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does reflect the exegetical, ecumenical, and ecclesiological Catholic studies at the turn of the twenty-first century: be- limitations of its time. fore nominally indicating a church or adjectivally describing Cunningham, Lawrence S. The Catholic Heritage. New York, a belief, Roman Catholicism denotes action. It is what peo- 1983. Conveys the heart of Catholicism through certain ple do with spiritual sensibilities redolent of the Christian ideal types, for example, martyrs, mystics, and humanists, in- God and tutored in traditions of Roman Catholic memory. cluding “outsiders” like James Joyce and Simone Weil. Terrence Tilley’s 2000 study of Roman Catholicism as a reli- Delaney, John, ed. Why Catholic? Garden City, N. Y., 1979. A gious tradition is representative, illustrating Roman Catholi- collection of essays by various American Catholic figures on cism as the act of handing something on (traditio) as much their understanding of the meaning of Catholicism and on as the things (tradita) passed down. their own personal appropriation of that meaning. Contribu- tors include Andrew Greeley, Abigail McCarthy, and Arch- This focus on human action belies the oversimplified bishop Fulton Sheen. image of Roman Catholicism as a hierarchical, authoritarian Gilkey, Langdon. Catholicism Confronts Modernity: A Protestant church of immutable beliefs and acquiescent believers. It re- View. New York, 1975. Chapter 1, “The Nature of the Cri- veals a much more complex phenomenon: a church hierar- sis,” is particularly useful because it identifies what the author chical in form, yet materially diverse in its religious actions regards as the essentially positive characteristics of Catholi- and insights. Roman Catholics variably control and contest cism: sacramentality, rationality, tradition, and peoplehood. the practice of their religious sensibilities; practices formed Happel, Stephen, and David Tracy. A Catholic Vision. Philadel- as much by aesthetic sensibilities as by dogmatic pronounce- phia, 1984. The approach is historical and the thesis is that ment. What emerges from this scholarship is a Christianity Catholicism emerges progressively and processively as it en- not reckoned by a plurality, but expressive of a surprising counters new forms of life that it constantly attempts to un- pluralism. Sociologists of religion such as Kevin Christiano derstand and transform. Jointly authored, the book may lack strike a common note: “many people—not excluding Catho- the necessary clarity and coherence that a less sophisticated lics themselves—think that the Catholic Church is unitary inquirer would require. in addition to universal, monolithic as well as monumental, Haughton, Rosemary. The Catholic Thing. Springfield, Ill., 1979. and immutable as much as it is inimitable. Nothing could An original approach that portrays Catholicism as a reality be farther [sic] from the truth (2002).” shaped by an enduring conflict between what the author calls “Mother Church” (the more traditional, institutional side) Attending to what Roman Catholics do, contemporary and “Sophia” (the more unpredictable, communal side). In research mines the everyday world of time and space. Uncov- this regard, the book is similar to Cunningham’s (above). ered in such work are previously unrecognized changes in Hellwig, Monika K. Understanding Catholicism. New York, 1981. Roman Catholicism over time, as well as locally distinct reli- Covers some of the doctrinal and theological territory treated gious practices shaped by the geographic and social spaces in my more comprehensive Catholicism (below), but without within which Roman Catholics find themselves. Eamon so much attention to historical and documentary detail. Duffy’s 1992 work The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Lubac, Henri de. Catholicisme. Paris, 1938. Translated by Lance- Religion in England c.1400–c.1580 illustrates this trend. lot C. Sheppard as Catholicism: A Study of the Corporate Des- Duffy scrutinizes daily life in late medieval England and dis- tiny of Mankind (New York, 1958). As its English subtitle covers lay Roman Catholic religious practices that are sur- suggests, the book underlines the essentially social nature of prisingly vibrant and changing. Overturning the standard Catholicism—in its creeds and doctrines, in its sacramental view of the period, Duffy unearths a popular religiosity that life, and in its vision of history. It draws heavily on patristic seems scarcely moribund or decadent enough to seed an En- and medieval sources, excerpts of which are provided in an glish Reformation. appendix. McBrien, Richard P. Catholicism. Rev. ed. 2 vols. in 1. Minneapo- Other historical investigations apply this method to lis, 1981. The most comprehensive, up-to-date exposition of spaces beyond the Eurocentric limits of earlier Roman Cath- Catholic history, theology, and doctrine available. Its main olic scholarship. Gauvin Bailey (1999), for example, analyzes lines are reflected in this article. art on the Jesuit missions in Asia and South America from Rahner, Karl, and Joseph Ratzinger. Episkopat und Primat. Frei- the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. burg im Bresgau, 1962. Translated by Kenneth Barker and others as The Episcopate and the Primacy (New York, 1962). Kathleen Myers and Amanda Powell (1999) edit and An important corrective to exaggerated notions of papal au- translate the seventeenth-century journal of Mexican nun thority, and at the same time a significant contribution to the Madre María de San Jose. Austen Ivereigh (2000) edits essays literature on the meaning of collegiality. Its ideas, written be- on Roman Catholic religious politics in nineteenth-century fore Vatican II, were essentially adopted by the council. Central and South America. These and more examinations outside Europe further disclose the variable impact of time RICHARD P. MCBRIEN (1987) and space on lived Roman Catholicism. Regard for historicity and contextuality also marks pres- ROMAN CATHOLICISM [FURTHER CON- ent Roman Catholic theology. Ethnically and regionally fo- SIDERATIONS] A significant theme recurs in Roman cused theologies have proliferated, drawing on Roman Cath-

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION, SECOND EDITION ROMAN CATHOLICISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] 7889 olic behaviors and convictions particular to nearly every Bryk observes another irony in the operation of Roman region of the world. There are African and Asian Catholic Catholic high schools. Teachers and students still grant the theologies, European-American, Hispanic-American, and (typically lay) Roman Catholic school principal a greater de- African American Catholic theologies, as well as theologies gree of power and deference than is generally given principals differentiating many national cultures of Central and South in public schools. But today, this vestige of religious order, America. Robert Schreiter summarizes this development in authoritarian empowerment, is used as much for encourag- his 1985 book Constructing Local Theologies: “there is now ing parental involvement and local, decentralized school con- a realization that all theologies have contexts, interests, rela- trol as for maintaining discipline. From an international per- tionships of power, special concerns—and to pretend that spective, Grace (2003) explains how schools employ this this is not the case is to be blind.” power in relation to church authority, from those that are Allied to this fascination with action in time and space largely compliant (e.g., in Australia and Ireland), through is scholarly concentration on Roman Catholic group activity. moderately challenging (e.g., in England, Scotland, and the Between the microscopic level of personal religious practice United States), to boldly resistive (e.g., in Brazil, Chile, and and the macroscopic level of hierarchical church authority South Africa). lies a “mesoscopic” layer of group and organizational action. Research on women religious orders and Catholic From parish ladies’ guilds and food-drive committees, schools parallels the new scholarly concentration on the par- through regional ethnic associations and right-to-life groups, ish, the place where the micro-, meso-, and macroscopic le- across diocesan social justice offices and marriage preparation vels of religious life intersect for most Roman Catholics. An- conferences, to national lay organizations and Marian devo- drew Greeley captures this reality when he writes that “it is tion assemblies, Roman Catholicism is replete with mesos- the parish where people do their living and dying, their lov- copic religious action. In his historical-analytical investiga- ing and their quarreling, their doubting and their believing, tion of this fact, Ad Leys (1995) observes both the practical their mourning and their rejoicing, their worrying and their ubiquity of Roman Catholic group life and the theoretical praying” (1990). James Davidson, et al., communicate the expression it is given in the social-moral principle of subsid- point statistically: 78 percent of parish-affiliated Roman iarity. Catholics in the United States consider parishes “very impor- Recent explorations attend to important, but previously tant” organizations, as do 50 percent of those no longer affili- unexamined, groups and organizations. Especially poignant ated with a parish (1997). are studies of women’s religious orders, the unheralded cre- While a Roman Catholic’s sacramental life cycle surely ators of vast school, orphanage, poorhouse, hospital, and so- accounts for much of this affiliation, Mark Kowalewski’s re- cial service networks around the world since the early nine- search offers an additional reason. As a member of a church teenth century. Like the African American Oblate Sisters of with largely distant, ostensibly unchanging authority, a lay Providence described by Diane Batts Morrow (2002), many Roman Catholic’s typical contact with approachable and of these heroic women’s groups struggled against not only flexible religious leadership is the parish priest. When such social discrimination, but also the disregard of their own person-to-person leadership is effective, Roman Catholics re- church leadership. To this day, a push-pull relationship with ceive help not only in managing their sacramental lives church authority persists for some women’s religious orders. through the upheavals of contemporary economic, familial, Characteristic of Roman Catholicism, two national organiza- and cultural existence, but also in coping with these hard re- tions of women religious, representing contrasting responses alities on a day-to-day basis. Parish priests, says Kowalewski, to this relationship, evolved in the United States after the are “not simply bearers of the official directives of the organi- Second Vatican Council (1961–1965): the Leadership Con- zation, they also exercise their ministry in the context of indi- ference of Women Religious and the Council of Major Supe- vidual pastoral experience—an experience which often calls riors of Women Religious. for compromise and negotiation” (1993). Heightened strain on the quality and funding of public As they do with school principals, Roman Catholics fre- schools at the end of the twentieth century has called atten- quently defer to their parish priests. The common result is tion to another previously neglected mesoscopic organiza- a parish milieu mirroring the priest’s style of response toward tion: the Catholic school. Though many schools have closed church authority. Today, Roman Catholics worldwide pop- and enrollment has declined over the past twenty-five years, ularly categorize parishes as conservative, liberal, or radical. the remaining 120,000 Roman Catholic elementary and sec- ondary schools and their fifty million students around the In the United States, however, the prerogatives granted world still play a vital role in many societies. Analysts Antho- to parish priests have come under intense scrutiny, ever since ny Bryk, et al. (1993) and Gerald Grace (2002) are particu- numerous disclosures of clerical sexual abuse of children oc- larly fascinated with the loose federation, relative autonomy, curred in the 1980s and subsequent decades. This priest- and commitment to inner-city, non-Catholic children that pedophilia tragedy has been compounded immeasurably by is emblematic of many Roman Catholic schools— the delinquency of church authority. Schooled in habits of organizations ironically nested within their church’s central- hierarchical, authoritarian arrogance, few bishops initially ized, authoritarian structure. felt compelled to respond compassionately to the victims of

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION, SECOND EDITION 7890 ROMAN CATHOLICISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] past abuse or to safeguard potential future victims. Instead, Ozanam’s St. Vincent de Paul societies on the right and Féli- their first instincts were to protect predator priests, by reas- cité Lamennais’ L’Avenir republicanism on the left. Similar- signing them to other parishes without notice or simply by ly, some radical-right Catholics support communitarian ex- denying that the abuse ever took place. Not surprisingly, lay periments inspired by the earlier Jesuit reductions in Roman Catholics have reacted by creating multiple protest Paraguay, while other radical-left Catholics embrace Philippe groups. The Voice of the Faithful collaborates with bishops Buchez’s Christian socialism. on church reform, while the Survivors’ Network of those Frank recognition of Roman Catholic pluralism, past Abused by Priests (SNAP) is less inclined to participate in and present, invites assessment of how this compound Chris- such collaboration. tian religiosity sustains itself over time. Drawing on the These examples display the plural, mesoscopic ways in thought of Félix Guattari, Renée de la Torre offers a “trans- which Roman Catholics practice and perceive their everyday versalized institution” model. In such institutions, multiple religiosity, and how they relate this religiosity to the power horizontal axes of popular practice intersect a single vertical and instruction issued from hierarchical church authority. axis of hierarchical authority. As in Roman Catholicism, this Scholars regularly model this relationship on a conservative, vertical axis of objective law meets multiple, horizontal liberal, and radical scale. Mary Jo Weaver and Scott Appleby “group aspirations and strategies which cross it from differ- (1995) add further complexities to this scale. At each point, ent points—within and without, above and below.” As these a Roman Catholic congregation may articulate comparative- lateral activities crisscross the axis of the hierarchical authori- ly “right” and “left” orientations, approaches that are often ty, “spaces of conflict that traverse and penetrate the institu- additionally nuanced by a group’s unique regional history. tion” are produced (2002). This complex combination affects the many Roman In transversalized institutions, therefore, vertical and Catholic groups in the Americas that are devoted to improv- horizontal axes operate in tensive, but mutually beneficial, ing society. Responding to prevailing public policies, as well ways. This model suggests that Roman Catholicism persists as to church authority, groups on the conservative-right, in its formal religious structure and dizzying array of material such as Catholics United for the Faith, exist alongside those religiosity by “the continuance, rather than the dissolution, on the conservative-left, such as the North American neo- of contradictions” (2002). For de la Torre, Roman Catholi- conservative movement. Simultaneously, liberal-right groups cism not only is, but also must be, a site of religious contesta- like the St. Egidio communities work differently from liber- tion. al-left organizations such as the social-justice lobby, Net- work. Added to this mix are radical-right groups, such as The functionality of this control-contest interaction can those sustaining Dorothy Day’s Catholic Worker legacy, and be further elucidated using Paul Connerton’s (1989) and radical-left groups, such as those inspired by the earlier Latin Ann Swidler’s (2001) investigations of social memory. With American comunidades eclesiales de base movement. its protracted and geographically diffuse history, Roman Ca- tholicism possesses more religious memory than it can ex- Some Roman Catholics deride this variety as the unde- press at any given time. By selecting and communicating a sirable byproduct of “cafeteria Catholics”—people who se- manageable portion of this memory, church authorities per- lect only those items in Roman Catholicism they like and form an important control function for a Roman Catholic’s pass over items they dislike. If this phenomenon did not religious identity. exist, critics argue, Roman Catholic thought and action would more uniformly replicate the instruction of hierarchi- But Roman Catholic lay people contribute to corporate cal church authority. But as Dean Hoge points out, “Cathol- identity formation as well. They also select and communicate icism includes an amazing collection of teachings, symbols, religious memory, primarily to meet the practical challenges rituals, devotions, and practices, which has grown up over of day-to-day economic, familial, and cultural life. Church the centuries.” Accordingly, it is not transparently obvious authority tutors most, but not all, of this lay religious memo- to Roman Catholics which elements are core and which are ry. Some religious memories may include personally and lo- peripheral. “Catholics today are faced with the question,” cally cherished practices and perceptions that were never says Hoge, “of sorting out core and periphery in their rich, known, long forgotten, or once silenced by church authority. many-stranded tradition.” Hence, “everyone is, to some de- Other memories may recall searing family crises resolved by gree, a cafeteria Catholic” (2002). untutored, customized religious insights unavailable or even contrary to the letter of formal church teaching. This is not a new phenomenon. Thomas Bokenkotter (1998), Marvin Krier Mich (1998), Paul Misner (1991), and Sometimes, the institutionally unknown, novel, and others map an analogous range of Roman Catholic disposi- contested religious memories alive in 98 percent of the tions dating as far back as the French Revolution. Eigh- Roman Catholic population rejuvenate the 2 percent of teenth- and early nineteenth- century conservative Catholics Catholics who exercise church authority. Though such include the autocratic caudillos in South America on the right memories may first appear divisive to church leaders, often and German romantic traditionalists like Adam Müller on their long-term effect is to lessen, if not prevent, arthritis in the left. Liberal Catholics can be found supporting Frédéric the vertical axis.

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION, SECOND EDITION ROMAN CATHOLICISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] 7891

Thomas Reese’s (1989, 1992, 1996) in-depth research from priestly ordination and are largely prevented from hold- on the structures and processes of Roman Catholic church ing positions of decision-making power in parishes and dio- authority indicates that religious ressourcement may also orig- ceses. inate within the vertical axis itself. Reese tracks the often co- The glue Dillon finds securing women—whether con- vert interplay of control and contest among popes, cardinals, servative, liberal, or radical—to Roman Catholicism is the and bishops. Though infrequent, inside reform may some- rich melange of symbols, stories, devotions, and rituals they times be overt, as in Pope John XXIII’s 1959 call for an ecu- claim as their own. When linked to memory, says Dillon in menical council. a 1998 book, these traditions remind most women that Michael McCallion and David Maines (1999) explore “their genealogy is entwined with a historically continuous intra-institutional transformation in Roman Catholicism by church rather than a history of sectlike divisions. There is a taking up sociological “frame analysis” and social movement disposition therefore to stay, rather than to leave, and to research. In particular, they look at change in religious litur- work towards transformation from within the tradition.” gy. Since the Second Vatican Council, a class of professional Dillon’s observation touches on a growing theme in liturgists has appeared; these practitioners are committed to contemporary Roman Catholic research: the centrality of a relatively egalitarian “People of God” theology inspired by aesthetic resources for the understanding and exercise of conciliar documents. Through variously inserting this ideo- Roman Catholic religiosity. Important to this renewed theo- logical “frame” into patterns of worship, these “oppositional logical interest in beauty has been the English translations insiders” press against the formally asymmetric relationship of Hans Urs von Balthasar’s five-volume theological aesthet- between priest and people. ics, The Glory of the Lord. Critical too has been increased The seemingly impressive power of adaptation detailed theological focus on culture. Works such as Roberto S. in these examinations has not sheltered Roman Catholicism Goizueta’s Caminemos Con Jesús: Toward a Hispanic/Latino from defection of worshippers, however. Statistical surveys Theology of Accompaniment (1995) show how attention to in Europe and the Americas demonstrate that Mass atten- aesthetics discloses heretofore hidden theological resources in dance has not noticeably rebounded from the precipitous de- the cultural practices of the Roman Catholic laity. cline during the 1960s and 1970s. More Roman Catholics Greeley points this out in terms of narrative when he have converted to evangelical forms of Protestant Christiani- insists that “religion is story before it is anything else and ty. Fewer young people get married in the Roman Catholic after it is everything else” (2000). Writtings such as John Church, and an even smaller number become priests or Shea’s popular Stories of Faith (1980) have highlighted the nuns. The large population of divorced Roman Catholics role narrative plays in Roman Catholic religiosity. typically leaves the church, alienated by what they perceive to be an arcane, duplicitous annulment process. Greeley signals another topic of current exploration when he observes that “religious sensibility is passed on by Disaffection with church authority also registers high in storytellers, most of whom are not aware that they are telling survey research. As more and more people around the world stories because their narratives reside more in who they are expect and demand operational transparency from the insti- and what they do than in what they say” (2000). Several tutions that affect their lives, the procedures of the Roman Roman Catholic investigations today probe the transmission Catholic hierarchy remain shrouded in secrecy. At a time of religiosity through such aesthetic embodiment, correcting when official church teaching encourages democratic forms for an earlier overemphasis on religious faith as a predomi- of participation and oversight in worldwide political and cul- nantly cognitive matter. Characteristically, Aidan Nichols tural institutions, no formal structure allows lay people to comments that “nothing is in the intellect that is not first in check and balance the hierarchical, authoritarian power of the senses” (1996). their leadership. Coincidentally, these same church leaders use secular rational-legal systems to protect their own cler- Interest in aesthetics and bodily senses has likewise cre- gy—and themselves—from civil lawsuits. ated interest in the role of affectivity in the play of Roman Catholic Christianity. Important advances have been made, Despite all this, most Roman Catholics stay in their for example, in understanding how affections influence the church. Michele Dillon (1999) cites this seeming anomaly moral life, as William C. Spohn explains in Go and Do Like- in her discussion of women. As profound as the work of wise: Jesus and Ethics (2000). This focus has also added novel women’s religious orders has been, nothing matches the con- twists to the much-explored field of Roman Catholic sacra- tribution women have made to the practical, day-to-day sur- mentality. In Extravagant Affections: A Feminist Sacramental vival of Roman Catholic Christianity. From quietly praying Theology (1998), Susan Ross creatively enjoins these dynam- with newborns and herding families to Mass, through orga- ics, inviting one to consider the sacramentality of such ac- nizing liturgies and planning parish fund-raisers, from hand- tions as giving birth, cooking meals, mediating conflicts, and ing out food baskets and editing church bulletins, to launder- tending to the sick. ing altar linens and making coffee after Mass, women perform most of the practices which preserve everyday, local With this attention to Roman Catholicism as action, Roman Catholicism. Yet women continue to be excluded this overview of Roman Catholic studies returns to where it

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION, SECOND EDITION 7892 ROMAN RELIGION: THE EARLY PERIOD began. The focus on action in Roman Catholic research has Mich, Marvin L. Krier. Catholic Social Teaching and Movements. lead scholars in many fresh directions, only a few of which Mystic, Conn., 1998. have been outlined here. The overall effect of this quarter Misner, Paul. Social Catholicism in Europe: From the Onset of In- century of research has been to heighten appreciation for the dustrialization to the First World War. New York, 1991. rich complexity of Roman Catholicism. As its population Morris, Charles. American Catholic: The Saints and Sinners Who center continues to shift from the Northern to the Southern Built America’s Most Powerful Church. New York, 1997. Hemisphere, away from the comforts of middle-class exis- Morrow, Diane Batts. Persons of Color and Religion at the Same tence to the soul-testing conditions of hunger and disease, Time: The Oblate Sisters of Providence, 1828–1860. 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Maines. “The Liturgical So- tutions had been studied earlier (by, for example, Barnabé cial Movement in the Vatican II Catholic Church.” Research Brissonius, 1583), the differentiation between Greek and in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change 21 (1999): Roman religion within antique “heathendom” or “polythe- 125–149. ism” was the work of nineteenth-century scholars. Concen-

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