On the Occurrence of Plural Forms in Coast Tsimshian1) Fumiko SASAMA

言語研究(Gengo Kenkyu)113(1998),1～30 1

On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian1)

Fumiko SASAMA (Graduate School, Kyoto University)

Keywords: Coast Tsimshian, plural form, reduplication, suppletives

0. Introduction Coast Tsimshian2) (Tsimshianic language family) has several methods of plural formation, which have been described and discussed

1) I would like to thank the people of Hartley Bay, especially Mrs. Mildred Wilson, for sharing their knowledge of "Sm'algyax" (Coast Tsimshian) with me. This paper is based on my field research in Hartley Bay, British Colum- bia, Canada. My fieldwork has been supported by grants from the Japanese Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, for International Scientific

Research Program (Field Research) (most recently to the project "Urgent Linguistic Fieldwork of the North Pacific Rim," headed by Osahito Miyaoka, 1995-1997,#07041013). 2) Coast Tsimshian is a language spoken on the northwest coast of British Co- lumbia, Canada, and the southeastern end of Alaska. Genetically, it belongs

to the Tsimshianic language family, which consists of four languages, Nass

(also called Nisgha), Gitksan, Coast Tsimshian, and Southern Tsimshian. The number of the speakers of Coast Tsimshian is estimated at around 500. The phonemic inventory of this language is as follows:

(plain stops) p, t, c, kj, k, kw, q (aspirated stops) ph, th, Ch, kjh, kh, kwh

(glottalized stops) p, t, c, kj, k, kw, q, * (fricatives) s, *, x[ƒÔ], h (plain sonorants) m, n, 1, j,*, w (glottalized sonorants) m, n, l, j, *, * (long vowels) i:, e:, a:, o:, u:, *:

(short vowels) i, a, o, u, *, * There are two kinds of phonemic stresses, unfading (V) and fading (V) . 2 Fumiko SASAMA in previous studies (e.g., Boas 1911, Dunn 1979a, 1979b, Sasama 1995). These discussions, however, focused only on these methods and there has been little description about how these plural forms actually occur in sentences, not only on Coast Tsimshian but also on the other languages of the Tsimshianic language family. In a number of languages spoken on the northwest coast of North America, pluralization is optional when plurality is clear from the context (see Kinkade 1995, for example, regarding Salishan languages). My data show that in Coast Tsimshian, even when plurality is clear from the context, it needs to be expressed overtly at least once in a sentence. It seems not always obligatory, however, to change all the words concerned to plural forms. I have sometimes observed that a word, which is used in a plural sense, does not take its plural form in a sentence, even though the plural form was obtained in elicitation. If there is more than one word in a sentence that can express the plurality of.a word, then, which of them does it? For example, if an intransitive sentence has a plural subject, should the subject noun, the verb, or both take their plural forms? In Nass and Southern Tsimshian, which belong to the Tsimshianic language family, Thompson and Dunn reported that plural marking usually occurs on predicates and less often on nouns (Thompson 1984 for Nass and Dunn 1993 for Southern Tsimshian). This paper aims to describe when the plural forms are used and when the singular forms3) are used in sentences.4) It will be shown that

3) The "singular forms" are not always used to indicate singularity. Some words (e.g., words which form their plurals by CVC- reduplication) may take the "singular forms" where they are supposed to take the plural forms, as seen below in sections 2 and 3. In these cases, it would be more precise to call them "non-plural forms." There are, however, also words whose "singular forms" exclusively indicate singularity (e .g., words which form their plurals by suppletion) and are never used where they are supposed to take the plural forms. 4) I limit the discussion here to simple sentences. Complex sentences are beyond the scope of this paper. On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 3 plurality tends to be indicated more than once if possible but that words which use a common and productive method of plural formation often take the singular forms. All the examples used in this paper are derived from my fieldwork.

1. Methods of plural formation Before we turn to the occurrence of the plural forms in sentences, I will first illustrate the methods of plural formation. See Sasama (1995) for further examples of plurals formed by these methods and the rules applied in the formation. There are four main methods of plural formation, which are reduplication, affixation, suppletives, and isomorphics. All of these methods are used both by nouns and verbs. Which one (or combination of more than one) of these methods a word uses is lexically determined. In the subsections below, the singular forms are indicated in parentheses, where necessary.

1. 1. Reduplication 1) CVC- (hereafter abbreviated as [Ri]) CVC- [R1C]: kijs-kji:s *tobe wrong', hal-hdltk *tobe full' CVk- [R1k]: p*k-po: *to be broken', s*k-si:c *sheets' CVx- [R1x]: tax-to:jaxs *tobe strong', tax-ti:l*mxk *toanswer' CVt- [R1t]: w*t-wa:*to find', kw*t-kwa:n *tolose' 2) CV- [R2]: w*-wa:p *houses', s*-sajp *bones' 3) -CVC [R3] sa:saq < saq-saq *tobe sharp', xpd:paq < xpaq-poq *tofold' 4) -CV [R4]:*ite:-ta *tobleed', to:-ta '(fish) to swim, (boats) to go'

1. 2. Affixation There are two prefixes, qa- and l*-, used to form plurals. In the formation of these plurals, -to (-ta word-finally) could be used together with qa- or la-. The function of this -to is not clear and it cannot form 4 Fumiko SASAMA plurals by itself. 1) qa- [Al] Plurals formed with this prefix are often translated as *each one's .' Nouns indicating body parts or kinship terms generally use this- prefix, as do many intransitive verbs. qa-mo.s *thumbs', qa-xso: *canoes', qa-n*kta: *aunts', qa-co:q *tobe ashamed' 2) l*- [A2] Plurals formed with this prefix are preeminently verbal. la-si5am *tocough', lamk < la-kkamk *tobe hot, warm', l*-si:n-ta *to be dizzy'

1. 3. Suppletives [S] Some words have phonologically unrelated forms for the singular and the plural, i.e., they supplete. Most of the words which supplete are intransitive verbs, but there are also a few transitive verbs and nouns. wan (Ia:) *to sit', qot (pa:) *to run', t**:(cak) 'to die', toq (ka:) *to take', kapatkut:lk (lkwuwo:mtk) *children'

1. 4. Isomorphics [I] There are a number of words which have the same form for the singular and the plural. Many of them are nouns referring to natural species, but there are also other nouns and intransitive/transitive verbs. sco:l *beavers', txaw *halibuts', wat *yellowcedars', pca:n*totem poles', wo: *toinvite'

1. 5. Others [O] There are some words whose plurals seem to have some relation to the singulars but cannot be explained by reduplication [R1-R4]nor affixation [Al or A2]. wakjha (waki) '(man's) brothers', qa:q (qaq) *to be open' On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 5 1. 6. Combinations of more than one method More than one of the methods stated in 1.1~1.5 can be used simultaneously. Though I have not observed any special function of this double indication of plurality within a word, I observed a difference between speakers in the third example below. To form the plural of chair,' some speakers use both of [Rlk] and [S] (hak-haliwdn), while* some prefer using only [S] (haliwdn). qa-c*l-cal(cal) *faces' - [Al +R1C], qa-n*pi:p-s (n*pi:p) *uncles' - [Al + 0], hak-haliwdn (halild:) 5) *chairs' - [Rlk + S]

1. 7. Generality and productivity of the above methods Generality and productivity of the above methods are shown in the table below.6)

2. Transitive subject nouns, oblique nouns, and possessor nouns In this section, I will discuss nouns which do not agree with verbs in number. They are transitive subject nouns, oblique nouns, and possessor nouns. Each is illustrated with examples in 2.1~2.3.

2. 1. Transitive subject nouns Transitive subject nouns always take the plural forms. In Coast Tsimshian, transitive verbs agree with their objects in number, but not

5) ha-li-ta: (instrument-on-sit). The plural form of Id: is wan by [S] (see 1.3). 6) This grouping is based on the frequency observed in my data. 6 Fumiko SASAMA with their subjects.7)

(1) ca:taks*l kapatk*: tk-a ha:tgan dirty children[S]-CN8) wall The kids dirtied the wall.' * (2) ta:j kapatk*: tk-a halitxo:xk slap chilren[S]-CN table The kids are slapping the * table.' (3) sa-qa-co:q-a kapa-hang: nq-a9) make-[A1]-embarrassed-CN little[S]-girls[R3]-CN na-qa-n*kidtk-*-t POS-[A1]-parents-IV-3POS The * young girls embarrassed their parents.'

7) The number agreement of transitive verbs and their objects can be shown by the following examples: (i) ca:-taks*l kapatk*:tk-a ha:tqan dirty chfldren[S]-CN wall The kids dirtied the wall.' = * (1) (ii) ta:taq-a ha:s-a hak-ho:ja kw*lo:n-ta tka:wk-s-*-s bite[R3]-CN dog-CN [Rlk]-clothes three-CN sister-[O]-IV-CN Kayla (name) The *dog is biting Kayla's three sisters' clothes.'=(20) In (i), the transitive subject ('children') takes the plural form, but the verb does not because the object (*wall') is singular. In (ii), the subject ('dog') takes the singular form, but the verb does not because the object ('clothes') is plural. 8) The connectives (CN) are an elaborate system of suffixes which mark specific syntactic constructions. See Dunn (1979c) and Mulder (1994) for further information. 9) hand: nq < hana:q-n*q. Hereafter, reduplicated syllables (esp. [R3]) or plural affixes (esp. [A2]) are not marked off with a hyphen, when, after they are attached, there apply some morphophonemic rules and the process of formation is not transparent. The whole plural forms are glossed like "girls[R3] ." On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 7

(4) hojaq-a gasasi: -s10) Chipper na-qa-ne: q-a nand: t like-CN feet[Alir]-CN (name) POS-[A1]-webbed.foot-CN duck Chipper's feet look like duck (webbed) feet.' *

When transitive subject nouns are preceded by quantifiers which indicate plurality (numerals or words such as *many,' *all,' *some/other') , the nouns still take the plural forms.

(5) na ni: c-a txalpxto: l-ta hana: nq-a tapxa:t-*-ta xskji:k-*-t TA see-CN four-CN girls[R3]-CN two-IV-CN eagle-IV-CN kJiii:p yesterday Four * girls saw two eagles yesterday.' (6) c*ns-qot-a nagata:w11) pak-po: t-a tap12) Clarence tis desert-run[S]-CN other [Rlk]-boat-CN pl (name) and Doogie ?a Namu (name) OBL (place.name) Other boats left Clarence* and Doogie behind at Namu.'

Also when transitive subject nouns are followed by plural possessors (either possessive pronominal suffixes or independent nouns) and their plurality could be inferred, they take the plural forms.")

10) Its singular ('foot') is ?ask. The glottal stop in the singular alternates with s in the plural and the vowel a is weakened to o. 11) nagatd: w is a plural quantifier and means *some,' *other (ones),' or *the rest of .' 12) tap is a particle which is used before a noun (or more than one noun) referring to human being and indicates the group represented by the person men- tioned. See 3.1 for further information on tap. 13) It does not mean, of course, that nouns followed by plural possessors always take the plural forms. See the following examples where the singular nouns are followed by plural possessors. 8 Fumiko SASAMA

(7) so-lu-?d:m-a hak-ho:ja kapatkut:lk-a qo: t-u make-in-good-CN [Rlk]-clothes children[S]-CN heart-lsg.POS The kids' clothes made me happy.' *

A few examples of transitive subject nouns have been obtained which are modified by (attributive) intransitive verbs. In these examples, both the transitive subject nouns and the intransitive verbs take the plural forms.

(8) 1u-sqa-*aj-*6j ha-ta-1dq-a-m14) kapatkt:lk-a (l*p-)lo:-p15) in-across-[R1C]-throw bad[R2]-IV-CN childen[S]-CN ([R1C]-) stone The bad kids were throwing stones.' *

2. 2. Oblique nouns Nouns other than intransitive subjects, transitive subjects or objects take obliq** amj**e usually marked ty prepositional connective to (tas before proper *oun ; Oblique nouns always take the plural forms when they are slot modified by quantifiers, plural possessors, or (attributive) intransitive verbs.

(i) no:-s Dick Chester *ata-t Emma mother-CN (name) (name) and-CN (name) Dick, Chester, and Emma's mother' * (ii) nakwa:t-s*m father-2p1.POS your * (pl) dad' 14) The singular for *bad' is haldxk and its plural is ha-ta-taxk, by [R2]. However, £axk (probably from £aq-k with a medial suffix -k), is not used by itself today and its meaning is not identified. The final k drops irregularly before the connective. The meaning of the prefix (ha-) is not clear, either. Today, there is found a productive prefix of the same form, but it means instrument' and it is doubtful if this prefix is identical with the one found * in bad.' * 15) The object noun, *stones,' could take either the singular/plural form. On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 9 (9) qamean-wi:kkdtk-*-nu ta gamcan-na-sap-si:panskw-u secretly-lonesome-IV-lsg.S OBLsecret-POS-[R1C]-friend-1sg.POS `I'm secretly lonesome for my secret friends.' (10) gopaq-a halitxo:xk ta hak-ho:ja covered-CN table OBL [Rlk]-cloth The table is covered with clothes.' * (11) gopaq-a lax-wo:p-a to pak-po: t covered-CN on-dock-CN OBL [Rlk]-boat The dock is full of boats.' * (12) xke:t kwd:* ta klkiu: ju gift this OBL children[S]-lsg.POS This is a gift to you * from my kids.'

When oblique nouns are preceded by quantifiers and their plurality is obvious, they nevertheless usually take the plural forms. (13') , where the oblique noun is modified by a quantifier ('all') and, takes the singular form, was not accepted by my consultant. I found one example (14), however, where the oblique noun is preceded by a quantifier (a numeral) and takes its singular form, without [R1C]. The plural form of the oblique noun is in parentheses.

(13) c*: wal ja hasi:pk ta txani: qal-Cap-cap16) terrible that go sickness OBL all empty-[R1C]-tribe `The sickness is spreading through all the villages .' (13') *ezu: wal jd: has.-pp to txani: qal-edp (14) lu:nthi-nu to kwalo:n-ta nas%pansk10-u17) angry-lsg.S OBL three-CN friend-lsg.POS `I'm mad at three of my friends .' (no-sap-si:jansk [R1C])

16) qal-&apmeans *village.' 17) Though this word could be na-s*p-si:p*mskw-u,with [R1C], in this sentence, the one without reduplication was preferred by my consultant. 10 Fumiko SASAMA When oblique nouns are followed by plural possessors and their plurality is inferred, they still take the plural forms.

(15) txal-than-than-*-m18) halta:ks to against-[R1C]-rub-IV-1pl.A ointment OBL qa-*an*on-*-m [A1]-hand/arm-IV-1pl.POS We * rub ointment on our hands/arms.'

When oblique nouns are modified by (attributive) intransitive verbs which precede them, both of them (oblique nouns and intransitive verbs) usually take the plural forms (see (16) below). There are, however, also cases where the intransitive verbs take the plural forms, showing the plurality of the obliques, and the oblique nouns take the singular forms (see (17)). In the few examples I obtained thus far, these ohliques are nouns which form their plurals by.[R1CT

(16) tu:nthi-nu to ha-ta-taq-a-m tak-tka:wk-s-*-s Kayla angry-1sg.S OBL bad[R2]-IV-CN [R1C]-sister-[O]-IV-CN (name) I'm mad at Kayla's bad sisters.' *

(17) tu:nthi-nu ta qa-ndnzu-m nasi:panskw-u19) angry-lsg.S OBL [A1]-crazy-CN friend-lsg.POS `I'm mad at my crazy friends.' (no-sap-si:j5ansk[R1C])

2. 3. Possessor nouns Nouns indicating possessors directly follow the possessed nouns. They take their plural forms not only when they do not take any modifi-

18) The reduplication here is considered to indicate repetitive action. See 3.5.1 for this function of [R1]. 19) Though this word could be na-s*p-si:p*mskw-uwith [R1C], the one without reduplication is preferred, just as in (14). On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 11 ers ((18) and (19) below) but also when they are modified by quantifiers (20), plural possessors (21), or (attributive) intransitive verbs (22).

(18) jana-galmo.s-a20) wal-k1i-kidt--a21)kak-kslui:sk like-crab-CN colors[R2]-CN [Rlk]-shirt The color of the shirts is yellow.' * (19) qaq-a na-qa-lakso:q-a w*-wa:p open-CN POS-[A1]-door-CN [R2]-house `The doors of the houses are open .' (20) ld:laq-a ha':s-a hak-ho:ja kwaldn-ta lka: wk-s-a-s bite[R3]-CN dog-CN [Rlk]-clothes three-CN sister-[O]-IV-CN Kayla (name) The * dog is biting Kayla's three sisters' clothes.' (21) wald:j-n-t sgataptu:22) qa-ho: ja klkut:-s Norman know-2sg :A-CN- -sizes[S] [A1]-clothes" chii&enf1Sj=CN (name) `Do you know the sizes of Norman's kids' clothes?'

When the possessor nouns are modified by (attributive) intransitive verbs, both the possessor nouns and the intransitive verbs take the plural forms.

(22) tap-tdp-u sqa-na-nu:nk-a23)sasu:s-a-m hana: nq [R1C]-measure-lsg.A height[R2ir]-CN small[S]-IV-CN girls[R3] I measure the (little) girls' height.' *

20) jana-4almo:s means *yellow,' perhaps from the color inside the crabs. 21) The singular of *color' is wal-kJdt. k'dt means `person.' The meaning of w*l- is unclear. 22) This word is used only for sizes of plural things. For the size of one thing, gasgdw is used. 23) Its singular is sqa-ndk ('across-long'). 12 Fumiko SASAMA

3. Verbs and intransitive subjects / transitive objects Plural forms of verbs are used when their intransitive subjects or transitive objects are plural. Therefore, the plurality of intransitive subjects or transitive objects could be expressed at least twice in a sentence. Not both (or all) of them, however, always have to take the plural forms. In the following sections, 3.1~3.5, examples will be examined accor- ding to the types of the intransitive subjects and the transitive objects. Hereafter, intransitive subjects and transitive objects will be labeled together as "SIP" for convenience.

3. 1. Cases where the S/P consists of more than one noun connected with *and' or of one noun preceded by tap When the S/P consists of more than one noun, they are connected with tit/tis or ?ata/?atat. tit/tis is used to connect two nouns, the former of which is used before a common noun and the latter.before a proper noun. ?ata/?atat is usually used to connect more than two nouns, being placed between the last one and the second to last one. It is, however, also possible to use ?ata/?atat to connect two nouns. ?ata is used before a common noun and ?atat before a proper noun. More than one noun may be preceded by tap, which indicates plurality. When this tap is placed before one noun (either a common noun indicating human being or an independent pronoun), it indicates the group represented by the person: e.g., the girl and her sisters, or the man and the people who are with him right now. In this respect, tap is analogous to "-tachi" in Japanese. tap differs from "-tachi, " however, in that there are two possible interpreta- tions when it is placed before more than one noun: it might indicate only these people expressed by the nouns, or it could include others. Therefore, "t*p A and B" could mean either *A and B' or *A, B, and some- one else (one or more than one).' In the latter case, and also when tap is attached to one noun, it is usually translated as *.... and them' by the speakers, using local English. There seems to be, however, no ap- On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 13 propriate expression in Standard English. In this paper, it is translated as *.... and others.' When a S/P consists of more than one noun connected with *and' or of one noun preceded by t*p, the verb usually takes the plural form, though the plurality is already indicated in the S/P.

(23) lak-lu:nthi-t Kayla tis Tiffany [Rlk]-angry-CN (name) and (name) Kayla and Tiffany are mad.' * (24) gamcan-qa-x-candy24) t*p Fumiko tis Papa secretly-[Al]-eat-candy pl (name) and (name) 'Fumiko and Papa are eating candies secretly .' (25) qa-sukiat--a tap Gananuut til wake-t [Al]-murderer-CN pl (name) and brother-3POS 'Gananuut and his brother are murderers .' (26) jakwa . la-?irks-a-s tap -_Kerri TA [A2]-drink-IV-CN p1 (name) Kerri and others are drinking.' * (27) sa?ap-qot-a t*p Kayla tis Tiffany to kjalq without.purpose-run[S]-CN pl (name) and (name) OBL outside `Kayla and Tiffany are running around outside.'

There are, however, cases where the verbs take the singular forms since the plurality is indicated in the S/P's. Verbs observed to take the singular forms are the ones which form their plurals by [R1C], [Rlk], and [A1], methods which are common and productive. The verb in the next example (28) is also observed in its plural form (28').

24) As will be stated in 3.3, English (plural) nouns always take the plural forms when they are S/P (i.e., usually in the form -s). However, they could take the singular forms in other cases (i.e., when they are not S/P), as in this example (so, here as "candy" but not "candies"). 14 Fumiko SASAMA

(28) thjamxl-u ?ana:j til cookies cover-lsg.A bread and cookies I cover the bread and the cookies.' * (28') tham-thjamxl-u ?ana:j til cookies [R1C]-cover-1sg.A bread and cookies `I cover the bread and the cookies .'

3. 2. Cases with pronominal affix S/P Coast Tsimshian has three series of pronominal affixes. They are called subjectives, objectives, and definite objectives (Dunn 1979d). The choice among the three depends on the syntactic role of the argu- ment in question (i.e., whether it is intransitive subject, transitive subject, or transitive object) and on the tense-aspect marker of the sentence. Distinct forms are used for singular and plural in the first and second persons, but number is not distinguished in the third person.

3. 2. 1. First and second persons When the S/P is a first/second person pronominal affix, it shows whether it is singular or plural. Therefore, verbs can take the singular forms with the first/second person plural S/P, although they usually take the plural forms. Below are examples where the verbs take the plural forms.

(29) tam-t kal-jic-jac-*-nam-t no:? TA-3A ?-[R1C]-spank-IV-lpl.P-CN mother Mother will spank us.' * (30) ?ax-?apa:?sk-a-nsam ta-msam naxniu: ?amhaw-s [R1x]-excited-IV-2pl.S when-2p1.A hear voice-CN nokwa:t-sam ni: father-2p1.POStagQ You guys were excited * when you heard your dad's voice, weren't you?' On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 15

(31) l*-kwti:-to-ns*m [A,2]-hungry-t*25)-2pl.S You (pl) are hungry.' * (32) tapmaxsk-*-n*m short[S]-IV-lpl.S We * are short.'

The following are examples where verbs take the singular forms. The verb for *hungry,' which takes its plural form in (31), takes its singular form in (35), and shows it is not obligatory to use the plural form. Verbs observed as singular are the ones that form their plurals by [R1C], [Rlk], [R2], [Al], [A2], and [0]. Plural forms of the verbs are indicated below in the parentheses.

(33) tam saksk-*-ns*m TA clean-IV-2p1. S You (p1) will be clean.' * (s*k-saksk[R1C]) (34) s*-co:q-a-n*m-t Kayla make-embarrassed-IV-lpl.P-CN (name) Kayla embarrassed us.' * (sa-qa-co:q [Al])

(35) tam kwti:-ns*m TA hungry-2pl.S You (pl) * will be hungry.' (la-kwtf.-ta [A2 + t*])

3. 2. 2. Third person When the S/P is a third person, the pronominal affix does not formal- ly distinguish between singular and plural and therefore it cannot indicate the number. The verbs, therefore, always take the plural forms.

25) This is the -to which is used to form plurals together with qa- or la- (see 1.2). Both variations of -to (-to/-ta) are hereafter just glossed as "to." 16 Fumiko SASAMA

(36) na s*p-si:pk26) TA [R 1C]-sick They were * sick.' (37) (qa-) kw*lo:lq [Al]-industrious[R3] They * are industrious.' (38) jakwa-tap t*m t**:n-t TA-1pl.A TA kill[S]-3P We're going to kill * them.'

In (37) above, either plural by [Al + R3] (qa-kw*lo:lq) or plural only by [R3] (walo:lq) could be used. [Al], which is a common and productive method of plural formation, can be omitted, but [R3], which is a rare and unproductive one, cannot.

ases with 8.3English C loanwords as S/P When the S/P is an English noun, the English plural form (usually in the form -s) is used unchanged.27) Even when its plurality is indicated

26) The third person pronominal affix for intransitive subject is o in the sentences where the TA (tense-aspect marker) is na (past). It is o also when TA is o (non-future) (see (37)). With certain TA's, the third person pronominal for intransitive subject takes the form -t, as in the next example. la cak-t TA dead-3S He's dead.'* 27) It does not mean that all English nouns are borrowed into Coast Tsimshian in the original plural forms (i.e., in the form -s). Actually, forms without -s are used for the singular. For example: (i) s*-kwti:-nu turkey la-n hu: m-t make-hungry-lsg.P turkey when-lsg.A smell-3P Turkey made me hungry when I smelled it.' * (ii) *i: -lu-txo: hall big-in-wide hall The hall is wide.' * However, words, which were originally from English but have been already "Tsimshianized ," form their plurals by the productive methods listed in 1.7 On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 17 in the sentence by the verb or another word, such as a quantifier, such a S/P never takes the singular form. The verb usually takes the plural form.

(39) kwat-kwa:tk-a beans [R1C]-disappear-CN beans The beans got lost.' * (40) kwas-kwa:sk-a k1at-a28) n*-tool-s29) Dick [R1C]-borrow-CN people-CN POS-tools-CN (name) People borrow Dick's tools.' * (41) tkihi-jax-ja:jaq-a30) apples to lax-sqan-apples down-[R1C]-hang[R3]-CN apples OBL on-tree-apples Apples are hanging down from the apple tree.'* (42) co:-ca pipes come.apart-[R4] pipes The pipes come apart.' * (43) tam lo:ksan-th-*-n beans ?ani TA soak[A2]-3P?-IV-2sg.A beans OK? You soak beans, OK?' *

(apparently usually [R1k]). Examples are as follows: (sg) po:t (pl) pak po:t *boat' I& M l*k-lu: m *room' swatha sak-swaths *sweater' 28) The same form, kiat, is used for singular (*person') . 29) Originally considered as no-tools-s. The noun-final s is probably deleted before the possessive connective -s, which is in the same phonemic shape. The deletion of a stem-final consonant before a suffix is observed with other consonants as well. In the following example, the final n of caphan (*Japanese') is deleted before a ii. ksam-capha-nu woman-Japanese-lsg.S I'm a Japanese (woman).' * 30) In this example, the plural of the verb `hang,' formed by [R1C+R3], could be formed only by [R3]. Therefore, this sentence can also be: tkjhi-ja:jaq-a apples ta lax-sqan-apples 18 Fumiko SASAMA Though the verbs usually take the plural forms, there are cases where the verbs take the singular forms. The S/P noun is modified by a quantifier in (44) and by an intransitive verb in (45). The plural form of the verb is indicated in the parentheses for (44). In (45), the verb ('bitter') can take either the singular/plural form while the (attributive) intransitive verb ('burnt') always takes the plural form.

(44) lucat-a kapatkiu:lk-a wi:-he:lt*-m plums consume-CN children[S]-CN big-many-CN plums The kids finished a lot of plums.' *(lu-c*t-cal[R1C]) (45) gasq-a kwol-kwalk-a-m raisins bitter-CN [R1C]-burnt-IV-CN raisins `Burnt raisins are bitter .' (45') qas-gasq-a kl:kw4lkmwa-a-raisins [R1C]-bitter-CN [R1C]-burnt-IV-CN raisins `Burnt raisins are bitter .'

3. 4. Cases where either S/P noun or verb is [I]. When either the S/P noun or the verb has the same form for singular and plural (i.e., [I]), the other must always take the plural form. (46) and (47) below are examples where the verbs are [I] and the S/P nouns take the plural forms. In contrast in (48)~(50), the S/P nouns are [I] and the verbs take the plural forms.

(46) fana-4almo:s-a wal-kii-kilt-a kak-kslzu:sk like-crab-CN colors[R2] -CN [Rlk]-shirt `The color of the shirts is yellow.' (47) ?us:nksk-a hapatklu: lk-a ?awa:-n clumsy-CN children[S]-CN near-2sg Those kids are clumsy.' * On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 19

(48) tam ja:jaq-u kkisgal1dmk TA hang[R3]-lsg.A picture I'm going to hang pictures.' * (49) gala-lo: -la ho:n to qala-?dks upriver-swim-[R4] fish OBL upriver-water `The fish are swimming upriver .' (50) kwanxs-qa-cu1:ks-a31)ju:tha kwa:? show.off[A1] -CN man this These men are showing off.' *

3. 5. Cases with SIP which consists of one common noun 3. 5. 1. S/P noun without modifiers which can indicate its plurality When the S/P noun takes no modifier to indicate its plurality, both the verb and the S/P noun most frequently take plural forms. These cases are observed much more often than cases where only -the verb takes the plural form and cases where only the S/P noun takes the plural form. As seen with transitive subject nouns, oblique nouns, and possessor nouns in previous sections, it seems that Coast Tsimshian tends to indicate plurality of the same argumemt more than once, showing it pleonastically. In the following examples (51) --- (55), both the verbs and the S/P nouns take the plural forms.

(51) kwat-kwatk-a qa-?an?on-u [R1C]-cold-CN [A1]-hand-lsg.POS My hands are cold.' * (52) si:s*k-t-u hak-haliqe:xt pull[R3]-3P?-lsg.A [Rlk]-sled 'I pull sleds.' 31) The singular of *show of is kw*nxs-cu:ks. kwanxs-means something like `pretend' and is found also in other words as kwanxs-?ano xs `pretend to be lik- ed' (?ano:q*like') or kwanxs-laksgo:tk *do something crazy' (laksgo:t 'crazy'). The meaning of dt:ks is not yet clear. 20 Fumiko SASAMA (53) l*-pa:s-a kapatkuh:lk [A2]-scared-CN children[S] The kids are scared.' * (54) (qa-)xpa:paq-u hak-ho:ja [A1]-fold[R3]-1sg.A [Rlk]-clothes I fold clothes.' * (55) lamk-a32) l*p-lo:p hot[A2]-CN [R 1 C]-rock The rocks are hot.' * (55') *kjamk-a lap-lo:p / *ldmk-a lo:p

Cases where only the verb takes the plural form are observed slightly more frequently than ones where only the S/P noun takes the plural form. The S/P nouns which take the singular forms are the ones which form their plurals by [RiC], [R1k], [R2], or [Al]. The following are examples where the verbs take plural forms and the S/P nouns take singular forms. There is even an example, (59), where only the verb can take the plural form. The plural forms of the S/P nouns are in parentheses.

(56) tax-txo: ha itxo:xk [Rlx]-wide table The tables are *very wide.' (hak-ha/itxo:xk[Rlk]) (57) c*k-ca:t*ks-a na-ho:ja-s Tiffany [Rlk]-dirty-CN POS-clothes-CN (name) Tiffany's clothes are dirty.' * (hak-ho:ja [R1k]) (58) l*-jtu:-j-ta sajp [A2]-hide-[R4]-ta bone I'm hiding the bones.' * (so-sajp[R2])

32) ldmk is from l*-kjamk and its singular form is kidmk. On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 21

(59) 1u-hak-haja:ks-u kslui:sk in-[Rlk]-wash-lsg.A shirt `I wash shirts .' (kak-ksluc:sk[R1k]) (59') * 1u-hak-hajd:ks-u kak-kslzu: sk

The following are examples where the S/P nouns take the plural forms and the verbs take the singular forms. The verbs here are the ones which use [R1C], [R1k], [R1x], [Al], or [0]. The plural forms of the verbs are in parentheses.

(60) holtk-a qa-tamgaws-a apatkzu:lk-a ?awd:-n to jd: nt full-CN [Al]-head-CN children[S]-CN near-2sg OBL louse.egg `Those kids' heads are full of louse eggs.' (hal-holtk [R1C]) (61) si:pk-a qa-ho:nuuju sore-CN [A1]-ankle-1sg.POS My ankles are * sore.' (s*p.si:pk[R1C]) (62) qaq-a na-qa-lakso: q-a wo-wa:p open-CN POS-[A1]-door-CN [R2]-house `The doors of the houses are open .' (qa:q [0]) (63) golcaq-u kuak-kW:?l carry-lsg.A [Rlk]-bag I carry bags on * the shoulder (/back).' (qal-gollaq[R1C]) (63') ? qal-gollaq-u kwd:?l

(63'), where the plurality is indicated only on the verb, is possible but not preferred. Asexplained previously, when we compare the indication of plurality on verbs with that on S/P nouns, the former slightly exceeds the latter in frequency. In other languages of the Tsimshianic family, it is reported that in Nass there is a definite preference for marking plurality on predicates as opposed to nouns (Thompson 1984). It is also reported that in Southern Tsimshian the predicate inflects to show 22 Fumiko SASAMA number but nouns do not ordinarily do so (Dunn 1993). Coast Tsim- shian seems also to have this tendency. However, the plural marking on verbs does not remarkably exceed that on nouns (S/P's) in frequency in Coast Tsimshian. Considering the two related languages, it is possible that all the Tsimshianic languages used to prefer to indicate plurality on verbs more strongly than Coast Tsimshian does today. Why, then, is the plurality often indicated on the S/P nouns in Coast Tsimshian today? Dunn (1993: 369) writes that it is possible that the reduplicative inflection of nouns is a recent development in Coast Tsim- shian, Nass, and Gitksan, influenced by English patterns, and that the Southern Tsimshian inflection represents an older Tsimshianic pattern. However, when we look at Beynon's texts (1932-1939), collected in 1930's, where the viability of this language was still much stronger than today, the frequency of indicating plurality on verbs and S/P nouns is almost the same as in my data. It seems problematic, therefore, to explain this ..phenomenon only as being an influence from-English. English influence is doubtful- also on the ground rthat `nouns form their plurals with various methods; if the reduplicative inflection of nouns is a recent development, then one might expect only one of the methods (for example, [R1C]) to be used. What else, then, would explain this phenomenon? One factor which might help to explain it is the other functions of reduplication. In Coast Tsimshian, reduplication ([R1] and [R2]) on verbs indicate not only the plurality of S/P's but also distributivity in time or space ([R1]) and continuative aspect ([R2]33)), as in the following examples. In (64), reduplication ([R1]) on the verb *scratch' indicates that the action is performed repeatedly (i.e., distributivity in

33) Strictly speaking, the formation of this type of [R2] is slightly different from the one listed in 1.1. This type of [R2] has rules such as despirantiza- tion of back velar fricative or retention of high vowels. This type of [R2] is not dealt with in Sasama (1995) nor in other previous studies and I shall report about it in another paper. On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 23 time), while in (65), the same form indicates that the action is performed over an area (i.e., distributivity in space). In (66), [R2] on the verb `hot' indicates that the state lasts continuously.

(64) caqa-tax-taxs-a tu:s-a ha*.*s across-[R1C]-scratch-CN cat-CN dog A cat scratches a dog (repeatedly) .' * (65) kwli-tax-taxs-*-nu-t Angela all.over-[R1C]-scratch-IV-lsg.P-CN (name) Angela scratched me all over.' * (66) kwala-kji-kjdmk-a W. -n always-[R2]-hot-CN Rupert It was always hot in Rupert.' *

Therefore, there arise cases where the same form of reduplicated verbs could be translated in two way% ln-(67)below, the (intr .nsitive) verb reduplicated by [R1C] .means either .(plural things are) torn' or '(one thing is) all torn up.' And in (68a, b), the (transitive) verb reduplicated by [R2] means either `to feed (plural animals)' or `to feed (one person) continually.'

(67) kwlipax pe:q-a satbansk all.over-[R1C]-torn-CN paper `Many pieces of paper are torn .' / The paper is all torn up.' (68a) skzu: n*-tam kji-kji:n qawga:w ta je:nk-*-m ?ana:j must lsg.A-FUT [R2]-feed crow OBL moldy-IV-CN bread I have to feed the crows with moldy bread.' * (68b) la wala-t kji-kji:n-u-t Kayla to t*m kap-u TA TA-3A [R2]-feed-lsg.P-CN (name) OBL FUT eat-lsg.A `Kayla still (/always/continually) brings me something to eat .'

Therefore, it might be that Coast Tsimshian has come to indicate 24 Fumiko SASAMA plurality more frequently on the S/P noun than it used to to prevent am- biguity and to make it clear whether the plurality of the S/P or the distributivity in time/space or the continuative aspect is indicated. Before going to the next section, I would like to have a brief look at the relationship between plural marking and word order. The most unmarked word order of this language family, including Coast Tsimshian, is "VSO" (even though other orders, "SVO" and "OVS," are also possible, to give prominence to a certain noun phrase). Is there any relationship between the order where the verb precedes the S/P noun and the preference to indicate plurality on the verb? That is, is it possible that the element which comes first tends to indicate plurality? When the order of the verb and the S/P noun is reversed, both the verb and the S/P noun take plural forms in most cases (69, 70), as in sentences with unmarked (V-S/P) word order. There are also cases where the verb which follows the S/P noun takes the plural form and the S/P noun takes the singular form ((71) : the plural form of the S/P noun is in the parentheses) .34)

(69) hak-ho:ja 1apatkut:lk-a la:laq-a hats [R1k]-clothes children[S]-CN bite[R3]-CN dog `The dog is biting the kids' clothes . (It is the kids' clothes that the dog is biting.) ' (70) has-ha:s-a kwli-kwta:taxs-a kapatkut:1k [R1C]-dog-CN all.over-kick[R3]-CN children[S] The children are kicking the dogs. (It *is the dogs that the children are kicking.) '

34) In Beynon (1932-1939), I found an example where only the S/P noun takes the plural form and the verb that follows takes the singular form. txani: sa ?ata ksa-1a-1e:s-a cap-a-ska 1kwuwa:lksak all day and only-[R2]-arrow-CN make-IV-CN prince `Every day the prince was making arrows .' (plural of cap is c*p-cap [R1C]) On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 25

(71) he:lta sawansk-a kwli-pax-pe:qal-th-*-t many paper-CN all.over-[R1C]-tear-3P?-IV-3A `They tore many pieces of paper up. (It is many pieces of paper that they tore.)' (sak-sawansk[Rik])

As far as can be seen from these examples, word order does not seem to have any relevance to the number marking on verbs.

3. 5. 2. S/P noun modified by quantifiers When a S/P noun is modified by quantifiers, its plurality can be inferred from them. However, both the S/P noun and the verb take the plural forms in almost all examples.

(72) qa-ku°alo:lq-a kw*lo:n-ta ktkru:-m-ju: ju [A1]-industrious[R3]-CN three-CN children[S]-CN-boy-lsg.POS `My three boys are industrious.' (73) tax-txdjs-tas Brenda t*pxatzi:l-ta kapa-ju: tha [Rlx]-blame-CN (name) two-CN little[S]-boy `Brenda is blaming two little boys.'

Very few examples are found where only the verb takes the singular form. The plural form of the S/P noun is indicated in the parentheses.

(74) pax-pe: qal-t-a he:lta-m sawansk [R1C]-tear-3A-CN many-CN paper `They tore many pieces of paper up.' (sak-sawansk[R1k])

3. 5. 3. S/P noun with plural possessors When a S/P noun is followed by a plural possessor and the plurality of the S/P noun seems clear, it is usual that both the S/P. noun and the verb take the plural forms. 26 Fumiko SASAMA

(75) qa-mo:sk-a na-qa-gaws-a-m [A1]-blond-CN POS-[A1]-hair-N-lpl.POS `We have blond hair .' (76) qa:q-a qa-tam?a:x_som open[O]-CN [A1]-mouth-2pl.POS `Open your (pl) mouth!' (77) xpa-toq-a kap*tkru:lk-a na-qa-ta: la-s t*p Kayla ?-take[S]-CN children[S]-CN POS-[A1]-money-CN PI (name) tis Tiffany and (name) `The kids took Kayla and Tiffany's money.'

Cases where the S/P noun takes the plural form and the verb takes the singular form occur less frequently than those where both the S/P noun and the verb take the plural forms. Many of the verbs in these cases are the ones which form their plurals by [R1C], but- ones using [Rlk], [A2],-and[0] are also found. Below, the plural forms of the verbs ('full' and *clean') are given in parentheses.

(78) holtk-a qa-tamgaws-a kapatkiu:lk-a ?awa:-n ta ja: nt full-CN [A1]-head-CN children[S]-CN near-2sg OBL louse.eggs `Those kids' heads are full of louse eggs.' (hal-holtk [R1C]) (79) saksal qa-eaq-a kapatkth:1k-a ?awa:-n clean [A1]-nose-CN children[S]-CN near-2sg `Clean the kids' noses!' (sok-saksal [R1C])

There are a few examples where the verb takes the plural form and the S/P noun takes the singular form. In the following example, the S/P noun takes the singular form, though it has a plural form given in parentheses. On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 27

(80) 2amamaxs-a wall l kaaa-M.s pretty[S]-CN face little[S]-cat `The kittens are cute (lit . the faces of the kittens are cute).' (qa-wali:l [Al])

3. 5. 4. S/P noun modified by intransitive verbs In the few examples I found so far where S/P nouns are modified by (attributive) intransitive verbs, both the S/P noun and the (predicative) verb take the plural forms. While the intransitive verb takes the plural form in (81), the one in (82), m*-wacha,has no plural marker. Though this same form could be used for plural, i.e., [I], this word can also form its plural by either [Al] or [Rlk] (qa-m*-wdcha,m*k-ma-wdcha). Therefore, it cannot be determined whether it is used as singular or plural.

(81) ...sap-si:pan-tku ga-na-mm-m kapatkus:tk-a kwa ? [R1C]-love-3P?-lsg.A [Al]-crazy-CN children[S]-CN this I love these crazy kids.' * (82) sap-s1:p*n-th-u m*-wacha-m kap*tkau:lk-a kwa:* [R1C]-love-3P?-lsg.A like-otter-CN children[S]-CN this `I love these crazy kids.'

4. Final remarks I have described how the plural forms occur in Coast Tsimshian sentences. It can be said that 1) plurality tends to be indicated on more than one word if possible 2) when the plurality can be expressed on more than one word, the one which forms its plural by a common, productive method often takes the singular form; the one which makes use o a rare an unproductive method of plural formation always takes the plural form. There are, however, still points which are not yet clear. The indica- 28 Fumiko SASAMA tion of plurality on verbs and S/P nouns should further be examined, especially in connection with the use of the distributive/aspectual reduplication of this language and the plural marking in the other languages of this family. Description of the Coast Tsimshian language began in the middle of 19th century, when the first missionaries came over to the Tsimshian- speaking area. Therefore, the information of this language before this period cannot be retrieved. However, further fieldwork and further ex- amination of old texts (such as Beynon's texts or earlier records left by missionaries) might offer more explanation to this issue.

Abbreviations A agent (subject of a transitive verb) [A1/A2] affixation 1/2 CN connective FUT future [I] isomorphics it irregular IV inserted vowel [0] other methods of plural formation than reduplication, affixation, suppletives, and isomorphics OBL oblique P patient (object of a transitive verb) p1 plural POS possessive [R1/R2/R3/R4] reduplication 1/2/3/4 S subject (subject of an intransitive verb) [S] suppletives sg singular TA tense-aspect marker tagQ tag question

(•wŒ¾ŒêŠwŒ¤‹†•x) 14, Kyoto University Linguistic Circle, 37-64.

Thompson, Wendy 1984 Reduplication in Nisgha, MA thesis, University of

British Columbia, Vancouver.

On the occurrence of plural forms in Coast Tsimshian 29

References

Beynon, William 1932-1939 Tsimshian texts, ms., Special Collections, Colum-

bia University Archives, New York.

Boas, Franz 1911 Tsimshian, in Franz Boas (ed.) Handbook of American In-

dian languages part 1, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 40, 283-422.

Dunn, John Asher 1979a A reference grammar for the Coast Tsimshian

language, National Museum of Man, Mercury Series, Canadian Ethnology

Service Paper No. 55, National Museums of Canada, Ottawa.

1979b Notes on Tsimshian reduplication, in Robert - Levine (ed.)

Papers from the 14th conference on Salishan languages, Bellingham, 59-85.

1979c Tsimshian connectives, International Journal of American -

Linguistics 45 (2), 131-140.

1979d Pronominal - concord in Coast Tsimshian, Internationaljournal

of American Linguistics 45 (3) , 224-231.

1993 Sguuxs (Southern Tsimshian) chameleon vowels, in Anthony

Mattina and Timothy Montler (eds.) American Indian linguistics and

ethnography in honor of Laurence C. Thompson, University of Montana Occa-

sional Papers in Linguistics No. 10, 369-384.

Kinkade, M. Dale 1995 A plethora of plurals: inflection for number in Upper

Chehalis, Anthropological Linguistics 37 (3), 347-365.

Mulder, Jean G. 1994 Ergativity in Coast Tsimshian (Sm'algyax), University

of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles/London.

Sasama, Fumiko 1995 Coast Tsimshian plural formation, Linguistic Research 30 Fumiko SASAMA

海岸ツィムシアン語における複数形のあらわれについて

笹間史子

(京都大大学院)

海岸ツィムシアソ語(ツィムシアン語族,北米北西海岸)は,重複,接辞付与,

補充法など,いくつかの複数形成法を有する.本稿は,これらの方法で形成され

た複数形が文中でどのように現れるかを,現地調査で得られた資料をもとに記述

したものである.

結果,次のような傾向が明らかになった.1)ある名詞項の複数性は,可能な

らば,文中の2語以上において表示される.2)複数形成法と複数形の現れには

関連があり,一般的・生産的な方法を用いる語ほど単数形で現れることが多い.

さらに,同系の他言語に比べて,海岸ツィムシアン語の動詞における複数性表

示が少ないのは,この言語で重複が時間・空間的分布や継続アスペタトを表しう

ることと関係している可能性を指摘した.すなわち,動詞の重複形は,これらと

自動詞主語・他動詞目的語の複数性との両方を表しうるため,曖昧さを避けるた

めに,名詞項における複数性表示が多くなったのではないかと思われる.

(受理日 1997年9月8日)