DOCSLIB.ORG

Augustine's Unfinished Work Against Julian

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Augustine's Unfinished Work Against Julian THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA Augustine’s Unfinished Work Against Julian: The Ancient and Contemporary Dispute Over Concupiscence A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Faculty of the School of Theology and Religious Studies Of The Catholic University of America In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree Doctor of Philosophy By Joshua M. Evans Washington, D.C. 2016 Augustine’s Unfinished Work Against Julian: The Ancient and Contemporary Dispute Over Concupiscence Joshua M. Evans, Ph.D. Director: Joseph E. Capizzi, Ph.D. Augustine of Hippo’s account of sexuality and concupiscence (concupiscentia; libido) has long been both praised and vilified. Even so, scholars often cannot agree about what positions Augustine holds on fundamental issues within his account of concupiscence. The first issue is whether Augustine thinks concupiscence is caused exclusively or primarily by the soul, or whether concupiscence is often caused by the body. The second issue is whether Augustine thinks concupiscence in the form of sexual desire is wholly an effect of the fall or was present and good before the fall. Within these interpretive debates, Augustine’s final book, contra Iulianum opus imperfectum (Unfinished Work in Answer to Julian), has been relatively neglected, especially in moral theology and ethics. Focusing on Augustine’s later works and drawing significantly on contra Iulianum opus imperfectum, I argue that the bodily element of concupiscence is central to Augustine’s mature theology of sexuality and is central to understanding Augustine’s final position on Edenic concupiscence. Chapter one shows that rival interpretations of Augustine’s claims about bodily desire and sexual desire in Eden often underlie rival evaluative claims about Augustine’s views on sexuality and concupiscence. Chapter two examines Augustine’s dispute with Julian of Eclanum and shows how Augustine’s views on concupiscence and the fallen body emerge from Augustine’s broader theological commitments regarding God, creation, and God’s original plan for human nature. Chapter three shows that Augustine’s mature theology holds that concupiscence is very often a desire of the body distinct from desires of the will. Here I show how Augustine’s theory of bodily desire fits well with his broader anthropological commitments regarding sensation and embodiment. Chapter four applies Augustine’s account of bodily desire to his development on the issue of sexual desire in Eden. I show that Augustine develops significantly on the issue, with his final position in contra Iulianum opus imperfectum being that sexual concupiscence might or might not have been present in Eden. I show how Augustine’s final ambivalent position results from tensions within Augustine’s account of bodily desire. Overall, the project is in conversation with scholarship in theology, philosophy, history, and gender and sexuality studies. This dissertation by Joshua M. Evans fulfills the dissertation requirement for the doctoral degree in Moral Theology/Ethics approved by Joseph E. Capizzi, Ph.D., as director, and by John S. Grabowski, Ph.D., and Chad C. Pecknold, Ph.D. as Readers. ______________________________________ Joseph E. Capizzi, Ph.D., Director ______________________________________ John S. Grabowski, Ph.D., Reader ______________________________________ Chad C. Pecknold, Ph.D., Reader ii To all my teachers iii TABLE OF CONTENTS NOTE ON CITATIONS . v ABBREVIATIONS . vi INTRODUCTION . 1 CHAPTER ONE AUGUSTINE ON TRIAL . 15 CHAPTER TWO AUGUSTINE’S THEOLOGICAL LANDSCAPE. 72 CHAPTER THREE DESIRES OF THE BODY . 126 CHAPTER FOUR EDENIC SEXUAL DESIRE . .210 CONCLUSION . 299 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 318 iv NOTE ON CITATIONS I cite Augustine’s works within the text of the dissertation, rather than the footnotes, primarily because the footnotes would otherwise become unwieldy. My method of citation is generally the following: (op. I.2,3 [4]) indicates the work (op.), book (I), chapter (2), and paragraph (3) standard to any English or Latin printing of a work of Augustine’s, and the brackets include the page number ([4]) of the central English translation I use for that work. When I use an alternative English translation, I indicate which one in the citation. For simplicity’s sake, I refer to Augustine’s works by their Latin names or abbreviations and assume that the reader, if uncertain, will refer back to the list of works here in order to see which English text corresponds to the Latin name. In recent literature there is some inconsistency in styles of abbreviation of Augustine’s works. I follow the guide in Augustine Through the Ages, p. xxxv-xlii, though I follow others in using I rather than J (c. Iul. rather than c. Jul.). v ABBREVIATIONS LATIN TEXTS Corpus Christianorum Series Latina CCSL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum CSEL Patrologia Latina PL SERIES Ancient Christian Writers FC Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers NPNF The Works of Saint Augustine WSA WORK, ABBREVIATION, MAIN ENGLISH TRANSLATION USED IN THE DISSERTATION Contra Iulianum c. Iul. WSA I/24 Contra Iulianum opus imperfectum c. Iul. imp. WSA I/25 De bono coniugali b. coniug. Walsh De civitate Dei civ. Dei Dyson De continentia cont. WSA I/9 De Genesi ad litteram Gn. litt. WSA I/13 De Genesi adversus Manichaeos Gn. adv. Man. WSA I/13 De gratia christi et de peccato originali gr. et pecc. or. WSA I/23 De nuptiis et concupiscentia nupt. et conc. WSA I/24 vi De perfectione iustitiae hominis perf. iust. WSA I/23 De Trinitate trin. WSA I/3 Retractiones retr. FC 60 vii INTRODUCTION The thesis of this dissertation is the following claim: Augustine’s later works, with particular emphasis on the contra Iulianum opus imperfectum, show that the bodily element of concupiscence is central to Augustine’s final account of sexual desire and is central to adjudicating disputes over the proper interpretation of Augustine’s views on other topics in the theology of sexuality, including Augustine’s final position on Edenic sexual desire. If we understand just how central the bodily element of sexual desire is to Augustine’s mature views on human sexuality, we can also better understand his views on related topics, such as whether sexual desire would have been present in Eden. In order to make this argument, I must first show there is in fact a problem that needs engaging. In fact there are three interrelated interpretive problems and one textual problem that prompt the dissertation. In this introduction I identify these problems and outline the dissertation. THE INTERPRETIVE PROBLEMS Scholarship on Augustine of Hippo’s views on human sexuality has been long been marked by significant disagreement over the merits of Augustine’s claims. Yet, as I show in chapter one, the evaluative disputes are often premised on interpretive disputes of a distinctive kind.1 If one scholar thinks Augustine’s thought on an element of sexuality fails because Augustine says X, another scholar will often respond in the following way: “Augustine does not say X. Augustine says –X.” 1 By “interpretive” I simply mean what Augustine actually said. By “evaluative” I mean whether what Augustine actually said is something good or evil to say. 2 Augustine’s interlocutors very often cannot even agree on which position Augustine holds, let alone whether he should hold it. Often the evaluative disputes can be traced back to divergent interpretations of Augustine’s account of sexual concupiscence. A widespread and important interpretive disagreement of the “X or –X” kind concerns Augustine’s position on the relationship of concupiscence to the human body.2 Everyone agrees that for Augustine concupiscence is not merely a desire of the body, since Augustine regularly uses the concept of concupiscence to refer to desires of the soul or will. Yet there is significant, and sometimes unrecognized, disagreement about whether Augustine thinks some forms of concupiscence—especially sexual desire—are in some way desires of the body. One scholar might say Augustine thinks sexual concupiscence is fundamentally caused by the body, while another scholar might say Augustine thinks sexual concupiscence has absolutely nothing to do with the body.3 Since these scholars cannot even agree on exactly what concupiscence is in Augustine’s 2 The concept of concupiscence is inclusive of sexual desire, but broader than sexual desire. For Augustine, all sexual desire is concupiscence, but not all concupiscence is sexual desire. Furthermore, it is very clear to interpreters that not all concupiscence is evil for Augustine, but it is not clear (as I show) whether all sexual desire is evil for Augustine. I use the terms concupiscence, lust, and sexual desire interchangeably, as did Augustine. I discuss Augustine’s use of those terms and their Latin equivalents in chapter three. 3 Chapter three takes up this issue in full, but for the moment consider the following two fundamentally different interpretive accounts of the relationship of concupiscence to the human body. According to David Hunter, “What went wrong [in the Fall], according to Augustine, was precisely a fracture of the original unity and harmony between body and soul that characterized the first human beings….This split within the person—that is, the soul’s loss of control over the body in [sexuality]—was, for Augustine, a just punishment….Although the sin of Adam and Eve did not involve sexual relations, the effects of this sin were felt directly in the ‘animal instinct’ (bestiale motum) now present in their bodies.” See Hunter, “Augustine on the Body” in A Companion to Augustine ed. Mark Vessey and Shelley Reid (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2012), 353-364 (emphasis in original). Hunter says elsewhere that Augustine holds the view that “human beings are born with the same ‘bestial motion’ in their members, which operates independently of rational control by the human mind or will.” See Hunter, “Marriage,” in Augustine Through the Ages (ATTA), 536. In sum, according to Hunter, Augustine thinks sexual concupiscence is in large part a desire of the body distinct from desires of the will.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Automatic Action in Plotinus
    Created on 26 November 2007 at 17.13 hours page 373 AUTOMATIC ACTION IN PLOTINUS JAMES WILBERDING 1. Introduction Plotinus scholars have recently called attention to a kind of action in the sensible world, which one could call ‘spontaneous’ or ‘automatic’ action, that is supposed to result automatically from the contemplation of the intelligible.1 Such action is meant to be opposed to actions that result from reason, calculation, and plan- ning, and has been put to work to provide a way for Plotinus’ sage to act, and in particular to act morally, without compromising his ã James Wilberding 2008 A version of this paper was presented at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven in 2006, where it received a helpful discussion. For comments and suggestions I am par- ticularly indebted to Peter Adamson, Julie Cassiday, Christoph Helmig, Christoph Horn, Jan Opsomer, David Sedley, and Carlos Steel. I have also profited greatly from a reading group held in autumn 2005 at King’s College London on Ennead 3. 8 with Peter Adamson, Verity Harte, M. M. McCabe, and others. I would like to thank Williams College and the Humboldt-Stiftung for funding the research leave during which this paper was written, and Andreas Speer for welcoming me into the Thomas-Institut for this period. 1 e.g. A. Schniewind, L’Ethique‹ du sage chez Plotin [L’Ethique‹ ] (Paris, 2003), 190 with n. 7: ‘les actions du sage sont l’expression (παρακολοýθηµα) de sa propre con- templation . Plotin evoque‹ deux possibilites:‹ d’une part, les actions par faiblesse (èσθÝνεια) de contemplation, pour ceux qui ne parviennent pas a› l’Un; d’autre part — et c’est la› ce qui correspond au sage — les actions en tant qu’activites‹ secondaires (παρακολοýθηµα), issues de la contemplation’; D.
    [Show full text]
  • Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G
    Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary ILDENHARD INGO GILDENHARD AND JOHN HENDERSON A dead boy (Pallas) and the death of a girl (Camilla) loom over the opening and the closing part of the eleventh book of the Aeneid. Following the savage slaughter in Aeneid 10, the AND book opens in a mournful mood as the warring parti es revisit yesterday’s killing fi elds to att end to their dead. One casualty in parti cular commands att enti on: Aeneas’ protégé H Pallas, killed and despoiled by Turnus in the previous book. His death plunges his father ENDERSON Evander and his surrogate father Aeneas into heart-rending despair – and helps set up the foundati onal act of sacrifi cial brutality that caps the poem, when Aeneas seeks to avenge Pallas by slaying Turnus in wrathful fury. Turnus’ departure from the living is prefi gured by that of his ally Camilla, a maiden schooled in the marti al arts, who sets the mold for warrior princesses such as Xena and Wonder Woman. In the fi nal third of Aeneid 11, she wreaks havoc not just on the batt lefi eld but on gender stereotypes and the conventi ons of the epic genre, before she too succumbs to a premature death. In the porti ons of the book selected for discussion here, Virgil off ers some of his most emoti ve (and disturbing) meditati ons on the tragic nature of human existence – but also knows how to lighten the mood with a bit of drag.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Church History Semi-Pelagianism, Semi-Augustinianism, and the Synod of Orange (529) Pastor Charles R
    Ancient Church History Semi-Pelagianism, Semi-Augustinianism, and the Synod of Orange (529) Pastor Charles R. Biggs Review of Pelagius and Augustine/ Council of Ephesus (431) Pelagius was a British monk, a very zealous preacher who was castrated for the sake of the kingdom and given to rigorous asceticism. He desired to live a life of perfect holiness. In Christian history, he has come to be the arch-heretic of the church, but in his early writings he was very orthodox and sought to maintain and uphold the creeds of the early church. Pelagius came from Rome to Carthage in the year 410 AD (after Alaric I had captured Rome) with his friend and student Celestius. He taught the people of North Africa a new emphasis on morals and the rigorous life of living the Gospel, because he was shocked by the low tone of Roman morals and thought that Augustine’s teaching on divine grace contributed to the immorality. Celestius, who was the most prominent follower of Pelagius at the time, was condemned at the Council of Carthage in 411 because he denied the transmission of Adam’s sins to his descendants. Augustine began to write and preach again Pelagius and Celestius’ doctrines. Pelagius and Celestius were condemned at two councils at Carthage and Milevis (Numidia, North Africa) in 416 and Innocent I (410-17) excommunicated them from the church. On May 1, 418 the Council of Carthage convened to issue a series of nine canons affirming without compromise the Augustinian doctrine of the Fall and Original Sin. Emperor Honorius (395-423) issued an imperial decree denouncing the teachings of Pelagius and Celestius in that same year.
    [Show full text]
  • Pelagianism As Novelty in Augustine of Hippo
    Artículos de investigación | Research Articles 55 2018 vol. 1, n°. 2 pp: 55-67 doi: 10.28970/hh.2018.2.a3 PELAGIANISM AS NOVELTY IN AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO Pelagianismo como una novedad en Agustín de Hipona Giulio Malavasi1 ABSTRACT Augustine fought against the Pelagians for almost two decades, from 411 to his death in 430, when he left unfinished his last work against Julian of Aeclanum. During this long period, Augustine countered the Pelagian movement mainly through theological treatises and sermons. In this paper, these sources will be studied from a rhetorical perspective: in particular, the several passages in which Augustine labels the Pelagian movement as a novelty, a rhetorical technique that offers Augustine several possibility of attacking the Pelagians, will be carefully analysed. This specific rhetorical tactic against the Pelagian serves at least three purposes. First, Augustine clearly identifies the true Catholic community rooted in the ancient tradition of faith with his own teaching. Second, Augustine definitely discredits his enemies of being completely outside the ancient tradition of the Church because they represent a novelty with- out any connection with the true and ancient faith. Third, Augustine spreads among his audience the doctrine of original sin, which is, at least in Augustine’s view, in perfect agreement with the tradition of the Church. All these issues will be explored in this paper. Keywords: Augustine of Hippo, Pelagianism, heresiology, novelty, Jerome, Orosius, Marius Mercator. 1 Ph.D in in Historical, Geographical and Anthropological Studies from Padova University. Email: [email protected] 56 Humanitas Hodie - Revista de Humanidades, Educacion y Estudios Religiosos RESUMEN Agustín luchó en contra de los pelagianos por más de dos décadas, desde 411 hasta su muerte en 430, cuando dejó su inacabado y último trabajo contra Julián de Aeclanum.
    [Show full text]
  • Conditions for Proclus's Allegorical Reading of Plato's Parmenides
    "Ciarifications" of Obscurity: Conditions for Proclus's Allegorical Reading of Plato's Parmenides Florin George Cäl ian Exegetical work on philosophical systems requires not only that one give an account of the structure of a system's assumptions and arguments, but also of its forms, such as the form of expression (or genre: dialogue, poem, aphorisms, and so on), or its form of argumentation (clear cut dis­ cursive exposition, logical forma lization, metaphorical, allegorical dis­ course, and so forth). These formal considerations may seem to be sec­ ondary, merely ornamental issues, but they can raise unexpected ques­ tions. The literal reading of a text has its counter-part in allegorical interpretation. This way of reading, which must have Started with the first readers of Homer and found a fertile ground in Philo's allegorical commentaries on the Bible, was amazingly natural for Proclus (c. 411- 485), whose writings and commentaries represent the last phases of late antique philosophy, and particularly of the relation between philosophy and rhetoric. Proclus was a major systemic philosopher of late Neoplatonism. Be­ side his fame as one of the last notable heads of the Platonic Academy, he was also known in his youth as a rhetorician with a profound curiosity about divination and theurgy. He was a practitioner of magic and it is said that he knew how to bring rain and that, through a particular rite, he saved Attica from a dreadful drought.1 Proclus was devoted to the Greek gods, especially Athena, whom he invokes at the beginning of his com­ mentary on the Parmenides: I pray to all the gods and goddesses to guide my mind ...to kindie in me a shining light of truth ..
    [Show full text]
  • Pythagorean, Predecessor, and Hebrew: Philo of Alexandria and the Construction of Jewishness in Early Christian Writings
    Pythagorean, Predecessor, and Hebrew: Philo of Alexandria and the Construction of Jewishness in Early Christian Writings Jennifer Otto Faculty of Religious Studies McGill University, Montreal March, 2014 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy © Jennifer Otto, 2014 ii Table of Contents Abstracts v Acknowledgements vii Abbreviations viii Introduction 1 Method, Aims and Scope of the Thesis 10 Christians and Jews among the nations 12 Philo and the Wisdom of the Greeks 16 Christianity as Philosophy 19 Moving Forward 24 Part I Chapter 1: Philo in Modern Scholarship 25 Introducing Philo 25 Philo the Jew in modern research 27 Conclusions 48 Chapter 2: Sects and Texts: The Setting of the Christian Encounter with Philo 54 The Earliest Alexandrian Christians 55 The Trajanic Revolt 60 The “Catechetical School” of Alexandria— A Continuous 63 Jewish-Christian Institution? An Alternative Hypothesis: Reading Philo in the Philosophical Schools 65 Conclusions 70 Part II Chapter 3: The Pythagorean: Clement’s Philo 72 1. Introducing Clement 73 1.1 Clement’s Life 73 1.2 Clement’s Corpus 75 1.3 Clement’s Teaching 78 2. Israel, Hebrews, and Jews in Clement’s Writings 80 2.1 Israel 81 2.2 Hebrews 82 2.3 Jews 83 3. Clement’s Reception of Philo: Literature Review 88 4. Clement’s Testimonia to Philo 97 4.1 Situating the Philonic Borrowings in the context of Stromateis 1 97 4.2 Stromateis 1.5.31 102 4.3 Stromateis 1.15.72 106 4.4 Stromateis 1.23.153 109 iii 4.5 Situating the Philonic Borrowings in the context of Stromateis 2 111 4.6 Stromateis 2.19.100 113 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Illinois Classical Studies
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.ukbrought to you by CORE provided by Illinois Digital Environment for... 12 Old Comedy, Menippean Satire, and Philosophy's Tattered Robes in Boethius' Consolation JOEL C. RELIHAN If one is convinced that Boethius' Consolation of Philosophy presents, in the face of death, a philosopher's heartfelt belief in the truths of the study to which he devoted his brief lifetime, then one is inclined, with Helm and Courcelle, to regard the Menippean form of the Consolation as something essentially irrelevant to its themes.^ The work would merely exemplify a prosimetric form, and not participate actively in the traditions of Menippus and Varro.2 But I am not convinced of this, and think that the Consolation questions the value of Classical philosophy in a debate that is inconclusive, never reaching its promised goal of telling the narrator, otherwise quite an adept in the definition of persons, who he really is.^ The Middle Ages, 'R. Helm, "Menippos 10." RE XV. 1 (1931) 893; P. Courcelle. La consolation de philosophie dans la tradition Utteraire: Antecedents et posterite de Boece (Paris 1967) 17-28. Courcelle relates the Consolation to the genre of the apocalypse; but F. Klingner. De Boethii Consolatione Philosophiae, Philologische Untersuchungen 27 (Berlin 1927) 155 is, I think, right when he suggests that apocalyptic became intertwined with the genre of Menippean satire before Boethius' time, so as to account for similarities between Julian's Caesares, Marlianus' De Nuptiis, and Boethius. I would claim that apocalypse has always been part of the genre, which relies heavily upon supernatural revelations of truth; consider Menippus* vision of judgement in iMcizn' s Necyomantia.
    [Show full text]
  • The Greeks Had Numerous Gods and Many Stories and Myths That Surrounded Them
    Year 4, Week 2, Tuesday English grammar - To use paragraphs correctly As we will be writing an information text this week, today we will be revisiting using paragraphs correctly. We need to use paragraphs for cohesion. This means all related facts are together so the text as a whole makes sense. For example, we would not write about Zeus’ life and Athena’s temple in the same paragraph. In your Home Learning book, sort the sentences below into paragraphs and give each paragraph a subheading. The answers and possible subheadings are on the next page. Extension: Can you add any sentences of your own to include in the paragraphs? The Greeks had numerous gods and many stories and myths that surrounded them. The Titans were the first or elder gods. There were twelve of them including the parents of Zeus, Cronus and Rhea. They ruled during what was called the golden age. Athena was worshipped near the Parthenon as she was victorious in war. Greek mythology consists of all the stories and tales about the Greek gods, goddesses, and heroes. Athena was the Greek goddess of wisdom, defense and war. Her symbols are the owl and the olive branch. She is the patron god of Athens. The twelve Olympian gods were the major gods of the Greeks and lived on Mount Olympus. The Titans were overthrown by their children, led by Zeus. Zeus was the leader of the Olympians and god of the sky and lightning. His symbol is the lightning bolt. A temple, named the Parthenon, was built in 438BC on the Acropolis of Athens.
    [Show full text]
  • Proceedings Ofthe Danish Institute at Athens IV
    Proceedings ofthe Danish Institute at Athens IV Edited by Jonas Eiring and Jorgen Mejer © Copyright The Danish Institute at Athens, Athens 2004 The publication was sponsored by: The Danish Research Council for the Humanities Generalkonsul Gosta Enboms Fond. Proceedings of the Danish Institute at Athens General Editors: Jonas Eiring and Jorgen Mejer. Graphic design and production: George Geroulias, Press Line. Printed in Greece on permanent paper. ISBN: 87 7288 724 9 Distributed by: AARHUS UNIVERSITY PRESS Langelandsgade 177 DK-8200 Arhus N Fax (+45) 8942 5380 73 Lime Walk Headington, Oxford 0X3 7AD Fax (+44) 865 750 079 Box 511 Oakvill, Conn. 06779 Fax (+1)203 945 94 9468 Cover illustration: Finds from the Hellenistic grave at Chalkis, Aetolia. Photograph by Henrik Frost. The Platonic Corpus in Antiquity Jorgen Mejer Plato is the one and only philosopher particular edition which has determined from Antiquity whose writings have not only the Medieval tradition but also been preserved in their entirety. And our modern knowledge of Platonic dia not only have they been preserved, they logues, goes back to the Roman have been transmitted as a single col Emperor Tiberius' court-astrologer, lection of texts. Our Medieval manu Thrasyllus.2 Tarrant demonstrates rather scripts seem to go back to one particu convincingly that there is little basis for lar edition, an archetypus in two vol assuming that the tetralogical arrange umes, as appears from the subscript to ment existed before Thrasyllus, that it is the dialogue Menexenus, which is the possible to identify a philosophical posi last dialogue in the seventh tetralogy: tion which explains the tetralogies, that T8>iog toD JtQcbxou 6i6)dou.
    [Show full text]
  • Herodes Atticus: World Citizen, AD 101-177
    This dissertation has been microfilmed exectlv fl<; rp>rpivgcl Mic 60-4127 RUTLEDGE, Harry C arraci. HERODES ATTICUS: WORLD CITIZEN, A.D. 101-177. The Ohio State University, Ph. D., 1960 Language and Literature, classical University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan * • > . HERODES ATTICUS: WORLD CITIZEN A. D. 101 - 177 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By HARRY CARRACI RUTLEDGE, B .S c. in Edu., M.A. The Ohio State University I960 Approved by .ser Department of Classical Languages PREFACE Herodes Atticus has frequently been designated as the orator noblllsslmus of the Second Sophistic, the well- known rhetorical movement of the second century A.D. Although his prominence in the Second Sophistic is undoubted, Herodes is scarcely one of the major figures of antiquity; the Second Sophistic itself, because of its lack of recognized literary masterpieces, engages the interest of few but specialists. No literary works at all are extant from the hand of Herodes Atticus; but he has never suffered the artistic eclipse that time has imposed on men like Cornelius Gallus, for example, since Flavius Philostratus, fascinated by the extraordinary variety in Herodes' life, saw fit to give him the paramount position in his Vitae Sophlstarum. Furthermore, Herodes1 name, i f not h is 1 if e - s to r y , has ever been w ell known to archaeologists and historians of ancient art because of the survival of so many traces of his architectural philan­ thropies. Herodes was the most prominent millionaire of the second century; his lavish gift to Athens of the Odeum at the foot of the Acropolis has been a familiar landmark for c e n tu r ie s .
    [Show full text]
  • The Yoke of Liberty: St. Augustine and the Freedom of the Person
    The Yoke of Liberty: St. Augustine and the Freedom of the Person Chase Padusniak ‘15 Throughout his life, St. Augustine’s beliefs about the human will changed. Although in his Christian years he always held human liberty in the utmost regard, his conflict with Pelagius and his followers led the saint to formulate a doctrine of predestination. While Augustine himself seems to have believed that such disparate views could be reconciled, Christian movements throughout history have continued to contest which aspect of God to emphasize: His generosity in giving man liberty or His power in preordaining events. Despite these disagreements and their incumbent heatedness, Augustine’s belief in God as the giver of all gifts and blessings grounds both positions. Because of this, this debate becomes a fruitful moment in which contemplate the divine nature of all knowledge. And so, in this paper, I will argue that even if Augustine’s different views cannot be brought into complete harmony, their very dissonance presents itself as a cause for meditation on Augustine’s general conceptions of freedom and God’s wisdom. Although St. Augustine expressed the conflicting notions that the human will is free and that our fate is predestined, his thought can give us an insight into our ultimate reliance on God. Central to the theologian’s understanding is the freedom of the will.1 Adam was free to either sin or not sin in the Garden of Eden: “Adam possessed a grace such as we have to free us from evil. Without any inner struggle, without temptation from within, and without trouble.”2 And so, his decision to turn away from the almighty can only be ascribed to “his free choice, for God had given him everything needed to enable him to avoid it.”3 The human will is free precisely because the first human’s will was free.
    [Show full text]
  • Fall 2009 Teacher’S Guide Educational Supplement to the Youth Magazine of Seeds of Peace
    THE OLIVE BRANCH Fall 2009 Teacher’s Guide Educational Supplement to the Youth Magazine of Seeds of Peace Tools for Educators From the editors Daniel Noah Moses & Inessa Shishmanyan elcome to the third issue of The Olive ulty members include the core faculty of the Palestinian Branch Teacher’s Guide. If you are Model Schools Initiative, along with special guests. For reading this, you probably value edu- example, Fatma Elshobokshy, the Delegation Leader cation. The editors and contributors to summer program coordinator, and Ajay Noronha, Indian this Guide do, too. We believe that by Delegation Leader (Session I, ’08), traveled to Ramallah Wworking together in communities and across lines of con- to do a film-making workshop for 25 Palestinian educa- flict, educators will make the difference. We believe that tors from across Jerusalem and the West Bank. education is essential if there is to be a better future. In this current issue, Fatma writes about the Camp ex- To work for a better future, education must encourage perience that motivated her to make her visit; Ajay writes respect for one another and for our diversity; it must about his visit with Israeli and Palestinian Delegation encourage communication skills, leadership skills, civic Leaders. engagement, cross-cultural understanding, and the Winter & Summer Camps for West Bank Children peaceful transformation of conflict. To put it another way, For a short essay about the first camp, held in Jericho we need to figure out better ways to live together on what in January 2008, see Karen AbuZant’s piece in the first often feels like a shrinking planet.
    [Show full text]