We, Uncass and Owoneco Sachems of the Mohegan Indians Having Had
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Connecticut Connections: the Places That Teach Us About Historical Archaeology
CONNECTICUT_CONNECTIONS_THE_PLACES_THAT 2/28/2017 4:13 PM Connecticut Connections: The Places That Teach Us About Historical Archaeology LUCIANNE LAVIN Institute for American Indian Studies To many people the word “archaeology” invokes images of Egyptian pyramids, Aztec temples, the treasures of ancient Rome. If they are aware of North American archaeology, they usually picture archaeology sites far west of New England – 10,000-year-old early man sites on the Plains or the Southwestern Pueblo cliff dwellers. They rarely consider Connecticut as a center of important archaeological activity. But it is! As the preceding articles on Connecticut archaeology aptly illustrate, our state’s rich multi-cultural heritage is reflected and informed by its archaeology sites. Connecticut contains thousands of prehistoric, historic, industrial, and maritime archaeological sites created by the ancestors of its various ethnic residents. Many are thousands of years old. Because Connecticut History is specifically an history journal, I will restrict my discussion to post- European contact archaeology sites. Archaeology sites provide insights on fascinating and important stories about Connecticut that often are not found in local history books. Domestic, commercial, and industrial archaeology sites provide clues to the diverse lifestyles of Connecticut’s residents through time, their community relationships and events, and the cultural changes that modified those lifestyles and connections. But where can one go to learn about Connecticut archaeology? The best places are the sites themselves. Plan an excursion to some of these wonderful archaeology localities where you can spend enjoyable, quality time with family and friends while learning about a specific aspect of local, regional, and even national history. -
The Exchange of Body Parts in the Pequot War
meanes to "A knitt them togeather": The Exchange of Body Parts in the Pequot War Andrew Lipman was IN the early seventeenth century, when New England still very new, Indians and colonists exchanged many things: furs, beads, pots, cloth, scalps, hands, and heads. The first exchanges of body parts a came during the 1637 Pequot War, punitive campaign fought by English colonists and their native allies against the Pequot people. the war and other native Throughout Mohegans, Narragansetts, peoples one gave parts of slain Pequots to their English partners. At point deliv so eries of trophies were frequent that colonists stopped keeping track of to individual parts, referring instead the "still many Pequods' heads and Most accounts of the war hands" that "came almost daily." secondary as only mention trophies in passing, seeing them just another grisly were aspect of this notoriously violent conflict.1 But these incidents a in at the Andrew Lipman is graduate student the History Department were at a University of Pennsylvania. Earlier versions of this article presented graduate student conference at the McNeil Center for Early American Studies in October 2005 and the annual conference of the South Central Society for Eighteenth-Century comments Studies in February 2006. For their and encouragement, the author thanks James H. Merrell, David Murray, Daniel K. Richter, Peter Silver, Robert Blair St. sets George, and Michael Zuckerman, along with both of conference participants and two the anonymous readers for the William and Mary Quarterly. 1 to John Winthrop, The History ofNew England from 1630 1649, ed. James 1: Savage (1825; repr., New York, 1972), 237 ("still many Pequods' heads"); John Mason, A Brief History of the Pequot War: Especially Of the memorable Taking of their Fort atMistick in Connecticut In 1637 (Boston, 1736), 17 ("came almost daily"). -
Mashantucket Pequot Tribe V. Town of Ledyard: the Preemption of State Taxes Under Bracker, the Indian Trader Statutes, and the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act Comment
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OpenCommons at University of Connecticut University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Connecticut Law Review School of Law 2014 Mashantucket Pequot Tribe v. Town of Ledyard: The Preemption of State Taxes under Bracker, the Indian Trader Statutes, and the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act Comment Edward A. Lowe Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review Recommended Citation Lowe, Edward A., "Mashantucket Pequot Tribe v. Town of Ledyard: The Preemption of State Taxes under Bracker, the Indian Trader Statutes, and the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act Comment" (2014). Connecticut Law Review. 267. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review/267 CONNECTICUT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 47 NOVEMBER 2014 NUMBER 1 Comment MASHANTUCKET PEQUOT TRIBE V. TOWN OF LEDYARD: THE PREEMPTION OF STATE TAXES UNDER BRACKER, THE INDIAN TRADER STATUTES, AND THE INDIAN GAMING REGULATORY ACT EDWARD A. LOWE The Indian Tribes of the United States occupy an often ambiguous place in our legal system, and nowhere is that ambiguity more pronounced than in the realm of state taxation. States are, for the most part, preempted from taxing the Indian Tribes, but something unique happens when the state attempts to levy a tax on non-Indian vendors employed by a Tribe for work on a reservation. The state certainly has a significant justification for imposing its tax on non-Indians, but at what point does the non-Indian vendor’s relationship with the Tribe impede the state’s right to tax? What happens when the taxed activity is a sale to the Tribe? And what does it mean when the taxed activity has connections to Indian Gaming? This Comment explores three preemption standards as they were interpreted by the Second Circuit Court of Appeals in a case between the State of Connecticut and the Mashantucket Pequot Tribe. -
A R I S T O N Talk March 13, 2012 Introduction Indo-European
A r i s t o n Talk March 13, 2012 Bryan A. Bentz [The following are the speaker’s notes] Introduction I’m going to talk about two language families, one that is to some extent familiar, one that is very likely not. The examples in the familiar context, that of the Indo-European family of languages, may help make the examples in the Algonquian family a bit clearer. My focus in within the second family will be local indian languages. I’m not sure what I should title the talk - since I’m going to start with Sanskrit and end with Pequot/Mohegan, I thought “Indian Languages”, with deliberate ambiguity, might fit. I decided to start with Indo-European because it’s interesting in its own right, and the material will be to some extent familiar. My purpose is really to lay the foundation for discussion of the Algonquian languages, by showing the sorts of analysis that may be done on a language family, and what may be learned, so I’m going to be relatively brief when it comes to Indo-European. It will be easier to see patterns and understand how holes may be filled in when discussing more familiar languages. Most people are aware that Latin is the root of the Romance languages (French, Spanish, Romanian, Italian, etc.), which evolved in geographically separate areas after the fall of the Roman Empire. Similarly, Indo-European is a common root to a much wider array of languages, including Latin, Greek, Sanskrit, and German – indeed most European, Indian, and Iranian languages are rooted in it. -
(King Philip's War), 1675-1676 Dissertation Presented in Partial
Connecticut Unscathed: Victory in The Great Narragansett War (King Philip’s War), 1675-1676 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Major Jason W. Warren, M.A. Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2011 Dissertation Committee: John F. Guilmartin Jr., Advisor Alan Gallay, Kristen Gremillion Peter Mansoor, Geoffrey Parker Copyright by Jason W. Warren 2011 Abstract King Philip’s War (1675-1676) was one of the bloodiest per capita in American history. Although hostile native groups damaged much of New England, Connecticut emerged unscathed from the conflict. Connecticut’s role has been obscured by historians’ focus on the disasters in the other colonies as well as a misplaced emphasis on “King Philip,” a chief sachem of the Wampanoag groups. Although Philip formed the initial hostile coalition and served as an important leader, he was later overshadowed by other sachems of stronger native groups such as the Narragansetts. Viewing the conflict through the lens of a ‘Great Narragansett War’ brings Connecticut’s role more clearly into focus, and indeed enables a more accurate narrative for the conflict. Connecticut achieved success where other colonies failed by establishing a policy of moderation towards the native groups living within its borders. This relationship set the stage for successful military operations. Local native groups, whether allied or neutral did not assist hostile Indians, denying them the critical intelligence necessary to coordinate attacks on Connecticut towns. The English colonists convinced allied Mohegan, Pequot, and Western Niantic warriors to support their military operations, giving Connecticut forces a decisive advantage in the field. -
Learning from Foxwoods Visualizing the Mashantucket Pequot Tribal Nation
Learning from Foxwoods Visualizing the Mashantucket Pequot Tribal Nation bill anthes Since the passage in 1988 of the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, which recognized the authority of Native American tribal groups to operate gaming facilities free from state and federal oversight and taxation, gam- bling has emerged as a major industry in Indian Country. Casinos offer poverty-stricken reservation communities confined to meager slices of marginal land unprecedented economic self-sufficiency and political power.1 As of 2004, 226 of 562 federally recognized tribal groups were in the gaming business, generating a total of $16.7 billion in gross annual revenues.2 During the past two decades the proceeds from tribally owned bingo halls, casinos, and the ancillary infrastructure of a new, reserva- tion-based tourist industry have underwritten educational programs, language and cultural revitalization, social services, and not a few suc- cessful Native land claims. However, while these have been boom years in many ways for some Native groups, these same two decades have also seen, on a global scale, the obliteration of trade and political barriers and the creation of frictionless markets and a geographically dispersed labor force, as the flattening forces of the marketplace have steadily eroded the authority of the nation as traditionally conceived. As many recent commentators have noted, deterritorialization and disorganization are endemic to late capitalism.3 These conditions have implications for Native cultures. Plains Cree artist, critic, and curator Gerald McMaster has asked, “As aboriginal people struggle to reclaim land and to hold onto their present land, do their cultural identities remain stable? When aboriginal government becomes a reality, how will the local cultural identities act as centers for nomadic subjects?”4 Foxwoods Casino, a vast and highly profitable gam- ing, resort, and entertainment complex on the Mashantucket Pequot Tribal Nation in southwestern Connecticut, might serve as a test case for McMaster’s question. -
William Bradford Makes His First Substantial
Ed The Pequot Conspirator White William Bradford makes his first substantial ref- erence to the Pequots in his account of the 1628 Plymouth Plantation, in which he discusses the flourishing of the “wampumpeag” (wam- pum) trade: [S]trange it was to see the great alteration it made in a few years among the Indians themselves; for all the Indians of these parts and the Massachusetts had none or very little of it, but the sachems and some special persons that wore a little of it for ornament. Only it was made and kept among the Narragansetts and Pequots, which grew rich and potent by it, and these people were poor and beggarly and had no use of it. Neither did the English of this Plantation or any other in the land, till now that they had knowledge of it from the Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less that it was a com- modity of that worth and value.1 Reading these words, it might seem that Bradford’s understanding of Native Americans has broadened since his earlier accounts of “bar- barians . readier to fill their sides full of arrows than otherwise.”2 Could his 1620 view of them as undifferentiated, arrow-hurtling sav- ages have been superseded by one that allowed for the economically complex diversity of commodity-producing traders? If we take Brad- ford at his word, the answer is no. For “Indians”—the “poor and beg- garly” creatures Bradford has consistently described—remain present in this description but are now joined by a different type of being who have been granted proper names, are “rich and potent” compared to “Indians,” and are perhaps superior to the English in mastering the American Literature, Volume 81, Number 3, September 2009 DOI 10.1215/00029831-2009-022 © 2009 by Duke University Press Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/american-literature/article-pdf/81/3/439/392273/AL081-03-01WhiteFpp.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 440 American Literature economic lay of the land. -
The Wawaloam Monument
A Rock of Remembrance Rhode Island Historical Cemetery EX056, also known as the “Indian Rock Cemetery,” isn’t really a cemetery at all. There are no burials at the site, only a large engraved boulder in memory of Wawaloam and her husband Miantinomi, Narragansett Indians. Sidney S. Rider, the Rhode Island bookseller and historian, collates most of the information known about Wawaloam. She was the daughter of Sequasson, a sachem living near a Connecticut river and an ally of Miantinomi. That would mean she was of the Nipmuc tribe whose territorial lands lay to the northwest of Narragansett lands. Two other bits of information suggest her origin. First, her name contains an L, a letter not found in the Narragansett language. Second, there is a location in formerly Nipmuc territory and presently the town of Glocester, Rhode Island that was called Wawalona by the Indians. The meaning of her name is uncertain, but Rider cites a “scholar learned in defining the meaning of Indian words” who speculates that it derives from the words Wa-wa (meaning “round about”) and aloam (meaning “he flies’). Together they are thought to describe the flight of a swallow as it flies over the fields. The dates of Wawaloam’s birth and death are unknown. History records that in 1632 she and Miantinomi traveled to Boston and visited Governor John Winthrop of the Massachusetts Colony at his house (Winthrop’s History of New England, vol. 1). The last thing known of her is an affidavit she signed in June 1661 at her village of Aspanansuck (Exeter Hill on the Ten Rod Road). -
National Register of Historic Places Received JUL 2 5 Isee Inventory
NPS Form 10-900 OMB No. 1024-0018 (3-82) Exp. 10-31-84 United States Department of the Interior National Park Service For NPS use omy National Register of Historic Places received JUL 2 5 isee Inventory Nomination Form date entered See instructions in How to Complete National Register Forms Type all entries complete applicable sections____________________________________ 1. Name___________________________ historic________N/A____*____________________________________________________ Connecticut State Park and Forest Depression-Era Federal Work Relief and or common Programs Structures Thematic Resource_______________________ 2. Location____________________________ street & number See inventory Forms___________________________-M/Anot for publication city, town______See Inventory Forms _ vicinity of__________________________ state_______Connecticut code 09_____county See Inventory Forms___code " 3. Classification Category Ownership Status Present Use district _ X_ public _ X- occupied agriculture museum _ X- building(s) private unoccupied commercial _ X-park structure both work in progress educational private residence site Public Acquisition Accessible entertainment religious object in process _ X- Ves: restricted government scientific X thematic being considered - yes: unrestricted industrial transportation group IN/A no military other: 4. Owner of Property Commissionier Stanley Pac name Connecticut Department of Environmental Protection street & number 165 Capitol Avenue city, town___Hartford______________ vicinity of___________state Connecticut -
Vol. 09 Mohegan-Pequot
Ducksunne, he falls down (dû´ksûnî´), perhaps cogn. with N. nu´kshean it falls down. Cf. Abn. pagessin it falls, said of a thunderbolt. Duckwong, mortar (dûkwâ´ng) = N. togguhwonk; RW. tácunuk; Abn. tagwaôgan; D. tachquahoakan, all from AMERICAN LANGUAGE the stem seen in N. togkau he pounds. See REPRINTS teecommewaas. Dunker tei, what ails you? (dûn kêtîâ´î). Dûn = Abn. tôni what; ke is the 2d pers.; t is the infix before a stem beginning with a vowel, and îâ´î is the verb ‘to be.’ Cf. Abn. tôni k-dâyin? ‘how are you,’ or ‘where are you?’ VOL. 9 Dupkwoh, night, dark (dû´pkwû) = Abn. tebokw. Loc. of dû´pkwû is dû´pkwûg. Een, pl. eenug, man (în, î´nûg) = N. ninnu, seen also in Abn. -winno, only in endings. Cf. Ojibwe inini. Trumbull says, in ND. 292, that N. ninnu emphasizes the 3d pers., and through it the 1st pers. Thus, noh, neen, n’un ‘he is such as this one’ or ‘as I am.’ Ninnu was used only when speaking of men of the Indian race. Missinûwog meant men of other races. See skeedumbork. Ewo, ewash, he says, say it; imv. (î´wó, î´wâs&). This con- tains the same stem as Abn. i-dam he says it. Cf. also RW. teagua nteawem what shall I say? In Peq. nê-îwó = I say, without the infixed -t. Gawgwan, see chawgwan. Ge, ger, you (ge). This is a common Algonquian heritage. 22 Chunche, must (chû´nchî) = Abn. achowi. This is not in N., where mos = must (see mus). -
Fidelia Fielding
Fidelia Fielding Warning: Page using Template:Infobox person with he met up with several Mohegan young men---Burrill unknown parameter “box_width” (this message is shown Tantaquidgeon, Jerome Roscoe Skeesucks, and Edwin only in preview). Fowler---who introduced him to Fielding. This encounter sparked a lifelong friendship with the Tantaquidgeon family. Speck interviewed Fidelia, recording notes on the Fidelia Ann Hoscott Smith Fielding (1827–1908), also known as Dji'ts Bud dnaca (“Flying Bird”), was the Mohegan language that he shared with his professor, John Dyneley Prince, who encouraged further research. Fi- daughter of Bartholomew Valentine Smith (c. 1811- 1843) and Sarah A. Wyyougs (1804-1868), and grand- delia eventually allowed Speck to view her personal day- daughter of Martha Shantup Uncas (1761-1859).[2] books (also called diaries) in which she recorded brief observations on the weather and local events, so that he She married Mohegan mariner William H. Fielding could understand and accurately record the written ver- (1811-1843), and they lived in one of the last “tribe sion of the Mohegan language. houses,” a reservation-era log cabin dwelling. She was known to be an independent-minded woman who was This material that Speck collected from Fidelia Fielding well-versed in tribal traditions, and who continued to inspired four publications in 1903 alone: “The Remnants speak the traditional Mohegan Pequot language during of our Eastern Indian Tribes” in The American Inventor, her elder years.[3] Vol. 10, pp. 266–268; “A Mohegan-Pequot Witchcraft Tale” in Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 16, pp. 104– 107; “The Last of the Mohegans” in The Papoose Vol. -
Working Together to Preserve the Past
CUOURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT information for Parks, Federal Agencies, Trtoian Tribes, States, Local Governments, and %he Privale Sector <yt CRM TotLUME 18 NO. 7 1995 Working Together to Preserve the Past U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR National Park Service Cultural Resources PUBLISHED BY THE VOLUME 18 NO. 7 1995 NATIONAL PARK SERVICE Contents ISSN 1068-4999 To promote and maintain high standards for preserving and managing cultural resources Working Together DIRECTOR to Preserve the Past Roger G. Kennedy ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR Katherine H. Stevenson The Historic Contact in the Northeast EDITOR National Historic Landmark Theme Study Ronald M. Greenberg An Overview 3 PRODUCTION MANAGER Robert S. Grumet Karlota M. Koester A National Perspective 4 GUEST EDITOR Carol D. Shull Robert S. Grumet ADVISORS The Most Important Things We Can Do 5 David Andrews Lloyd N. Chapman Editor, NPS Joan Bacharach Museum Registrar, NPS The NHL Archeological Initiative 7 Randall J. Biallas Veletta Canouts Historical Architect, NPS John A. Bums Architect, NPS Harry A. Butowsky Shantok: A Tale of Two Sites 8 Historian, NPS Melissa Jayne Fawcett Pratt Cassity Executive Director, National Alliance of Preservation Commissions Pemaquid National Historic Landmark 11 Muriel Crespi Cultural Anthropologist, NPS Robert L. Bradley Craig W. Davis Archeologist, NPS Mark R. Edwards The Fort Orange and Schuyler Flatts NHL 15 Director, Historic Preservation Division, Paul R. Huey State Historic Preservation Officer, Georgia Bruce W Fry Chief of Research Publications National Historic Sites, Parks Canada The Rescue of Fort Massapeag 20 John Hnedak Ralph S. Solecki Architectural Historian, NPS Roger E. Kelly Archeologist, NPS Historic Contact at Camden NHL 25 Antoinette J.