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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
The Coherence of Stoic Ontology
The Coherence of Stoic Ontology by Vanessa de Harven A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Philosophy in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Prof. Dorothea Frede, Co-chair Prof. Klaus Corcilius, Co-chair Prof. A.A. Long Spring 2012 Abstract The Coherence of Stoic Ontology by Vanessa de Harven Doctor of Philosophy in Philosophy University of California, Berkeley Professors Dorothea Frede and Klaus Corcilius, Co-chairs Any thoroughgoing physicalist is challenged to give an account of immaterial entities such as thoughts and mathematical objects. The Stoics, who eagerly affirmed that only bodies exist, crafted an elegant solution to this challenge: not everything that is Something (ti) exists. Rather, some things have a derivative mode of reality they call subsistence: these entities are non-existent in that they are not themselves solid bodies, but they are nonetheless Something physical because they depend on bodies for their subsistence. My dissertation uncovers the unifying principles of Stoic subsistence, and shows how they can account for thoughts and other immaterial entities without running afoul of their physicalist commitments. While all commentators agree that the Stoics posited Something as the highest category of being, they have failed to find a coherent physicalist account of Stoic ontology. For instance, (1) a canonical set of incorporeals (time, place, void, and what is sayable (lekton)) is well attested, but there is little agreement as to what these entities have in common as incorporeals, which makes the category look like an ad hoc collection of left-over entities. -
Platons Raumbegriff Verständlich, Desgleichen Der Umstand, Daß Timaios Grenzen Einer Erklärung Der Welt Und Schwierigkeiten Einer Konsistenten Darstellung Hervorhebt
Der Begriff des Raumes im „Timaios“ im Zusammenhang mit der Naturphilosophie und der Metaphysik Platons Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades der Philosophie der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität Konstanz vorgelegt von Kyung Jik Lee aus Seoul Referent: Prof. Dr. Jürgen Mittelstraß Korreferent: Prof. Dr. Gereon Wolters Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 19. Juli 1999 Diese Arbeit erscheint im Mai 2000 auch als Buchhandelsausgabe im Verlag Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg Meinen Eltern gewidmet Inhaltsverzeichnis Vorwort 9 I Die Erklärung der Welt als wahrscheinliche Erklärung (eikôs logos) 11 1 Einleitung 2 Die Synonymität von eikôs mythos und eikôs logos 3 Der eikôs logos als nicht-philosophische Erklärung 4 Der eikôs logos 4.1 Akribês logos? 4.2 Das Wahrscheinliche und das Historische 4.3 Das Wahrscheinliche und das Notwendige 4.4 Die wahrscheinliche Rede als inkonsistente Rede 4.5 Die wahrscheinliche Rede als hypothetische Anwendung einer exakten Erklärung auf sinnliche Gegenstände 4.6 Die wahrscheinliche Rede als Begrenzung der Anwendung einer exakten Erklärung auf sinnliche Gegenstände II Der Demiurg und der Logos der Welt 38 1 Einleitung 2 Wer ist der Demiurg im „Timaios“? 3 Demiurg und Gott 4 Demiurg und Weltseele 5 Demiurg und Idee des Guten 6 Demiurg und transzendente Vernunft 7 Schwierigkeiten der Rede vom Demiurgen 7.1 Zur Suche nach dem Demiurgen 7.2 Logos und Ergon 7.3 Demiurg und Timaios 7.3.1 Einleitung 7.3.2 Poiêtês 7.3.3 Weitere Parallelen zwischen Demiurg und Timaios 7.3.4 Gott und Götter 7.4 Der Demiurg -
Reading Plato with Charmadas (Cic
Reading Plato with Charmadas (Cic. De Or. 1.45-47) Evidence for the reading of Plato in the New Academy is sparse, and our understanding of how sceptical Academics interpreted Plato is limited (Glucker 1978: 31–64; Barnes 1991; Annas 1992; Tarrant 2000). Concerning Arcesilaus’ interpretation of Plato, Crassus in his history of the schism between oratory and philosophy notes how Arcesilaus found akatalepsia (the view that, according to infallibilist criteria of knowledge, nothing is known) in various dialogues of Plato and other Socratic works (Cic. De Or. 3.67). Frequent accusations that Arcesilaus foisted his own view on philosophical predecessors in order to gain from their authority confirm, at least, that Arcesilaus upheld sceptical readings of Plato (Plut. Col. 1121f-1122a; Cic. Luc. 15). Those charitable to the Academy, both ancient and contemporary (e.g. Cic. Luc. 74; Cooper 2004), have reconstructed responsible sceptical readings of Plato, such that the Academic’s aim in reading Plato is not to take advantage of its founder’s authority. Cicero’s depiction of when Crassus read Gorgias with the Academic Charmadas in 110BCE (De Or. 1.45-47) is all the more interesting given this paucity of evidence. Even if entirely fabricated, the account is authored by a self-professed Academic and, therefore, merits analysis for the Academy’s view about reading Plato. Against the competing interpretations of Lévy (2005), Hösle (2008), and, most recently, Altman (2016), I defend the position of Dörrie (1987) that Charmadas read Plato sceptically. I argue that only a reading which makes a distinction between Socrates as Plato’s mouthpiece and Plato as the author, where Socrates is dogmatic while the author is aporetic, makes proper sense of Crassus’ judgment that he both disagreed with Plato and admired him for his rhetorical skill. -
Agorapicbk-17.Pdf
Excavations of the Athenian Agora Picture Book No. 17 Prepared by Mabel L. Lang Dedicated to Eugene Vanderpool o American School of Classical Studies at Athens ISBN 87661-617-1 Produced by the Meriden Gravure Company Meriden, Connecticut COVER: Bone figure of Socrates TITLE PAGE: Hemlock SOCRATES IN THE AGORA AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 1978 ‘Everything combines to make our knowledge of Socrates himself a subject of Socratic irony. The only thing we know definitely about him is that we know nothing.’ -L. Brunschvicg As FAR AS we know Socrates himselfwrote nothing, yet not only were his life and words given dramatic attention in his own time in the Clouds of Ar- istophanes, but they have also become the subject of many others’ writing in the centuries since his death. Fourth-century B.C. writers who had first-hand knowledge of him composed either dialogues in which he was the dominant figure (Plato and Aeschines) or memories of his teaching and activities (Xe- nophon). Later authors down even to the present day have written numerous biographies based on these early sources and considering this most protean of philosophers from every possible point of view except perhaps the topograph- ical one which is attempted here. Instead of putting Socrates in the context of 5th-century B.C. philosophy, politics, ethics or rhetoric, we shall look to find him in the material world and physical surroundings of his favorite stamping- grounds, the Athenian Agora. Just as ‘agora’ in its original sense meant ‘gathering place’ but came in time to mean ‘market place’, so the agora itself was originally a gathering place I. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
Fall 2018 Volume 45 Issue 1
Fall 2018 Volume 45 Issue 1 3 Matthew S. Brogdon “Who Would Be Free, Themselves Must Strike the Blow”: Revolt and Rhetoric in Douglass’s Heroic Slave and Melville’s Benito Cereno 25 Ariel Helfer Socrates’s Political Legacy: Xenophon’s Socratic Characters in Hellenica I and II 49 Lorraine Smith Pangle The Radicalness of Strauss’s On Tyranny 67 David Polansky & With Steel or Poison: Daniel Schillinger Machiavelli on Conspiracy Book Reviews: 87 Ingrid Ashida Persian Letters by Montesquieu 93 Kevin J. Burns Legacies of Losing in American Politics by Jeffrey Tulis and Nicole Mellow 97 Peter Busch Montesquieu and the Despotic Ideas of Europe by Vickie B. Sullivan 103 Rodrigo Chacón The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World by Oona A. Hathaway and Scott J. Shapiro 109 Bernard J. Dobski Shakespeare’s Thought: Unobserved Details and Unsuspected Depths in Thirteen Plays by David Lowenthal 119 Elizabeth C’ de Baca Eastman The Woman Question in Plato’s “Republic” by Mary Townsend 125 Michael P. Foley The Fragility of Consciousness: Faith, Reason, and the Human Good by Frederick Lawrence 129 Raymond Hain The New Testament: A Translation by David Bentley Hart 135 Thomas R. Pope Walker Percy and the Politics of the Wayfarer by Brian A. Smith Doubting Progress: Two Reviews 141 Lewis Hoss A Road to Nowhere: The Idea of Progress and Its Critics 147 Eno Trimçev by Matthew W. Slaboch ©2018 Interpretation, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of the contents may be reproduced in any form without written permission of the publisher. -
1-Pgi-Apuleius6634 Finl
Index This online index is a much fuller version than the index that was abbre - viated for print. Like the print index, the online index has a number of goals beyond the location of proper names. For some names and technical terms it serves as a glossary and provides notes; for geograph - ical items it provides references to specific maps. But it is primarily de - signed to facilitate browsing. Certain key terms (sadism/sadistic, salvation/salvific/savior, sticking one’s nose in) can be appreciated for the frequency of their occurrence and have not been subdivided. Certain plot realities have been highlighted (dogs, food, hand gestures, kisses, processions, roses, shackles and chains, slaves, swords); certain themes and motifs have been underlined (adultery, disguise, drama, escape, gold, hair, hearth and home, madness, suicide); some quirks of the translation have been isolated (anachronisms, Misericordia! ); minu - tiae of animals, plants, language have been cataloged (deer, dill, and der - ring-do). The lengthy entry on Lucius tries to make clear the multiplicities of his experience. By isolating the passages in which he ad - dresses himself, or speaks of “when he was Lucius,” I hope to make the difficult task of determining whether the man from Madauros is really the same as Lucius the narrator, or the same as Apuleius the author, a little bit easier. abduction, 3.28–29, 4.23–24, 4.26; Actium (port in Epirus; site of Augus - dream of, 4.27 tus’ naval victory over Antony and Abstinence (Sobrietas, a goddess), 5.30; Cleopatra; Map -
Stoa Poikile) Built About 475-450 BC
Arrangement Classical Greek cities – either result of continuous growth, or created at a single moment. Former – had streets –lines of communication, curving, bending- ease gradients. Later- had grid plans – straight streets crossing at right angles- ignoring obstacles became stairways where gradients were too steep. Despite these differences, certain features and principles of arrangement are common to both. Greek towns Towns had fixed boundaries. In 6th century BC some were surrounded by fortifications, later became more frequent., but even where there were no walls - demarcation of interior and exterior was clear. In most Greek towns availability of area- devoted to public use rather than private use. Agora- important gathering place – conveniently placed for communication and easily accessible from all directions. The Agora Of Athens • Agora originally meant "gathering place" but came to mean the market place and public square in an ancient Greek city. It was the political, civic, and commercial center of the city, near which were stoas, temples, administrative & public buildings, market places, monuments, shrines etc. • The agora in Athens had private housing, until it was reorganized by Peisistratus in the 6th century BC. • Although he may have lived on the agora himself, he removed the other houses, closed wells, and made it the centre of Athenian government. • He also built a drainage system, fountains and a temple to the Olympian gods. • Cimon later improved the agora by constructing new buildings and planting trees. • In the 5th century BC there were temples constructed to Hephaestus, Zeus and Apollo. • The Areopagus and the assembly of all citizens met elsewhere in Athens, but some public meetings, such as those to discuss ostracism, were held in the agora. -
Neoplatonism: the Last Ten Years
The International Journal The International Journal of the of the Platonic Tradition 9 (2015) 205-220 Platonic Tradition brill.com/jpt Critical Notice ∵ Neoplatonism: The Last Ten Years The past decade or so has been an exciting time for scholarship on Neo platonism. I ought to know, because during my stint as the author of the “Book Notes” on Neoplatonism for the journal Phronesis, I read most of what was published in the field during this time. Having just handed the Book Notes over to George BoysStones, I thought it might be worthwhile to set down my overall impressions of the state of research into Neoplatonism. I cannot claim to have read all the books published on this topic in the last ten years, and I am here going to talk about certain themes and developments in the field rather than trying to list everything that has appeared. So if you are an admirer, or indeed author, of a book that goes unmentioned, please do not be affronted by this silence—it does not necessarily imply a negative judgment on my part. I hope that the survey will nonetheless be wideranging and comprehensive enough to be useful. I’ll start with an observation made by Richard Goulet,1 which I have been repeating to students ever since I read it. Goulet conducted a statistical analy sis of the philosophical literature preserved in the original Greek, and discov ered that almost threequarters of it (71%) was written by Neoplatonists and commentators on Aristotle. In a sense this should come as no surprise. -
Automatic Action in Plotinus
Created on 26 November 2007 at 17.13 hours page 373 AUTOMATIC ACTION IN PLOTINUS JAMES WILBERDING 1. Introduction Plotinus scholars have recently called attention to a kind of action in the sensible world, which one could call ‘spontaneous’ or ‘automatic’ action, that is supposed to result automatically from the contemplation of the intelligible.1 Such action is meant to be opposed to actions that result from reason, calculation, and plan- ning, and has been put to work to provide a way for Plotinus’ sage to act, and in particular to act morally, without compromising his ã James Wilberding 2008 A version of this paper was presented at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven in 2006, where it received a helpful discussion. For comments and suggestions I am par- ticularly indebted to Peter Adamson, Julie Cassiday, Christoph Helmig, Christoph Horn, Jan Opsomer, David Sedley, and Carlos Steel. I have also profited greatly from a reading group held in autumn 2005 at King’s College London on Ennead 3. 8 with Peter Adamson, Verity Harte, M. M. McCabe, and others. I would like to thank Williams College and the Humboldt-Stiftung for funding the research leave during which this paper was written, and Andreas Speer for welcoming me into the Thomas-Institut for this period. 1 e.g. A. Schniewind, L’Ethique‹ du sage chez Plotin [L’Ethique‹ ] (Paris, 2003), 190 with n. 7: ‘les actions du sage sont l’expression (παρακολοýθηµα) de sa propre con- templation . Plotin evoque‹ deux possibilites:‹ d’une part, les actions par faiblesse (èσθÝνεια) de contemplation, pour ceux qui ne parviennent pas a› l’Un; d’autre part — et c’est la› ce qui correspond au sage — les actions en tant qu’activites‹ secondaires (παρακολοýθηµα), issues de la contemplation’; D. -
Numenius and the Hellenistic Sources of the Central Christian Doctrine
! Numenius and the Hellenistic Sources ! of the Central Christian Doctrine Marian Hillar Center for Philosophy and Socinian Studies Houston, TX 77004 Paper published in A Journal from the Radical Reformation. A testimony to Biblical Unitarianism. Vol. 14, No.! 1, Spring 2007, pp. 3-31. Quis obsecro, nisi penitus amens logomachias has sine risu toleraret? Nec in Thalmud, nec in Alchoran, sunt tam horrendae blasfemiae. Haec nos hactenus audire ita sumus alsuefacti, ut nihil miremur. Futurae vero generationes stupenda haec iudicabunt. Stupenda sunt vere, plusquam ea daemonum inventa, quae Valentinianis tribuit Irenaeus. I implore you, who in his sane mind could tolerate such logomachias without bursting into laughter? Not in the Talmud, nor in the Qu’ran can one find such horrendous blasphemies. But we are accustomed to hear them to the point that nothing astonishes us. Future generations will judge them obscure. Indeed, they are obscure, much more than the diabolic inventions which Irenaeus attributed to the Valentinians. ! Michael Servetus Christianismi Restitutio, De Trinitate, lib. I. p. 46. Si locum mihi aliquem ostendas, quo verbum illud filius olim vocetur, fatebor me victum. Christianismi Restitutio, If you show me a single passage in which the Son was called the Word, I will give up. Michael Servetus, Christianismi Restitutio, De Trinitate, lib. III p. 108. ! Abstract This paper attempts to explain the sources of the central Christian doctrine about the nature of deity. We can trace a continuous line of thought from the Greek philosophy to the development of the doctrine of the Trinity. The first Christian doctrine was developed by Justin Martyr (114-165 C.E.).