii. zentuje ako jednu z najaktuálnejších výziev V českej a slovenskej historiografi i zažila re- svetovej historiografi e, výrazne prekračuje nesanciu po roku 1989, pričom autori upozor- rámec doteraz publikovaných prác tohto typu ňujú na problém slabšej metodológie a „myto- v českom a slovenskom prostredí. logizácie“. V českom (a slovenskom) prostredí Práca je okrem úvodu a metodologického sa téma na úrovni výskumu vystupujúceho otvorenia problematiky (ktorému bude v tom- nad pozitivistický, deskriptívny rámec dostá- to texte venovaná osobitná pozornosť) roz- va do pozornosti hlavne v posledných dvoch delená do deviatich obsiahlych kapitol, kto- dekádach. Autori okrem sumarizácie a hod- ré približujú „Baťovské“ továrenské mestá notenia „domácej“ spisby vytyčujú tri vodia- na území Československa, Poľska, Maďarska, ce línie výskumu, ktoré zasadzujú, naopak, Juhoslávie, Nemecka, Francúzska, Veľkej do rámca svetovej historiografi e. Ide o feno- Británie a Holandska. Časový rámec je „po- mén továrenského mesta, v rámci druhej línie hyblivý“ a akcentuje viacero kľúčových medz- o manažment (s osobitným zreteľom na „for- níkov, ako napr. počiatok pôsobenia koncernu dizmus“) a v tretej línií o nadnárodnú korpo- v tom ktorom meste, ako fi xný medzník pre- ráciu. Kľúčovým momentom, ktorý refl ektuje zentuje druhú svetovú vojnu a jej dôsledky svetová historiografi a je okrem „take off“ fázy

138 MESTO a DEJINY počas priemyselnej revolúcie vznik tzv. „model Autori však upozorňujú na lokálne špecifi ká company towns“, v ktorých sa spája podnika- miest a hospodársko-ekonomické a sociálne nie, hospodárska a sociálna politika s priemy- potreby koncernu. Z československých miest selným urbanizmom. V rámci tohto prístupu sú priblížené napr. Otrokovice-Baťov, Třebíč- autori prezentujú „Baťove“ továrenské mesto Borovina či Ratíškovice, ktoré sú osobitným nielen ako architektonický a urbanistický ce- príkladom snahy podniku expandovať aj v ob- lok, ale ako entitu viažucu na seba sociálne lasti energetiky. Vybudovanie rozsiahlych a hospodárske zázemie, vzťahy na úrovni pod- uhoľných baní za účelom dosiahnutia ener- nik – mestská samospráva a tiež „sociálne ra- getickej autarkie sú zjavnou inšpiráciou kon- cionalizovanú“ komunitu. V tomto kontexte cernom Henryho Forda. Okrem týchto miest prezentujú továrenské mesto ako konštruo- boli priblížené Napajedla, Zruč nad Sázavou vaný rámec nového životného štýlu, ako „mo- a Sezimovo ústí 2 (Baťov). Osobitná pozor- delové prostredie“ pre život „nového“ človeka. nosť bola v rámci kapitálovej a výrobnej ex- Na tomto mieste však autori upozorňujú aj panzie koncernu na územie Slovenska veno- na kritiku v podobe disciplinarizácie zamest- vaná mestám Svit a Šimonovany-Baťovany nancov aj v ich súkromnom živote. Z hľadiska (neskoršie Partizánske). Mestá boli skúmané prípadového zamerania práce je centrom zá- v uvedenom metodologickom rámci zahŕňajú- ujmu autorov analýza miesť Baťovho koncer- com výstavbu závodu, priblíženie výroby, ur- nu v Európe v ťažiskovom časovom rámci pre- banizmus a spoločenský vývoj zameraný na važne 30. a 40. rokov 20. storočia. V prípade faktory ako demografi cká skladba, školstvo, Československa sa venujú aj problematické- zdravotníctvo či voľný čas. Osobitne v prípade mu povojnovému obdobiu a zmenám po roku miest na Slovensku je do popredia pretlače- 1948 a čiastočne 1989. V prípade skúmaných ný výrazný kontrast medzi modernou koncer- miest ide však o vybrané lokality, pričom kri- novou politikou v celej jej šírke a hospodár- tériá výberu spočívali v charakteristikách skym, sociálnym a kultúrnym zázemím na systematického a komplexného plánovania Slovensku v medzivojnovom období. mestských lokalít v súlade s koncernovým Rovnaký rámec bol autormi aplikovaný modelom továrenského mesta, v kombinácii aj na priblíženie európskej výrobnej expanzie výroba – sociálny program. koncernu do Juhoslávie, Nemecka, Poľska, Ako východiskové je predstavené mesto Maďarska, Švajčiarska, Francúzska, Veľkej Zlín, ktoré slúžilo ako vzor či „funkčný model“ Británie a Holandska. Priblížené boli juho- aplikácie moderných manažérskych prístu- slovanské (v súčasnosti chorvátske) mesto pov. Autori sa o Zlíne v tomto kontexte doslova Borovo, nemecký Ottmuth, poľský Chełmek, vyjadrujú ako o „industriálnom laboratóriu“ švajčiarsky Möhlin, z Francúzska to bolo pre vytvorenie novej industriálno-sociálnej mesto Hellocourt, z Veľkej Británie East komunity so zdieľaným životným štýlom. Tilbury, holandský Best a maďarská obec Okrem samotného urbanizmu a architekto- Martfü. nických riešení v širšom, hospodársko-sociál- Autori však v rámci európskej expanzie nom kontexte približujú autori úrovne „pohl- koncernu hodnotia ako najúspešnejšiu loká- covania“ Zlína koncernom. Približujú faktory, ciu mesto Borovo v Juhoslávii, ktoré vynika- ako napr. prebratie politického riadenia mes- lo komplexnosťou aplikácie baťovských ma- ta, vyhradenie práva na distribúciu ener- nažérskych konceptov, pričom nespornou gií a zásobovania, internacionalizáciu mesta výhodou a predpokladom bola jeho strate- a v neposlednom rade urbanizmus a apliká- gická poloha na Dunaji, ktorá mu zabezpeči- ciu týchto modelov na ostatné spoločenské la status centra výroby obuvi v Juhoslávii aj segmenty ako školstvo, zdravotníctvo, kultúra v povojnovom období. Význam Borova však a šport. Kľúčovú úlohu pri tom zohrávala mo- začal po roku 1939 dočasne klesať. V tej- derná dopravná sieť a hlavne médiá. V tomto to súvislosti je ako najdôležitejšie kontinen- type riadenia a expanzie však autori pretlá- tálne baťovské stredisko interpretované ne- čajú do popredia značne autoritársky prístup mecké (hornosliezske) mesto Ottmuth. Na a korporátnu kontrolu. Táto snaha o systema- tomto príklade je možné pozorovať tiež prob- tizáciu koncernovej praxe bola následne apli- lematický vývoj vzťahov na politickej úrov- kovaná prostredníctvom expanzie koncernu ni, v rámci čoho bol koncern Baťa konfron- aj do iných miest Československa a Európy. tovaný napr. s totalitným režimom a ním

139 MESTO a DEJINY ovládanou ekonomikou. Autori upozorňujú na ocitla koželužná prevádzka z Nových Zámkov. paradox výmeny úloh medzi mestami, ktoré Nakoniec to však bola obec Martfü, ktorá sa sa nachádzajú na súčasnom poľskom území, počas vojnového, no viac v povojnovom období a to Ottmuthom a Chełmekom. Po znárodne- stala ťažiskovým centrom obuvníckeho prie- ní sa obidve centrá stali ťažiskom obuvnícke- myslu už v socialistickom Maďarsku. ho priemyslu v Poľsku, pričom Chełmek bol Monografi a Tovární města Baťova kon- počas vojny ovládnutý ríšskym Ottmuthom cernu. Evropská kapitola globální expanze je a po vojne sa podieľal na jeho obnove. Naopak prepracovanou a hĺbkovou analýzou etablova- švajčiarsky Möhlin bol až do polovice 50. ro- nia sa a širokej hospodársko-sociálnej expan- kov spájaný so značne silnou antibaťovskou zie koncernu Baťa nielen v európskom, ale aj kampaňou, čo podľa autorov do istej miery re- globálnom priestore. Metodologické ukotve- fl ektuje aj poľský Chełmek. Kontext rozsiah- nie problematiky v princípoch new global his- leho podnikania v koloniálnych oblastiach tory a business history výrazne posúvajú po- odráža pôsobenie koncernu vo francúzskom znanie problematiky a sprostredkujú široký Hellocourte, pričom ani tam sa koncern ne- interdisciplinárny pohľad na jeden zo signifi - vyhol tvrdej opozícii. Obdobný cieľ, neustále kantných fenoménov moderného podnikania rozširovanie trhov a odbytísk smerom do kolo- v 20. storočí. Monografi u možno odporúčať niálnych oblastí, sledoval koncern Baťa aj vo predovšetkým odbornej verejnosti a báda- Veľkej Británii. Prostredníctvom The British teľom so zameraním primárne na fenomén Bata Shoe Company Ltd. schematicky ex- Baťa, ale okrem toho aj na hospodárske a so- pandovalo mesto East Tilbury, čo akcentuje ciálne dejiny, urbánne dejiny, dejiny architek- aj holandské mesto Best s koloniálnym záze- túry a územného plánovania. mím. Najkomplikovanejšie podmienky európ- skej expanzie mal koncern v Maďarsku (resp. Mgr. Mikuláš Jančura, PhD. v Maďarskom kráľovstve). Prienik na tamoj- Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika šie trhy zabezpečila paradoxne viedenská ar- v Košiciach bitráž, v rámci ktorej sa na maďarskom území

140 Anotácie Annotations MESTO a DEJINY

ŠTEMBERK, JAN – JAKUBEC, IVAN. CESTOVNÍ RUCH postavenia, vplyvu a regulačnej politiky CR POD DOHLEDEM TŘETÍ ŘÍŠE. PRAHA: UNIVERZITA zo strany nacistického Nemecka. K zvolené- KARLOVA; KAROLINUM, 2019, 310 S. ISBN 978-80- mu rámcu pristupujú zväčša komparatívnym 246-4127-0. spôsobom. Súčasťou úvodu práce je sonda do sta- Pojem „cestovný ruch“ (ďalej CR) na seba vu spracovania témy v historiografi i, ktorá viaže množstvo aktivít a kontextov. V zmysle je však relatívne obmedzená a približuje prá- turizmu ako cestovania pre zábavu, resp. za ce prevažne slovenskej a českej proveniencie. účelom rekreácie sa CR v priebehu prvej po- Autori tým však zdôrazňujú okrajový charak- lovice 20. storočia stal organickou súčasťou ter témy, ktorý je spracovaný viac na popula- každodenného života, ako aj širších hospodár- rizačnej a menej na vedecko-analytickej úrov- sko-ekonomických, legislatívnych a socio-kul- ni. Autori sa však nevyhýbajú ich hodnoteniu. túrnych štruktúr. Kľúčovým pre rozmach CR Z metodologicky bohatších prác sa orientujú bolo medzivojnové obdobie, ktoré je príznač- viac na nemecké prostredie. Hodnotné je pri- né modernizáciou dopravných segmentov, blíženie pramennej bázy a ťažiskových ar- uvoľnením voľnočasových fondov jednotlivcov, chívnych fondov, a to hlavne vzhľadom na ako aj jeho dôslednejším začlenením do le- značnú roztrieštenosť témy, ako aj fragmen- gislatívnych a hospodárskych mechanizmov. táciu samotných archiválií. V Československu sa v nemalej miere o rozvoj Vlastná prvá kapitola sa venuje prob- CR pričinili aj početné korporácie, ako napr. lematike politiky CR a pre oblasť českých rôzne spolky (turistické, cyklistické, automo- krajín približuje ako východiská legislatí- bilové atď.), vznikajúce cestovné kancelárie či vu CR nastavenú počas monarchie a násled- dynamický rozvoj moderných služieb na úrov- ných zmien po vzniku Československa. Jadro ni hotelového podnikania a gastronómie. Je však spočíva v priblížení nemeckej nacistic- všeobecne prijímaným tvrdením a do značnej kej politiky CR a jej vplyvu na oblasť Sudet, miery tiež nepopierateľným faktom, že dru- na Protektorát Čechy a Morava, ako aj na há svetová vojna bola pre dobre „zabehnutý“ slovenský štát. V kontexte nacistickej politi- CR v sledovanom období citeľným zásahom, ky CR konštituovanej už od roku 1933 sa do- no zároveň je potrebné zdôrazniť, že nezna- stáva výrazne do popredia jeho politizovaná, menala jeho zánik. V teritoriálne a hospodár- resp. propagandistická línia a menej ekono- sky oklieštených podmienkach Protektorátu mické a hospodárske faktory, ktoré boli dô- Čechy a Morava, ako aj slovenského štátu do- slednejšie pridružené až po roku 1938. Autori šlo k jeho dôslednej reštrukturalizácii, no zá- kladú do pozornosti hlavne technicko-organi- roveň vo viacerých ohľadoch aj k inováciám, začné členenie aparátu CR na jednotlivé pra- ktoré fungovali aj v povojnovom období. covné skupiny a zároveň aj čelného predstavi- Na tomto základe je cieľom monografi e re- teľa hospodárskej skupiny pre CR, Hermanna vidovať skreslenú predstavu o zániku CR od Essera. Autori následne približujú legislatív- jesene 1938 a obzvlášť počas vojnových rokov ny rámec a technicko-organizačné členenie a poukázať na jeho početné technicko-organi- CR pre Sudety, Protektorát Čechy a Morava, začné, legislatívne a personálne zmeny, ako aj ako aj slovenský štát a využívajú pri tom na množstvo špecifík, ktoré si vtedajšia situ- komparatívny prístup, pričom zdôrazňujú, že ácia vyžadovala. každá z častí bývalého Československa mala Práca obsahovo nadväzuje na dlhodobý v kontexte legislatívy CR osobitné postave- výskum fenoménu CR, cestovania a dopravy nie, čo do značnej miery pramenilo z rozlič- u oboch autorov. V šiestich kapitolách autori ných vzťahov, resp. postojov nemeckého cen- približujú politiku CR, predpoklady na jeho tra k týmto oblastiam. V prípade sudetského účasti, ubytovacie a stravovacie služby, ako pohraničia išlo o priamu aplikáciu nemeckej aj jednotlivé dopravné segmenty. Súčasťou je legislatívy a pre Protektorát išlo o vytvorenie aj komplexná charakteristika domáceho a za- centralizovanej organizácie, podriadenej ne- hraničného CR, a to na príjazdovej a výjazdo- meckej správe, s názvom Ústredný zväz pre vej úrovni. Autori problematiku kotvia v ge- cudzinecký ruch. V prípade slovenského štátu ografi ckom priestore sudetského pohraničia, bol CR, resp. vzniknuté „Riaditeľstvo pre ces- Protektorátu Čechy a Morava a slovenského tovný ruch“ kladené do kompetenčného rám- štátu, avšak v širšom kontexte mocenského ca Ministerstva hospodárstva a Najvyššieho

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úradu pre zásobovanie. Regionálne kompe- v kontexte vojnových potrieb, ako napr. ob- tencie boli v rukách tzv. „Slovakotúrov“, čo medzovanie železničnej prepravy, vplyv prí- boli regionálne zbory Riaditeľstva pre CR. delového systému na pohonné látky, povinný V kapitole venujúcej sa predpokladom prechod na drevoplynové generátory či rôz- účasti na CR autori ako východisko konceptu- ne reštriktívne opatrenia voči súkromným alizujú fenomén voľného času v podmienkach jazdám automobilmi či v extrémnej podo- sledovaného obdobia. Približujú mechaniz- be, svojvoľnému používaniu bicyklov za úče- mus čerpania dovoleniek, transformácie fes- lom jazdy pre zábavu (!). Podružným fakto- tivity na úrovni štátnych a cirkevných sviat- rom v období pred vypuknutím vojny je napr. kov a zdôrazňujú tiež výrazné obmedzenie priblíženie hospodárskych vzťahov, a to na voľných dní v súvislosti s nadchádzajúcimi vybranom príklade núteného odberu nemec- vojnovými udalosťami. Osobitnú pozornosť kých vagónov značky MITROPA. Odber platil venujú židovskému obyvateľstvu a ich postup- ako pre protektorát, tak aj pre slovenský štát. nému vyčleňovaniu z hospodárskeho, spolo- Súčasťou „dopravnej kapitoly“ je aj čiastoč- čenského a kultúrneho života, do ktorého ne- né priblíženie fungovania mestskej hromad- pochybne spadá aj cestovanie a CR. Nemalú nej dopravy či lanových dráh a lyžiarskych pozornosť venovali tiež židovským hotelierom, vlekov. Osobitnú pozornosť venovali autori aj majiteľom gastronomických zariadení či kú- fungovaniu cestovných kancelárií, pričom po- peľov, pričom ubytovacím a stravovacím služ- litická situácia od druhej polovice 30. rokov bám venovali v monografi i osobitnú kapitolu, ich citeľne zasiahla. Autori upozorňujú na avšak v iných súvislostiach. Komparatívny protichodnú situáciu, v ktorej sa vyskytli. Na prístup bol zvolený opäť pre oblasť Sudet, pro- jednej strane je badateľná snaha o ich začle- tektorátu a slovenského štátu. V rámci danej nenie do hospodárskeho systému CR, no záro- kapitoly venovali autori pozornosť aj adminis- veň existovalo výrazné obmedzovanie ich čin- tratíve, resp. administratívnym možnostiam nosti (hlavne pri obmedzení CR do zahraničia, a limitom cestovania za hranice. Na tomto ale aj pri vnútroštátnom CR, napr. odstúpené príklade priblížili postupujúci mechanizmus územia, pohraničné pásma, vojenské pásma rôznych obmedzení, napr. sprísňujúcu sa pa- a pod.). Išlo predovšetkým o veľké kancelá- sovú, devízovú či vízovú politiku. rie, ako napr. ČEDOK. V prípade slovenského Spomenuté ubytovacie a stravovacie služ- štátu autori prezentovali ucelený pohľad na by boli autormi priblížené v kontexte územ- transformáciu ČEDOK-u na cestovnú kance- ných strát (jeseň 1938), arizácie, zmien v legis- láriu Želka, pričom boli slovenskou legislatí- latíve hotelových a gastronomických živností, vou prevzaté a upravené všetky pôvodné fi li- ako aj v nezanedbateľných hospodárskych álky. Je však potrebné uviesť, že ČEDOK mal súvislostiach, v rámci ktorých sa venovali na Slovensku silný vplyv a dobrú reputáciu, napr. zásobovaniu, lístkovému systému a pod. čo viedlo k faktu, že CK Želka fakticky nad- Pozoruhodným bol napr. vstup do cenovej po- viazala na jeho fungovanie a tradíciu. litiky štandardných jedál a nápojov ponúka- Záverečné kapitoly venované domácemu ných vo vybraných hoteloch a reštauráciách, a zahraničnému CR analyzujú prevažne ich opäť v komparačnom rámci Nemecka, Sudet, vlastné formy, napr. v podobe turistiky, or- protektorátu a slovenského štátu. Samotní ganizovaných pobytov, trampingu, mládež- autori ako „pozitívum“ prístupu k hotelovým níckych rekreácií, fungovania dovolenkových a gastronomickým službám v sledovanom ob- poukazov a pod. v oklieštených podmien- dobí označili ich rozsiahlu kvalitatívnu kla- kach. Charakterom pripomína viac apliká- sifi káciu, pričom tento systém sa zachoval aj ciu poznatkov z predošlých častí na konkrét- v povojnovom období. Rozsiahlu kapitolu ve- ne výskumné príklady. Ako paradoxný jav novali autori problematike dopravy ako jed- vyhodnotili autori nepoľavujúcu propagáciu ného z kľúčových a nevyhnutných predpokla- jednotlivých destinácií, hotelov či dokonca dov fungujúceho CR. Pozornosť zamerali na dopravných prostriedkov (automobilov, mo- jednotlivé segmenty počnúc železnicou, cez tocyklov, bicyklov) aj počas vojnového obdo- cestnú dopravu na hromadnej a individuálnej bia a výrazne okliešteného hospodárstva a fi - úrovni, ako aj lodnej (riečnej) doprave a letec- nančných možností obyvateľstva. Zdôvodnili tvu. V jej rámci tak má čitateľ možnosť sle- to ako opatrenia zabezpečujúce fl exibilnej- dovať postupujúce prevádzkové obmedzenia ší nábeh CR a jeho potrebných komponentov

143 MESTO a DEJINY v povojnovom období. Taktiež pozoruhodným historická veda, etnológia, fi lozofi a, sociológia je priblíženie konceptov CR a úloh protek- či dejiny umenia. Pamäť nemusí znamenať torátu po (víťaznej) vojne v kontexte „novej len spomienky jednotlivcov, mnohokrát je pre- Európy“ ovládnutej nacistami. nášaná aj na ďalšie generácie, ktoré už neboli Pri sumarizácii sa autori jednoznačne priamymi svedkami doby. Často je ovplyvňo- vyslovujú v prospech tvrdenia, že CR pred- vaná rôznymi ideológiami, kedy obzvlášť ko- stavoval jeden z výrazných prostriedkov in- lektívna pamäť môže byť pozmenená či úpl- štrumentalizácie nacistickej hospodárskej ne vymazaná. politiky a ideológie. Trefne však upozorňu- Zborník obsahuje celkovo šesť štúdií jú, že aj v povojnovom období sa v rámci CR v chronologickom poradí. Monika Ďuďáková zachoval celý rad „vojnových“ foriem a orga- sa vo svojom príspevku venovala Účasti nizačných počinov (napr. klasifi kácia hotelov Sarmatov v Markomanských vojnách na zá- či odborové rekreácie), ako aj nemalá úloha klade písomných prameňov a umeleckých pa- ideológie. miatok. Markomanské vojny sú považované Monografi a Cestovní ruch pod dohledem za medzník medzi staršou a mladšou dobou třetí říše autorov Jana Štemberka a Ivana rímskou. V príspevku sa preto zamerala na Jakubeca je nanajvýš relevantným a prínos- vyobrazenie a rozbor týchto vojnových uda- ným vstupom do problematiky cestovania lostí, konkrétne na účasť sarmatských kme- a CR v prvej polovici 20. storočia a prináša ňov (Jazygov a Roxolanov) prostredníctvom dosiaľ v ucelenej forme nepublikované po- písomných prameňov a umeleckých pamia- znatky. V rámci problematiky výrazne posú- tok, presnejšie na stĺpe Marca Aurelia. V prí- va jej poznanie a je prínosnou nie len pre od- spevku rozdelila Markomanské vojny na dve bornú komunitu historikov či sociológov, ale časti – nájazdy Germánov v rokoch 166 – tiež pre manažérov v oblasti CR, ako aj pre 171 a rímsku protiofenzívu, ktorá prebieha- laických záujemcov. la v rokoch 172 – 180. Následne analyzova- la prostredníctvom antických autorov scény Mgr. Mikuláš Jančura, PhD. na špirálovito umiestnených pásoch na stĺ- Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika pe Marca Aurelia. V závere zdôrazňuje prob- v Košiciach lém hodnovernosti správ antických autorov o Sarmatoch. Súčasťou štúdie je obrazová prí- loha s detailnými vyobrazeniami stĺpu Marca Aurelia. KATRIŇÁK, LUKÁŠ (ED.). PREHODNOTENÉ DEJINY. Druhou štúdiou je Kláštorná pamäť a krá- HISTORICKÁ PAMÄŤ – JEJ MIESTO A VÝZNAM PRE ľovský dar. K vybraným aspektom vzniku naj- SPOLOČNOSŤ: STRETNUTIE MLADÝCH HISTORIKOV starších listinných fálz v uhorskom prostredí, VII. KOŠICE: UNIVERZITA PAVLA JOZEFA ŠAFÁRIKA V KOŠICIACH, 2018, 66 S. ISBN 978-80-8152-610-7. jej autorom je Marek Druga. Jeho štúdia je zameraná na interpretácie možných motívov Dňa 25. októbra 2017 sa na Filozofi ckej príbehov stredovekých falšovateľov a na vní- fakulte Univerzity Pavla Jozefa Šafárika manie samotného falšovania v stredovekej v Košiciach uskutočnil v poradí siedmy ročník spoločnosti. Venuje sa tradičným, ale aj súčas- vedeckej konferencie Stretnutie mladých his- ným predstavám o historickom pozadí, ktoré torikov, určenej pre doktorandov historických stáli za vznikom stredovekých fálz. Poukazuje a príbuzných spoločenských vied. Výsledkom aj na špecifi ckosť prostredia Uhorska v ranom konferencie je už tradične zborník recenzova- stredoveku a v tejto súvislosti aj na potrebu ných štúdií, tentokrát zameraných na tému rozlišovania medzi motívmi falzátorov v naj- Prehodnotené dejiny. Historická pamäť – jej staršom období a falzátorov v období vrchol- miesto a význam pre spoločnosť. Pamäť môže ného a neskorého stredoveku. V príspevku sa byť skúmaná ako historická, individuál- zaoberá aj tzv. „kláštornou pamäťou“ vo faloš- na, kolektívna, kultúrna, sociálna a pod., no ných zakladacích listinách, zachovali sa v nej s históriou je neodlučiteľne spätá. V posled- staršie vrstvy privilégií, donácií a majetkov. ných rokoch sa dostáva do popredia ako jeden Tieto písomnosti boli vytvárané aj s cieľom le- z predmetov výskumu. Pri výskume môže- galizovať niektoré staršie práva, na ktoré si me vidieť možnosť koexistovania takých ved- kláštory robili nároky. ných disciplín, akými sú napr. antropológia,

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Aneta Kubalová vo svojom príspevku „... vytvorili unikátny obraz o tejto historickej derowegen sind wir, wir, wir, sag ich, die rech- udalosti. te ware kirch gottes.“ Pět luteránských kázaní Autorom poslednej štúdie s názvom Matthiase Hoëho von Hoënegg (1580 – 1645) Vizuálne obrazy ako nástroje ovplyvňovania analyzovala kázania luteránskeho teológa kolektívnej pamäti je Lukáš Katriňák. Cieľom Matthiase Hoëho von Hoënegg z doby jeho jeho príspevku bolo demonštrovať, že kolek- pobytu v Prahe v rokoch 1611 – 1613. Venuje tívna pamäť môže byť vytváraná či ovplyv- pozornosť argumentačným stratégiám, kto- ňovaná prostredníctvom vizuálnych obra- ré využíval pri budovaní konfesijnej identi- zov, pričom v tomto prípade ide o fotografi e. ty luterána. Konfesijné roztržky v ideovej ro- Zameral sa na ovplyvňovanie kolektívnej pa- vine Hoëho kazateľskej produkcie smerujú mäti v totalitnom štáte, Československej re- predovšetkým k príslušníkom rímskokato- publike, ktorý neposkytuje rôznym aktérom, líckej cirkvi, najmä k jezuitom, vzťah k čes- na rozdiel od demokratického štátu, možnosť kému reformnému hnutiu a jednote bratskej reinterpretácie minulosti. Príspevok rozdelil je v rámci skúmaného pramenného súboru do dvoch častí. V prvej priblížil ontologickú marginalizovaný. povahu fotografi ckého obrazu s dôrazom na Ďalšou štúdiou je Presídľovanie českoslo- jeho objektivitu. Porovnáva výklady rôznych venských rodín v rámci výmeny obyvateľstva teoretikov o objektivite fotografi e. V druhej medzi Československom a Maďarskom, kto- časti príspevku predstavil konkrétne možnos- rej autorkou je Barbara Kacerová. Poukázala ti ovplyvňovania kolektívnej pamäti pomo- na to, ako sa výmena obyvateľstva dotýka- cou fotografi í formou cenzúry, napr. odstra- la osudov mnohých Čechov a Slovákov, ktorí ňovanie osobností či dokonca dopĺňanie davu sa po Viedenskej arbitráži v roku 1938 ocit- ľudí na fotografi ách verejných vystúpení po- li v Maďarsku a ktorí sa po druhej svetovej litikov. Analyzoval proces zverejňovania foto- vojne chceli vrátiť do Československa a po- grafi í v tlači, ich cenzúrne konanie. Zhodnotil, kiaľ to bolo možné, aby sa presídlili aj so svo- že takto upravované snímky na jednej stra- jimi rodinami. Príspevok je zameraný nie- ne zobrazujú realitu, ale zároveň bola vopred len na rokovania vlád oboch krajín, ale aj zrežírovaná. Československo-maďarskej zmiešanej komisie Zborník predstavuje výstup z konferencie pre výmenu obyvateľstva a ňou vydávané roz- doktorandov a mladých historikov, ktorá sa hodnutia. V príspevku defi nuje rodinu z rôz- uskutočnila po siedmykrát a je veľkým príno- nych hľadísk, sociologického, psychologické- som pre referujúcich. Kvalitu príspevkov po- ho, etnologického. Problematiku skúma aj tvrdzuje aj to, že referáty prešli kritickým po- prostredníctvom rodinnej pamäti. Priblížila súdením komentátorov konferencie. podmienky pre presídlenie, na základe kto- rých sa v rámci výmeny obyvateľstva sa mohli Mgr. Barbara Kacerová presídľovať rodiny, ktorých členovia sa mohli Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika presídliť a aká bola ich adaptácia po príchode v Košiciach do Československa. Martin Počátko priblížil Vnímanie au- gusta 1968 v Československu v bulharskej spoločnosti pohľadom francúzskej diploma- GOLIAN, JÁN – MOLDA, RASTISLAV (EDS.). CESTOPIS- cie. V úvode štúdie rozobral rozdielne názo- NÉ DENNÍKY: ZBLÍZKA I ZĎALEKA, Z MONARCHIE I RE- ry historikov na výskum pamäti a defi nova- PUBLIKY. BANSKÁ BYSTRICA: SOCIETY FOR HUMAN STUDIES, 2018, 286 S. ISBN 978-80-972913-1-0. nie pamäti. Priblížil, ako vnímala francúzska diplomacia a francúzske veľvyslanectvá vý- Zostavovatelia publikácie Cestopisné den- chodného bloku, ktoré sa podieľali na oku- níky. Zblízka i zďaleka, z monarchie i repub- pácii, situáciu v Československu takmer liky urobili výber jedinečných cestopisov, bezprostredne po začiatku okupácie a ako in- ktoré obsahujú široké spektrum informá- váziu vojsk vnímali obyvatelia týchto krajín, cií. Každý cestopis prináša skrz svojho auto- ich politické reprezentácie, ale aj komuni- ra vlastný uhol pohľadu, a to nielen tým, že kačné prostriedky, ich interpretáciu a repro- sa aktér pohybuje iným prostredím, ale naj- dukciu na jednotlivých francúzskych zastupi- mä tým, čo ho zaujíma. Niektoré cestopisy teľstvách v krajinách východného bloku, čím

145 MESTO a DEJINY informujú o krásach a pamätihodnostiach, ktorí ešte využívajú služby knižníc alebo ar- iné sú podrobným opisom spôsobu cestova- chívov. Zostavovatelia ich vrátili späť do ži- nia a zažitých dobrodružstiev alebo preja- vota v jednej publikácii určenej odbornej aj vom vlastenectva autora hrdého na vyspelosť širokej verejnosti. K ich publikovaniu pristú- svojho národa a štátu. V iných môžeme sledo- pili zodpovedne a texty doplnili vysvetľujú- vať pretrvávanie spôsobov správania naprieč cimi komentármi v poznámkach pod čiarou. storočiami. Taký Július Kožúch v Egypte pri Čiastočne upravili gramatiku a štylistiku, ale kontakte s egyptskými colníkmi musí rátať urobili to citlivo so zmyslom pre zachovanie čo z náležitým bakšišom, aby bol jeho presun najautentickejšej atmosféry dobového textu. bezproblémový. Prax s bakšišom je pritom Cestopisy vhodne ilustrujú dobové fotografi e aj dnes v Egypte celkom bežná. Cestovateľ alebo ilustrácie, čím dokresľujú zážitok z do- Daniel Šustek zaznamenáva svoje dobrodruž- bového prostredia, kde sa autor pohyboval. stvá na ceste loďou do New Yorku a Karol Cestopisné denníky zhromaždené do jed- Anton Medvecký je hrdý na expozíciu novej ného diela prevedú čitateľa najrozmanitej- Republiky Československej počas svetovej vý- šími krajinami sveta alebo po cestách našej stavy v Paríži. Za cestopismi zo zahraničných vlasti na prelome 19. a 20. storočia. Istým ciest v ničom nezaostávajú ani tie z domáce- spôsobom sú návratom v čase do minulosti ho prostredia. Prinášajú opisy pamiatok, in- a umožňujú, aspoň pomyselne, cestovať a po- formujú o technickom pokroku a nádhernej znávať pominuteľnú atmosféru z predminu- prírode. lého a minulého storočia. Sú cenným prame- Zostavovateľom sa podarila unikátna ňom k poznaniu našej minulosti a spôsobu publikácia, ktorá na jednom mieste sústreďu- života našich predkov. je dvanásť cestopisov. Pôvodne boli publikova- né v periodickej alebo neperiodickej tlačí pre doc. ThDr. Peter Borza, PhD. širokú verejnosť. Postupom času sa však sta- Univerzita Pavla Jozefa Šafárika li prístupnými len úzkemu okruhu čitateľov, v Košiciach

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