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Late & Ecology in the Far Northeast

Edited by Claude Chapdelaine • Foreword by Christopher Ellis

Texas A&M University Press college station Copyright © 2012 by Texas A&M University Press Manufactured in the of America All rights reserved First edition

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Late Pleistocene archaeology and ecology in the far Northeast / edited by Claude Chapdelaine ; foreword by Christopher Ellis.—1st ed. p. cm. Eight contributions adapted from presentations given at a symposium held at the 2009 annual meeting of the Archaeological Association in Sherbrooke; 2 additional contributions and the introd. written specifi cally for this book. “Peopling of the Americas publications”—Prelim. p. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978- 1- 60344- 790- 4 (cloth : alk. paper)—ISBN 1- 60344- 790- 3 (cloth : alk. paper)— ISBN 978- 1- 60344- 805- 5 (e- book)—ISBN 1- 60344- 805- 5 (e- book) 1. Paleo- Indians—, Eastern. 2. Paleo- Indians—Northeastern States. 3. Indians of —Canada, Eastern—Antiquities. 4. Indians of North America—Northeastern States—Antiquities. 5. Canada, Eastern— Antiquities. 6. Northeastern States—Antiquities. 7. Antiquities, Prehistoric—Canada, Eastern. 8. Antiquities, Prehistoric—Northeastern States. 9. Land settlement patterns, Prehistoric—Canada, Eastern. 10. Land settlement patterns, Prehistoric—Northeastern States. I. Chapdelaine, Claude. II. Association des archéologues du Québec. E78.E2L35 2012 971.3'01—dc23 2012004370 Archaeology and Ecology in the Far Northeast

Peopling of the Americas Publications Sponsored by the Center for the Study of the First Americans general editors: Michael R. Waters and Ted Goebel

A list of other titles in this series appears at the end of the book.

contents

List of Figures and Tables vii Foreword, by Christopher Ellis xi Acknowledgments xv chapter i. Introduction: Toward the Consolidation of a Cultural and Environmental Framework Claude Chapdelaine and Richard A. Boisvert 1

PART I. REGIONAL SYNTHESES chapter ii. Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley, Jonathan C. Lothrop and James W. Bradley 9 chapter iii. Maritime Mountaineers: Paleoindian Settlement Patterns on the West Coast of New England John G. Crock and Francis W. Robinson IV 48 chapter iv. The Paleoindian Period in Richard A. Boisvert 77 chapter v. Geographic Clusters of Fluted Point Sites in the Far Northeast Arthur Spiess, Ellen Cowie, and Robert Bartone 95

PART II. SPECIALIZED STUDIES chapter vi. New Sites and Lingering Questions at the Debert and Belmont Sites, Nova Scotia Leah Morine Rosenmeier, Scott Buchanan, Ralph Stea, and Gordon Brewster 113 chapter vii. The Early Paleoindian Occupation at the Cliche- Rancourt Site, Southeastern Quebec Claude Chapdelaine 135 chapter viii. The Burial of Early Paleoindian Artifacts in the Podzols of the Cliche- Rancourt Site, Quebec François Courchesne, Jacynthe Masse, and Marc Girard 164 chapter ix. The Bull Brook Paleoindian Site and Jeff reys Ledge: A Gathering Place near Caribou Island? Brian S. Robinson 182 chapter x. Between the Mountains and the Sea: An Exploration of the Champlain Sea and Paleoindian Land Use in the Champlain Basin Francis W. Robinson IV 191 chapter xi. Late Pleistocene to Early Adaptation: The Case of the Strait of Quebec Jean- Yves Pintal 218

Contributors 237 Index 239 figures

2.1. Physiographic regions of New York 10 3.10. Cormier / Nicholas and point frag- 2.2. Late Pleistocene landscapes and key deglacial events ment from 62 in eastern New York and vicinity 12 3.11. Ste. Anne / Varney chert projectile point and Mount 2.3. Schematic of maximum footprint of Glacial Lake Jasper / Jeff erson rhyolite bifaces and projectile point Albany 12 bases 64 2.4. Digital elevation map of west- central New 3.12. Ste. Anne / Varney projectile point fragments recov- York, showing west- to- east trending Cross State ered from Vermont 67 Channels 17 3.13. Map of the Far Northeast showing sources of lithic 2.5. Locations of selected Paleoindian sites in eastern raw materials 70 New York and vicinity 18 3.14. “Miniature” chert fl uted point from Newbury, 2.6. Railroad 1 site, bifaces 22 Vermont 71 2.7. Railroad 1 site, evidence of toolstone reduction 22 4.1. Map of Paleoindian sites and isolated fi nds in New Hampshire 78 2.8. Railroad 1 site, unifacial tools 22 4.2. Colebrook site and terrain 82 2.9. Twin Fields site, fl uted points and endscrapers 23 4.3. Whipple site and terrain 83 2.10. Twin Fields site, gravers, sidescrapers, and utilized fl akes 23 4.4. Potter site shovel test pits 84 2.11. Sundler sites, selected tools 24 4.5. Potter site and terrain 84 2.12. County centroids and rank order for ten New York 4.6. Israel River Complex sites and terrain 85 counties with highest fl uted point densities 27 4.7. Thornton’s Ferry and Hume sites and terrain 85 3.1. Map of Vermont showing the location of Paleo- 4.8. Thorne site and terrain 86 indian sites and spot fi nds 50 4.9. Paleoindian points from New Hampshire sites 89 3.2. Bull Brook / West Athens Hill fl uted projectile 5.1. Geographic clusters of Paleoindian sites in the Far points and projectile point fragments 52 Northeast 96 3.3. Quartzite projectile point preforms and biface frag- 5.2. Michaud site points 97 ments and chert biface, Mahan site 53 5.3. Vail geographic site cluster in the fl ooded Magallo- 3.4. Chert scrapers recovered from the Early Paleoindian way River valley 101 Mahan site 54 5.4. Aziscohos large biface made of red Munsungun 3.5. Tools from the Jackson- Gore site, attributable to chert 102 the Middle Paleoindian period 56 5.5. Lower Wheeler Dam site fl uted point 102 3.6. Reagen site points attributable to the Middle and 5.6. Morss site points 103 Late Paleoindian periods 58 5.7. Vail area Kill Site 2 point 103 3.7. Michaud / Neponset projectile points attributed to the Fairfax Sandblows site 59 5.8. Michaud geographic site cluster 104 3.8. Michaud / Neponset fl uted points and fragments 5.9. Lamoreau site artifacts 105 from Vermont 60 5.10. LaMontagne site artifacts 105 3.9. Crowfi eld type tools from Vermont, attributable to 5.11. Taxiway site under excavation, Auburn airport 105 the Middle Paleoindian period 61 5.12. Taxiway site artifacts 106 vii viii Figures and Tables

5.13. Beacon Hill site artifacts 106 7.7. Endscrapers, Cliche- Rancourt site 142 5.14. Keogh site artifacts 107 7.8. Sidescrapers, Cliche- Rancourt site 144 5.15. Cormier site fl uted points 107 7.9. Gravers, Cliche- Rancourt site 147 6.1. Radiocarbon dates for features at the Debert 7.10. Wedges, Cliche- Rancourt site 150 site 114 7.11. Channel fl akes, Cliche- Rancourt site 152 6.2. Schematic section of the Debert deposit 115 7.12. Nuclei or cores, Cliche- Rancourt site 153 6.3. Original fi eld profi les and plan view of a unit exca- 7.13. Tool distribution in Cliche- Rancourt Area 1 154 vated at the Belmont I site 116 7.14. Tool distribution in Cliche- Rancourt Area 3 155 6.4. Belmont II 2 unit showing profi les to the level of 7.15. distribution in Cliche- Rancourt the presumed living fl oor 116 Area 3 155 6.5. Roofi ng shingles dumped at the original MacDon- 7.16. Cliche- Rancourt lithic network and the locations of ald site 117 major related sites 158 6.6. Elder Douglas Knockwood and executive director 8.1. Profi le distributions of artifacts at the Cliche- Donald Julien 117 Rancourt site 165 6.7. Schematic of Debert Site Delineation Project unit 8.2. Mégantic Lake area and location of the Cliche- with test pits 118 Rancourt site 166 6.8. Schematic of Debert Site Delineation 119 8.3. Plan view of the fi ve Cliche- Rancourt site excava- 6.9. Artifacts found in the Debert Site Delineation tion areas and location of soil profi le D 166 Project survey testing 119 8.4. Plan view of Cliche- Rancourt Area 3 and location 6.10. LIDAR relief base map showing locations of 20 m of soil profi les A, B, and C 167 survey squares 120 8.5. Values of soil pH in water and organic carbon con- 6.11. Map of the 2006 Debert geological augering tent in soil profi les, Cliche- Rancourt 170 survey 121 8.6. Concentrations of extractible Fe and Al in soil 6.12. Size distribution histograms for selected sand de- profi les, Cliche- Rancourt 171 posits, Debert site 122 8.7. Ancient pedoturbation in soil profi le A, Cliche- 6.13. Typical soil expression at Debert, showing L- F- H, Rancourt 172 Ae, Bf, B, and C horizons 123 8.8. Ancient pedoturbation in soil profi le B, Cliche- 6.14. Debert unit 12–20 showing a possible buried soil Rancourt 172 expression 124 8.9. Recent pedoturbation in soil profi le C, Cliche- 6.15. LIDAR image showing Debert archaeological sites Rancourt 172 in relation to the Younger Dryas cover sands 124 8.10. Two- dimensional spatial distribution of artifacts, 6.16. Comparative stratigraphies of the Debert sites and Cliche- Rancourt 173 four nearby geological sections 125 8.11. Three- dimensional spatial distribution of artifacts, 6.17. Extents of glaciation, sea levels, vegetation, and Cliche- Rancourt 174 glaciofl uvial / glaciolacustrine activity during the late 8.12. Floralturbation of a forest soil in the Lower Lauren- Allerød and Younger Dryas 126 tians, Quebec. 174 6.18. Chronology, climate, and pollen stratigraphy com- 8.13. Faunalturbation of a soil profi le 175 pared with a Greenland ice core 128 8.14. Cryoturbation in a soil of the Rupert River area, 7.1. General location of the Cliche- Rancourt site 136 Quebec 175 7.2. Map of the Cliche- Rancourt site 136 8.15. Synthesis of vertical distribution of dominant pedo- 7.3. Map of the Mégantic Lake area 137 turbation processes, Cliche- Rancourt site 179 7.4. Projectile points, Cliche- Rancourt site 139 9.1. Gulf of Maine showing exposed land at lowstand, 7.5. Large alternate beveled biface, Cliche- Rancourt circa 10,500 C yr BP 184 site 141 9.2. Features of the southern Gulf of Maine at the Late 7.6. Biface fragments, Cliche- Rancourt site 141 Pleistocene lowstand 185 Figures and Tables ix

10.1. Overview of the Far Northeast region and the 11.7. Corner- notched point and borer from site CeEt- Champlain Sea, ca. 11,800 cal BP 194 657, upper occupation level 224 10.2. Close- up view of Bull Brook / West Athens Hill 11.8. Point, drill, and gravers from site CeEt- 778 224 Paleoindian sites 200 11.9. Lanceolate to leaf- shaped points with concave bases 10.3. Paleoindian sites in relation to the Champlain Sea from site CeEt- 481 226 maximum 201 11.10. Lanceolate to leaf- shaped points with oblique bases 11.1. General map of the study area around Quebec from site CeEt- 481 227 City 219 11.11. Basally thinned points from site CeEt- 481 227 11.2. Holocene relative sea- level fl uctuations in the St. 11.12. Leaf- shaped points with undulating parallel oblique Lawrence estuary 220 surface patterns from site CeEt- 481 228 11.3. Paleovegetation maps of Quebec, 13,000–9000 11.13. Points or drills tips from sites CdEt- 1 and cal BP 220 CdEt- 2 228 11.4. Strait of Quebec, ca. 11,500 cal BP 221 11.14. Basally thinned point and drill from site 11.5. Locations of archaeological sites, and CeEv- 5 228 surroundings 222 11.15. Corner- notched point, , and drill from site 11.6. “Fluted” biface and from site CeEt- 657, lower CeEt- 5 230 occupation level 223

tables

2.1. Comparison of modal point forms, New England– 7.5. Graver attributes, Cliche- Rancourt site 148 Maritimes and eastern Great Lakes 15 7.6. Utilized fl ake attributes by area, Cliche- Rancourt 2.2. Settlement characteristics of Hudson Valley Paleo- site 151 indian sites 20 7.7. Lithic distribution in the fi ve areas of the 2.3. Rank order of ten New York counties with highest Cliche- Rancourt site 153 fl uted point densities 26 7.8. Relative chronologies of Paleoindian point 2.4. Transport of Paleoindian toolstone into and from styles 157 the New York region 29 8.1. Physical properties of the horizons of soil profi le A, 2.5. Investigated Paleoindian sites with reported artifacts Cliche- Rancourt site 168 of Normanskill Group cherts 31 8.2. Exchangeable cations and cation exchange capac- 2.6. Jasper tools found at selected fl uted point sites in ity in soil profi les A, B, and D, Cliche- Rancourt the Hudson- Mohawk Lowlands 33 site 169 4.1. Paleoindian sites and isolated fi nds in New 8.3. Mineralogy of the clay fraction in soil profi le A, Hampshire 80 Cliche- Rancourt site 170 4.2. Fluted point temporal sequence for the Far 8.4. Mineralogy of fi ne silts in soil profi le A, Cliche- Northeast 88 Rancourt site 170 6.1. Dates for features from the Debert site 115 8.5. Synthesis of the temporal changes in the dominant 7.1. Early Paleoindian lithic assemblage from the pedoturbation processes, Cliche- Rancourt site 178 Cliche- Rancourt site 138 11.1. Main attributes of the most complete points, 7.2. Major attributes of fragmented fl uted points, Quebec City sites 225 Cliche- Rancourt site 140 11.2. Preliminary chronological sequence for the late 7.3. Endscraper attributes, Cliche- Rancourt site 143 Pleistocene / early Holocene occupation of the Strait of Quebec 231 7.4. Sidescraper attributes, Cliche- Rancourt site 145 foreword

I am very pleased to provide some comments that can serve one considers that unlike the eastern Great Lakes—which as a brief preview of this fi ne collection of studies pertaining are today densely populated, heavily developed, and under to the earliest known human occupants of the Far North- intense cultivation—much of the Far Northeast is rugged east (northern New England and adjacent area of Canada). and forested with much lower density populations and The volume brings together several up- to- date regional much less modern development. Combined with the fact data syntheses, for which there is always a need (and es- that fi nding any of these rare early sites is diffi cult, literally pecially in these days when many discoveries can remain like fi nding a needle in a haystack, locating even one site in hidden in gray CRM or planning literature or deep in the this landscape is exceedingly diffi cult, although like Claude bowels of small museum collections), as as specialized Chapdelaine (this volume) one can be extremely lucky. studies that address several mostly well-known problems Clearly we are way beyond the situation in the 1970s when pertaining to the age, geological and paleoenvironmental only a handful of Far Northeast sites—such as Debert, context, and subsistence practices of these early peoples. Nova Scotia (MacDonald 1968), Bull Brook, I am especially happy to see the results of CRM work be- (Byers 1953), and Reagen, Vermont (Ritchie 1953)—were ing published (e.g., Boisvert, Spiess et al., this volume) and known or widely reported. And, as other recent publica- the increasing involvement of local Native communities tions (e.g., Robinson et al. 2009) and the chapters in this in exploring, managing, and protecting cultural resources volume by Rosenmeier et al., Crock and F. Robinson, and (Rosenmeier et al., this volume). Brian Robinson make abundantly clear, there are still many Throughout the volume, progress is evident on several things we can learn about even those long- known sites. other fronts: to name but a few examples, identifying stone The syntheses presented here also confi rm earlier sugges- raw material sources (Boisvert), isolating potential routes tions, going back to at least Spiess and Wilson’s (1987:129– of entry or migration into the area (Lothrop and Bradley), 155) conception of a “New England–Maritimes Paleoindian explaining site formation processes (Courchesne et al.), Region,” that the Far Northeast is distinctive in the earlier documenting and understanding site layouts and the spa- time periods and notably in relation to the areas I know tial organization of activities (Chapdelaine; Rosenmeier best just to the west. Evidence of this distinctiveness has et al.), and determining the particular geographic settings been somewhat clear from near the beginning, such as in that were being sought for occupation (Crock and Robin- the presence of deeply indented- base fl uted points from son; Spiess et al.). Even more basic, and with Maine leading sites like Debert, and the more recent work reported here the way in discoveries, the syntheses show that the number only serves to confi rm these diff erences and highlight more of actual sites reported has grown exponentially and puts to of them. To be sure, there are echoes of similarity that have shame the recent eff orts in areas where I have worked, nota- to indicate a common origin and some degree of interac- bly the central to eastern Great Lakes, where work has tailed tion between these two areas: the presence of the ultra- thin off somewhat since the heady days of the 1970s and 1980s. Crowfi eld type fl uted points (Deller and Ellis 1984), well Although several new sites have been discovered through known in southern Ontario, at sites like Reagan, or even CRM activities in Ontario, unlike the Far Northeast there the recovery from Quebec’s fi rst reported fl uted point site has been little eff ort to publish that work (although there (Cliche- Rancourt: Chapdelaine, this volume) of a single are exceptions such as Woodley [2004]). example of the rare but distinctive large alternately beveled The number of fi nds is even more remarkable when bifaces / reported from several Ontario sites (Ellis and

xi xii Foreword

Deller 1988). Also, and similar to the Great Lakes case, ma- by the Younger Dryas climatic event, which apparently had terial from a limited range of distinctive stone sources shows more limited and less rapidly appearing consequences for up time and again on Far Northeast sites, often in consider- Paleoindian peoples living elsewhere (Meltzer and Holliday able quantities and at long distances (250–300+ km) from 2010)—including, although the exact extent of the eff ects their origin points (e.g., Burke 2006, and several chapters is disputed, the Great Lakes (Ellis et al. 2011; Eren 2009). herein). Several authors in this volume also suggest that these These patterns do indicate that high settlement mobil- peoples were able to, and were, exploiting marine resources ity and widespread social interaction networks were held in of the Champlain Sea, the lower reaches of the St. Law- common in the two areas, albeit using diff erent raw material rence River area, and, one presumes, the Atlantic coast. I sources, but in my opinion the reasons behind Paleo indian remember being exposed to this idea by my fi rst mentor, raw material choices still remain obscure (Ellis 2002). In the late William Roosa, who talked of the possibility that any case, I am more impressed with the diff erences. In com- the inhabitants of Bull Brook, Massachusetts, were hunting paring the Paleoindian occupation between the two areas I seals (he even suggested this in print: Roosa [1962:265]), but am reminded very much of Douglas Byers (1959:254) great I was highly skeptical of this idea at the time. Later inves- analogy in his discussion of the Eastern Archaic: “All show tigators also began to raise this possibility (e.g., Keenlyside points in common. They are as familiar as a contemporary 1985:83–84). Although I would certainly love to see direct class picture from another school—the clothes and poses faunal evidence, I believe this idea is now on a much more are familiar, but the faces are diff erent.” Notable diff er- plausible footing based on improved dating of the Cham- ences extend from the distinct Far Northeast point forms plain Sea, which makes it defi nitely contemporary with such as the Ste. Anne, Cormier / Nicholas, and aforemen- the Paleoindian occupation, and the recent models of the tioned Debert style to the common presence in the earlier geographic and geological settings of the sites reported in components of twist drills, pièces esquillées, and the like. this volume, notably at locations in Vermont and Quebec. It is plausible that the toolkit diff erences are to some Such a unique set for resources should have had an ef- extent explained by geographic isolation and consequently fect on overall site locational preferences. In fact, I wonder more limited east-to- west interaction patterns, perhaps if the ability and willingness to inhabit the more extreme due to the presence of physical geographic barriers such as environments or tundra areas closer to the ice sheets in the the Champlain Sea, diff erences reinforced by the fact that Far Northeast, but seemingly not in the Great Lakes, were little in the way of certain stone raw materials shows up due to the fact the far northeastern peoples could also ac- in both areas—although the location of sites throughout cess resources unavailable to the west, such as the marine the area, as along the north shore of the St. Lawrence, cer- resources. A greater abundance of resources might also tainly indicates that Paleoindians had watercraft. It is also explain why anyone entering the area from warmer, more plausible that these and other contrasts indicate diff ering southern climes would be attracted to these areas in the fi rst adaptations in the two areas. Certainly, as the chapters in place. The rarity of these early sites suggests that it was not this volume clearly demonstrate, these early inhabitants of population pressure that forced people into new, previously the Far Northeast were living in an area that contrasted uninhabited, more marginal areas; unless one wants to as- in several respects with the Great Lakes. In some locations sume that Paleoindian peoples simply had a wanderlust such as southern Quebec and the Canadian Maritimes, all to explore new places (and they may have!), there had to evidence suggests to me that these peoples were living in be some attraction of these diffi cult- to- traverse areas with true tundra environments at the northern edge of the area their extreme climates and lower inland carrying capacities. closer to the ice sheet; in Ontario the evidence still suggests Researchers should be able to build on the foundation pro- that Paleoindians avoided those areas (Ellis 2002). They vided by the contributions to this volume to explore these also, as the Rosenmeier et al. chapter in this volume makes kinds of ideas in more detail in future studies. abundantly clear, had to cope in at least part of the region It is fair to note that some questions remain partly un- with rapid and substantial environmental changes induced answered or controversial. I am certainly saying nothing Foreword xiii new here, for the same problems have been noted in com- well under way, most notably via geochronological tech- mentaries in Paleoindian volumes and syntheses since ar- niques and especially the distribution of sites in relation to chaeological time immemorial (e.g., MacDonald 1971; Ma- old levels of the Champlain Sea and the upper St. Lawrence son 1962; Wright 1989). One obvious one, hinted above, is River area (Pintal, F. Robinson, this volume), and through the paucity of preserved faunal (and fl oral) remains. As is the continuing development and use of refi ned point ty- evident in this volume (e.g., F. Robinson; B. Robinson), the pologies (Lothrop and Bradley, Spiess et al., this volume). subsistence models we are currently developing and using, Well, all we can do is keep plugging away and hoping especially those concerning the role of caribou, are much we fi nd those Holy Grail sites with preserved fauna and more sophisticated than the simplistic, and rightly criticized fl ora, including charcoal suitable for dating, in undisturbed (e.g., Dincauze 1988), models of the past that drew one to contexts. I am also hopeful that eventually we will begin to one analogies with whatever particular ethnographic group construct models and accumulate information that helps us happened to strike one’s fancy. Nevertheless, although they to go beyond the more materialistic and pragmatic concerns may be more sophisticated and realistic, in the absence of of Paleoindian life such as subsistence practices. Perhaps, as substantial faunal recoveries the new models remain simply Jess Robinson hints in his chapter, we may be able to one well- informed models. day speak of ideological aspects of Paleoindian peoples, of Another notable problem area revolves around questions aspects such as their cosmological landscapes and how these concerning the absolute age of the sites, refi ned knowledge perceptions may have infl uenced the colonization process of which is basic to almost all archaeological interpretations. and their use of space, a topic I fi nd particularly fascinating, I used to think that we had a substantial foundation for our albeit diffi cult to deal with (Ellis 2009). Regardless, as this absolute age estimates of these occupations and especially volume makes abundantly clear, studies in the Far North- when we had sites like Debert, with many fairly consistent east have come a long way even over the scholarly lifespan radiocarbon dates; this suite of dates seemed to indicate that of this researcher, and I look forward to continuing progress it was the best absolute- dated Paleoindian site in the East in the coming decades. (e.g., Curran 1996:5–6; Ellis 2004). However, as Rosenmeier Christopher Ellis et al. suggest in this volume, even the best dated actually department of anthropology may not be well dated, or, at least, there are several ways one University of Western Ontario can interpret the dates—and I believe the situation may be even more complicated than how they portray it. Of course, part of the problem is that radiocarbon dates during REFERENCES the late Pleistocene, and Younger Dryas in particular, vary Burke, Adrian L. 2006. 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The Eastern Archaic: Some Problems and Hypoth- a huge number of distinct point types (Bull Brook / West eses. American Antiquity 24:233–256. Athens Hill, Michaud / Neponset, Crowfi eld, Cormier / Curran, Mary Lou. 1996. Paleoindians in the Northeast: The Nicholas) wedged into a narrow slice of radiocarbon time Problem of Dating Fluted Point Sites. Review of Archaeol- around 10,500–10,100 C yr BP. We need to be exceedingly ogy 17(1): 2–5. Deller, D. Brian and Christopher J. Ellis. 1984. Crowfi eld: A Pre- careful in how we treat and use those dates, and we need to liminary Report on a Probable Paleo- Indian supplement them with other lines of evidence. This volume in Southwestern Ontario. Archaeology of Eastern North does shows that eff orts to use the other lines of evidence are America 12:41–71. xiv Foreword

Dincauze, Dena F. 1988. Tundra and Enlightenment: Landscapes ———. 1971. A Review of Research on Paleo-Indian in Eastern for Northeastern Paleoindians. Quarterly Review of Archae- North America, 1960–1970. Arctic Anthropology 8:32–41. ology 9(2): 6–8. Mason, Ronald J. 1962. The Paleo-Indian Tradition in Eastern Ellis, Christopher J. 2002. Les assemblages archéologiques du North America. Current Anthropology 3:227–246. Paléoindien du sud de l’Ontario. Recherches amérindiennes Meltzer, David J. and Vance T. Holliday. 2010. Would North au Québec 32(3): 7–26. America Paleoindians Have Noticed Younger Dryas Age ———. 2004. Understanding “Clovis” Fluted Point Variability in Climate Changes? Journal of World 23:1–41. the Northeast: A View from the Debert Site, Nova Scotia. Ritchie, William A. 1953. A Probable Paleo-Indian Site in Ver- Canadian Journal of Archaeology 28:205–253. mont. American Antiquity 18:249–258. ———. 2009. The Crowfi eld and Caradoc Sites, Ontario: Robinson, Brian S., Jennifer C. Ort, Willam A. Eldredge, Glimpses of Palaeo- Indian Sacred Ritual and World View. Adrian L. Burke, and Bertrand G. Pelletier. 2009. Paleo- In Painting the Past with a Broad Brush: Papers in Honour indian Aggregation and Social Context at Bull Brook. of James Valliere Wright, ed. David L. Keenlyside and Jean- American Antiquity 74:423–447. Luc Pilon, 319–352. Mercury Series Archaeology Paper 170. Roosa, William B. 1962. Comment on “The Paleoindian Tradi- Canadian Museum of Civilization, Gatineau, Quebec. tion in Eastern North America” by R. J. Mason. Current Ellis, Christopher J., Dillon H. Carr, and Thomas J. Loebel. 2011. Anthropology 3:263–265. The Younger Dryas and Late Pleistocene Peoples of the Spiess, Arthur E. and Deborah Brush Wilson. 1987. Michaud: A Great Lakes Region. Quaternary International 242:534–545. Paleoindian Site in the New England- Maritimes Region. Oc- Ellis, Christopher J., and D. Brian Deller. 1988. Some Distinctive casional Publications in Maine Archaeology 6. Maine His- Paleo-Indian Tool Types from the Lower Great Lakes Area. toric Preservation Commission and Maine Archaeological Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 13:111–158. Society, Augusta, Maine. Eren, Metin. 2009. Paleoindian Stability during the Younger Woodley, Philip. 2004. The Fowler Site: A Holcombe Camp near Dryas in the North American Lower Great Lakes. In Tran- Lake Simcoe, Ontario. In The Late Palaeoindian Great sitions in Prehistory: Papers in Honor of Ofer Bar-Yosef, ed. Lakes: Geoarchaeological and Archaeological Studies of Late John Shea and D. Lieberman, 389–422. American School Pleistocene and Early Holocene Occupations, ed. Lawrence J. of Prehistoric Research Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Jackson and Andrew Hinshelwood, 163–199. Mercury Se- Fiedel, Stuart J. 1999. Older Than We Thought: Implications ries Paper 165. Canadian Museum of Civilization, Gatin- of Corrected Dates for Paleoindians. American Antiquity eau, Quebec. 64:95–115. Wright, Henry T. 1989. Late Glacial Foragers in Eastern North Keenlyside, David. 1985. Late Palaeo- Indian Evidence from the America. In Eastern Paleoindian Lithic Resource Use, ed. Southern Gulf of St. Lawrence. Archaeology of Eastern Christopher Ellis and Jonathan Lothrop, 345–351. West- North America 13:79–92. view Press, Boulder, Colorado. MacDonald, George F. 1968. Debert: A Palaeo- Indian Site in Cen- tral Nova Scotia. Anthropology Papers 16. National Mu- seum of Canada, Ottawa. acknowledgments

Paleoindian archaeology calls for a multidisciplinary ap- to accomplish this task in timely fashion is equal to his proach, and most scholars work with a broad geographic great generosity and willingness to share data with the Far scale to coincide with the adaptive nature of the late Ice Northeast family. Along with Kurt Carr, Dr. Ellis also acted Age hunting groups they study. Today’s borders in the Far as a reviewer, and their comments helped to broaden the Northeast lose their signifi cance in the face of the high mo- scope of this book. They are both acknowledged here for bility of these Paleoindian groups, which is visible in the the high quality of their constructive comments. long distances between sites and the primary lithic sources This volume can be considered as the offi cial admission and is best illustrated by the use of Munsugun chert from of the province of Quebec to the unoffi cial “Clovis Club,” northeastern Maine at the Bull Brook site in Massachusetts. a lofty claim that requires some background. When I was It may be said that scholars working in the Far Northeast dreaming about fi nding the fi rst Early Paleoindian site in form a large family and that sharing information is rarely Quebec back in the early 1980s, I had the opportunity to a problem. As an example, in 2002, while I was starting a dig one long weekend with Michael Gramly at the Vail site long- term project in the Mégantic Lake area, Richard Bois- in Maine, near the Quebec border. Accompanied by David vert paid me a visit and, after looking at the few tools and Keenlyside of the National Museum of Canada (now the fl akes from the Cliche- Rancourt site, told me with a wide Canadian Museum of Civilization), we uncovered a nice smile that I might have a very early site. Over several years, endscraper and several fl akes while having the pleasure of he had encountered Early Paleoindian sites with a striking working on this famous site. After that experience, I asked that he recognized at Cliche- Rancourt in 2002: the Mike if he would be interested in publishing in French, combined presence of New Hampshire rhyolite and red since he had new data collected after his 1982 publication. Munsungun chert. I already knew about the latter lithic He accepted, and I seized the opportunity to look at the source, but I did not know about the rhyolite from Jeff er- whole Paleoindian situation in southern Quebec, basi- son or Mount Jasper. Dr. Boisvert’s sixth sense turned out cally to ask geographers to contribute to the physical and to be right, for we found the fi rst two of our fl uted point biological environment, to discuss the potential of fi nding fragments the following year. fl uted point sites, and to examine new data from late Paleo- Collaboration was instrumental in the initial stages of indian sites. Following the publication of this special is- our work at Mégantic Lake, as it is now with this book. I sue of Recherches amérindiennes au Québec in 1985, the late would like to acknowledge all the contributors of this book. Pierre Dumais organized another issue in 2002 in the same They are not just active in the fi eld and at meetings; they journal on Paleoindian questions from southern Ontario, are also willing to use their precious free time to produce the Maine- Maritime peninsula, and Quebec. The follow- knowledge in published form. It is time-consuming labor, ing year we found the fi rst fl uted point site in all of Que- taking a good share of our energy, but we all know that bec. I freely admit that this discovery was an archaeologist’s written words endure longer than pretty talks enhanced by dream come true. However, it would have been impossible witty one- liners. My sincere thanks go also to Christopher without the consent of M. Jean Cliche and Mme Catherine Ellis, who enthusiastically accepted the request to write a Rancourt, who let us invade their property and run our foreword to this volume. As a veteran of Great Lakes Paleo- summer fi eld school from 2001 to 2009. Their generosity indian studies, he was indeed a good choice, and his ability is equal to the support they have given us all these years,

xv xvi Acknowledgments and we will be working on the Cliche- Rancourt site for a western publisher to build a more continental audience some time to come, combining small- scale research with for Far Northeast archaeology and ecology. I thank series the challenge of developing an interpretation center. editor Michael Waters for his immediate enthusiasm for the This volume is in part the result of the long- term collab- project, and my gratitude also goes to Mary Lenn Dixon oration between myself, during a sabbatical leave from the of Texas A&M University Press for having supported this Université de Montréal, and Richard Boisvert, New Hamp- venture through all the stages leading to publication. I shire State archaeologist, who came to the Mégantic Lake hope that scholars working on the Paleoindian era in North area almost every year with a group of volunteers to assist in America, and elsewhere, will fi nd an interest in the diversity various research aspects. It was Dr. Boisvert who made the of these chapters on the Far Northeast. suggestion to submit our manuscript to the Center for the Claude Chapdelaine Study of the First Americans. Given the reputation of this Université de Montréal institution over the past twenty years, it was our idea to fi nd chapter i

Introduction

Toward the Consolidation of a Cultural and Environmental Framework

Claude Chapdelaine and Richard A. Boisvert

he concept for Late Pleistocene Archaeology and still lacking (Bonnichsen and Will 1999; Gramly and Funk Ecology in the Far Northeast derives from a long- 1990). The contenders, on a logical basis, should be found Tterm collaboration between the two of us and in the western or southwestern portion of the Far North- the desire to share the results of the past decade or so of east. Sites such as Bull Brook in Massachusetts, Whipple in research by the many active scholars addressing the Paleo- New Hampshire, or several sites in southeastern New York indian era in this region. The Far Northeast is not a new were certainly among the early settlements. Although all concept (Sanger and Renouf 2006); it refers to a large glaci- these sites are not well dated independently with fi rm ra- ated territory that holds a particular geographic and ecolog- diocarbon assays, the fl uted point styles from these sites are ical position, aff ording it a distinct chapter in the peopling close to the older Clovis prototype that was the trademark of North America. The Far Northeast is a peninsula incor- between 13,500 and 12,800 years ago farther west and south. porating the six New England states, New York east of the No clear association between the extinct fauna and Hudson, Quebec south of the St. Lawrence River and Gulf human occupation has been recorded in the Far North- of St. Lawrence, plus the Maritime Provinces. This region east, for few bones have been recovered so far. Although was inhospitable before 13,500 years ago, especially in its the proposition may seem tedious, caribou does seem to northern latitudes. The fundamental issue for this volume be the major prey, leading the majority of scholars to favor focuses on the derivation of the Clovis pioneers from their the caribou / tundra model of settlement subsistence during eastward migration into the Far Northeast, who were dis- the early days and in northern latitudes. Within this per- tinguished by the more numerous fl uted point style form spective, the Vail site in Maine illustrates the Paleoindian variations than previously thought (Bradley et al. 2008; capacity to explore and exploit a mountainous area around Morrow and Morrow 1999, 2002). 12,500 years ago (Gramly 1982), and Debert in Nova Scotia The archaeological record of the Far Northeast indicates (MacDonald 1968), dated to the same time range, could be that the area was probably settled slightly after 13,000 years the illustration of swift eastward mobility by Paleoindian ago. Several sites might apply to be among the oldest sites, hunters in relation to extensive caribou migration along a but decisive data based on secure radiocarbon dates are northeastern corridor.

1 2 Chapdelaine and Boisvert

The incentive of this book is to present new data and et al., Pintal), pedology (Courchesne et al.), subregional updates of some earlier interpretations. Among these, it is synthesis (Boisvert, Crock and F. Robinson, Lothrop and worth mentioning the synthesis provided for the early 1990s Bradley), and specifi c problems such as the relationship (Gramly and Funk 1990), revisited by others eight years with the Champlain Sea (F. Robinson) and the existence later (Spiess et al. 1998; see also Spiess and Newby 2002). of a caribou drive near the Bull Brook Site (B. Robin- A lengthy foreword by the late James Petersen (2004) on son). With reports incorporating Maine, New Hampshire, the West Athens Hill Site, the Paleoindian period, and the Vermont, eastern New York, Massachusetts, southeastern contributions of Robert Funk is also of great relevance to Quebec, and Nova Scotia, we feel that our coverage of the grasp the accumulated knowledge on this early period of Far Northeast is adequate and hope that our eff orts pro- time. Still, there has not been a single book or article that vide food for thought and stimulate a new interest in areas makes a complete summary of the Paleoindian era for most where archaeological research is lacking. of the Far Northeast. With this volume we attempt to ad- A collection of chapters covering such a vast territory dress this need, admitting that our coverage is by no means could only be eclectic, which was the case for a comparable complete. Of the Canadian provinces, New Brunswick and book on the Southeast (Anderson and Sassaman 1996), and Prince Edward Island are not represented in this volume, we feel it is logical to present the regional syntheses fi rst since no discoveries have been made in the past decade al- (part I), followed by specialized studies (part II). though early human presence has been recorded previously Chapter 2, by Jonathan Lothrop and James Bradley on (Keenlyside 1991). the Hudson Valley, covers the presumed territory from This book off ers a new opportunity to review new data which specifi c groups may have entered the Far Northeast and interpretations in most areas of the Far Northeast, in- from the west, not excluding a southern entrance, and it cluding a fi rst glimpse at the only known fl uted point site might contain the most ancient sites of our study area. This in Quebec, the Cliche- Rancourt site. Given the annual chapter presents recent data and interpretations on Early investigation of sites throughout the Far Northeast, the ac- and Middle Paleoindian lifeways during the late Pleistocene cumulation of research fi ndings has been steady, making in the Mohawk / Hudson drainage basin. It provides cur- it timely to present some of the most interesting results, rent perspectives on late Pleistocene landscapes of eastern changing our perception of this large area. New York, scenarios for human colonization, and aspects The process of assembling this volume began when of settlement, subsistence adaptations, and . It scholars were invited to participate in a symposium at the is thus a starting chapter for studying the peopling of the annual meeting of the Quebec Archaeological Associa- Far Northeast. tion in Sherbrooke, May 1–3, 2009. All nine participants The state of Vermont was fi rst in the Far Northeast to involved in Paleoindian archaeology or ecology agreed to record a Paleoindian site, with the Reagan site (Ritchie transform their presentations into chapters for the pres- 1953), but a long silence followed that is now broken by ent book. After the Sherbrooke meeting, invitations were John Crock and Francis Robinson reporting an impressive extended to additional colleagues who could fi ll key areas set of new sites. In chapter 3 they challenge stereotypes by of the Far Northeast. The famous Debert site is now part referring to Paleoindians located mostly along the Cham- of a cluster of sites, and a team led by Leah Rosenmeier plain Lake area as “Maritime Mountaineers” inhabiting the agreed to contribute to this venture. Likewise, John Crock west coast of New England. A strong link can be made be- accepted our invitation to present an update on the Early tween their vision and the one developed by Pintal’s chap- Paleoindian occupation for the state of Vermont. A total of ter 11 on the Quebec Strait, emphasizing both an intimate ten chapters along with this introduction are thus presented relation between a site’s location and the Champlain Sea here, each presenting new data to the scientifi c community. episode with its presumed marine biodiversity. This wel- Each chapter is unique, ranging from site description come chapter describes the cultural affi liation, settlement (Chapdelaine) to site clusters (Rosenmeier et al., Spiess type, content, and location of twenty- fi ve recorded Paleo- Introduction 3 indian sites and well- documented fi nds in Vermont for the Pleistocene. These new sites defi ne a cluster that gives the purposes of understanding human colonization and early region a new window into the past. settlement in the region. The Cliche- Rancourt site reported in chapter 7 by The state of New Hampshire has also known a rapid Claude Chapdelaine is the single known site for the en- increase in Paleoindian sites over the past fi fteen years, and tire province of Quebec that could be assigned to the Early the synthesis provided by Richard Boisvert in chapter 4 is Paleoindian period on the basis of fl uted points and other the fi rst ever attempted while fi eldwork and lab analysis distinctive artifacts. The site has received much attention are ongoing. It is thus not surprising that research con- since 2003, after the fi rst two fl uted points were discovered, ducted since 1996 has substantially enlarged the database and 205 m have been dug so far. Four loci were delim- for the state and contributed signifi cantly to the region. ited and extensive research has been carried out on Areas 1, This expansion is summarized and evaluated in this chap- 2, and 3. The 2009 fi eld season confi rmed that Area 4 was ter. Patterns of site location within the state, evidence for not occupied by fl uted point makers, but the recognition of behavior beyond the requirements of hunting, and indica- the new Area 5 in the southwestern portion of the site has tions of complex interactions with other areas lead Boisvert given new breath for investigation. The chapter is limited to a more nuanced model of settlement. The Potter site, to a detailed presentation of the fi rst three areas. The tool which is mentioned in the chapter, is defi nitely a key site, assemblage is described, followed by a discussion on inter- and much attention will be devoted to it in the coming nal organization and domestic activities. External relations years. with adjacent regions are explored within a broader per- The state of Maine has been making tremendous prog- spective with the implications of the Cliche- Rancourt site ress since the discovery and publication of the Vail site in for our understanding of seasonal movements, adaptation, the early 1980s (Gramly 1982). In chapter 5, Arthur Spiess lithic acquisition, and cultural relations. and his colleagues Ellen Cowie and Robert Bartone bring The unusual presence of artifacts at depths ranging us to another level with an analysis of clusters. The authors from 20 to 80 cm within the otherwise sterile orange sand mention the discovery of almost twenty Paleoindian sites layer below the spodic gray sand at Cliche- Rancourt led to in Maine in the past twenty years. Two clusters are dis- the collaboration of François Courchesne, pedologist, and cussed in this chapter: Vail, and those associated with the his team to tackle this problem. The results of this study, Lewiston- Auburn airport. Styles of fl uted points and range given in chapter 8, question the mechanisms involved in of raw materials used among various sites in a site cluster this burying process. A polygenetic model of soil evolu- are examined to discuss the length of occupation and the tion was used as the theoretical framework to facilitate the range and variation in Paleoindian movement to and from identifi cation work of pedogenetic processes, in particular, each place. The seasonal aspect of Paleoindian settlement pedoturbation. This approach has helped to retrace the soil pattern is supported by this new recognition of successive evolution since ice retreat and suggested the central impor- occupations at specifi c areas. With this perspective in mind, tance of cryoturbation and bioturbation as major mecha- several sites considered isolated in an area might be the start nisms in the burying of artifacts at the Cliche- Rancourt of new research to verify the existence of a cluster. archaeological site. A new contribution on a cluster of sites in the general Chapter 9, on Bull Brook, by Brian Robinson is part area of the Debert site by a team of scholars led by Leah of a quest to understand a settlement pattern represented Morine Rosenmeier starts part II and the specialized stud- by a single organized event with thirty- six activity loci, ies. With the support of Scott Buchanan, Ralph Stea, and along with the economic strategy to allow this important Gordon Brewster, in chapter 6 Rosenmeier presents new social aggregation. The hypothesis developed here stresses evidence from several sites on soil, stratigraphy, and cul- the importance of a lowstand of the changing sea level east tural content and discusses the implications on the dating of Bull Brook, favoring the emergence of Jeff reys Ledge, a and environmental conditions prevailing at the end of the drowned maritime island that may have provided abun- 4 Chapdelaine and Boisvert dance, predictability, and landscape characteristics suitable was “to propose a set of defi nitions for the Paleoindian bi- for communal caribou drives. The location of Bull Brook faces currently known within the New England–Maritimes could have been related to this late ephemeral Pleistocene Region . . . to provide a clearly defi ned set of working terms landscape. to facilitate comparisons and test hypotheses.” (Bradley Chapter 10, by Francis Robinson IV, on Vermont is a et al. 2008:119). These authors then set out to defi ne the much needed update on the exact relationship between the modalities of the Paleoindian bifaces metrically, stylisti- Champlain Sea episode and the known Paleoindian sites. cally, and geographically with a (partial) goal of clarifying The location of the Reagen site, a multicomponent Paleo- the chronological and cultural parameters, thus off ering a indian site, near the expected sea shoreline or altitude tends point of departure for future research. In a brief period of to support the chronological framework based on fl uted time this work has become a standard reference in Paleo- point forms developed recently (Bradley et al. 2008). Mod- indian studies. In a sense, this publication was a watershed els of the inception and duration of the Champlain Sea event and represented a coming of age for the study of the have been revised signifi cantly over the past decade, and the Paleoindian era for the region. Its authors intended it to be Paleoindian presence in Vermont is now considered coeval. used and tested as a tool, and one can judge its utility by its The biodiversity of the late Pleistocene body of water brings application in the chapters of this volume. a new perspective to discussions of Paleoindian settlement Another aspect touched on regularly in this volume is patterns and subsistence dominated by the caribou model. the importance of channel fl akes (see Boisvert 2008). This In chapter 11, Jean- Yves Pintal presents a series of chal- particular type of is mostly associated with the fi nal lenging sites found in the Quebec City area that are pro- stage of fl uted point production. Channel fl akes obtained viding us with a unique view of the end of fl uted point from the fi nal fl uting process, nearly always as fragments, manufacture and its transition into something else. The exhibit short truncated fl ake scars on their exterior that inception and evolution of the Champlain Sea episode in meet to form a central ridge parallel to the direction of the Strait of Quebec are the necessary general background force that removed the fl ake. These fl akes are the product for understanding human occupations in the area. The of the manufacture of the longitudinal that are the basic chronology suff ers from a lack of radiocarbon dates diagnostic feature of Paleoindian fl uted points. for these oldest sites, but an Early Archaic site dated to The specifi city of our geographic area is also worth 9000 C yr BP with a quartz assemblage is providing a mentioning. Recently, the impact of the Younger Dryas on solid upper limit for the Paleoindian period. The tool as- North American Paleoindians has been challenged (Melt- semblage of these oldest sites in the Quebec City area shows zer and Holiday 2010). If the impact seems to have been resemblance to the Cormier / Nicholas point style, and it less severe in various parts of the , it was stressed should be older than the Early Archaic site. The spatial dis- that Paleoindians may have noticed climate changes in the tribution of these sites between 11,300 and 8800 years ago Northeast (Newby et al. 2005). We can confi rm that state- indicates a rather smooth change in the exploitation of the ment for the Far Northeast, which is a good example of territory, starting with a tendency to occupy the same sites extreme human adaptation at northern latitudes. and later moving to a wider range of environments. Other aspects make this eclectic volume thought pro- The chapters of this volume have much in common, but voking. Most chapters are concerned with settlement pat- one source is especially pivotal. This is “What’s the Point? terns and various recurrent themes such as high mobility Modal Forms and Attributes of Paleoindian Bifaces in the expressed through an impressive lithic network including New England- Maritimes Region,” by James Bradley, Ar- Hudson Valley chert to the west and Munsungun chert in thur Spiess, Richard Boisvert, and Jeff Boudreau, published northeastern Maine, seasonal caribou adaptation, as well as in the Archaeology of Eastern North America in 2008. Prior site locations and chronology. Site formation processes and to its publication, researchers in the Northeast had to rely the meaning of multilocus sites are other aspects discussed on external references to defi ne and discuss the essential by several authors. diagnostic artifacts of the region. The purpose of the study The radiocarbon- dating of North American Paleoindian Introduction 5 sites is one of its most challenging issues. Unfortunately, the Neponset Style Channel Flakes at the Colebrook Paleo- Far Northeast is no exception, and problems such as the indian Site. New Hampshire Archeologist 45:57–65. Bonnichsen, R., and R. F. Will. 1999. Radiocarbon Chronol- plateau eff ect (Fiedel 1999), lack of with charcoal ogy of Northeastern Paleoamerican Sites: Discriminating and bone, and the calibration curve with substantial diff er- Natural and Human Burnt Features. In Ice Age People of ences between calendar and radiocarbon years still apply. North America, Environments, Origins, and Adaptations, This dating problem places the Paleoindian era in a con- ed. R. Bonnichsen and K. Turnmire, 395–415. Oregon State University Press and Center for the Study of the First stant debate. Although radiocarbon dating is instrumen- Americans, Corvallis, Oregon. tal to our discipline, its limited utility is not contributing Bradley, J. W., A. Spiess, R. Boisvert, and J.Boudreau. 2008. signifi cantly to the emerging point typology. It is with no What’s the Point? Modal Forms and Attributes of Paleo- surprise that the point typology is now the major chrono- indian Bifaces and the New England- Maritimes Region. Archaeology of Eastern North America 36:119–172. logical tool, a situation similar to that in the Great Lakes Bunker, V., and J. Potter. 1999. Early Occupation in the Far Up- (Ellis and Deller 1997). per Connecticut River Valley. New Hampshire Archeologist The geographic scope of this collaborative eff ort to bring 39:70–81. together the existing data on the Paleoindian era at the end Ellis, C. J., and D. B. Deller. 1997. Variability in the Archaeo- logical Record of Northeastern Paleo- Indians: A view from of the Pleistocene in the Far Northeast, though stressing Southern Ontario. Archaeology of Eastern North America the importance of environmental conditions (see Newby 25:1–30. et al. 2005), is far from exhaustive. Still, this book should Fiedel, S. J. 1999. Older Than We Thought: Implications of Cor- be helpful for at least a decade or more, depending on the rected Dates for Paleoindians. American Antiquity 64: 95–115. dynamism of the fi eld and its actors. It will thus be a basic Gramly, R. M. 1982. The Vail Site: A Paleo-Indian Encampment in reference for scholars interested in Paleoindian studies, the Maine. Bulletin of the Buff alo Society of the Natural Sci- search for the First Americans, and comparisons with other ences 30. Buff alo, New York. areas of North America. It is our hope that in future com- Gramly, R. M., and R. E. Funk. 1990. What Is Known and Not Known about the Human Occupation of the Northeastern parative analyses the Far Northeast plays an active role and United States until 10,000 B.P. Archaeology of Eastern North is not relegated to the background. America 18:5–31. Keenlyside, D. L. 1991. Paleoindian Occupations of the Maritimes Region of Canada. In Clovis, Origins, and Adaptations, ed. NOTE R. Bonnichsen and K. Turnmire, 163–173. Oregon State University Press and Center for the Study of the First 1. Unfortunately, the team led by Pierre J. H. Richard, in- Americans, Corvallis. cluding Alayn C. Larouche, Tamylia Elkadi, and Nicole Morasse MacDonald, G. F. 1968. Debert: A Palaeo- Indian Site in Central of the Université de Montréal, was not able to meet the deadline Nova Scotia. Anthropology Papers 16. National Museum for the book. Their paper was highly complementary to the of Canada, Ottawa. chapters by Chapdelaine and by Courchesne et al. as well as hav- Meltzer, D. J., and V. T. Holiday. 2010. Would North American ing strong implications for the Far Northeast, with the detailed Paleoindians Have Noticed Younger Dryas Age Climate environmental reconstruction of southeastern Quebec and sur- Changes? Journal of World Prehistory 23:1–41. rounding areas. Palynologically controlled radiocarbon ages are Morrow, J. E., and T. A. Morrow. 1999. Geographic Variation in suggesting the maintenance of a tundra for a longer time period Fluted Projectile Points: A Hemispheric Perspective. Amer- than previously thought and giving more support to a seasonal ican Antiquity 64(2): 215–231. settlement subsistence pattern based on barren- ground caribou ———. 2002 . Exploring the Clovis- Gainey- Folsom Continuum: (see Chapdelaine, this volume). Technological and Morphological Variation in Midwest- ern Fluted Points. In Folsom Technology and Lifeways, ed. John E. Clark and Michael B. Collins. Department of An- REFERENCES thropology, University of Oklahoma, Tulsa. Newby, P., J. Bradley, A. Spiess, B. Shuman, and P. Leduc. 2005. A Anderson, D. G., and K. E. Sassaman. 1996. The Paleoindian and Paleoindian Response to Younger Dryas Climate Change. Early Archaic Southeast. University of Alabama Press, Tus- Quaternary Science Reviews 24:141–154. caloosa. Petersen, J. B. 2004. Foreword: West Athens Hill, the Paleoindian Boisvert, R. 2008. Dating Debitage—Assessing Type: Michaud- Period, and Robert E. Funk in Northeastern Perspective. 6 Chapdelaine and Boisvert

In An Ice Age Quarry- Workshop: The West Athens Hill Site Spiess, A., and P. Newby. 2002. La séquence et l’adaptation Revisited, by Robert E. Funk, xi–xlix. New York State Mu- paléoindiennes en Nouvelle- Angleterre et dans les Mari- seum Bulletin 504. Albany, New York. times. Recherches amérindiennes au Québec 32(2): 27–39. Richie, W. A. 1953. A Probable Paleo-Indian Site in Vermont. Spiess, A., D. Wilson, and J. Bradley. 1998. Paleoindian Occu- American Antiquity 17(2): 130–136. pation in the New England- Maritimes Region: Beyond Sanger, D., and M. A. P. Renouf, eds. 2006. The Archaic of the Far Cultural Ecology. Archaeology of Eastern North America Northeast. University of Maine Press, Orono. 26:201–264. Part I Regional Syntheses chapter ii

Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley, New York

Jonathan C. Lothrop and James W. Bradley

uch of our current perspective on late Pleisto- (2) scenarios for human colonization, and (3) Paleoindian cene adaptations in New York stems directly settlement, subsistence, and technology for the Hudson Mfrom work by former state archaeologist Wil- Valley and vicinity. We also consider possible roles of the liam A. Ritchie and his successor, Robert E. Funk. For fi ve Hudson Valley and the Champlain lowlands in peopling of decades, their investigations defi ned the research frame- the Far Northeast. Our geographic focus on eastern New work for late Pleistocene occupations of eastern New York. York includes the Mohawk- Hudson drainage basin, adja- In so doing, their research infl uenced interpretations of cent upland provinces, and, to a lesser extent, the Cham- Paleoindian lifeways in glaciated regions that extend be- plain Basin. To complement this study area, we also draw yond New York, including the eastern Great Lakes, New on data from adjoining regions. In particular, we consider England, and the Canadian Maritimes. the eastern New York data in relation to the broader glacial In recent years, new information has come to light on landscapes extending north and east, collectively referred the environmental setting and landscape evolution of late to elsewhere as the New England–Maritimes (Bradley et al. Pleistocene New York, providing a better basis for under- 2008; Lothrop et al. 2011; Spiess et al. 1998) but referenced standing the physical contexts for postglacial human colo- in this volume as the Far Northeast. nization after circa 13,000 cal BP. As well, new insights (and As we discuss below, most site-based evidence for Paleo- persistent questions) on systematics and chronology cast a indian occupation in eastern New York consists of early diff erent light on published data for Paleoindian sites and fl uted point occupations, by default defi ning our primary point fi nds in New York (Bradley et al. 2008; Lothrop et al. focus. Our chronological framework relies on Bradley et al. 2011). Coupled with recent discoveries and analyses, this (2008), distinguishing Early Paleoindian, Middle Paleo- allows us to reconsider what we think we know about how indian, and Late Paleoindian over the time span of circa the late Pleistocene peoples colonized, and then adapted 12,900–10,000 cal BP. Unless otherwise noted, all age and to, the dynamic deglacial landscapes of eastern New York. date references are based on calibrated radiocarbon dates In this review we discuss (1) late Pleistocene landscapes, and calendar years before present (Fiedel 1999).

9 10 Lothrop and Bradley

southeast, Long Island marks the Terminal Moraine and LATE PLEISTOCENE LANDSCAPES lies within the Atlantic Coastal Lowlands province. IN EASTERN NEW YORK The Hudson River is the master stream for eastern New Physiography, Geology, Drainage York. Draining 36,000 km, the Hudson runs south from Figure 2.1 illustrates physiographic regions of New York its source on in the Adirondacks for 507 km (Cadwell et al. 2003). Areas of higher elevation in eastern to its mouth in New York Bay. The east-fl owing Mohawk sectors of the state include the Appalachian Plateau, Ad- and Wallkill river tributaries provided entry for humans irondack Highlands, and , all underlain into the Hudson Valley from points west; the west- fl owing by rock units more resistant to erosion. Known region- Hoosic and Battenkill rivers led eastward (upstream) from ally as the Southern Tier of New York, the Appalachian the Hudson Valley into the rest of the Far Northeast. Plateau is made up of Devonian limestones, shales, sand- stones, and conglomerate. The Onondaga Escarpment and Deglacial Chronology and Events its chert- bearing limestones extend west-to- east across the As the Pleistocene drew to a close, the face of eastern New midsection of the state. Highly metamorphosed rocks of the York was dramatically reshaped by glacial retreat, sea level Middle Proterozoic—gneisses, quartzites, and marbles— rise, isostatic rebound, massive drainage diversions, and the make up the Adirondack Highlands in northern New York. formation and draining of proglacial and inland marine To the east, the Taconic Mountains are composed of meta- water bodies (Bloom 2008; Cronin et al. 2008; Donnelly morphosed Cambrian through Middle Ordovician rocks, et al. 2005; Rayburn et al. 2005; Richard and Occhietti including sandstones, shales, and slates. 2005; Ridge 2003; Stanford 2009; Teller 2004). Current Most of the lowland provinces in New York and west- chronologies suggest that many of these events transpired ern Vermont are made up of limestones, shales, sandstones, only centuries before Paleoindian colonization. and dolostones; erosion and glacial scouring created ter- In New York, the Late Wisconsin advance of the rains of modest relief that transect the New York region. Laurentide ice sheet reached its southern terminus circa In prehistory, the Erie-Ontario, Hudson- Mohawk, and 28,000–24,000 cal BP, creating the massive terminal St. Lawrence- Champlain lowlands off ered broad travel moraine of Long Island. Ice margin retreat from this po- corridors for human and animal populations skirting the sition began about 24,000 cal BP (Ridge 2003; Stanford Appalachian Plateau and Adirondack Highlands. To the 2009), a process that was periodically interrupted by glacial

2.1. Physiographic regions of New York (after Cadwell et al. 2003). Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 11

readvances, forming smaller end moraines farther north. By the Adirondacks (fi gure 2.2B) (Cadwell and Muller 2004; circa 15,500 cal BP, the glacial margin had retreated 250 km Cadwell et al. 2003; Dineen et al. 1992). The total foot- northward up the Hudson Valley to near present- day Al- print of Lake Albany through time extended circa 320 km bany. Thereafter, the pace of ice withdrawal across New (515 miles) from the Narrows upstream to Glens Falls, with York accelerated, with fi nal retreat into Quebec by circa a maximum width of 50 km (80 miles) near Albany (fi g- 13,100 cal BP (Donnelly et al. 2005; Richard and Occhietti ure 2.3). During specifi c stages, however, the extent of the 2005; Ridge 2003). lake’s footprint was signifi cantly smaller. During this fi nal deglaciation of eastern New York, Over its lifespan, as new outlets opened, water levels meltwaters pooled behind the retreating ice front in the in Lake Albany dropped to successive lower levels, with Hudson and its tributary valleys, trapped by morainal these later lake stages becoming more fl uvial or riverlike ridges on the isostatically depressed landscape. Large and (DeSimone 1992). Stanford (2009:14) proposes that, as the small proglacial lakes formed and drained, their shoreline footprint of Lake Albany migrated northward up the Hud- footprints fl uctuating in response to changes in meltwater son Valley, declining water levels combined with isostatic input, outlet elevations, and isostatic rebound. Although a rebound to the south exposed the former lake bed in the general sequence of proglacial lakes in the Hudson Valley lower Hudson Valley. Beginning about 17,500 cal BP, the is known, chronological control is poor, and rough dates northward- shifting outlet of Lake Albany began incising are often available only for either the inception or draining the emerging lake bed downstream, creating the modern of some lakes. After these proglacial lakes formed, clay to course of the lower Hudson River. Dineen (1982:3) suggests silt- size sediments settled out on their bottoms, and feeder a date of 12,600 C yr BP (ca.14,800 cal BP) for the fi nal streams constructed deltas where they discharged into draining of Lake Albany, although this approximation is these water bodies. (In some cases, geologists have con- likely too old. ferred more than one name for a particular proglacial lake As ice withdrew up the Hudson Valley, the postglacial with multiple stages in the Hudson valley; for simplicity, Atlantic shoreline of the New York region retreated at vari- we follow Stanford’s [2009:7] Lake Albany designation for able rates. At circa 18,300 cal BP, sea level lay 150 m lower proglacial water bodies that occupied the Hudson Valley than today, with the coastline near the outer edge of the bottom south of Fort Ann). After fi nal draining of these continental shelf at the “Nicholls” shoreline position (ca. proglacial lakes, streams dissected the lake bed sediments, 208 km, or 130 miles, southeast of Staten Island) (Stanford and winds eroded exposed deltaic sediments, creating local- 2009:Figure 2.3B). This broad exposed plain on the conti- ized dune fi elds (Bloom 2008; Stanford 2009). nental shelf was bisected by the southeast- trending course During initial ice retreat up the lower Hudson Valley of the late glacial Hudson Valley. Between circa 18,300 cal between about 24,000 and 17,000 cal BP, small progla- BP and the end of the Pleistocene at circa 11,600 cal BP, cial lakes Bayonne, Passaic, and Hackensack formed and regional isostatic rebound in southeastern New York nearly drained in an overlapping sequence west of the Hudson equaled eustatic sea level rise, resulting in only marginal Valley bottom (Stanford 2009:7–8). To the northwest, landward retreat of New York’s Atlantic coastline (see fi g- glacial retreat from the tributary Wallkill valley formed ure 2.2A). After 11,600 cal BP, sea level rise began to outpace Lake Wallkill—a proglacial lake contemporary with earlier isostatic rebound, resulting in more rapid transgression stages of Lake Albany (Stanford 2009:14). and drowning of the lowermost Hudson Valley (Stanford Beginning about 22,500 cal BP, Stanford (2009:8) sug- 2009:9–10, Figure 2.5). gests, early Lake Albany was restricted to the lower Hudson, Northwest of the Hudson Valley, ice retreat from the with a stable spillway outlet at Hell Gate, fl owing eastward Ontario basin after 16,200 cal BP created proglacial Lake along the north side of Staten Island into what is now Long along the southern margin of the ice front. With Island Sound. Thereafter, the location and size of Lake Al- meltwater input from other Great Lakes basins to the west, bany’s footprint fl uctuated as it migrated upvalley, even- Lake Iroquois continued to expand, eventually exceeding tually reaching its northern limit near Glens Falls, east of the footprint of modern Lake Ontario (see fi gure 2.2A). 12 Lothrop and Bradley

2.2. Late Pleistocene landscapes and key deglacial events in eastern New York and 2.3. Schematic of maximum footprint of vicinity, depicting dramatic changes between (A) 13,400 cal BP and (B) 13,100 cal BP. Glacial Lake Albany in eastern New York (A) Maximum footprints of proglacial lakes Iroquois and Albany; at circa 13,400 cal (after Cadwell et al. 2003). BP, retreat of Laurentide Ice Sheet (LIS) ice margin from the Covey Hill Gap along the northern Adirondacks reroutes drainage from the Mohawk Valley to lower- elevation outlets, draining Lake Iroquois through the St. Lawrence, Champlain, and Hudson lowlands. (B) Circa 13,100–13,000 cal BP, continued ice retreat opens the St. Lawrence Valley, and the Atlantic Ocean fl oods the Champlain Basin, forming the Champlain Sea. Numbered routes illustrate possible corridors for Paleoindian colonization of eastern New York. A northern corridor (1) runs east along Erie- Ontario lowlands into eastern New York (2, 3). A southern corridor (4) trends northeasterly via the Upper Susquehanna or Delaware and Wallkill valleys to the Hudson Valley (5, 6) (after Brad- ley 1998:15; Newby and Bradley 2007:Figure 1).

Sometime between 14,600 and 13,800 cal BP, fi nal ice re- and proglacial lake sediment, cutting massive potholes into treat from the Mohawk Valley opened an outlet for progla- bedrock (Hall 1871; Wall 2008:17–18). In 1867 construction cial Lake Iroquois near Rome, New York, routing meltwater workers discovered the Cohoes in one of these via the ancestral IroMohawk River into later, lower stages of glacial potholes. AMS dating of this mastodon yielded an Lake Albany in the Hudson Valley (Ridge 2003; Stanford age of 11,070 ± 60 C yr BP (12,930–13,050 cal BP), pro- 2009:12; Wall 2008). Wall (2008) calculates astonishing viding “a minimum age for pothole exposure following a maximum fl ow rates of at least 42,500 m per second (1.5 drop in high water discharge during the drainage of Lake million cubic feet per second) (cfs) down the IroMohawk Iroquois” (Miller 2008b). Valley for perhaps one to three centuries before the Lake Refl ecting these events, surfi cial geology in the Hudson Iroquois outlet shifted to the St. Lawrence drainage circa Valley consists of mostly glacial till on higher elevations and 13,400 cal BP (see below). This estimated fl ow rate is 275 proglacial lake bed sediments in valley bottoms (Cadwell times greater than the average fl ow rate today for the mod- and Dineen 1987). In addition, coarse deltaic sediments ern Mohawk River (154 m per second, or 5,440 cfs)(USGS deposited on the margins of Lake Albany became exposed 2010). At the IroMohawk–ancestral Hudson River confl u- sandy plains as the lake drained (Cadwell and Muller 2004; ence, these turbulent fl oodwaters stripped away glacial till Cadwell et al. 2003), and prevailing winds reworked these Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 13 sandy deposits into dune fi elds (Dineen 1975, 1982; Dineen plain. With isostatic rebound, the footprint of the Cham- and Hansen 1983; Donahue 1977). Today, the largest of plain Sea shrank through time and was cut off from the these relic dune fi elds lies between Albany and Schenectady, Atlantic Ocean at about 9800–9700 cal BP (Cronin et al. New York, where the IroMohawk River fed higher, early 2008). Importantly, by this current chronology the Cham- stages of proglacial Lake Albany. This dune fi eld landscape plain Sea overlapped the Paleoindian occupation of eastern is variously known as the Albany Dunes, the Capitol Dunes New York and thus could have factored into regional Paleo- Complex, or, refl ecting the xeric vegetation it hosts, simply indian subsistence and land use practices. the Pine Bush. At about 13,400 cal BP, ice retreat from the northern Late Pleistocene Paleoenvironment and Fauna margin of the Adirondacks at Covey Hill opened a succes- While dramatic deglacial events were fundamentally re- sion of lower outlets for proglacial Lake Iroquois, shifting shaping postglacial landscapes of eastern New York, re- outfl ow from the Mohawk Valley to the St. Lawrence Valley gional late Pleistocene climates were also in fl ux, refl ected (see fi gure 2.2A). Waters discharging from Lake Iroquois by dynamic changes in vegetation as plant and tree com- were rerouted northeasterly around the Adirondacks, south munities recolonized the region after ice retreat and in into proglacial Lake Vermont in the Champlain Basin, and response to subsequent climate changes. Beginning circa fi nally down the Hudson Valley to the Atlantic (Donnelly 14,700 cal BP, a general warming trend is indicated dur- et al. 2005; Rayburn et al. 2007; Stanford 2009). Waters in ing the Bolling- Allerød interval. Over the next 1,400 years, the Ontario Basin dropped 90–100 m below modern levels both boreal and temperate forest species established them- to early Lake Ontario, a low stage with a footprint smaller selves in the deglaciated middle and lower Hudson Valley than modern Lake Ontario (Anderson and Lewis 1985). of New York (Miller 2008a). Rayburn et al. (2005) and Thieler et al. (2007) propose that Between about 12,900 and 11,600 cal BP, a climatic this drainage rerouting to the St. Lawrence, and subsequent reversal known as the Younger Dryas took place, with a drops in the Fort Ann outlet at the south end of Lake Ver- sudden return to colder temperatures and decreased pre- mont, released two fl ood pulses of meltwater (volumes es- cipitation in the Canadian Maritimes and New England timated at 570 km, 130 km) into Lake Vermont and down (Peteet et al. 1993). In east-central New York, mean annual the Hudson Valley. The precise timing of these events is temperatures were 5–10° C colder than present, similar to uncertain but most likely transpired between 13,400 and the modern climate of central Quebec (Miller 2008b:23). 13,100 cal BP. Depending on duration as well as aggregate Paleoenvironmental data for the Far Northeast indicate volumes, these outfl ow pulses could have caused catastrophic that plant and tree communities responded quickly (perhaps fl ooding on a gigantic scale down the Hudson Valley, further one to two centuries ) to the onset of the Younger Dryas scouring the ancestral Hudson River channel. climatic reversal, but that these vegetation changes varied Circa 13,100–13,000 cal BP, with fi nal ice retreat north across the region (Maenza-Gmelch 1997; Miller 2008a, of the St. Lawrence Valley, the Atlantic Ocean fl ooded 2008b; Newby et al. 2005; Lothrop et al. 2011:550–551; Pe- the isostatically depressed St. Lawrence and Champlain teet et al. 1993; Shuman et al. 2002, 2004; Toney et al. 2003). lowlands, marking the end of proglacial Lake Vermont In the Maritimes, tundra partly replaced spruce forests. In in the Champlain Basin and creating the Champlain Sea southern New England, boreal forest taxa (spruce, fi r, and (see fi gure 2.2B) (Cronin et al. 2008; Rayburn et al. 2005; occasionally alder or birch) became more common at the Rayburn, personal communication, 2008; Richard and Oc- expense of deciduous species like oak and ash (Newby et al. chietti 2005; Rodrigues 2006). At its maximum extent, this 2005; Shuman et al. 2002). In the middle- lower Hudson vast inland sea stretched 600 km (375 miles) east-west be- Valley of New York and northern New Jersey, spruce, balsam tween Ontario and Quebec and 300 km (185 miles) south fi r, and alder increased in abundance, consistent with cooler from Quebec into the Champlain Basin of eastern New and drier conditions (Miller 2008b). Miller (2008b:23) York and western Vermont, dwarfi ng modern Lake Cham- suggests that during the Younger Dryas the middle- lower 14 Lothrop and Bradley

Hudson Valley included both open and more closed forests, Regional Toolstone Sources in Prehistory suggesting landscapes with mosaic- like vegetation patterns. Primary, bedded sources of toolstone used in prehistory The end of the Younger Dryas at circa 11,600 cal BP was by Native Americans outcrop across discrete sectors of the marked by abrupt warming and even drier conditions, re- New York region (Funk 2004; Holland 2004). These in- fl ected by newfound dominance of pine and oak species. clude both Devonian and Ordovician chert- bearing forma- In eastern New York, discoveries of postglacial fossils tions; the most extensive outcrops consist of chert- bearing highlight a rich record of late Pleistocene terrestrial fauna, Devonian limestones along the Onondaga and Helderberg some of which persisted until Paleoindian entry into the escarpments, fronting the northern and eastern margins of region (e.g., Feranec and Kozlowski 2010; Funk and Stead- the Appalachian Plateau in New York (Fisher et al. 1970). man 1994; Hartnagel and Bishop 1922; Thompson et al. Investigations of the Potts and Corditaipe sites in central 2008). Most spectacular of these are proboscidea (American and eastern New York document exploitation of these mastodon and Columbian mammoth), along with ungu- sources during the late Pleistocene (Funk and Wellman lates (caribou, stag-moose, and muskox) and other mam- 1984; Gramly and Lothrop 1984; Lothrop 1989). mals (giant beaver, fl at-headed peccary). Members of the Ordovician Normanskill Group—the Robinson and Burney (2008:298) place the extinction of Mount Merino and Indian River formations—are mapped mastodon and mammoth in New York State at or shortly together discontinuously through the upper and middle after circa 11,000 C yr BP (12,945 cal BP). Radiocarbon Hudson Valley from Washington County southward into dates for mastodon fossils at the Hiscock site in Genesee Dutchess County (Fisher et al. 1970). The Mount Merino County, western New York, range from 11,033 ± 40 to Formation yields cherts ranging from green to black, and 10,515 ± 120 C yr BP (Laub 2003:71). At two sigma using outcrops of the Indian River Formation may also contain Calib 6.1, these dates yield age ranges of 12,724–13,091 cal green cherts (Fisher 1977; Landing 1988, 2007; Landing BP and 12,053–12,649 cal BP for the oldest and young- et al. 1992). Archaeological and geological investigations at est mastodon dates at Hiscock. In western New York the Greene County outcrops of West Athens Hill, Scott this would delimit mastodon extinction or extirpation to Farm Quarry, and Mine Hill variously document sometime after 12,053–12,649 cal BP, suggesting that Paleo- mining and reduction of Normanskill chert from Paleo- indians and coexisted for several centuries in the indian through later prehistoric times in the mid-Hudson New York region. Valley (e.g., Brumbach 1987; Burke 2006; Funk 1973, Discovery of fossil fi sh scales in a pollen core from Al- 2004; Parker 1924; Robinson et al. 2009), and fi eldwork lamuchy Pond, northern New Jersey, documents the late in Washington County reveals outcrops of this toolstone Pleistocene presence of fi sh populations in the upper Dela- in the upper Hudson Valley as well (Holland and Ashton ware Valley (Daniels and Peteet 1998; Peteet et al. 1993). 1999). There may well be other, unrecorded outcrops in the Scales of sucker in sediment dated 12,260 ± 220 C yr BP Hudson Valley of this important toolstone source that were (two sigma calibration of 13,730–15,094 cal BP, Calib 6.1) exploited by Paleoindians. and of trout, sunfi sh, and yellow perch dated 10,740 ± For the Wallkill Valley of southeastern New York and 420 C yr BP (12,406–12,929 cal BP) show that these spe- adjoining New Jersey, LaPorta (1996) and Holland (2004) cies colonized this pond within centuries after the onset of describe Lower Ordovician chert- bearing formations that organic deposition, presumably from late glacial refugia in Native Americans mined for toolstone through much of the Coastal Plain and Atlantic Ocean. Similar scenarios can prehistory. LaPorta (1996:73–74) notes the presence of be envisioned for eastern New York. eight diff erent chert- bearing members in southern exten- Finally, together with possible marine resources along sions of the Beekmantown Group in northern New Jersey. New York’s since- drowned late Pleistocene Atlantic coast, Surface fi nds (Lake 2003) and investigation of the Zappa- the Champlain Sea supported a diverse marine fauna (see vigna site by Funk et al. (2003:16) indicate Paleoindian use below) (Franzi et al. 2010; Harrington 1988; McAllister of several Wallkill Valley chert sources, including the Epler et al. 1988; Steadman et al. 1994). and Ontelaunee formations. Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 15

In eastern Pennsylvania, jasper in the Hardyston Forma- relative ordering is Gainey- Barnes- Crowfi eld (table 2.1), tion was mined by Native Americans throughout prehis- with Simons (1997) further suggesting that Butler points tory (Hatch 1994). Paleoindians appear to have transported are transitional between Gainey and Barnes forms. In this this toolstone from quarries in Berks, Lehigh, and Bucks formulation, Gainey is viewed as oldest based on greater counties to sites in the Susquehanna and Delaware drain- similarity to Clovis forms. Late Paleoindian point forms ages of Pennsylvania (Carr and Adovasio 2002:21–23; Carr include basally thinned Holcombe and Hi- Lo forms fol- and McLearen 2005; Fogelman and Lantz 2006; Hatch and lowed by nonfl uted, lanceolate points. Maxham 1995; Lothrop et al. 2008). The likely additional Building on Spiess et al. (1998), Bradley et al. (2008) presence of eastern Pennsylvania jasper in Paleoindian site proposed a similar point sequence for the Far Northeast, collections in the upper Susquehanna and Hudson valleys spanning a suggested time interval of 12,900–10,000 cal of New York strongly suggests that Paleoindians imported BP for this sequence. Kings Road / Whipple forms are this toolstone to the region during seasonal travels (Funk most similar to Clovis bifaces and therefore likely oldest in 1993:174, 2004; Ritchie 1957; Whitney 1977). This notion this series. For fully fl uted bifaces in this sequence, trends is consistent with sourcing analysis that links jasper at the through time include decreasing basal width and maxi- Bull Brook Paleoindian site in Massachusetts to eastern mum thickness, increasing face angle (divergence of lateral Pennsylvania sources (Robinson et al. 2009). margins), and increasing fl ute length (similar to trends in the eastern Great Lakes). As illustrated in table 2.1, Brad- ley et al. (2008) proposed Early Paleoindian and Middle COLONIZING EASTERN NEW YORK: Paleoindian subdivisions for fl uted biface forms. Refl ecting TIMING, ROUTES, AND RESOURCES a shift to nonfl uted bifaces after the Younger Dryas, Late Chronological Control Paleoindian forms include lanceolate Agate Basin–related The scarcity of reliable radiocarbon dates for Paleoindian and Ste. Anne / Varney bifaces (Bradley et al. 2008; Newby sites in northeastern North America has led archaeologists et al. 2005). to formulate biface sequences for relative chronological Gramly (2008, 2009) proposes an alternate Paleoindian control. For the eastern Great Lakes, researchers have de- biface sequence for much of eastern North America, includ- veloped a sequence of Early (fl uted) and Late (nonfl uted ing southeastern New York. He suggests that Cumberland lanceolate) Paleoindian bifaces (Deller and Ellis 1988; Ellis points in the Southeast and Great Lakes Barnes points pre- 2004a, 2004b; Ellis and Deller 1990, 1997; Jackson 2004; date Clovis, and that Folsom and Crowfi eld forms derive Simons 1997; White 2006). For fully fl uted forms, the directly from Clovis. Gramly reviews the fi ve fl uted bifaces

Table . . Comparison of Modal Point Forms for New England–Maritimes and Eastern Great Lakes Regions

Chronology New England Maritimes Eastern Great Lakes

Early Paleoindian Kings Road / Whipple Gainey ~12,900–12,200 cal BP Vail / Debert ? (~11,000–10,300 C BP) Bull Brook / West Athens Hill Butler Middle Paleoindian Michaud / Neponset Barnes ~12,200–11,600 cal BP Crowfi eld-related Crowfi eld (~10,300–10,100 C BP) Cormier / Nicholas Holcombe Not represented Hi- Lo Late Paleoindian Agate Basin–related Agate Basin / Plano ~11,600–10,000 cal BP Ste. Anne / Varney Eden / Plano (~10,100–9000 C BP)

After Bradley et al. (2008) and Lothrop et al. (2011). 16 Lothrop and Bradley recovered from Dutchess Quarry 1 and 8 in Orange gue that vegetation changes in the Far Northeast at the County, New York (Funk and Steadman 1994; Steadman Younger Dryas onset (more open conditions to the north et al. 1997), and classifi es the complete fl uted point, one and southward- shifting spruce forests) created habitats fa- basal fragment, and one tip section as Barnes points and the vorable to local and long-range migratory herds of caribou. two remaining tip sections as Cumberland points (Gramly Dincauze and Jacobson (2001) point to migratory water- 2008:31). Of these fi ve fl uted points, we are uncertain fowl populations in the late Pleistocene as potential food about the fragmentary tip specimens but note that metric resources, especially where early postglacial lake shorelines attributes for the two specimens with surviving basal seg- intersected Atlantic fl yways. ments—the complete fl uted point (NYSM A2001.17.001) Perhaps the largest resource draw for the New York and the basal fragment (NYSM A74952.001)—fall within region in the late Pleistocene, the Champlain Sea likely the range of variability for Michaud / Neponset forms in the formed only a century or two before human colonization Far Northeast (Bradley et al. 2008:141–146). of New York. Loring (1980) suggested that the Champlain Sea contained marine resources attractive to Paleoindian Why Colonize New York? populations, a notion receiving renewed support (Newby Why colonize eastern New York at the end of the Pleisto- and Bradley 2007; F. Robinson, this volume). Discoveries cene? Most theoretical and regional models of Paleoindian of fossil remains in the former footprint of the Champlain colonization are ultimately resource driven. Foraging theory Sea reveal a rich marine fauna inhabiting this vast inland sea suggests incentives for human colonization of adjoining re- that fronted northeastern New York, including fi ve species gions in an evolving late Pleistocene deglacial environment of whales, four species of seals, more than ten fi sh species, organized in a mosaic (as opposed to zonal) pattern (e.g., and shorebirds (Franzi et al. 2010; Harrington 1988; McAl- Barton et al. 2004). For example, patch choice models pre- lister et al. 1988; Steadman et al. 1994). Fossils of saltwater dict that colonizers to a new region focus on high-ranking fi sh species suggest coastal marine habitats comparable to resources such as megafauna (made more feasible by a pre- southern Labrador today (McAllister et al. 1988:243). adapted hunting technology; Kelly and Todd 1988). Over Renewed consideration of how prehistoric peoples may time, population growth of foraging groups and depletion have colonized uninhabited landscapes, particularly in late of prey species encourage groups to move into uninhab- Pleistocene North America (e.g., Haynes 2002:239–262; ited regions nearby—an example of short- distance colo- Meltzer 2002, 2004; Rockman and Steele 2003), highlights nization of adjoining regions based on range shift (Spiess the critical human strategies of “wayfi nding” and “land- et al. 1998:247). Long- distance colonization may have also scape learning.” From ethnographic data on how hunter- fi gured in this process, perhaps driven by other factors and gatherers use landscapes, Kelly (2003:54) suggests that way- relying on migration via major valley corridors, possibly fi nding through an unknown landscape was probably made moving out from ecologically rich zones (Anderson 1990; easier and less risky by piloting between landmarks along Anderson and Gillam 2000; Dincauze 1993). easily traceable geographic features—most obviously major For eastern New York and the Hudson Valley, a range of rivers, but also mountain ranges or other linear ecological resources could have drawn Paleoindian explorers into the margins. Conversely, landscapes lacking topographic re- region. These included toolstone; eastern New York har- lief or major waterways would have been more diffi cult to bored good-quality cherts in Hudson Valley outcrops of the navigate and internalize and therefore were perhaps avoided Ordovician Normanskill group and in Devonian forma- initially. tions along the east- facing Helderberg Escarpment. These notions mesh well with Paleoindian colonization The New York region also contained a variety of late scenarios. Building on Bradley (1998), Newby and Brad- Pleistocene fauna as potential prey—including caribou ley (2007) off er a detailed model of colonization scenarios, and mastodon—that overlapped human occupation of the suggesting “northern” and “southern” corridors into eastern region, before extinction or extirpation (Laub and Spiess New York and the broader region (see fi gure 2.2B). 2003; Newby and Bradley 2007). Newby et al. (2005) ar- Paleoindian populations could have entered New York Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 17

2.4. Digital elevation map of west- central New York, showing west- to- east trending Cross State Channels, formed by east- fl owing deglacial drainage (note drumlins truncated by these ero- sional channels). Abandoned before 13,000 cal BP, these relict low- relief channels could have provided pathways for movement across New York for colonizing and later Paleoindian populations (DEM imagery courtesy of Andrew Kozlowski).

from the west, perhaps from the Ohio Valley, following a the strategic importance of the Hudson Valley during the northern route eastward between the Onondaga escarp- late Pleistocene, as a corridor for accessing toolstone and ment and early Lake Ontario (see fi gure 2.2B, 1). Travel- subsistence resources and also as a jumping- off point for ing east along the Lake Ontario Plain, Paleoindians could initial entry, and later seasonal travels, into the rest of the have followed the Cross- State Channels (Kehew et al. Far Northeast. 2009; Kozlowski and Pair 2007; A. Kozlowski, personal communication, 2008) (fi gure 2.4). These late Pleistocene Sequence of Colonization erosional channels span much of the Ontario Lake Plain Recent AMS radiocarbon dates on early Paleoindian oc- and were likely formed during deglaciation either by sub- cupations in northern Ohio and the upper Delaware Val- glacial drainage or by meltwaters fl owing eastward along ley indicate that fl uted point populations were present in the retreating ice front toward the Mohawk Valley. DEM regions proximal to western and southeastern New York by imagery from central New York shows that these west-to- circa 12,900 cal BP (Gingerich 2007, 2011; Gingerich and east trending channels run perpendicular to (and in some Waters 2007; Waters et al. 2009). Consistent with the ap- cases have truncated) north- south oriented Late Wisconsin pearance of early fl uted point sites and isolates across parts drumlins on the Ontario Lake Plain. By the time of human of the Far Northeast, we assume that this approximates the entry into the New York region circa 13,000 cal BP, melt- entry date for human groups into the New York region. water had long since abandoned these channels. With each Paleoindian site locations in Bradley et al. (2008), cali- channel measuring up to 0.5 km wide and incised 5–10 m brated with their proposed point sequence, off er a provi- into the late Pleistocene landscape, these features could sional window on the earliest incursions of Native American have facilitated human colonization and later seasonal trav- groups into the eastern New York, as well as later settlement els of Paleoindians across the Ontario Plain. trends. These data, combined with a subsequent review Paleoindians also could have entered eastern New York of Paleoindian site distributions across the Far Northeast via a southern corridor, following the Susquehanna or Del- (Lothrop et al. 2011), suggest changes through time in the aware valleys upstream (Newby and Bradley 2007; Ritchie Paleoindian occupation of eastern New York. 1957) (see fi gure 2.2B, 4). By crossing divides, these drain- Early Paleoindian. Based on site distributions, eastern ages lead into the Mohawk and Wallkill / Hudson valleys, New York may have been most heavily occupied during respectively. Early Paleoindian times. Sites with Kings Road / Whipple These northern and southern entry routes highlight points, including Port Mobil, Twin Fields, Kings Road, 18 Lothrop and Bradley

2.5. Locations of selected Paleoindian sites in eastern New York and vicinity.

Swale, and West Athens Hill, record perhaps the earliest oc- time (dated at Bull Brook to ca. 12,400 cal BP; Robinson cupations in the lower- middle Hudson Valley (fi gure 2.5). et al. 2009), and the Windy City site at the Munsungun Northeast of the Hudson Valley, Kings Road / Whipple chert source area indicates more northerly occupations also. point sites are also present in the middle and upper Con- After fi rst entering a new region such as the Hudson necticut valley (DEDIC, Whipple, Jeff erson III) (Bradley Valley, how long would it take immigrant Paleoindians to et al. 2008:Figure 2.7). Vail / Debert point sites—believed to identify optimal travel routes and critical resource areas postdate Kings Road / Whipple point occupations—appear such as toolstone outcrops and productive lands for sea- to be absent in eastern New York. Occupying more north- sonal animal and plant resources? Petersen (2004:xxvi– erly settings, these sites appear in northwestern Maine and xxvii) suggests that in the glaciated Northeast this process farther east at the Debert and Belmont site cluster in Nova was probably fairly brief: “Pioneering must have come to Scotia (Bradley et al. 2008:Figure 11; Rosenmeier et al., this an end in most areas relatively quickly, perhaps only a few volume). Bull Brook / West Athens Hill point sites are more generations or less than 100 years.” Considering the site- broadly distributed across central and southern portions of based evidence above for the earliest Paleoindian occupa- the Far Northeast and in eastern New York, include West tions of eastern New York, circa 12,900–12,400 cal BP, we Athens Hill, the Davis site, and perhaps the Sundler site can indeed envision “landscape learning” of the Hudson (Bradley et al. 2008:Figure 13). Bull Brook / West Athens and Champlain lowlands taking place within a few genera- Hill point sites at Wapanucket, Bull Brook, and Spiller tions after initial entry. Farm record near-Atlantic coastal occupations for the fi rst Middle Paleoindian. Later fl uted point sites are much Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 19 less common in eastern New York. To date, examples are plications for site typologies from a functional standpoint. limited to the Michaud / Neponset point sites of Dutchess Second, we consider a companion data set—statewide Quarry Caves 1 and 8 in the Wallkill Valley (Funk and published fl uted point distributions—as evidence of Early- Steadman 1994) and possibly the Sundler site. Funk and Middle Paleoindian landscape use in eastern New York. Fi- Walsh (1988) recorded a possible Crowfi eld-related point nally, we consider data on trends in toolstone frequencies occupation at the Putnam site in the upper Hudson Valley between sites as evidence for Paleoindian mobility ranges. (see fi gure 2.5). Farther east, Michaud / Neponset point sites occupy the eastern Champlain Basin, the middle- upper Sites and Site Typologies Connecticut Valley, southern Maine, and southern Que- To date, avocational and professional archaeologists have bec. In some cases, these Middle Paleoindian sites are dis- investigated eleven sites in the Hudson Valley of eastern tinguished by repeated occupation of discrete landscapes. New York (table 2.2) and a limited number of sites in ad- Terminal fl uted point sites with Cormier / Nicholas bifaces jacent areas (see fi gure 2.5). Typically, these sites consist of display a more restricted distribution focused in southern one to fi ve small occupation areas (as defi ned by artifact Maine, northern New Hampshire, and northwestern Ver- concentrations) and yield a range of formal and expedient mont (Lothrop et al. 2011). stone tools and fl aking debris, suggesting residential camps. Late Paleoindian. Sites producing nonfl uted, lanceolate Map review of these site locations off ers some obvious Late Paleoindian points are also rare in eastern New York, trends in physiographic and topographic setting. All of the represented only by the Lower Saranac site in Clinton sites listed in table 2.2 lie in Hudson- Mohawk Lowlands; County (Hartgen 1991). Ste. Anne / Varney points at this lo- of these, three sites (West Athens Hill, Dutchess Quarry cality attest to Late Paleoindian occupation of a high terrace Caves 1 and 8, and Putnam) are situated on ridgetops formed from deltaic sediments originally deposited by the overlooking Hudson valley bottoms. North of the Hud- ancestral Saranac River into the regressing Champlain Sea. son Valley, the Early Paleoindian Davis site and the Late Elsewhere in the Far Northeast, Late Paleoindian sites with Paleoindian Lower Saranac site are the only New York sites Agate Basin–related and Ste. Anne / Varney points appear to located on the western shore of the former Champlain Sea. concentrate in northern New England and southern Que- To the west, few sites are recorded for the Appalachian Pla- bec (Bradley et al. 2008:Figures 23, 26). This northern focus teau along New York’s Southern Tier. for Late Paleoindian sites similar distributions in Current perceptions of Paleoindian settlement in east- the eastern Great Lakes (Ellis 2004b; Ellis and Deller 1990; ern New York are conditioned by the research of Ritchie Jackson 2004). and Funk. From the 1950s into the new millennium, as Taken together, these site location data suggest that sites were discovered and documented, and sometimes in- Paleoindian occupations in eastern New York were heavi- vestigated, Ritchie and Funk incrementally built models of est during Early Paleoindian colonization and settling in Paleoindian site types and settlement strategies, with inter- across the region. During both Middle Paleoindian and pretations of new discoveries infl uenced by earlier fi ndings. Late Paleoindian times, occupation of the region may have Ritchie’s early studies of the Davis and Potts sites re- been less intensive, perhaps refl ecting Paleoindian settle- corded small Paleoindian encampments in the Champlain ment focused farther east. Lowlands and Ontario Plain (Ritchie 1969). This was fol- lowed by Funk’s important early excavations in 1966 and 1969 at the West Athens Hill site in the middle Hudson FLUTED POINTS AND Valley (Funk 1973). Excavations at this ridgetop setting, SITES: IMPLICATIONS FOR west of the Hudson River, revealed three Paleoindian oc- PALEOINDIAN SETTLEMENT cupation areas. Funk’s recovery of (1) toolstone reduction Here we review available data from eastern New York re- debris adjoining worked outcrops of Normanskill chert lated to Paleoindian settlement adaptations. We begin with and (2) a range of unifacial tool forms led him to interpret an overview of published sites for the region and their im- West Athens Hill as a multipurpose site where Paleoindians 20 Lothrop and Bradley

Table .. Settlement Characteristics of Hudson Valley Paleoindian Sites (sorted north- south)

Physiographic Drainage / Components / No. Occup. Site Region Host Landform Drainage Basin Point Forms* Areas Site “Function” Source

Corditaipe Hudson- outwash terrace Mohawk / EP / BB- WAH 5 residential Funk and Well- Mohawk Hudson man 1984 Lowlands Putnam Hudson- terrace Saranac / MP / Crowfi eld? ? indeterminate Funk and Walsh Mohawk Hudson 1988 Lowlands Sundler Hudson- l. Pleistocene Hudson EP / BB- WAH? Multiple residential Bradley et al. Mohawk dune fi eld 2010; Ritchie Lowlands 1957 Kings Road Hudson- l. Pleistocene Hudson EP / KR-W 1 residential / quarry Funk et al. 1969; Mohawk lakebed reduction Weinman and Lowlands Weinman 1978 Swale Hudson- l. Pleistocene Hudson EP / KR-W 3? residential / quarry Funk et al. 1969; Mohawk lakebed reduction Weinman and Lowlands Weinman 1978 West Athens Hudson- ridgetop / terrace Hudson EP / KR- W and 3 residential / quarry Funk 1973, 1976, Hill Mohawk strath? BB- WAH reduction 2004 Lowlands Railroad 1 Hudson- l. Pleistocene Hudson EP or MP 1? residential / quarry Funk 1976, 2004 Mohawk lakebed reduction Lowlands Twin Fields Hudson- l. Pleistocene Wallkill / EP / KR- W 1? residential Eisenberg 1978 Mohawk terrace Hudson Lowlands Zappavigna Hudson- Drumlin Wallkill / EP / KR- W and 1 residential Funk et al. 2003 Mohawk Hudson BB- WAH? Lowlands Dutchess Hudson- Wallkill / MP / M- N 2 residential? Funk and Stead- Quarry 1 Mohawk Hudson man 1994 and 8 Lowlands Port Mobil Coastal Plain l. Pleistocene Arthur Kill / EP / KR- W 2? residential Kraft 1977 Lowlands terrace Hudson

*EP, Early Paleoindian; MP, Middle Paleoindian; LP, Late Paleoindian; KR- W, Kings Road / Whipple point component; BB- WAH, Bull Brook / West Athens Hill point component; M- N, Michaud / Neponset point component.

engaged in chert extraction and reduction during residen- Funk returned to this locality to excavate a second reentrant tial encampments at this important toolstone source. containing Paleoindian material, Dutchess Quarry Cave 8 Shortly thereafter, early investigations by the Orange (Funk and Steadman 1994). County chapter of the New York State Archaeological As- In the late 1960s, Tom and Paul Weinman discovered sociation and the New York State Museum at Dutchess and surface- collected the Kings Road site, collaborating Quarry Cave 1 in southeastern New York led to the “pre- with Funk to document a major fl uted point encampment sumed association” between fl uted points and late Pleis- in bottomlands near West Athens Hill, on the bed of glacial tocene fauna, including caribou (Funk et al. 1970). Later, Lake Albany (Funk 1976; Funk et al. 1969; Weinman and Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 21

Weinman 1978). Later, the Weinman brothers identifi ed an- (1976:206) to conclude (and we agree) that a strong case other early Paleoindian occupation area adjacent to Kings can be made for a fl uted point occupation at the Railroad 1. Road, designated the Swale site. These two sites consist of As at the ridgetop setting of West Athens Hill, the three extensive occupation areas that yielded a range of unifacial valley bottom sites—Kings Road, Swale, and Railroad 1— tool forms suggesting residential activities, but they also produced tool forms suggestive of residential encamp- produced evidence of early- through late- stage reduction ments, along with quarried chert blocks from nearby out- of Normanskill chert, using quarried blocks brought to crops and debris from early- through late-stage reduction of the site from nearby outcrops. Recent analysis of the Kings Normanskill chert. By 1973 these discoveries and fi ndings Road and Swale collections indicates that both sites contain at other eastern New York Paleoindian sites led Ritchie and Early Paleoindian Kings Road / Whipple points (Bradley Funk (1973) to formulate a Paleoindian settlement model et al. 2007). Kings Road and Swale do diff er in their relative for eastern New York, later refi ned by Funk (1976, 2004). proportion of local Normanskill chert versus imported jas- In their initial formulation, they dichotomized quarry per toolstone, suggesting that, although culturally related, workshop sites such as West Athens Hill versus open- air they may not have been occupied simultaneously. Although encampments like Potts and Davis. designated as separate sites, Kings Road and Swale are per- In 1973 and 1974, Leonard Eisenberg directed a fi eld haps best viewed as a local complex of sites that would school at the Twin Fields site in Ulster County in the lower include the nearby Scott Farm chert quarries, document- Hudson Valley (Eisenberg 1978:Appendix). The brief site ing focused occupations by Early Paleoindians in this part report indicates that, in addition to Archaic and Wood- of the Hudson Valley. Notably, the bottomland setting of land occupations, systematic excavations recorded an Early Kings Road and Swale as quarry- related reduction station Paleoindian occupation in the western sector of the site. and habitation areas contrasts with the hilltop location of Twin Fields is a near-surface site located on a high Pleisto- West Athens Hill. cene terrace overlooking a tributary of the Wallkill River. In 1966 avocational archaeologist John McCashion dis- Based on raw material and morphology, Eisenberg (1978) covered another bottomland locality, located between West segregated 121 Paleoindian tools from the site assemblage. Athens Hill and the Hudson River, designated the Rail- Recent review of this collection indicates that diagnostics road 1 site (see fi gure 2.5). As briefl y mentioned by Funk include a Kings Road / Whipple fl uted point base of jasper (1976:206), the Railroad site was surface- collected by Mc- and a second fl uted point tip of chert. Paleoindian unifacial Cashion on several occasions between 1966 and 1972, af- tools are common and include endscrapers, sidescrapers, ter which the site was disturbed by earthmoving activities. gravers, and utilized fl akes (fi gures 2.9, 2.10). Toolstone is Diagnostic artifacts included a fl uted point broken by a re- dominated by Normanskill chert, with smaller amounts of verse hinge fracture during fl uting, the latter found mostly probable Pennsylvania jasper and other regional Devonian on the eastern margin of the site. Other bifaces recovered or Ordovician cherts. from the site include early- through late-stage production With accumulating data on fl uted points sites in east- failures whose similarities to biface rejects at West Athens ern New York, Funk (1976, 1977) continued to distinguish Hill suggest a fl uted point manufacturing sequence. Other quarry workshops at outcrops (exemplifi ed by West Athens fi nds included and tabular abrading stones, Hill), open- air encampments (“hunting camps”—Davis, blocky cores, and reduction debris (fi gure 2.7). Unifacial Potts, and Kings Road (Swale had not yet been docu- tools recovered by McCashion included endscrapers and mented), and rockshelters, exemplifi ed by the Dutchess sidescrapers with morphologies similar to those at regional Quarry Caves 1 and 8. He did note the seemingly hybrid fl uted point sites (fi gure 2.8). Viewed collectively, the uni- nature of the Kings Road site, yielding evidence for both facial tool forms, the biface reduction sequence, and the residential occupations and quarry- related toolstone re- toolstone reduction implements of tabular abrading stones duction, but in a bottomland setting removed from chert found at the Railroad 1 site bear similarities to equivalent outcrops. classes at West Athens Hill and Kings Road, leading Funk Funk and Wellman (1984) reported on the Corditaipe 22 Lothrop and Bradley

2.6. Railroad 1 site, bifaces. Left to right: two middle- stage bifaces, distal fragments; fl uted point base, broken by plunging fl ute removal (all Normanskill chert).

2.8. Railroad 1 site, unifacial tools. Top row, left to right: 2.7. Railroad 1 site, evidence of toolstone reduction. Top row, left to sidescrapers with bits on left, right, and oblique lateral mar- right: and tabular abrader (both sandstone). Bottom gins (all Normanskill chert). Bottom row: endscrapers (all row, left to right: Exhausted polyhedral core and large biface (possible Normanskill chert); (on specimen on right, note reworking core) (both Normanskill chert). of base to create narrow unifacial bit). site in Oneida County, discovered by Noel Strobino on a (Zappavigna, Potts, Davis), implying to him procurement stream tributary terrace near the headwaters of the Mo- of diff erent resources. hawk. Investigations documented fi ve Paleoindian occupa- With hindsight, we off er brief comment on these ini- tion areas and both unifacial and bifacial tools made on tial Paleoindian settlement models. First, lacking radio- Devonian cherts from the nearby Onondaga escarpment. carbon dates and a regional Paleoindian point sequence, Perhaps refl ecting a perceived scarcity of Paleoindian sites the Ritchie and Funk models necessarily collapsed all sites in the vicinity, Funk and Wellman characterized Corditaipe into a single time frame, potentially obscuring any tem- as a small “isolated” Paleoindian campsite, “reminiscent of poral variation in settlement. Refl ecting Funk’s intensive Davis, Port Mobil, and other relatively small sites in the research at West Athens Hill, these models distinguish be- Northeast” (Funk and Wellman 1984:72, 76). In his fi nal tween quarry workshop stations at outcrops and all other synthesis, Funk (2004:115) further distinguished open-air sites, again potentially obscuring some variation between residential sites associated with larger streams (Port Mo- these sites and the settlement poses they represent. Finally, bil, Twin Fields, Corditaipe) from those near smaller creeks several of the sites used for these modeling eff orts (e.g., Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 23

Davis) were never intensively investigated, handicapping assessments of settlement behavior. As context for future research, we note some implica- tions of the settlement data from these investigated sites. First, with a relative chronology (Bradley et al. 2008), we can weigh possible evidence for temporal change in settle- ment behaviors. We note Funk’s view of the West Athens Hill site (1976, 1977, 2004) as a unique upland toolstone extraction and reduction station that also served as a resi- dential camp for entire Paleoindian social units. Perhaps because of their bottomland settings and physical separa- tion from exploited chert outcrops, he viewed the Kings 2.9. Twin Fields site, fl uted points and endscrapers. Top row, left to right: fl uted point base, Kings Road / Whipple form (jasper), Road, Swale, and Railroad 1 sites as primarily open- air resi- fl uted point tip (unidentifi ed chert). Bottom row: endscrapers; dential encampments where toolstone reduction also took note double lateral notches on specimen 1 (specimens 1–3, Nor- place. As with West Athens Hill, however, all three of these manskill chert; 4, jasper; 5, indeterminate chert). sites witnessed early- through late- stage reduction of quar- ried Normanskill chert. In contrast to West Athens Hill, Paleoindian visitors at Kings Road, Swale, and Railroad 1 brought blocks of toolstone from nearby outcrops, reduc- ing them in these valley bottom encampments. As noted, Paleoindian occupation at Kings Road and Swale appears to be primarily associated with Kings Road / Whipple points (Bradley et al. 2007). Our preliminary re- analysis shows that West Athens Hill produced both Kings Road / Whipple and Bull Brook / West Athens Hill points, although fi nished examples of the latter appear to be more common. In this light, fl uted point occupations at Kings Road and Swale may partially predate the most intensive occupations at West Athens Hill. The possibility that this signals changes through time in Early Paleoindian tool- stone procurement and settlement in the middle Hudson Valley requires further evaluation. Funk (1976, 1977, 2004) highlighted Dutchess Quarry Caves 1 and 8 as unique examples of Paleoindian rockshel- ter occupations in the Hudson Valley. In retrospect, we can consider why this is still true today. Excavations of rock- 2.10. Twin Fields site, gravers, sidescrapers, and utilized fl akes. shelter / cave deposits elsewhere in the Hudson Valley region Top row, left to right: 1, graver on biface fl ake (Normanskill by Funk (1976) and others (Funk 1989) record a redundant chert); 2, 3, gravers on fl akes from polyhedral cores (indetermi- nate chert); 4, combination graver and double- bit, convergent pattern of mostly Middle / Late Archaic and Woodland oc- sidescraper on biface fl ake (Normanskill chert). Middle row, cupations, typically with Archaic materials appearing in the left to right: Sidescrapers on fl akes from polyhedral cores; 1, 2, lowermost cultural strata. By contrast, at Dutchess Quarry single- bit examples; 3, double- bit, convergent sidescraper (1, jas- Caves 1 and 8, the original entrances to the caves had par- per; 2, indeterminate chert; 3, Normanskill chert). Bottom row, left to right: 1, 2, utilized fl akes on biface- derived fl akes; 3, pièce tially (Cave 1) or completely collapsed (Cave 8). At Cave esquillée (1, jasper; 2, 3, Normanskill chert). 8, excavators sampled deposits from what likely was the 24 Lothrop and Bradley middle or rear portions of the original cave; this could ex- plain the absence of toolstone fl aking debris in the recov- ered artifact sample (Funk and Steadman 1994). Rockshelters and caves have fi nite life spans dictated by local geology. This begins with formation of the reentrant, a horizontal cavity that enlarges over time, ultimately leading to roof fall collapse and burial of the entrance. By way of example, in ’s Périgord region (where limestone bed- rock prevails) the average life span for rockshelters is circa 25,000 years (Farrand 2001). Archaeological investigations in eastern New York suggest that the cycles of cave and rockshelter development in the Hudson Valley’s Devonian and Ordovician bedrock—from onset of reentrant forma- tion to roof fall collapse—may average perhaps 10,000 cal- endar years or less. Thus, most caves or rockshelters that formed after deglaciation may have long since suff ered roof fall collapses, with talus burying the original entrance to the cave or rockshelter. Although the Hudson Valley could harbor Paleoindian archaeological remains in other rock- shelters or caves, such sites may well be obscured by ta- lus and perhaps are detectable only with targeted remote sensing methods such as ground- penetrating radar. Indeed, investigators discovered Dutchess Quarry Cave 8 only af- ter electrical resistivity survey revealed this residual cavity (Funk and Steadman 1994). Recent reanalysis of the Sundler sites collection from Albany County hints at the potential for greater diversity in site locations and Paleoindian land use strategies in the 2.11. Sundler sites, selected tools. Top row, left to right: graver and sidescraper (both jasper). Bottom row, left to right: re- Hudson Valley (Bradley et al. 2010). Avocational archaeolo- worked fl uted point, Bull Brook / West Athens Hill or Michaud / gist Carl Sundler discovered the Sundler sites in the 1950s Neponset form (spherulitic rhyolite), fl uted point midsection in the Albany Dunes complex, west of Albany. Covering (unidentifi ed chert). 125 km, this late Pleistocene sand plain formed after Lake Albany drained to a lower level, perhaps during the four- New Hampshire geological source (Pollock et al. 2008) teenth millennium cal BP (Cadwell and Dineen 1987; Do- (fi gure 2.11). This fl uted point appears to be a retipped base nahue 1977) (see fi gure 2.3). of either an Early Paleoindian Bull Brook / West Athens Hill Ritchie (1957:86, Plates 2A, 11) briefl y reported on or Middle Paleoindian Michaud / Neponset form, suggest- Sundler’s discoveries on these “sand fl ats,” noting recovery ing Paleoindian occupation of this sand plain sometime of two fl uted points and three unifacial tools. In 2008 re- between circa 12,700 and 11,800 cal BP. analysis of the Sundler collection at the New York State The Sundler sites collection also includes endscrapers, Museum revealed a much larger assemblage of Paleoindian sidescrapers, combination end- and sidescrapers, fl ake grav- chert and jasper tools, from at least three recorded locations ers, and possible pièces esquillées. These tools are mostly in the Albany Dunes complex (Bradley et al. 2010). Of the made of Devonian and Ordovician Normanskill cherts two fl uted points, most notable is a complete but reworked from the Hudson Valley but also include likely examples specimen of spherulitic rhyolite, likely from a northern of Pennsylvania jasper (Bradley et al. 2010) (see fi gure 2.11). Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 25

Why would Paleoindians have frequented dune fi eld set- in the vicinity. Rosenmeier et al. (this volume) and Ber- tings such as Sundler? Today, remnant undisturbed portions nard et al. (2011) describe the Debert- Belmont site clus- of the Albany Dunes consist of rolling terrain, pocked with ter in Nova Scotia; during the Younger Dryas, these sites small ponds. The modern ecological communities there were situated on a periglacial landscape near small, reacti- consist primarily of pitch pine–scrub oak barrens and pitch vated glaciers. In the Yukon, recent discoveries of stratifi ed pine–oak forest, refl ecting the sandy, well-drained character caribou dung and still- hafted prehistoric weaponry, found of most of this dune fi eld landscape. Vernal ponds, found melting out of ice patches (Farnell et al. 2004; Hare et al. in depressions between individual dunes, are seasonally re- 2004), document a long-term association between caribou charged by groundwater and support wetlands fl ora. This prey and prehistoric hunters at these northern ice patch set- combination of xeric forest types and vernal pond settings tings. These fi nds off er a seasonal caribou predation model in the Albany Dunes is highly unusual in New York and for Paleoindian occupation of the Debert- Belmont com- the broader Northeast (Barnes 2003:28–32). During the plex and also remind us that some attributes that made Younger Dryas, this dunefi eld landscape may have also har- certain landscapes attractive in prehistory may not be im- bored unique suites of plant and animal resources distinct mediately evident today. from those found on the clayey proglacial lakebed settings To gauge patterns of colonization and Paleoindian land that dominate the Hudson Valley bottomlands. Impor- use strategies at regional and continental scales, archaeolo- tantly, the Sundler sites lie in a subregion—the Mohawk- gists are increasingly also turning to databases of fl uted and Hudson confl uence—that previously held little evidence late Paleoindian point distributions, typically assembled at of Paleoindian occupation. Looking eastward, fl uted point the state level (Anderson et al. 2010). In New York, this ef- occupations of late Pleistocene dune fi elds are well known fort began with Ritchie’s 1957 report, Traces of Early Man in in the neighboring middle Connecticut Valley, suggest- the Northeast. For the next thirty- fi ve years, the New York ing that fl uted point groups were indeed attracted to these State Museum actively maintained a data fi le on fl uted dune fi eld settings (Binzen 2005; Chilton et al. 2005; Cur- point distributions for New York, reported most recently ran and Dincauze 1977; Gramly 1998; Lothrop and Cre- by Beth Wellman (1982). Accessible today at the Paleo- meens 2010). From this standpoint, the Sundler sites sug- indian Database of the Americas (PIDBA) (http: // pidba gest that in the Hudson Valley Paleoindians likely practiced .utk .edu / main .htm), these data consist of fl uted point fre- a broader suite of land use strategies that we are only just quencies per New York county (along with county land area beginning to recognize. in square miles) as of 1982. Although clearly in need of up- dating, these data off er another view on Paleoindian land Fluted Points and Favored Landscapes use in New York. Across the Far Northeast, archaeologists have recently ob- Wellman (1982) reported counts of one or more fl uted served that many Paleoindian sites appear to cluster in dis- points in forty- seven of New York’s sixty- two counties. At tinctive settings, perhaps suggesting key resource areas for the county level, these frequencies range from a high of Paleoindian populations (Bradley et al. 2008:119; Lothrop forty- seven recorded for Greene County down to single et al. 2011). In the mid- Hudson Valley, the West Athens Hill, specimens each for twelve New York counties. Those fi f- Kings Road, Swale, and Railroad 1 sites represent one such teen counties lacking recorded fl uted points appear across cluster. As noted above, in Massachusetts and Connecticut all subregions of New York, but there is a notable absence recorded Paleoindian sites cluster on late Pleistocene dune of fl uted points on the east side of the middle Hudson in fi elds in the middle Connecticut Valley. Spiess et al. (this the four contiguous counties of Rensselaer, Columbia, volume) report fl uted point site clusters in Maine’s upper Dutchess, and Putnam and on the east side of the lower Magalloway Valley and on the Kennebec Sand Plain. Bois- Hudson in the contiguous counties of Bronx, New York, vert (this volume) documents fl uted point site concentra- and Kings. These distributional gaps led Ritchie (1957) tions on deglacial terrain fronting the White Mountains of early on to suggest that the east side of the Hudson Valley northern New Hampshire, with regional rhyolite sources was largely uninhabited by Paleoindians (see below). 26 Lothrop and Bradley

Based on a total land area for New York of 47,126 square tigated site. By this method, Greene County (with 41 points miles (122,056 km), the 290 fl uted points yield a statewide reported from two investigated sites) yielded a standardized density of 0.006 fl uted points per square mile (0.0024 point count of 8 (47 – 41 = 6 + 1 + 1 = 8). points per km). With Wellman’s data standardized in this manner, fl uted We converted the raw fl uted point counts by county point frequencies per county range up to a more modest to density values by dividing each county’s fl uted point high of 17 each for Orange and Onondaga counties. Con- frequency by its area in square miles. This yields densities verting these raw counts to density values as before yields ranging from a high of 0.073 fl uted points per square mile densities ranging up to a high of 0.068 fl uted points per for Greene County down to 0.001 fl uted points square mile square mile for Richmond County (Staten Island, New for Sullivan County in southeastern New York. Table 2.3 York). This step also yielded a much lower ranking for lists the ten counties with highest point densities, based on Greene County. these raw counts and sorted by rank order. Figure 2.12 shows the distribution of counties with the There are, to be sure, undeniable biases in these data. ten highest standardized densities, with stars marking their For example, at some excavated sites (e.g., West Athens geographic centroids. Although using 1982- vintage data, Hill; Funk 2004), investigators included unfi nished fl uted these locations of peak fl uted point density in eastern New preforms in their point counts—strictly speaking, manu- York provide a useful counterpoint to recorded Paleoindian facturing rejects, not fi nished fl uted points. Also, as Well- site locations. As with site distributions, seven of the ten man (1982:39) notes, these site investigations themselves in counties with high fl uted point densities intersect physio- eff ect infl ated fl uted point counts for a handful of coun- graphic lowlands (Erie- Ontario, Hudson- Mohawk, Atlan- ties. Thus, of the 47 points reported for Greene County, tic Coastal). But unlike the site distributions, two counties 38 derive from the West Athens Hill site and three from with high fl uted point densities—Chenango and Otsego— Kings Road. To minimize the eff ect of such biases, we stan- occupy the Appalachian Plateau, and Fulton County dardized these data so that counties with investigated sites straddles the Adirondack Highlands and Hudson- Mohawk would not unduly infl uence geographic patterning. We did Lowlands subprovinces. so by subtracting fl uted point counts for individual sites Taken together, Wellman’s 1982 data attest to Paleo- from the respective county total and then assigning (and indian use of certain highland settings as well as lake plain adding back in) a count of one fl uted point for each inves- and valley lowlands. Notably, there is no strong signal for

Table .. Rank Order of Ten New York Counties with Highest Fluted Point Densities

Fluted Fluted Density Fluted Fluted Density Physiographic County Area Point Count Points / mi. Rank Order Point Count Points / mi. Rank Order County Region* (mi.) (raw counts) (raw counts) (Raw counts) (standardized) (standardized) (standardized)**

Greene HML and AP 648 47 0.073 1 8 0.012 8a Richmond ACL 59 20 0.034 2 4 0.068 1 Orange HML 826 19 0.023 3 17 0.021 3 Onondaga EOL and AP 784 17 0.022 4 17 0.022 2 Chenango AP 897 16 0.018 5 16 0.018 4 Otsego AP 1004 17 0.016 6a 17 0.017 5 Fulton AH and HML 497 8 0.016 6b 8 0.016 6 Cayuga EOL and AP 695 9 0.013 7a 9 0.013 7a Wayne EOL 605 8 0.013 7b 8 0.013 7b Suff olk ACL 911 11 0.012 8 11 0.012 8b

Data from Wellman (1982). *ACL, Atlantic Coastal Lowlands; EOL, Erie Ontario Lowlands; HML, Hudson- Mohawk Lowlands; AP, Appalachian Plateau; AH, Adirondack Highlands. **See fi gure 2.12. Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 27

2.12. County centroids and rank order for ten New York counties with highest fl uted point densities, using standardized Wellman (1982) data.

Paleoindian use of the northern Adirondacks or the western resources of the “Black Dirt” region in Orange County’s shore of the former Champlain Sea (e.g., Essex County in Wallkill Valley attracted colonizing and later fl uted point the eastern Adirondacks yields a density value of only 0.004 groups. Because of its position fronting the Narrows of the fl uted points per square mile). This is somewhat counter late Pleistocene Lower Hudson, Richmond County (mod- to our expectations, given F. Robinson’s (this volume) sub- ern Staten Island) may have also harbored unique resource stantial evidence for Early through Late Paleoindian land suites in the late Pleistocene. In central New York, peak use along the eastern shore of the Champlain Sea in Ver- densities in Onondaga, Cayuga, and Wayne counties may mont. This discrepancy could simply refl ect underrepresen- relate to terrestrial resources of the Erie- Ontario Plain. On tation of fl uted point counts for the Champlain Lowlands the Appalachian Plateau, high fl uted point densities in of New York in Wellman’s 1982 data. Chenango and Otsego counties may partly refl ect use of What do the Wellman (1982) data tell us about New York the upper Susquehanna Valley as a travel corridor between landscapes that were favored by Paleoindians? In the mid- eastern Pennsylvania and eastern New York. Hudson Valley proper, the density peak in Greene County That said, these fl uted point distributional data and reinforces the notion that Paleoindians regularly exploited the implied trends for Paleoindian land use must be taken that area’s outcrops of Ordovician Normanskill and De- with several grains of salt. Wellman herself (1982:39) men- vonian cherts (see fi gure 2.12). For southeastern New York tions other sources of bias, noting, for example, that high we might speculate that late Pleistocene plant or animal fl uted point densities for Chenango and Otsego counties 28 Lothrop and Bradley were likely infl ated by Whitney’s (1977) systematic record- Museum fl uted point survey as the New York Paleoindian ing of Paleoindians artifacts in the Upper Susquehanna / Database Project (NYPID) (Lothrop 2009). Our fi rst goal Chenango drainage. Further, the higher densities of fl uted is comprehensive recording of locations and attributes of points reported by Wellman (1982) for central and eastern Paleoindian bifaces across New York. Like PIDBA, a web New York counties surely refl ect Ritchie and Funk’s long- page will help to solicit information, provide access to data term research focus in these areas (and their reporting net- for researchers, and disseminate new fi ndings (www.nysm work of mostly avocational archaeologists). More recent .nysed .gov / nypid / index .html). The collective eff orts of studies of Paleoindian sites in western New York now reveal avo cational and professional archaeologists will help to re- substantial late Pleistocene occupation in this part of the fi ne our understanding of variation in Paleoindian bifaces state (e.g., Gramly 1988, 1998; Laub 2003; Tankersley 1994, and land use strategies through time across New York. 1995; Tankersley et al. 1997) (see fi gure 2.5). Wellman’s 1982 data on fl uted point distributions are useful for suggesting Toolstone and Paleoindian Mobility some provisional trends, but reports of recent discoveries For more than fi fty years, northeastern archaeologists have in eastern New York (e.g., Ashton 1994; Bradley et al. 2010; debated the implications of toolstone variation in Paleo- Funk and Walsh 1988; Funk et al. 2003; Jamison 1996; Lake indian assemblages. With only rare exceptions (Moeller 2003; Levine 1989; Rush et al. 2003; Schackne 2005) em- 1980), for nearly all analyzed sites in the glacial Northeast phasize the need to update this information. cortical surfaces on stone tools and fl aking debris point Schackne’s 2005 study of Paleoindian site and point dis- to acquisition from primary outcrop sources (Ellis 1989, tributions in the mid- Hudson / Wallkill valleys exemplifi es 2008; Lothrop 1989; Petersen 2004; Spiess 2002; Spiess new insights from recent point discoveries. Importantly, et al. 1998:239). This contrasts with locations farther south, her study area includes counties on the east side of the such as the Mid- Atlantic Coastal Plain, where Paleoindian Hudson River—previously terra incognita for Paleoindian groups had to rely on secondary cobble materials as the occupation. Prior to this study, no sites or isolated fi nds only available toolstone (Custer et al. 1983). had been documented on the east bank of the middle Hud- In turn, most researchers see the raw material profi les son, leading Ritchie (1957:11) and Dincauze and Jacobson from these Paleoindian sites as evidence for direct procure- (2001:122) to view this reach of the Hudson River not as a ment of the most common toolstone varieties (as opposed corridor but as a barrier that prevented Paleoindians from to acquisition by exchange or other indirect means) (Ellis inhabiting the east side of the valley. Schackne (2005) re- 2008, 2011). Along these lines, Meltzer (1989) fi nds no per- ports new discoveries by Ted Filli and others of fl uted and suasive evidence for systematic exchange of large quanti- late Paleoindian bifaces at fi ve locales in Columbia County. ties of cherts among eastern Paleoindian groups, consistent These data suggest signifi cant Paleoindian occupation on with the notion that these peoples acquired most toolstone the east side of the Hudson valley, a fi nding predicted by by direct procurement. Funk (2004:115). Where toolstone profi les at northeastern Paleoindian For her larger mid-Hudson / Wallkill valley data set, sites consist of more than one raw material type, we sug- Schackne (2005) sees a potential association between Paleo- gest that the majority and fi rst-tier minority lithic types indian occupations and lakebed deposits or relic shorelines most likely represent direct procurement. Second- , third- , of the terminal (Fort Ann) low stage of Lake Albany. She or fourth- tier minority raw materials could variously re- notes that Paleoindians were perhaps keying on ecotonal fl ect (1) direct procurement, (2) indirect “acquisition” due settings at these lakebed deposits. Her fi ndings reinforce to shifts in band membership via mating networks, (3) de- the need to synthesize new locational data on Paleoindian liberate exchange, or (4) some combination of these (Ellis sites and isolated fi nds and to consider environmental fac- 2011; Lothrop 1989; Petersen 2004). tors beyond chert outcrops to better understand late Pleis- In the glaciated Northeast, early and middle Paleoindian tocene settlement in the New York region. sites are often located at distances of 200–300 miles from With this in mind, we have restarted the New York State presumed geological sources of artifact toolstone, leading Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 29

to the prevailing interpretation of extensive annual mobil- that the presence of probable eastern Pennsylvania jasper as ity that we favor (e.g., Bradley and Boudreau 2006; Burke a minority raw material at some Hudson Valley sites signi- 2006; Ellis 1989, 2008, 2011; Goodyear 1989; Gramly 1988; fi ed a progressive northward shift through time of annual Lothrop 1989; Petersen 2004). Typically, absence or scarcity ranges. In this scenario, Paleoindian groups inhabiting east- of cobble cortex on tool surfaces also indicates that, where ern Pennsylvania fi rst explored the Hudson Valley on an raw materials are found south of their geological sources, intermittent or seasonal basis and later transitioned to an- this cannot be explained by glacial transport. Gardner nual ranges more focused on eastern New York. Although (1989, 2002) draws a distinction between Paleoindian mo- Funk (1976:224–225, 2004) remained unconvinced, we see bility in the glacial Northeast and in the unglaciated South- this scenario as still persuasive. east, south of Pennsylvania. Biomes in these southern late Gramly (1988:267–270, Figure 1) compared likely source Pleistocene landscapes were fundamentally diff erent and locations of Ordovician and Devonian toolstone to Early supported settlement strategies with more limited residen- Paleoindian site proveniences in New York and northern tial mobility. Pennsylvania and hypothesized “band territories” for early Some researchers suggest that Paleoindians of the Far Paleoindians extending (1) from eastern Ohio to western Northeast procured toolstone by logistically organized task New York; (2) from central New York to central Pennsyl- groups, meaning that raw material profi les for individual vania; and (3) from the eastern Ontario Plain to the lower sites may overestimate annual ranges of residential groups Hudson Valley. This last region is based on the distribution (Spiess 2002; Spiess and Wilson 1989). The wide range of of Normanskill chert on Paleoindian sites extending along tool classes documented at quarry reduction–related sites the length of the Hudson Valley and up the Mohawk to the like West Athens Hill, Kings Road, and Swale, indicating Ontario Plain. Bradley and Boudreau (2006) note the pres- occupations by entire residential units, suggests to us that, ence of probable Normanskill chert in fl uted point assem- at least for early Paleoindians in eastern New York, tool- blages in eastern Massachusetts and suggest annual ranges stone procurement was likely embedded in larger seasonal for Early-Middle Paleoindian groups extending from the patterns of residential mobility. Ellis (2011) argues that this Hudson Valley east to the near- Atlantic coast. pattern of embedded rather than logistical procurement of Table 2.4 qualitatively summarizes provisional Early and toolstone applied to early Paleoindians in both the eastern Middle Paleoindian evidence for (1) major chert sources Great Lakes and Far Northeast. exploited within New York, (2) extraregional cherts im- Witthoft (1952) and Ritchie (1957) were the fi rst re- ported to New York, and (3) New York cherts exported to searchers to ponder how to interpret imported toolstone other regions. For cases where fl uted point groups likely on New York Paleoindian sites. Ritchie (1957:11) suggested imported toolstone into the New York region, much of the

Table .. Transport of Paleoindian Toolstone into and from the New York Region

Imported Exported Toolstone (probable Regional Toolstone and Region (Province)* source / region) Toolstone Destination Region Primary Source

Western New York (EOL) Upper Mercer, Vanport Devonian Devonian (“W. Onondaga”) to Gramly 1988 (eastern OH) Susquehanna Valley Central New York (EOL Jasper (eastern PA) Devonian Devonian (Onondaga) to Funk 2004, 1993:173–179; and AP) Susquehanna Valley Whitney 1977; Gramly 1988 Eastern New York (HML) Jasper (eastern PA) Normanskill, Devonian Normanskill (Far Northeast Bradley and Boudreau 2006; and mid- Atlantic; see table 2.5) Funk 2004; Gramly 1988, 1998; Spiess et al. 1998

*EOL, Erie Ontario Lowlands; AP, Appalachian Plateau; HML, Hudson- Mohawk Lowlands 30 Lothrop and Bradley movement seems to be on a southwest- to- northeast axis. This proportional decline in Pennsylvania jasper, from This includes Ohio cherts imported eastward via the Ohio presumed older site occupations (represented by Kings Valley and jaspers carried from eastern Pennsylvania into Road / Whipple points) to later encampments (Bull Brook / the upper Susquehanna and Hudson valleys. West Athens Hill bifaces), could signal reduced access Table 2.5 lists the reported presence of Normanskill chert through time to sources of this eastern Pennsylvania tool- artifacts at fl uted point sites across the Far Northeast and stone. As Ritchie (1957:11) suggested, this could refl ect mid- Atlantic regions. These data suggest that Normanskill earlier colonizing visits from eastern Pennsylvania into the chert was transported up to 400 km from its Hudson Valley Hudson Valley, followed later by northward range shift for source outcrops: north and east to sites in the Connecticut Paleoindian groups into eastern New York and beyond, and Androscoggin valleys and near- coastal Atlantic areas; with less frequent return forays to eastern Pennsylvania. north and south along the Hudson- Champlain corridor; and west and south along the Susquehanna and Delaware PALEOINDIAN drainages. These reported identifi cations of Normanskill chert largely rely on macroscopic criteria, but recent sourc- Archaeologists have traditionally focused on the nonperish- ing analyses by Burke and colleagues confi rm transport of able component of Paleoindian technology—fl aked stone this chert circa 250 km east from the Hudson Valley to the tools and debris—but rare discoveries reveal some organic Bull Brook site, where it is the most common lithic raw elements of late Pleistocene material culture. Discoveries at material (Robinson et al. 2009:426–427). Likewise, petro- the site in northwestern Ohio (Tankersley graphic analysis indicates transport of Normanskill chert 2004:54–59) and at Clovis sites in Florida and the South- 325 km west to the Kilmer site in Steuben County, western west provide a window into a potentially wide range of New York (Tankersley et al. 1996). Though more compre- bone and ivory artifacts (Bradley et al. 2010:114–132). hensive geological sourcing is needed to confi rm this ap- With two possible exceptions, such discoveries are virtu- parent pattern, these provisional data suggest that Paleo- ally unknown for Paleoindian sites in the glaciated North- indians transported Normanskill chert artifacts from the east. Kellogg (2003:114–115) reports the recovery of a pos- Hudson Valley to many destinations on the late Pleistocene sible worked antler fragment from the Neal Garrison site landscape, both within and beyond the Far Northeast. This in York County, Maine. This specimen displays a possible interpretation highlights the strategic role of the Hudson barb remnant and could represent an atlatl hook, similar Valley in the late Pleistocene, not only as an interregional to another candidate observed by Spiess in the Bull Brook toolstone source but also as a portal for Paleoindian resi- collection. In western New York, excavations at the His- dential movements into the Far Northeast. cock site have recovered possible tools of mastodon bone For a handful of eastern New York sites, we can compare and ivory (Laub et al. 1996; Tomenchuk 2003), although relative dating and raw material profi les to detect possible Haynes (2002:127–128) expresses concern about the cul- changes in toolstone use and mobility over time. Especially tural status of some specimens. The Hiscock site has also useful in this regard are Funk’s (2004:Tables 42, 43) fre- yielded possible evidence of textile or basketry that may quency data on imported toolstone for Hudson Valley sites associate with late Pleistocene human activities at the site (based on visual classifi cation). We isolated a single minor- (Adovasio et al. 2003). ity raw material—Pennsylvania jasper—and calculated its Our current knowledge of Early-Middle Paleoindian percentage of all toolstone for fi ve sites (table 2.6). Those stone technology in New York stems from artifact samples sites with Kings Road / Whipple point forms (Twin Fields, recovered at a few quarry reduction–related sites (on or Kings Road, Swale) show higher percentages of jasper, near toolstone outcrops) and from other residential sites ranging from 8.07 to 44.13 percent. By contrast, presum- removed from toolstone sources. Regardless of distance ably later sites with mostly Bull Brook / West Athens Hill bi- from source, eastern New York fl uted point sites have faces (West Athens Hill areas A and B, Corditaipe) yielded yielded biface and classes of formal and expedient far fewer tools of jasper, ranging from 0.68 to 3.11 percent. tools (Funk 2004; Funk and Wellman 1984; Funk et al. Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 31

Table .. Investigated Paleoindian Sites with Reported Artifacts of Normanskill Group Cherts

Distance from Normanskill Hudson Valley Direction of Chert: Outcrops to Movement from Proportion Components / Point Site County / State Site (km) Hudson Valley of Sample* Forms** Source

Atlantic Drainage Basin Dam Kennebec 375 northeast minor EP / BB- WAH Spiess et al. 1998 County, ME Michaud Androscoggin 350 northeast minor MP / M- N Spiess et al. 1998 County, ME Hedden York County, 350 northeast minor EP or MP Spiess et al. 1998 ME Bull Brook Essex County, 250 east major EP / BB- WAH Robinson et al. 2009 MA Wapanucket 8 Plymouth 225 east minor EP / BB- WAH Bradley and County, MA MP / M- N Boudreau 2008 Neponset Norfolk 225 east minor MP / M- N Spiess et al. 1998 County, MA Hidden Creek New London 150 southeast minor MP / C- N Spiess et al. 1998 County, CT

Merrimack Drainage Basin Shattuck Farm Essex County, 225 east minor MP / Crowfi eld- related Spiess et al. 1998 MA

Androscoggin Drainage Basin Vail Oxford 400 northeast major EP / Vail- Debert Spiess et al. 1998; County, ME Gramly, pers. comm., 2010

Connecticut Drainage Basin Jackson- Gore Windsor 200 northeast minor MP / M- N Crock and Robinson County, VT 2009 DEDIC Franklin 100 east minor EP / KR- W Gramly 1998 County, MA

Thames River Drainage Basin Liebman Windham 100 southeast major MP / M- N? Spiess et al. 1998 County, CT

Champlain Basin Reagen Grand Isle, VT 300 north minor MP / Crowfi eld, C-N Robinson 2009 LP / Ste. Anne / Varney Fairfax Sandblows Grand Isle, VT 275 north minor MP / M- N Robinson and Crock 2008 Mahan Chittenden, 250 north minor EP / BB- WAH Jess Robinson, pers. VT comm., 2010 Davis Essex County, 225 north minor EP / BB- WAH Funk 2004; Bradley NY et al. 2008

Mohawk- Hudson Drainage Basin Corditaipe Oneida 225 northwest minor EP / BB- WAH? Funk and Wellman County, NY 1984 32 Lothrop and Bradley

Table .. continued from previous page

Distance from Normanskill Hudson Valley Direction of Chert: Outcrops to Movement from Proportion Components / Point Site County / State Site (km) Hudson Valley of Sample* Forms** Source

Sundler Albany 50 north minor EP / BB- WAH? Bradley et al. 2010 County, NY Kings Road / Swale Greene <1 na major EP / KR- W Funk 2004 County, NY West Athens Hill Greene 0 na major EP / KR- W and Funk 2004 County, NY BB- WAH Railroad Greene <1 na major EP or MP? Funk 1976 County, NY Twin Fields Ulster County, 100 south major EP / KR- W Funk 2004 NY Port Mobil Richmond 200 south minor EP / KR- W Funk 2004 County, NY

Ontario Drainage Basin Potts Oswego 250 northwest minor EP / Gainey Lothrop 1989 County, NY MP / Barnes Toad Harbor Oswego 250 northwest minor EP / Gainey or Butler? Bradley, unpublished County, NY fi les

Delaware Drainage Basin Beaver Lodge Delaware 150 southwest major EP or MP / Fluted Rudler 2006 County, NY Pocono Lake Monroe 200 southwest minor MP / Barnes? Carr and Adovasio County, PA 2002; Fogelman and Lantz 2006 Plenge Warren 200 southwest minor EP / “Clovis”? Kraft 1973 County, NJ Poirier Northhampton 225 southwest minor EP / “Clovis” Fogelman and County, PA Poirier 1990; Carr and Adovasio 2002

Susquehanna Drainage Basin Kilmer Steuben 325 west minor EP / Gainey Tankersley et al. County, NY LP / Holcombe, Hi- Lo 1996 36Su25 Bradford 275 southwest minor EP or MP / Fluted Lothrop et al. 2008 County, PA Warrior Spring Lycoming 300 southwest minor EP / “Clovis” Fogleman 1988; County, PA Carr and Adovasio 2002 Saginaw York County, 400 southwest minor EP / “Clovis” and Gramly 2009; Fogel- PA Cumberland man and Lantz 2006 Higgins Anne Arundel 450 southwest minor EP or MP / Fluted Ebright 1989, 1992 County, MD

*major, most common raw material; minor, minority raw material. **EP, Early Paleoindian; MP, Middle Paleoindian; LP, Late Paleoindian; KR- W, Kings Road / Whipple point component; BB- WAH, Bull Brook / West Athens Hill point component; M-N, Michaud / Neponset point component; C- N, Cormier / Nicholas point component. Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 33

Table .. Frequency of Jasper Tools Found at Selected Fluted Point Sites in the Hudson- Mohawk Lowlands

% Jasper of Site Primary Component* Total Tool Count Jasper Tool Count Total Tool Count Rank Order

Swale KR- W 247 109 44.13 1 Twin Fields KR- W 121 15 12.39 2 Kings Road KR- W 384 31 8.07 3 Corditaipe BB- WAH 161 5 3.11 4 West Athens Hill, BB- WAH 1308 9 0.68 5 areas A and B West Athens Hill, BB- WAH 1153 1 0.08 6 area C

From Funk (2004:Tables 42, 43). *KR- W, Kings Road / Whipple point component; BB- WAH, Bull Brook / West Athens Hill point component.

2003; Gramly and Lothrop 1984; Lothrop 1988). At a gen- cupations. Conversely, miniature fl uted points made on eral level, these morphological artifact types are similar to channel fl akes, beveled bifaces, backed bifaces, and hafted those found at sites across the Far Northeast (Spiess et al. perforators are present at Parkhill sites but absent at Gainey 1998) and in the eastern Great Lakes (Ellis and Deller 1997; sites. Beveled and backed bifaces are recorded for Crowfi eld Gramly 1988). Biface types include fi nished fl uted points, sites, but points on channel fl akes and hafted perforators failed preforms, possible “backed” bifaces, and, rarely, large are not. platter- like bifaces. Other formal tools consist of hafted In the New York region, we are just beginning to iden- and hand-held with distal and lateral working tify less common tool forms which, along with fl uted bi- edges (end- and sidescrapers). Unhafted expedient tools, faces, may be markers for Paleoindian occupations. Narrow made on higher- grade toolstone and with likely short use endscrapers and hafted perforators, for example, have been lives, include fl ake gravers and utilized fl akes. Expedient noted (Lothrop 1988; Lothrop and Gramly 1984). More- implements of rough stone may also be present in small over, we are uncertain as to what extent morphological tool numbers (e.g., Gramly and Lothrop 1984). At some sites types correlate with the point sequences defi ned for the pièces esquillées are recorded, although not commonly, and eastern Great Lakes and Far Northeast. Analysis and report- the functions of these bipolar artifacts remain uncertain ing of systematically recovered collections will ultimately (Lothrop and Gramly 1982; Shott 1989, 1999). place us on fi rmer ground. Ellis and Deller (1988) have recorded rare as well as more Paleoindian sites in New York and the Far Northeast common Paleoindian tool forms in southwestern Ontario. have a role in larger debates about the organizational nature They argue that the distinctive morphologies on several of of late Pleistocene technology in North America and how the less common tool forms (e.g., narrow and off set end- this technology was mediated by mobility strategies, tool- scrapers, hafted perforators, backed bifaces, backed and stone procurement, and other factors. For North America, snapped tools) suggest functional specifi city—a persuasive Parry and Kelly (1987) have argued that Paleoindian prac- working hypothesis, testable with use wear and residue stud- tices of standardized core reduction and reliance on por- ies. Functional issues aside, Ellis and Deller (1997:Table 5) table biface cores enabled high residential mobility. Kelly demonstrate that several of these rare tool forms are diag- and Todd (1988) further suggest that reliance on a portable nostic of Paleoindian occupation in southwestern Ontario biface technology allowed Paleoindians to maximize the and in some cases are markers for individual phases rep- utility of their transported stone (although some research- resented by the Gainey- Barnes- Crowfi eld point sequence. ers dispute elements of this model, e.g., Bamforth [2002]; For example, pièces esquillées are present on Gainey sites Prasciunas [2007]). Some researchers have proposed simi- but not on later Barnes (Parkhill) and Crowfi eld phase oc- lar models of Paleoindian technology for the Far Northeast 34 Lothrop and Bradley and mid- Atlantic regions, suggesting a reliance on biface attributes show that early Paleoindians made most formal cores to support high residential mobility (e.g., MacDonald tools on blanks generated from tabular or block cores at 1968; Parry 1989; Verrey 1986). the lithic source, carrying them away from quarry- related Viewed through the prism of eastern North America, sites near lithic sources (Deller and Ellis 1992; Ellis 1984; Goodyear (1989) argued that the Paleoindian practice of Lothrop 1989). At Potts only expedient, short use life tools high mobility created logistical and situational risks—that like fl ake gravers and utilized fl akes were produced, pri- is, not having the necessary tools (or toolstone to make marily from bifaces during on-site reduction of preforms tools) at disparate task locations. In this context, he ar- to fi nished fl uted points (Lothrop 1989). Experimental re- gued that the Paleoindian emphasis on high-quality tool- search supports these fi ndings, showing that biface cores stone provided the solution, permitting Paleoindians to are not the most effi cient producers of fl ake tool blanks create portable, fl exible technologies in which tools could (Prasciunas 2007). be recycled or reworked into new tool forms as situations Recent studies of early Paleoindian assemblages in the demanded. Hudson Valley support some elements of this basic model. Organizational studies of fl uted point assemblages in Funk (2004) shows how Paleoindians at West Athens Hill the eastern Great Lakes have considered evidence for fl uted reduced bifaces from early- stage forms to fl uted points and point stone technology as products of advance planning preforms. Bradley et al. (2007) document a similar reduc- (e.g., Deller and Ellis 1992; Ellis 2008; Lothrop 1989). tion sequence for bifaces at Kings Road and Swale and a These analyses suggest that Early-Middle Paleoindians ad- separate sequence whereby Paleoindians systematically re- hered to a highly segmented reduction sequence to produce duced angular or blocky cores, yielding thick, expanding, standardized tool blanks and preforms for specifi c morpho- and sometimes bladelike fl akes for unifacial tool blanks. logical tool types. At quarry- related sites, Paleoindians per- At the same time, these studies remind us of the po- formed early- through late-stage reduction, in part to mini- tential for regional variability in organizational aspects mize the weight of the transported toolkit. Departing these of this fl uted point technology. For example, a 2010 pre- quarry- related sites, Paleoindians took away stocks of fi n- liminary reanalysis of the Twin Fields collection (Eisenberg ished tools, standardized tool blanks, and biface preforms, 1978) shows that fl ake gravers there were manufactured on thereby ensuring suffi cient numbers of stone tools and tool both blanks from blocky or tabular or cores and on fl akes blanks of appropriate form for later use until the next lithic from bifaces. Further, these graver bits sometimes appear source visit. This planned production of the transported on tools with sidescraper working edges (see fi gure 2.10, toolkit at the lithic source, including fi nished as well as un- top row). Such observations highlight potential for inter- fi nished tools and blanks, likely provided the fl exibility for regional variation in these late Pleistocene technologies and future tool- using activities. reinforce the need for comparable analyses of Paleoindian What role did large bifaces play in Paleoindian stone sites to detect technological variation across space and time. technology? These artifacts—sometimes referred to as Early Paleoindians in eastern New York may have also “platter-like bifaces”—are found rarely on sites in New used complementary strategies such as utilitarian or “secu- York and the broader region (e.g., Gramly and Lothrop lar” caching (sensu Deller et al. 2009) to ensure availabil- 1984:Figure 5c; Spiess 1990:68–72). This large biface form ity of usable stone tools between visits to lithic sources. is also distinguished by very high width- to- thickness ratios Upwards of twenty caches of Clovis stone tools have been of 10:1 or greater and, where discovered, may be diagnostic recorded in the Midwest and West (Beck and Jones 2010). of early Paleoindian occupations in the Far Northeast. Meltzer (2002:38–39, 2004:128) argues that such caching of Counter to the traditional technological model, how- stone artifacts was important for Clovis groups colonizing ever, organizational analyses of some eastern Great Lakes new regions where toolstone sources were not yet known. sites suggests that, after departing toolstone sources, Pa- Alternatively, Haynes (2002:261–262) and Storck and To- leoindians did not rely on these large portable bifaces as menchuk (1990) propose that the caches per- primary sources for tool blanks. Rather, remnant blank haps served to even out the patchy distribution of toolstone Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 35 across annual ranges, after groups had become familiar with Waguespack and Surovell 2003) or generalist foragers (Byers source locations. Where recorded, caches may imply repeti- and Ugan 2005; Cannon and Meltzer 2004; Dincauze 1993; tive land use or the existence of true home ranges for some Walker and Driskell 2007). For decades, the view of Paleo- Clovis groups (Haynes 2002:261). In this perspective, cach- indians as specialized hunters has supported the interpre- ing provides a means for “provisioning the landscape” as a tation that human overkill led to end- Pleistocene extinc- sort of toolstone insurance policy, perhaps both during and tions of megafauna (e.g., Martin 1967, 1984; Surovell and after colonization. Waguespack 2009). In the broader Northeast, recorded examples of Paleo- Collins (2007) suggests that in the southern High Plains indian caches are relatively rare (Beck and Jones 2010). In there is generally accepted evidence for Folsom as a special- the eastern Great Lakes these include probable caches of ized - hunting subsistence base, but faunal evidence fl uted points at the Lamb site (Gramly 1998) and Thed- for earlier Clovis occupations at several sites documents ford II site (Deller and Ellis 1992); a cache of unifacial tools a diverse subsistence base which, along with hunting of and blanks at the Udora site (Storck and Tomenchuk 1990); mammoth, bison, and horse, included other large- to- small and a group of large bifaces in the Hatt cache (Beck and mammals, reptiles, birds, fi sh, and amphibians as prey. He Jones 2010). suggests that the earliest Paleoindians on the southern High We are aware of one confi rmed lithic cache associated Plains were indeed generalist foragers, more akin in this with fl uted point groups in the Far Northeast, discovered regard to mid-Holocene Archaic groups than to Folsom at the DEDIC (Sugarloaf ) site (Gramly 1998). The Azis- bison hunters. cohos biface and a second large biface, reportedly found Closer to home, Gingerich (2011) reviews evidence for together in northwestern Maine, could represent a second Paleoindian subsistence in the upper Delaware Valley at cache, but uncertainty surrounding this discovery makes its the Minisink site and concludes that there is a assessment problematic (Spiess 1990). The stone tool cache compelling case for consumption of berries and nuts, and at the DEDIC site weighs 960 g and includes a fl uted point perhaps fi sh, at this site. He cautions, however, that in preform, an unfi nished fl uted point (broken in fl uting), isolation these data are insuffi cient to conclude that early and 31 additional implements, consisting mostly of fl ake Paleoindians in the upper Delaware Valley were generalist blanks, each of which could be transformed into a formal foragers (Gingerich 2011:141). tool (Gramly 1998). Several specimens in this early Paleo- Clearly, future debates on this matter need to avoid indian cache are likely made of Normanskill chert from monolithic characterizations and to recognize the poten- source outcrops 100 km to the west in the Hudson Valley. tial for variability in Paleoindian subsistence strategies at Unlike broken tools discarded at a camp site, caches such diff erent spatial scales (Cannon and Meltzer 2010), across as DEDIC provide a unique glimpse of some elements of time, and seasonally. For example, subsistence practices at toolkits that Paleoindians likely carried away from quarry Shawnee Minisink circa 12,900 cal BP may have diff ered reduction sites such as Kings Road and Swale. Future dis- signifi cantly from those of Early Paleoindians who perhaps coveries may shed new light on the relative importance of only a few generations later colonized the very diff erent caching for Paleoindian groups in New York and the glacial Younger Dryas landscapes of eastern New York and the Far Northeast. Northeast. Direct subsistence data for Early and Middle Paleo- indian sites in New York and the broader Northeast remain PALEOINDIAN SUBSISTENCE limited (Spiess et al. 1998). Much discussion has focused on ADAPTATIONS possible hunting of large herd animals, especially caribou. Long- running debates over subsistence adaptations for Based on climatic and vegetational shifts in the late Pleisto- North American Paleoindians have focused largely on High cene, Newby et al. (2005) propose that during the Younger Plains data sets and tended to dichotomize Paleoindians Dryas ecological and vegetational changes fostered habi- as either specialist hunters of megafauna (Haynes 2002; tats favorable to caribou in the Far Northeast. A handful of 36 Lothrop and Bradley sites in southern Ontario and elsewhere have yielded faunal and Kay 1988; Laub 2003), leaving persistent questions remains of this species, as well as cervid (Robinson et al. about the nature of human- mastodon interaction in New 2009; Storck and Spiess 1994). Gramly (1982, 1984, 2010) York and the broader Northeast. provides a strong circumstantial case for hunting of herd Robinson and coworkers link the late Pleistocene de- animals (presumed caribou) at the Vail site in northwestern cline of megafauna (primarily mastodon) in southeastern Maine. Other proxy evidence for caribou procurement (as New York to human impacts (Robinson et al. 2005; Rob- well as other mammalian species) derives from residue anal- inson and Burney 2008). They rely on radiocarbon- dated ysis of fl uted points at the in eastern Ohio pollen cores to track paleoenvironmental change versus two (Seeman et al. 2008). As Storck and Spiess (1994:136) note, proxy measures in these cores: frequencies of the dung fun- across space and time, and seasonally, Paleoindians could gus spore genus Sporormiella (presumed to be a measure of have engaged in a range of strategies for caribou hunting, megaherbivore abundance), and frequencies of microscopic from focused to opportunistic. charcoal (a gauge of local late Pleistocene fi re frequency Faunal evidence for other mammalian prey species in or intensity). At four study sites, Robinson and colleagues the Northeast (perhaps not subsistence related) includes reported a decrease in Sporormiella abundance at circa remains of beaver, arctic fox, and arctic hare (Storck and 14,000 cal BP, which they interpret as evidence of mast- Spiess 1994). Dincauze and Jacobson (2001) speculate odon population decline because of overkill hunting by hu- about the importance of migratory birds for Paleoindians mans (prior to fi nal extinction ca. 12,000–11,500 cal BP). in the Maritimes far northeast. To date, the only possible They record subsequent increases in charcoal frequency evidence for avian exploitation is the reported recovery of in pollen cores and interpret this as indicating intentional turkey feather fi bers from a rock cluster feature attributed landscape burning by early humans, which further stressed to the fl uted point component at the Higgins site, located mastodon populations. They conclude that humans were on the Western Shore of Maryland (Ebright 1989, 1992). the prime agent in late Pleistocene mastodon extinctions Unconfi rmed reports of fi sh remains at Shawnee Minisink in southeastern New York. (Dent 2007; Gingerich 2011) are consistent with fossil evi- This research is reviewed in more detail elsewhere (Fe- dence for fi sh populations colonizing ponds and streams in ranec et al. 2011). Here, we simply note that there is no northern New Jersey from Atlantic refugia, beginning circa cultural evidence, in southeastern New York or the rest of 14,500 cal BP (Daniels and Peteet 1998; Peteet et al. 1993). the Far Northeast, for human colonization prior to about In New York, archaeological excavations at Dutchess 12,900 cal BP (Bradley et al. 2008; Steadman et al. 1997). Quarry Caves 1 and 8, located in the uplands of Orange Without archaeological evidence for a human presence at County, yielded Paleoindian and Archaic artifacts, along 14,000 cal BP (when they suggest overkill hunting of mast- with late Pleistocene and Holocene faunal remains, the for- odons begins), their extinction argument is diffi cult for us mer including caribou, fl at-headed peccary, and giant bea- to accept. ver (Funk and Steadman 1994). Older-than- expected AMS Western New York has also produced abundant evi- radiocarbon dates for these late Pleistocene fauna led the dence of late Pleistocene megafauna. Genesee County investigators to conclude that the faunal materials predated likely records the second- highest concentration of fossil the Paleoindian archaeological remains and were not associ- mastodons in New York, due in part to long-term inves- ated (Steadman et al. 1997). tigations at the Hiscock paleontological and archaeologi- The Wallkill Valley’s “Black Dirt” region in southeastern cal site (Laub 2002, 2003; Laub et al. 1988). Excavations New York contains a rich record of late Pleistocene fossil at Hiscock have recovered mastodon most commonly, as mammals. Orange County records one of the highest con- well as stag moose, caribou, and giant beaver. Geochemi- centrations of fossil mastodons in North America, to date cal analyses suggest that mastodons were attracted to this numbering at least 41 specimens (Thompson et al. 2008). site because of its salt spring vents (Ponomarenko and But east of the Mississippi, widely accepted evidence for Telka 2003). Hiscock also bears evidence of human use early Paleoindian predation of mastodon is slim (Graham and probable human- mastodon interaction. Late Pleisto- Paleoindian Occupations in the Hudson Valley 37 cene stone artifacts found at Hiscock include Gainey- like fi nds across New York and the Far Northeast. This, in turn, fl uted points, a spurred endscraper, a scraper fragment, and has shifted our focus away from viewing individual sites in a sandstone bead (Ellis et al. 2003; Laub 2002). Distinctive isolation toward more comprehensive studies of sites and modifi cations to fl uted point foresections include notch- isolated fi nds, helping to reveal both landscape use and ing on lateral margins of four points; microwear analysis other adaptive behaviors. suggests that these modifi ed points were used for hide and Concurrent with building a more robust archaeological ligament slicing—a subset of butchering activities. The database, a veritable revolution has occurred in our under- current interpretation holds that Paleoindians visited His- standing of the region’s environmental context. This in- cock to scavenge dead or dying mastodons (Ellis et al. 2003; cludes more precise dating for ice retreat, the formation and Laub and Spiess 2003). draining of glacial lakes and the Champlain Sea, and other This more nuanced perspective on Paleoindian- mastodon large- scale events which, literally, reshaped the New York interactions fi nds support in Haynes’s (2002:209–212, landscape, setting the stage for human colonization. Little 2006:20–25) actualistic fi eld studies on elephants in Africa. of this information was available to Ritchie and Funk, and There, proboscidea create trail networks between water- thanks to our earth scientist colleagues we now see that holes, forage locations, and other resource areas. These trail many of these events occurred much closer in time to the networks become deeply incised in the landscape and are arrival of the fi rst human colonizers than was previously easy for humans to follow. Further, dung boluses left on thought. these trails by moving elephants can provide detailed infor- Adding to our understanding of the late Pleistocene mation on when elephants last used the trail; their direction landscape, major advances in the study of pollen and plant and speed at that time; and the age, size, and health of these macrofossils have made it possible to reconstruct plant individuals. If mastodons created similar trail networks in communities and even biomes in a way not possible before late Pleistocene New York, this could have provided hu- now. As well, many of these studies have come together man foragers with detailed, time-sensitive information on to give us an increasingly fi ne grained understanding of possible mastodon prey or scavengeable carcasses at loca- the Younger Dryas climatic reversal (12,900–11,600 cal tions like Hiscock. Haynes’s studies, together with recent BP), with even glimpses into its subregional variability in fi ndings at Hiscock, suggest that this site is probably not terms of both temperature and moisture and the resulting unique on the New York landscape, and that similar locali- eff ects on tree and plant and faunal communities. Taken ties await discovery. together, this progressively more detailed record of the late Pleistocene environment provides a far better foundation on which the archaeological data from the period can be SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS: modeled for both New York and the broader region. REGIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON Another signifi cant change in Paleoindian studies has THE HUDSON VALLEY AND been a move toward interpreting the archaeological data EASTERN NEW YORK from New York in these broader regional contexts. As both Until recently, the work of William Ritchie, Robert Funk, the archaeological and environmental records have become and their associates has been the primary basis for our un- more robust, so has our ability to defi ne more precise geo- derstanding of Paleoindians in New York State. However, graphic, temporal, and technological frameworks. over the past twenty years several factors have begun to alter From a statewide perspective, we see that New York’s our interpretations of the Pleistocene- Holocene transition Paleoindian data do not easily fall into neat geographic cat- in northeastern North America and how human coloniza- egories. However, in a context of regional patterns many of tion and settlement fi t into that complex set of environ- the more puzzling issues fall away. The New York region mental changes. is actually split between two, and perhaps three, distinct A primary factor has been the recent discovery and geographic and cultural regions: to the east, the Far North- increased reporting of new Paleoindian sites and isolated east region includes the Mohawk / Hudson and Champlain 38 Lothrop and Bradley lowlands of New York; to the west, the eastern Great Lakes Ciccone. Many other archaeologists freely shared data and region incorporates the Erie-Ontario Lowlands. It may be insights, including Dick Boisvert, Jeff Boudreau, Adrian that during Paleoindian occupations the Southern Tier of Burke, Ray Decker, Joe Diamond, Chris Ellis, Ted Filli, the Appalachian Plateau (including the upper Susquehanna Gary Fogelman, Mike Gramly, Gary Haynes, Jack Holland, and Delaware drainages) actually bore stronger cultural Dick Laub, Jess Robinson, Patterson Schackne, Art Spiess, connections with the mid- Atlantic region to the south. At Fred Stevens, Ken Tankersley, Stan Vanderlaan, Nina Ver- present, it seems safe to say that what we now call eastern saggi, and Tom Weinman. Several earth scientist colleagues, New York State served as the late Pleistocene gateway to the in particular Bob Feranec, Andy Kozlowski, Ed Landing, Far Northeast and that all the major corridors that provided Norton Miller, Paige Newby, John Rayburn, and Chuck access to and from lands farther east ran through it. As our Ver Straeten, off ered their key perspectives on the natural data sets grow stronger and regional collaborations (embod- history of New York. At the New York State Museum, John ied by this volume) strengthen, our understanding of these Hart and Penny Drooker ensured institutional support for late Pleistocene cultural dynamics will certainly improve. this research. The museum’s archaeology collections staff Returning to the eastern New York focus of this chap- (Andrea Lain, Ralph Rataul, Molly Scofi eld, Jim Walsh, ter, to us this review highlights the potential for variation Susan Winchell- Sweeney, and Meredith Younge) and vol- in Paleoindian adaptations and their material remains. In unteers (Charlene Capillino, John Hammer, and Brittni an earlier review of northeastern Paleoindian research, Ellis Laterza) assisted us with study of collections. A fi nal thanks (1994) remarked on what he saw as a too frequent lack of to Claude Chapdelaine and reviewers Chris Ellis and Kurt concern with variability through time and space, leading to Carr for editorial comments. We dedicate this chapter to homogenized interpretations of late Pleistocene lifeways. the late Robert E. Funk and the late James B. Petersen; their He stressed the need to “actively seek out variability in the own Paleoindian research provided critical foundations on archaeological record and carefully delimit the scope of our which to build. generalizations” (1994:416). This extended to methods of investigation and analysis, including the need to (1) explore diff erent kinds of sites, (2) identify variability in artifact as- REFERENCES semblages through space and time, (3) refi ne both relative Adovasio, James, Richard S. Laub, Jeff rey S. Illingworth, John H. and absolute dating chronologies, and (4) collaborate more McAndrews, and David C. Hyland. 2003. 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the Great Lakes, ed. P. F. Karrow and P. E. Calkin, 231–229. Redmond, Brian G., and Kenneth B. Tankersley. 2005. Evidence Geological Association of Canada Special Paper 30. Geo- of Early Paleoindian Bone Modifi cation and Use at Sher- logical Survey of Canada, Ottawa. iden Cave Site (33Wy252), Wyandotte County, Ohio. Newby, Paige, and James Bradley. 2007. Post-Glacial Landscape American Antiquity 70:503–526. Changes and Paleoamericans in the New England Mari- Richard, Pierre J. H., and Serge Occhietti. 2005. C Chronol- times Region. Current Research in the Pleistocene 24:16–18. ogy for Ice Retreat and Inception of Champlain Sea in the Newby, Paige, James Bradley, Arthur Spiess, Brian Shuman, and St. Lawrence Lowlands, Canada. Quaternary Research 63: Philip Leduc. 2005. A Paleoindian Response to Younger 353–358. Dryas Climate Change. Quaternary Science Reviews Ridge, John C. 2003. The Last Deglaciation of the Northeastern 24:141–154. 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Maritime Mountaineers

Paleoindian Settlement Patterns on the West Coast of New England

John G. Crock and Francis W. Robinson IV

his chapter provides a brief description of the ma- by numerous dated sites in the Northeast, provides locally jority of the recorded Paleoindian sites and well- relevant relative dates for projectile point forms once only Tdocumented fl uted point fi nds in Vermont. The comparable to point types identifi ed in western North intent is to provide an overview of the cultural affi liation, America and the Great Lakes region (e.g., Deller and Ellis settlement type, content, and location of sites and fi nds 1992; Ellis and Deller 1997). for the purposes of understanding human colonization and When the fi rst Paleoindian sites in Vermont were dis- early settlement in the region. The sources of this informa- covered they were, by necessity, interpreted through the tion include the Vermont Archaeological Inventory (VAI) lens of historic precedents in the western United States maintained by the Vermont Division for Historic Preser- (Ritchie 1953, 1957, 1969). Although comparisons across vation (VDHP), unpublished technical reports, our own North American assemblages still pertain to some degree, research, in addition to published articles and books. Sum- regional data, particularly including the refi ned typology maries of several sites are formally published here for the proposed by Bradley and others (2008), are suffi cient to fi rst time. allow a meaningful treatment of Paleoindian settlement One of the unfortunate features of the Vermont Paleo- within a geographically restricted area. This chapter repre- indian site inventory is an almost complete lack of radio- sents the fi rst real update of the inventory of Paleoindian metrically dated sites. With the exception of one dated site sites in Vermont since Loring’s (1980) seminal paper ex- marking the beginning of the Early Archaic period, all the ploring the association between Paleoindian sites and the sites presented herein are attributed to the Early, Middle, Champlain Sea. We have (thankfully) made signifi cant or Late Paleoindian periods based on relative dates derived progress in many areas since the publication of Loring’s from comparative stone tool morphology. Projectile points paper thirty years ago. are used exclusively to avoid more tentative attributions. First, as discussed in detail in F. Robinson’s chapter 10, Bradley et al.’s (2008) Paleoindian projectile point chro- the inception and duration of the Champlain Sea have been nology for the Far Northeast region is used to assign sites revised signifi cantly to include a substantial or perhaps even to temporal subperiods. Their excellent work, anchored complete overlap with the dates of Paleoindian presence

48 Maritime Mountaineers 49 in Vermont (e.g., Cronin et al. 2008; Rayburn et al. 2005, hand (Lavin and Prothero 1987; Robinson and Crock 2008; 2007; Richard and Occhietti 2005; Ridge 2003; Ridge Thomas and Robinson 1980). Other than anecdotal reports et al. 1999; Rodrigues 1988). This body of work substanti- of some Woodland period scraping tools being made from ates Ritchie’s originally proposed (1957, 1969) and Loring’s this material, however, there is little evidence of Colchester (1980) presumed association between Paleoindian popu- jasper being used by Native American groups from any rec- lations and the inland ocean. In parallel, several sites in ognized precontact period. More recently, the Munsungun the Far Northeast have been radiocarbon- dated, and those chert quarry has been geologically examined (Pollock 1987; dates, properly calibrated, provide a more rigorous typol- Pollock et al. 1999) and archaeologically explored (Bon- ogy for Paleoindian stone tools in the region (Bradley et al. nichsen 1982) and is now recognized as perhaps the most 2008). Paleoenvironmental reconstructions for New Eng- heavily utilized chert source in northern New England land also have shown that the landscape was not the barren during the Early Paleoindian period (Pollock et al. 1999; tundra once thought but rather well forested (e.g., Newby Spiess et al. 1998). A similar increase in knowledge has oc- et al. 2005). This work enables an updated view of the natu- curred for rhyolite quarried in New Hampshire. Though ral environment in which Paleoindians lived, one that was a quarry for the material at Mount Jasper in Berlin has more diverse and more productive than once thought. been known for over a century (Gramly 1977, 1980, 1984; Second, several Paleoindian sites also have been system- Gramly and Cox 1976; Pollock et al. 2008), only recently atically excavated by professionals, providing archaeological was the material determined to be the source of the spheru- context and associated tools and materials to expand our litic rhyolite common in Paleoindian assemblages (Boisvert knowledge of Paleoindian sites beyond spot fi nds of fl uted 1992; Pollock et al. 2008; Spiess et al. 1998). More recently, points. Within the past two decades, two Early Paleoindian Boisvert (1998) discovered similar rhyolite exposures in Jef- and at least four Late Paleoindian sites in Vermont have ferson, New Hampshire, which also appear to have been been identifi ed as a result of systematic studies within pro- utilized by Paleoindian groups. Although Mount Jasper fessional, regulatory contexts. This increases by 400 percent rhyolite and the Jeff erson rhyolite are similar and are likely the number of Late Paleoindian sites known prior to 1990, of a similar geological age, there are demonstrable petro- when it was thought that, barring the enigma of Reagen, graphic diff erences and a signifi cant geographic distance Vermont was largely uninhabited during this period. This between them (Pollock et al. 2008). Material from one or systematic work also has generated highly valuable artifact both of these sources appears in both Early and Late Paleo- associations and distributions as well as accurate locational indian contexts in Vermont. information, thus adding critical settlement pattern data to Beyond those sites reported herein, several other re- the previously known Paleoindian site inventory. corded sites likely date to Paleoindian periods based on Third, the identifi cation of raw material sources has fl uted points in collections and reports of fl uted point re- improved dramatically as a result of both technological ad- coveries. For the purposes of this chapter, however, spot vances and increased communication between researchers fi nds without clearly defi ned, verifi ed provenience are not in the region. These data are essential to the reconstruc- discussed, including several Vermont fl uted points with less tion of interregional travel and interaction, moving from specifi c provenience reported by Loring (1980). In addition, speculation to more accurate and quantifi able assessments. there are numerous sites in the VAI listed as Paleoindian For example, many artifacts once thought to have been which, upon closer scrutiny, have not yielded artifacts made of a local (Colchester, Vermont) red “jasper” at the that unequivocally can be assigned to Paleoindian periods. time Loring (1980) published his work are presently in- For example, there are recorded sites for which tentative terpreted as more likely attributable to source locations at associations have been made based on tool types such as Munsungun Lake in northern Maine. Through the 1970s spurred scrapers, the presence of certain exotic raw materi- and 1980s, fi ne- grained red material found in Vermont as- als that correlate well with early sites in Vermont, or sites’ semblages was believed to be from a Jasper quarry source in environmental settings (e.g., high terraces on the edges of Colchester, primarily because the source seemed so close at major river valleys). Although these sites may likely date 50 Crock and Robinson

3.1. Map of Vermont showing the location of Paleoindian sites and spot fi nds discussed in the chapter and the estimated Champlain Sea paleoshoreline at its maximum. Sites and fi nds are numbered in order of mention in the text: 1, Mahan; 2, Reynolds; 3, Bishop; 4, ; 5, Leicester Flats; 6, Bristol Pond; 7, Jackson- Gore; 8, Reagen; 9, Fairfax Sandblows; 10, Hinsdale; 11–12, Little Otter Creek; 13, Lake Salem; 14, VT- AD- 679; 15, Auclair; 16, VT- CH- 230; 17, Paquette 2; 18, South Hero; 19, Mazza; 20, Arbor Gardens; 21, Arnold Brook; 22, Otter Creek 2; 23, Winooski Redevelopment; 24, Bessette II; 25, VT- OR- 89 (base map source: Vermont Center for Geographic Information).

to one or another Paleoindian subperiod, they remain less here as unequivocally attributable to the Early, Middle, or than certain attributions. Still other sites listed as dating Late Paleoindian periods based on the presence of specifi c to the Paleoindian period in the VAI are not included here projectile point types confi rmed by our inspection or for because their temporal assignment could not be supported which illustrations and reliable, verifi ed provenience infor- by our own fi rsthand examination of the artifacts. These in- mation exist (fi gure 3.1). clude several sites, for example, where basally thinned trian- Rather than a truly representative sample of settlement gular points are cited as temporally diagnostic of the Paleo- patterns from this period, the distribution of sites statewide indian periods. Most of these forms likely date to more is admittedly more a product of where regulatory surveys recent eras, including instances where Levanna tri angles and artifact collecting have taken place. Clearly, many early with basal thinning are misinterpreted as fl uted points by sites have been lost and still more sites remain unidenti- site reporters. fi ed, particularly in less-developed portions of the state. A total of twenty- fi ve sites / fi nds in Vermont are included The inventory is lacking well- documented Paleoindian pe- Maritime Mountaineers 51 riod sites on the Vermont side of the upper Connecticut remarkable ability of Paleoindians to respond to profound River drainage, for example, and, based on sites such as environmental changes in relatively short order, as does Colebrook (see Boisvert, this volume), this appears to be a their adaptation later on to the water body’s transition to a sampling issue on the Vermont side of the valley. Despite freshwater lake. the gaps in the record, the locations of presently known sites provide a representative sample and do show a clear mahan site (vt- ch- 197) association with a narrow range of environmental settings The Mahan site is the largest known Paleoindian site in including, for example, the boundaries of the Champlain Vermont and also the most extensively excavated. The site Sea (Loring 1980; F. Robinson, this volume), relict glacial is located in Williston on a peninsula of land which, based ponds and “kettles,” valley edge terraces along major rivers, on its elevation, once may have extended into an embay- secondary stream valleys, and upland transportation cor- ment along the eastern shore of the Champlain Sea (see ridors. The inventory of sites reported here is but a snap- fi gure 3.1, site 1). The site is situated on a gentle slope on shot in time, presented with the understanding that this the south side of a knoll at an average elevation of about inventory will change in the future. Indeed we are hopeful 125 m (410 ft). The site area overlooks Allen Brook, which that it will not require another thirty years before another is now a tributary of the but when the site assessment can be made of early human settlement in what was occupied likely emptied directly into the sea. The Ma- is now Vermont. han site was fi rst identifi ed by the University of Vermont Consulting Archaeology Program (UVM CAP) during a regulatory survey conducted for the proposed Chitten- VERMONT SITES ATTRIBUTABLE den County Circumferential Highway (CCCH) (Thomas TO PALEOINDIAN PERIODS 2002; Thomas et al. 1998). Shovel test pit and test unit sam- Early Paleoindian Period, circa 12,900–12,400 cal BP pling and block excavation were conducted during three Following Bradley and others, we use an Early Paleoindian phases of fi eldwork at the site. period subdivision for fl uted points that match morpho- Based on surface fi nds and positive test pits, the site cov- logical characteristics associated with the earliest human ers an estimated 18,144 m (1.8 ha), with the majority of occupations in the Far Northeast. Sites reported in this artifacts recovered from an approximately 5,940 m (0.6 ha) section have all yielded projectile points that resemble the core area (Thomas et al. 1998). Altogether, a total of 359 m Bull Brook / West Athens Hill form (Bradley et al. 2008). ultimately were excavated and 5,846 artifacts were recovered Interestingly, no projectile points attributable to the King’s (Thomas 2002). The artifact inventory includes 122 stone Road / Whipple or Vail / Debert subperiods defi ned by Brad- tools, with one mended fl uted projectile point, made of ley et al. (2008) have been identifi ed in the state thus far. local Vermont “Cheshire” gray quartzite (fi gure 3.2e) and Although this may be a vagary of sampling or typology, it a small tang of another projectile point that appears to be is also possible that environmental conditions at the earli- made of chert from the Hudson Valley. The complete point est portion of the Paleoindian period were not amenable falls into the Bull Brook / West Athens Hill group on the to human occupation in the Champlain Basin. Since the basis of its general size, fl uting, and shape and thus the site beginning of the Bull Brook / West Athens Hill subperiod likely dates to 12,900–12,400 cal BP. A recent inspection of is more or less synchronous with the inception of the the unfi nished tools in the assemblage has also identifi ed at Champlain Sea (F. Robinson, this volume), the possible least three fl uted or basally thinned preforms made from absence of people in the Champlain Basin before this date Cheshire quartzite (fi gure 3.3). Though fl uted preforms may provide indirect evidence that the productivity of the have been identifi ed at other sites, they are a notable com- Champlain Sea was a compelling factor in the initial colo- ponent of the Mahan site assemblage and help document nization of the region. If Paleoindians were in the region how knappers worked the quartzite by thinning the central to experience and exploit the inception of the sea, their portion of the tool early in the reduction process, well in presence on the west coast of New England attests to the advance of fi nal thinning and preparation. 52 Crock and Robinson

Other than the complete but mended fl uted point and other sites in New England, suggest a likelihood of wood-, the tang of another point made from probable Hudson Val- bone- , or hide- processing activities at the site (Thomas ley chert, the tool inventory shows little evidence of the 2002). Given the site’s likely proximity to the Champlain fi nal stages of fl uted point manufacture at the site (e.g., Sea, these tasks may have been done to support fi shing and channel fl akes, late- stage preforms, or points broken in marine mammal hunting or related processing activities, manufacture, but see fi gure 3.2 for the few several fragmen- which also may explain the apparently limited stone projec- tary examples). Similar to some other Paleoindian sites, tile point inventory. Although there is evidence that the site however, a high percentage (79 percent; n = 43) of the tools was reoccupied, minimally during the Late Archaic period, recovered are scrapers of one or another type, most of which the broad distribution of tools and debitage made from ex- were manufactured from exotic cherts. Both end- (n = 37) otic raw materials suggests that the Paleoindian occupation and sidescraper (n = 6) types are represented, in addition was extensive. to utilized fl akes of chert and quartzite, also likely used for The lack of nucleated loci and the wide but generally scraping tasks (fi gure 3.4). At least two of the endscrapers low-density distribution of tools and debitage (ca. 0.35 are “spurred.” Several of the tools categorized as utilized tools / m and a mean density of 21 fl akes / m) led Thomas exhibit modifi ed notches and have been termed “notched to suggest that the site was occupied during the summer oblique scrapers” and viewed as potentially diagnostic of months as a base camp for one or two bands (Thomas the Paleoindian period (Robinson et al. 2004). Scraping 2002; Thomas et al. 1998). Seasonal population aggrega- tools, well-documented as part of the Paleoindian toolkit at tions have been suggested by the distribution of materials

3.2. Bull Brook / West Athens Hill fl uted projectile points and projectile point fragments from Vermont sites attributable to the Early Paleoindian period: a–b, one quartzite and one chert base from the Leicester Flats site (VT- AD- 127); c, chert base and midsection from the Reynolds site (VT- CH- 9210); d, complete Mount Jasper / Jeff erson rhyolite point from the Bishop site (VT- CH- 818) (photo by Peter Mills, courtesy of William Haviland); e, complete quartzite point from the Mahan site (VT- CH- 197). Maritime Mountaineers 53

3.3. Quartzite projectile point preforms and biface fragments and chert biface fragments (three in upper right) from the Early Paleo- indian Mahan site (VT- CH- 197). Note specimens on bottom row that exhibit basal thinning or early- stage fl uting. at exceptionally large New England Paleoindian period fi gure 3.4). Nearly half of the chert tools are macroscopi- sites, such as Bull Brook (B. Robinson et al. 2009). Un- cally consistent with chert derived from the Munsungun like the situation at Bull Brook, however, the Mahan site Lake formation in north- central Maine (Thomas 2002, artifact distribution is not well organized into smaller loci based on inspection by Pollock). Other cherts represented but rather evenly spread out, at least as currently under- in the Mahan site tool inventory possibly originated in stood. This characteristic is one of the main pieces of evi- the Normanskill Formation that outcrops in the Hudson dence that led Thomas to suggest that the site represents a Valley to the southwest (Brumbach and Weinstein 1999; summer base camp occupied by one or two bands, perhaps Hammer 1976; Wray 1948). The yellow- brown jasper likely twenty- fi ve to forty people, for an extended period. Occu- derives from two potential source areas in southeastern and pation during the warmer months also correlates well with central Pennsylvania. a seasonal exploitation of Champlain Sea resources (F. Rob- inson, this volume). reynolds site (vt- ch- 9210) As at other sites in Vermont and the broader Far North- The base / midsection portion of a fl uted point was recov- east region, the Mahan tool assemblage features a signifi - ered during a surface collection in Williston by UVM CAP cant percentage of exotic lithic raw materials, though local conducted for the CCCH project (Thomas and Doherty gray quartzite and black Champlain Valley chert (Robinson 1985). The site is located on a sandy outwash terrace on 2009) were the primary materials used for making projec- the south side of the Winooski River Valley (see fi gure 3.1, tile points. At least six varieties of exotic, nonlocal chert site 2), near an unnamed tributary at an elevation of ap- and yellowish brown jasper were also used, predominantly proximately 107 m (350 ft). One worked quartz fragment in the manufacture of the numerous recovered scrapers (see was also recovered from the site but not in close enough 54 Crock and Robinson

3.4. Chert scrapers recovered from the Early Paleoindian Mahan site (VT- CH- 197). Top row: left to right, three weathered matte green, possible Hudson Valley, and two gray, probable Hudson Valley. Middle row: gray, probable Hudson Valley. Bottom row: left to right, two red and four black, probable Munsungun, and one yellow- brown, probable Pennsylvania jasper. proximity to be associated with the projectile point. The point and site it represents likely date to 12,900–12,400 cal point is made of chert, possibly a weathered Champlain BP. At the time of occupation, the site would have been Valley variety. Based on its lanceolate form, fl aking, and roughly 500 m from the Champlain Sea shoreline (see basal concavity, the point fragment can be assigned to the F. Robinson, this volume), near the head of a tributary Bull Brook / West Athens Hill group of Early Paleoindian stream and the Winooski Valley drainage. forms (see fi gure 3.2c). At the time of occupation, the site was roughly 150 m east of the Champlain Sea shoreline, on mad river site (f.s. 7 wa / vt- wa- 39) the south side of a small point of land (see F. Robinson, A fl uted point said to be recovered in Moretown during this volume). the construction of a “small building northwest of a barn” (VAI site fi les) was fi rst reported by Fowler (1954) and later bishop site (vt- ch- 818) included in Loring’s (1980) inventory of fl uted points from A complete fl uted point was recovered in Williston by Vermont. Fowler described the point as being “from a ridge, Randy Bishop from a sand and gravel pit on the north side 1.5 miles south of the town, southeast of Swamp Brook” of a hill overlooking the Winooski Valley to the north (see (VAI site fi les) (see fi gure 3.1, site 4). Based on Fowler’s il- fi gure 3.1, site 3). The site lies at an approximate elevation of lustration (1954:5, no. 4), the “black fl int” point is attribut- 145 m (475 ft) amsl. The point is likely manufactured from able to the Early Paleoindian period and resembles a Bull Mount Jasper / Jeff erson rhyolite and, based on its size, lan- Brook / West Athens Hill form. The site location, though ceolate shape, and basal concavity, represents a Bull Brook / not precisely known, likely falls on an upper terrace “ridge” West Athens Hill form (see fi gure 3.2d). Accordingly, the in the town of Waitsfi eld, on the east side of the Mad River Maritime Mountaineers 55 valley, based on the reported distance south of Moretown. was collected by Dave Mumford from the northeast side An unnamed brook, likely the so-called Swamp Brook, is of the pond, near the base of the Hogback Mountain por- located in this vicinity, trending westward before turning tion of the . The fi nd location, designated north near the town line and draining into the Mad River. VT-AD- 160 in the VAI fi les, lies at approximately 183 m Based on this limited information, the fi nd spot was at an (600 ft) amsl. Based on an illustration in the VAI fi les, the elevation of at least 213 m amsl (700+ ft) amsl. The most Mumford point fragment is attributable to the Early Paleo- valuable information provided by this point is more in its indian period and can be generally categorized as related to general location, within an upland valley near the Appala- Bull Brook / West Athens Hill forms. At this time, the fi nd chian Gap, which likely served as a transportation corridor location was likely much closer to the edge of the lake, since through the Green Mountains, connecting portions of the lake levels have gradually receded since the end of the Pleis- upper Otter Creek valley and the Champlain Sea to the tocene. Frink (2004:23) estimates that “Paleo Lake Bristol” west with the upper portion of the Winooski Valley and had an elevation of approximately 159 m (520 ft), roughly points farther afi eld to the east. 12 m (40 ft) higher than its present level. Importantly, the site lies immediately adjacent to the main source zone for leicester flats site (vt- ad- 127) Vermont gray quartzite, also featured at the Early Paleo- The Leicester Flats site is located in Salisbury on the north indian period Mahan site in Williston, attesting to the early side of the Leicester River, a tributary of Otter Creek that use of this local material and a possible main source area for drains Lake Dunmore approximately 800 m to the east (see its wider distribution. fi gure 3.1, site 5). The site lies approximately 61 m below the Loring includes an illustration of a narrow bladed, fl uted elevation of the upland lake, at approximately 107 m amsl point from a private collection, also attributed to the Bristol (350 ft). The site is multicomponent, with virtually all pre- Pond locality; this point is described as made of “maroon- contact Native American periods represented. Two fl uted brown jaspar [sic]”(Loring 1980:30), but it is highly prob- projectile point bases in the Petersen family collection from able that, like other Paleoindian points and tools, this one the site are attributable to the Early Paleoindian period is made from Munsungun chert, not a more local jasper (F. Robinson et al. 2009). Both point bases, one of local gray material. Based on Loring’s illustration, the point can be quartzite and the other of Champlain Valley chert, exhibit attributed to the Early Paleoindian period. fl uting and basal morphology that most closely align with the Bull Brook / West Athens Hill typological group (see fi g- Middle Paleoindian Period, circa 12,200–11,600 cal BP ure 3.2a, b). As a result, the earliest occupation at this mul- Following Bradley and others, we use a Middle Paleoindian ticomponent site can be dated to ca. 12,900–12,400 cal BP. period subdivision for fl uted points that fi t their well- reasoned morphological categories. Sites reported in this bristol pond sites (vt-ad- 11 / vt-ad- 160) section have all yielded projectile points that resemble Mi- The Bristol Pond area in Bristol, Vermont, contains several chaud / Neponset, Crowfi eld, or Cormier / Nicholas forms multicomponent Native American archaeological sites fre- (Bradley et al. 2008). quented by artifact collectors but never systematically stud- ied. Based on the size and number of reported collections jackson-gore site (vt-wn- 289) alone, the sites surrounding Bristol Pond, formerly Lake The Jackson- Gore site is located in the town of Ludlow in Winona, are some of the most intensively collected sites the southern Green Mountains and represents the most up- in Vermont (see fi gure 3.1, site 6). Fortunately, several col- land Paleoindian site presently known in Vermont (Crock lections made from the Bristol Pond area have been fairly and Robinson 2009). The site is situated on a high terrace well documented. At least three collections, and likely oth- at the base of Okemo Mountain at an elevation of 331 m ers, contain fl uted points attributable to the Paleoindian (1,086 ft) amsl (see fi gure 3.1, site 7). The site overlooks periods. Branch Brook, a major tributary of the upper portion of A gray quartzite base and midsection, fl uted on one side, the Black River, which itself is a major tributary of the 56 Crock and Robinson

Connecticut River in Vermont. The Jackson- Gore site was to circa 12,200–11,600 cal BP. Charcoal recovered from a discovered by UVM CAP in 1999 during the course of a feature stain in the vicinity of the point, which was recov- broader phase I survey of the Okemo Mountain Resort’s ered from beneath the upper plow-disturbed horizon at the Jackson- Gore ski area expansion. The site consists of two site, unfortunately returned a date of only 5630 ± 40 BP loci separated by approximately 96 m (314 ft). Locus 1, the (Beta- 244965) which, calibrated at a two sigma error range, larger of the two, is situated in the interior portion of the falls between 6490 and 6320 BP. The date is therefore con- level terrace; a smaller activity area designated Locus 2 is sidered contaminated, perhaps as a result of root activity. closer to the terrace edge above Branch Brook. As a result The second, smaller site locus lies at the head of a swale of phased archaeological survey, testing, and mitigation at closer to the edge of the terrace. A total of 8 m of excava- the site, a cumulative total of 49.5 m has been excavated tion here revealed a lithic scatter of nonlocal red chert deb- within Locus 1 and 8 m has been excavated within Locus 2. itage, possibly Munsungun chert. Two utilized fl akes also The tool assemblage at Locus 1 includes several fl uted were recovered from this smaller activity area, which may Champlain Valley chert projectile point fragments, among represent a hunting lookout. them a longitudinal fragment of a fl uted point and a rough The combined Locus 1 and Locus 2 site assemblage con- fl uted point or late- stage preform that was articulated from tains a diverse sample of lithic raw materials. Within the two fragments. Two gray chert fragments also recovered sample of lithic debitage recovered (n = 2,682), the most in situ from two separate test units were articulated to common material is a gray chert of unknown origin that form a complete fl uted projectile point (fi gure 3.5). This may derive from the Hudson Valley (46 percent). This is articulated Jackson- Gore point represents the only Early followed by a red chert (26 percent) that is macroscopi- or Middle Paleoindian period projectile point in Vermont cally similar to Munsungun chert from northern Maine. recovered during a professional excavation from intact soils, No chemical analysis had been conducted on these arti- in this case below a historically disturbed plow zone. The facts, however, so this attribution remains tentative. As rep- point formed by the two fragments can be assigned to the resented in the projectile points, black chert, likely from Michaud / Neponset group based on its moderately deep the Champlain Valley, is well represented in the fl akes and basal concavity, prominent basal ears, and elongated chan- fragments recovered (21 percent). Local Vermont quartzite nel fl ake scars. Based on this affi liation, the site can be dated is present at the site as well, but not in signifi cant quanti- ties (3 percent), as are other unidentifi ed cherts (2 percent). The inventory is rounded out by even smaller samples of a greenish chert macroscopically similar to Hudson Valley material (1 percent), a yellow- brown chert, macroscopi- cally similar to Pennsylvania jasper (0.5 percent), quartz (0.5 percent), and a felsite, possibly from Mount Ascutney in Vermont. The size of both the tools and the debitage recovered from the Jackson- Gore site suggests that supplies were limited and the group was in transit between source areas or other seasonal locales. The wide range of materials represented and their proportional breakdown could be in- dicative of direct acquisition during wide- ranging seasonal rounds or, more plausibly, a combination of direct acquisi- tion and exchange. For example, the three most dominant 3.5. Chert fl uted projectile point preform, Michaud / Neponset materials—gray chert, red chert, and black chert from type chert fl uted point, and fl uted point fragment recovered from the Jackson- Gore site (VT- WN- 289), attributable to the the Champlain Valley—may represent materials acquired Middle Paleoindian period. from local Vermont sources, whereas the less-prevalent Maritime Mountaineers 57 materials such as the green chert and yellow- brown chert subperiods (fi gure 3.6) described below and four more that may represent material acquired via exchange with other may be attributable to the Agate Basin subperiod, though groups. we have serious reservations about the appropriateness of The site’s location certainly attests to travel between that taxonomic category. ecological zones / regions, over the Green Mountains and The Reagen site continued to be occupied throughout between the Champlain Sea and Connecticut River valley. the latter Paleoindian periods for several reasons, principally The site’s altitude also may be an indication of the season its proximity to the resources of the Champlain Sea, at least the site was occupied, or perhaps when it was not occupied. initially. One other notable attraction of the site, or at least Deep snows in the higher elevations of the Green Moun- of the general area, may have been that this locale was likely tains likely would have made travel through the mountain the source of the enigmatic Reagen chert, prominently rep- pass more diffi cult; on the other hand, deep snows may resented in the Reagen assemblage but completely absent have assisted hunters. Ironically, the Jackson- Gore site is from other regional Paleoindian assemblages, at least as about 5 km (3.1 mi) east of the Mount Holly mammoth understood thus far (Robinson 2008, 2009). Ongoing re- fi nd spot (Agassiz 1850), one of the few recorded locations search should better elucidate this aspect of the site. in Vermont where remains of Pleistocene megafauna have been recovered. fairfax sandblows site (vt- fr- 64) There is a second site on the property, also believed to The Fairfax Sandblows site is a site in Fairfax where several date to the Paleoindian period (VT-WN- 273) on the basis projectile points dating to the Middle Paleoindian period of the presence of red chert similar to that recovered from reportedly were collected by L. B. Truax in the early 1900s one of the Jackson- Gore site loci. It is located approxi- (Robinson and Crock 2008). Loring (1980) was the fi rst mately 645 m (2,118 ft) north of the Jackson- Gore site on “rediscoverer” of four fl uted projectile points, which were a narrow, boulder- strewn, glacial kame terrace at a slightly part of the “Fairfax Sandblows” assemblage in the Ben- higher elevation of 353 m (1,160 ft) amsl. jamin W. Fisher collection at the University of Vermont Fleming Museum. The fl uted points were reportedly taken reagen site (vt- fr- 3) from “sandblows” (destabilized sand deposits) in that town The Reagen site in East Highgate is the best known of Ver- (Loring 1980; VAI site fi les). More recently, additional ref- mont’s Paleoindian sites. It is one of the fi rst early human erences to the collection in letters to or by Fisher curated occupations recognized in the Far Northeast and the fi rst in at the American Museum of Natural History, the New Vermont reported in the archaeological literature (Ritchie York State Museum, and the Fleming Museum provide 1953; Wormington 1957). We describe this site only briefl y more context for the collection and help to better place here, since it is discussed extensively elsewhere (Robinson the site on the landscape (Robinson and Crock 2008). It 2008, 2009, and F. Robinson, this volume). The Reagen is also reasonably clear that several fl uted points collected site is situated on the southern side of an unnamed hill on from the site by Truax ended up in the Manley collection the eastern side of the Missisquoi River valley at an eleva- and were sold at auction in the 1990s (though fortunately tion of approximately 76 m (250 ft) (see fi gure 3.1, site 8). At studied by the late James Petersen beforehand). Based on the time the site was fi rst occupied, it was located at or near the available information, the site, described by Fisher as where the Missisquoi River emptied into the Champlain being 14 miles from the mouth of the Lamoille River and Sea, likely in general proximity to an estuarine environ- 100 feet above the river, may have been situated on an estu- ment. For the purposes of this chapter, the Reagen site pro- ary when occupied (see fi gure 3.1, site 9). At an elevation of duced 23 bifaces that were determined by Robinson (2008, approximately 160 m (525 ft) amsl, the site may have been 2009) to be diagnostic of multiple Paleoindian occupations very close to both the ancient mouth of the Lamoille River during the Middle and Late Paleoindian periods, circa and the shoreline of the Champlain Sea, depending on the 12,200–10,000 cal BP. These include the Crowfi eld (n = 3), eff ects of isostatic rebound. Cormier / Nicholas (n = 14), and Ste. Anne / Varney (n = 6) Based on macroscopic examination, all of the points or 58 Crock and Robinson

3.6. Projectile points in the University of Vermont Flem- ing Museum and Bixby Library collections from the Reagen site attributable to the Middle and Late Paleoindian periods. Top row, Crowfi eld type; middle row, Cormier / Nicholas type; bottom row, Ste. Anne / Varney type.

point fragments in the Fisher collection at the University of the average provided by Bradley et al. (2008) for the Mi- Vermont are made from Mount Jasper / Jeff erson rhyolite, chaud / Neponset points, though their measurements rela- derived from quarries in and around Berlin or Jeff erson, tive to each other are strikingly similar (fi gure 3.7g–i). New Hampshire (Boisvert 1992; Pollock et al. 2008; Spiess The particular stylistic variation these points exhibit is et al. 1998). In addition, as Loring (1980) noted, all of these not common in the New England region, as far as we are artifacts are quite ventifacted, or “sand blasted,” from pro- aware. The projectile points depicted in the bottom row of longed exposure to eolian processes. This abrasive action fi gure 3.7 appear more like the “typical” Michaud / Nepon- has resulted in excessive polish and has obscured the crystal set form, with close similarity to projectile points recovered structure of the material somewhat. This postdepositional from the Michaud site in Maine (Spiess and Wilson 1987) process is also common in the Paleoindian Reagan artifact and a site near Lake Mégantic in Quebec (Chapdelaine assemblage, which also was recovered from a sandy Cham- 2004, 2007). Three of the fi ve projectile points or point plain Sea margin context. fragments from the Manley collection that are under con- Four of the projectile points have a general tapered, sideration here macroscopically appear to be made from triangular or “rocket”- like shape, with fl uid lines trend- Munsungun chert, including one of mottled red and green ing from the widest point at the basal ears to the tip (fi g- chert (fi gure 3.7a), a variation of the material noted in other ure 3.7a–d). Others in the collection may be representative Paleoindian assemblages (e.g., Spiller Farm; Hamilton and of the same style, though one is quite small and is likely Pollock 1996). Petersen, in his brief analysis of the points in the result of reworking or expediency and another is rep- the late 1990s, also suggested that the material was Munsun- resented only by an eared base (fi gure 3.7e–f ). Those that gun chert. Therefore, although no petrographic or chemical were not apparently heavily reworked are still smaller than sourcing was conducted on the artifacts in question, we feel Maritime Mountaineers 59

3.7. Michaud / Neponset projectile points attributed to the Fairfax Sand- blows site (VT- FR- 64). Artifacts a, d, f, g, and h formerly part of the Manley Collection, photographed by the late James Petersen. Artifacts b, c, e, and i in the University of Vermont Fleming Museum Collection, photographed by Francis Robinson.

confi dent that the material from which each of the projec- little otter creek sites (vt-ad- 82 / vt- ad- 167) tile points was made is indeed Munsungun chert. Overall, In addition to the Early Paleoindian period Hinsdale site, the similarity of the Fairfax Sandblows site projectile point two other sites within the Little Otter Creek drainage have assemblage with Michaud / Neponset forms dates the site to yielded Paleoindian sites / fi nds. As with the Hinsdale site the Middle Paleoindian period. fi nd, these were fi rst reported by Loring (1980). One spot fi nd (VT- AD- 82) is located in New Haven, on the west hinsdale site (vt- ad- 195) side of a north- south trending ridge that separates the Little This site was fi rst reported by Loring (1980:29, Figure 5) Otter Creek drainage on the east and the Mud Creek drain- based on an inspection of a collection from the Hinsdale age, which is a tributary of Little Otter Creek, on the west family farm in Ferrisburgh, which includes a fl uted point (see fi gure 3.1, site 11). The point is made of red chert, most made from a dark brown chert. The site is situated on the likely Munsungun chert, and is well made and complete south side of Fields Hill at an elevation of approximately but for missing basal ears (fi gure 3.8d). The fi nd spot, at an 79 m (260 ft) near a tributary of Little Otter Creek (fi g- approximate elevation of 101 m (330 ft), was identifi ed by ure 3.1, site 10). Based on a photograph of the artifact taken landowner Earle Bessette and later GPS-defi ned by F. Rob- by Loring and archived at the VDHP (fi gure 3.8c), the inson. Based on the point’s fl aking, thinness, elongated point appears to have a tip that was reworked after an over- fl ute scars, and concave and slightly fl ared base, it can be shot fl uting attempt. Based on the slightly fl ared base and placed in the Michaud- Neponset group and thus dated to full- length fl uting (which likely overshot), the point most circa 12,200–11,600 cal BP. closely resembles Michaud- Neponset forms and therefore Another fl uted point fi nd from the same area can dates to circa 12,200–11,600 cal BP. be associated with recorded site VT- AD- 167. Located 60 Crock and Robinson

3.8. Michaud / Neponset fl uted points and point fragments from Vermont attributable to the Middle Paleoindian period: a, weathered chert projectile point base from site VT- AD- 679; b, rhyolite projectile point from site VT- AD- 167; c, chert projec- tile point from VT- AD- 195 (photo by Stephen Loring, cour- tesy of the Vermont Division for Historic Preservation); d, probable red Munsungun chert projectile point from site VT- AD- 82.

approximately 555 m (1,821 ft) to the south of VT-AD- 82, (see fi gure 3.1, site 13). The small point, which is likely chert, this area has yielded quartzite debitage in addition to a was described as a “rich brown color” (possibly Onondaga fl uted point fragment from an elevation of approximately chert from western New York). Based on its size, shape, 91 m (300 ft), also collected by landowner Earl Bessette. eared base, and pronounced basal concavity, it most closely This location was also recently mapped by F. Robinson resembles Michaud / Neponset type points. The point was (fi gure 3.1, site 12). The midsection and tip point fragment recovered by Emily Wheeler and Celie Dagesse from what exhibits what would have been a full- length fl ute and ap- was likely a fi ll deposit. Fill in the area where the point was pears to be slightly waisted (fi gure 3.8d). Thus, it too is ten- found reportedly originated near the outlet of the Clyde tatively attributable to the Michaud / Neponset point type River at the southern end of Lake Salem (VAI site fi les). and to a date range of 12,200–11,600 cal BP. The second The fi nd spot and likely original location of the projectile Bessette point is manufactured from a dark gray rhyolite point lies at an approximate elevation of 91 m (300 ft) amsl. with white banding (fi gure 3.8b). The source of this mate- The site location is signifi cant in that it is on a potential rial is not known. east- west corridor between the Champlain Sea and the up- These two site locations are related to bedrock ridge per Connecticut Valley. Like sites identifi ed by Chapde- outcrops above and on the margins of secondary stream laine at Lake Mégantic in Quebec (Chapdelaine 2007), the valleys. In each case, the sites were likely hunting camps, site location falls in an intermediate position relative to the positioned to intercept animals along game trails or to gain Champlain Sea and major north- south drainages. lines of sight across the shallow valleys nearby. site vt-ad- 679 lake salem site (vt- ol- 57) The VT- AD- 679 site is located on the west side of the The Lake Salem site is a fi nd spot on the northeastern Lemon Fair River, upstream from the Route 74 bridge in shoreline of Lake Salem in Orleans from which a fl uted the town of Shoreham at an approximate elevation of 49 m point was recovered. This location is to the south of Lake (160 ft) (see fi gure 3.1, site 14). Artifacts were noted erod- Memphremagog, the largest lake in northeastern Vermont ing from the terrace above the west bank of the river. The Maritime Mountaineers 61 base of a fl uted point was recovered within a larger concen- tration of artifacts by Geoff Mandel of UVM CAP while portaging a kayak (fi gure 3.8a). The site was fi rst recorded as a result of collector information and a site inspection by the USDA NRCS. The artifact is made of an undeter- mined chert, now weathered to a pale, tannish brown color. Based on the fl uting and its slightly eared base, the artifact resembles Michaud / Neponset forms, and therefore at least one occupation at what is likely a large, multicomponent site dates to the Middle Paleoindian period.

auclair site (vt- ch- 3) The Auclair site is a muticomponent site located in Shel- burne on a knoll on the east side of Muddy Brook, just downstream from the outlet of Shelburne Pond (Petersen et al. 1984) (see fi gure 3.1, site 15). Muddy Brook fl ows northward before draining into the Winooski River. The 3.9. Crowfi eld type tools, attributable to the Middle Paleoindian site is situated above the stream at an approximate elevation period: left, chert fl uted projectile point fragment from the of 104 m (340 ft). Like Bristol Pond, Shelburne Pond was Auclair site (VT- CH- 3), Ken Varney collection; right, complete, larger during the late Pleistocene and early Holocene, so possible Munsungun chert point from Bristol Pond (VT- AD- 11), the site may have been closer to the pond’s paleoshoreline Langdon Smith collection. at the time of occupation. A fl uted point base is included in the artifact collection It exhibits a slightly fl ared base, a moderate but well- formed of Ken Varney housed at the UVM Anthropology Depart- basal concavity, and one recognizable unfl aring basal ear ment. Based on its morphology, the point, manufactured (other is missing). On both faces a complex pattern of over- from an unidentifi ed gray chert (fi gure 3.9, left), falls into lapping and side- by- side channel fl ake scars is evident. Cu- the Crowfi eld- related group of projectile points and there- mulatively, the general pumpkin- seed- like shape and side- fore dates the earliest occupation at this site to sometime by-side fl uting patterns suggest a Crowfi eld- related type. As near the end of the Middle Paleoindian period. with the Early Paleoindian point recovered from the other side of the lake (discussed above), the rough location of bristol pond sites (vt-ad- 11 / vt-ad- 160) the site would have been nearer the lakeshore at the time As discussed in the Early Paleoindian section, the Bristol of occupation and proximal to quartzite quarry resources. Pond area in Bristol, Vermont, contains several multicom- ponent Native American sites frequented by artifact col- vt-ch- 230, locus 3 lectors but not studied systematically. Sites on the west- Site VT- CH- 230 is a large site identifi ed in Essex by UVM ern side of Bristol Pond or Lake Winona have produced CAP during studies undertaken in advance of the CCCH. several fl uted points that have been documented, one of The site included a Late Paleoindian component in addi- which falls into the Middle Paleoindian period based on its tion to the remains of three Early Archaic period extractive morphology. The point, collected by Langdon Smith and camps. Locus 3 at VT-CH- 230 was situated at the north attributed to the VT- AD- 11 area and an approximate eleva- end of a large, low bedrock ridge on the east side of In- tion of 152 m (500 ft) amsl, is exquisitely manufactured (fi g- dian Brook in Essex at an elevation of approximately 146 m ure 3.9, right). It is made of black and gray banded chert, (480 ft) amsl (see fi gure 3.1, site 16). Its location provided the source of which is not defi nitively known but which relatively good drainage compared to the wet areas that resembles the Norway Bluff variety of Munsungun chert. likely bordered the brook. Depending on the woodland 62 Crock and Robinson vegetation, the ridge may have also provided some sight advantage for big-game hunting. Roughly 30 percent of the site was excavated before it was destroyed by highway construction. The entire artifact assemblage consists of a projectile point base; the tip of a second point; four fl ake tools that were used to scrape, shave, and process a soft substance, perhaps sinew; 146 chert fl akes produced when several tools were made; and one piece of burned bone. Twelve quartz fl akes are most likely related to a later Early Archaic oc- cupation. The projectile point base is narrow and contract- ing and resembles those of the Cormier / Nicholas group of 3.10. Cormier / Nicholas tools, attributable to the Middle Paleo- points. As a result, the tool fragment and related occupa- indian period: left, crystal quartz projectile point from South tion are attributable to the Middle Paleoindian period. The Hero (photo courtesy William Haviland); right, chert projectile locus of the site where the point base was found covered a point fragment from the Paquette 2 site (VT- CH- 190). maximum area of 80 m (860 ft), with most artifacts con- centrated in an even smaller area. The site lies adjacent to the Indian Brook drainage, a form broken during the fi nal stages of production (fi g- tributary of the Winooski River. In addition to concen- ure 3.10, right). Based on the point’s form, this site can be trating plant and animal resources, at the time of occu- assigned to the Cormier / Nicholas group of Middle Paleo- pation this small stream likely served as a travel corridor indian period projectile points and, therefore, the occupa- between the retreating Champlain Sea and upland areas. tion at Paquette 2 is likely to have occurred sometime circa Two types of chert are present both as debitage and as fi n- 12,200–11,600 cal BP. ished tools, roughly in equal proportions. Black chert at the site likely was obtained locally from the Champlain Val- south hero crystal quartz point ley. The second type is very similar to lustrous, gray- green A collector recovered a crystal quartz fl uted point from a chert derived from quarries of the Normanskill Formation location on South Hero Island (see fi gure 3.1, site 18) in in the central Hudson River Valley. Other loci at the In- Grand Isle County in the 1930s. A sketch of the artifact was dian Brook site are attributable to the Early Archaic period, fi rst published by Haviland (1969). Loring (1980) also refer- showing continuity of use of this portion of the secondary ences the artifact, and Haviland and Power later published stream corridor. a photograph of the fi nd (1994:29).The point was report- edly recovered from recently deposited fi ll. It is relatively paquette 2 site (vt- ch- 190) small with a wide midsection (fi gure 3.10, left) and may be The Paquette 2 site is located in Colchester on an outwash weakly fl uted with a relatively deep basal concavity, simi- terrace between two unnamed tributaries of the Mallets lar to Cormier / Nicholas forms attributable to the Middle Bay portion of Lake Champlain (see fi gure 3.1, site 17). The Paleoindian period. site lies at an approximate elevation of 61 m (200 ft). A The uncertain provenience of the point makes it diffi - midsection of a projectile point was recovered by UVM cult to speculate about its original context. Assuming, how- CAP during the CCCH project during a surface collec- ever, that the fi ll likely came from somewhere on South tion of a plowed fi eld. Based on its pentagonal shape and Hero or in Grand Isle County, the point may represent a contraction of its lateral margins toward the base, the point site that once was located on an island or peninsula in the fragment resembles several projectile point fragments in Champlain Sea. South Hero happens to have the highest el- the Reagen site collection. This tool may have been broken evation of these islands, with hills that exceed 76 m (250 ft) during an attempt to fl ute it or may have been a nonfl uted and numerous sand and gravel quarries where the projectile Maritime Mountaineers 63 point may have originated. Although the vast majority of tal artifacts, of which 67 (8.9 percent) were lithic tools or land that now includes the Champlain Islands was likely tool fragments. Laboratory refi ts resulted in a total of 58 submerged for the majority of the Champlain Sea episode, articulated tools or tool fragments. The remaining artifacts some of the higher elevations likely were exposed sometime (91.1 percent) include lithic debitage of various materials prior to the transition from ocean to lake. These emerging (Robinson and Crock 2006). Among the tools recovered islands would likely have included points on South Hero are three projectile point bases that are defi nitively Late and the southern end of Isle la Motte, which may have at- Paleoindian in age based on their morphology and fl aking tracted settlement or resource procurement forays during pattern (fi gure 3.11e–g). The three bases and one other pos- the Middle and Late Paleoindian periods. Therefore, if the sible base (fi gure 3.11d) all exhibit the basal portion of lan- crystal quartz point did originate somewhere in the vicinity ceolate forms, gracile cross sections, basal grinding, and a of these islands, it may have come from what was once a transverse parallel or parallel oblique fl aking pattern. Based low-lying beach, or it could be an overboard loss. We will on these characteristics, the point fragments are attributed likely never know. Nonetheless, the possible attribution of to the Ste. Anne / Varney group, dating the site to the Late the point to the islands portion of the Champlain Valley Paleoindian period. Identical fl aking patterns also are ex- presents interesting questions about Paleoindian use of the hibited by two bifaces made from elongated fl akes, which Champlain Sea and the islands and shallows within it. may represent short projectile point preforms or completed knives (fi gure 3.11b–c). Late Paleoindian Period, circa 11,600–10,800 cal BP The most complete of the projectile point bases exhibits mazza site (vt- ch- 9179) a stem that contracts from the point below two subtle and The Mazza site is located in Colchester on a level, sandy shallow shoulders. The distal end terminates in a transverse outwash terrace at an elevation of approximately 49 m break just above the shoulders where the blade margins be- (160 ft) amsl, between an unnamed tributary of Sunderland gin to angle toward the tip. The proximal end is squared or Brook to the east and Sunderland Brook immediately to the fl at relative to the lateral stem margins. The “stem” portion south (see fi gure 3.1, site 19). Sunderland Brook fl ows into of the base is heavily ground, partially obscuring but not the Winooski River, which in turn fl ows directly into the obliterating the fl aking pattern across both surfaces of the Malletts Bay portion of Lake Champlain. The site was fi rst stem and along the lateral margins. Evidence of grinding identifi ed by UVM CAP in 1984 during a surface survey ceases, however, at the shoulders, where two consecutive conducted for the CCCH project. Ten artifacts were recov- sharpening fl ake scars are present on one shoulder edge. ered during the initial identifi cation of the site, including a One of the most striking aspects of the artifact assem- sidescraper fragment made of a nonlocal chert and a modi- blage from the Mazza site is that the majority of recovered fi ed fl ake with two graver “spurs” (Dillon et al. 1986). The artifacts (n = 443; 59.0 percent) are Mount Jasper rhyolite, exotic material and presence of the spurred tool provided likely originating from quarries in Berlin or Jeff erson, New early but inconclusive evidence of a Paleoindian occupa- Hampshire (Pollock et al. 2008). The high proportion of ex- tion (Thomas et al. 1985). In 2002 a redesign of a proposed otic material in this assemblage implies either recent travel highway interchange expanded impacts to include the edge over the Green Mountains and White Mountains by the of the terrace above the Sunderland Brook tributary. site occupants or a recent exchange with individuals who Testing in an area roughly 40 m (131 ft) west of where transported the material to the Champlain Valley. After artifacts previously had been surface- collected revealed the exotic rhyolite, the next most common type (n = 140; another, more signifi cant locus of the site. Over the three 18.6 percent) is an aggregate category of various nonlocal phases of archaeological investigation in this portion of the cherts. This material designation primarily includes cherts site, test pit (0.5 by 0.5 m ) and test unit (1.0 by 1.0 m) block macroscopically likely attributable to sources in the Hudson excavation included a combined total of 86.5 m (283.7 ft), Valley in New York, although several pieces of lithic deb- or approximately 50 percent of the small site / site locus. The itage resemble chert from the Onondaga Formation in west- cumulative excavations resulted in the recovery of 751 to- ern New York or Ontario. Additionally, some fl akes appear 64 Crock and Robinson

3.11. Ste. Anne / Varney tools, attrib- utable to the Late Paleoindian period: a, chert projectile point from the Gonyeau collection; b–c, Mount Jasper / Jeff erson rhyolite bifaces; d–g, projectile point bases from the Mazza site.

to be a fi ne-grained gray to tan chert with translucent in- type with the aid of comparative lithic collections. Ad- clusions. These inclusions may instead signal that the ma- ditionally, colleagues independently corroborated several terial is a rhyolite or felsite, though it is macroscopically material type attributions, particularly the Mount Jasper dissimilar to Mount Jasper rhyolite or Mount Kineo felsite rhyolite examples (e.g., R. Boisvert, personal communica- from Maine. Its source remains unknown. In addition to tion, 2003). Nevertheless, though we are fairly confi dent in an apparent absence of Kineo felsite, no recovered artifacts the categorization of material types, they must remain ten- appear to be made of Munsungun chert. Lesser amounts of tative in lieu of chemical, elemental, or other fi ne-grained other materials also are represented, including local Cham- analysis. plain Valley unidentifi ed gray chert (n = 78; 10.4 percent), After the excavation of the Mazza site had concluded, quartzite (n = 29; 3.9 percent), quartz (n = 11; 1.5 percent), UVM CAP fortuitously examined a Late Paleoindian local Champlain Valley chert (n = 5; 0.7 percent), shale lanceolate projectile point from the collection of Richard (n = 1; 0.1 percent), sedimentary stone (n = 1; 0.1 percent), Gonyeau (Robinson and Crock 2006). This point, likely and untyped felsite (n = 5; 0.7 percent), one fl ake of which made of Munsungun chert, exhibits the same stem- to- closely resembles a material informally referred to as Mount shoulder-to- blade morphology as the previously described Ascutney felsite. The remaining artifacts (n = 38; 5 percent) base from the Mazza site (fi gure 3.11a). The projectile point are classed as untyped materials, which collectively include was surface- collected by Mr. Gonyeau’s father, likely on his several coarse materials possibly collected near the site area. fi elds near the Colchester / Milton border, where Richard We analyzed all artifacts macroscopically for material Gonyeau still lives. These fi elds are relatively close to the Maritime Mountaineers 65

Mazza site (ca. 8.9 km as the crow fl ies) and are located on plored. It is diffi cult to infer a season of use for this site, a similar sandy landform. The fi elds from which the point given the poor preservation within acidic soils, deep plow was collected also have yielded evidence of multiple occu- disturbance, and great antiquity of the occupation. How- pations throughout prehistory, collected by avocationals ever, the tabular knife recovered from the site, possibly used and recovered in the context of professional studies. Col- for fi sh processing, may give some indication that the site lectively, these sites are designated VT- CH- 54, VT- CH- 21, was occupied during the warmer months (Robinson and and VT-CH- 101 in the VAI. Another probable early site, Crock 2006). the Arbor Gardens site, discussed below, is located just across U.S. Rte. 7 from the fi elds Mr. Gonyeau’s father col- arbor gardens site (vt- ch- 885) lected (Toney and Crock 2006). The Arbor Gardens site is located in Colchester and situ- The projectile point base from the Mazza site and the ated at an elevation of approximately 61 m amsl (200 ft) point from the Gonyeau collection clearly represent Late on an elevated sandy terrace formed by the Champlain Sea Paleoindian projectile point forms. We are unaware of any (see fi gure 3.1, site 20). The site was identifi ed by UVM points with a similar stem- to- shoulder- to- blade morphol- CAP in the course of studies conducted in advance of a ogy from other sites in the near region (Robinson and housing development. Important waterways near the Arbor Crock 2006). Because Mazza is the fi rst systematically ex- Gardens site include Allen Brook, a tributary of Mallets cavated Late Paleoindian site with diagnostic tools in Ver- Creek, which drains into the Mallets Bay portion of Lake mont, this is not surprising, at least on a local level. Addi- Champlain, and the Lamoille River. Based on the results of tionally, though gracile and fi nely fl aked lanceolate points three phases of fi eldwork, the Arbor Gardens site is spread still are the prominent hallmark of Late Paleoindian period across an area of over 2,200 m (23,681 ft) and includes at components in more easterly portions of the Northeast, least two discernable activity areas and possibly four. Most several blade and base forms with no apparent western ana- of the larger block excavation conducted at the site was logue are evident in regional archaeological sites, including completed within Activity Area 1, where the densest depos- points with acute isosceles triangular blades and promi- its of artifacts were encountered. Notably, Activity Area 1 is nently notched and stemmed bases (e.g., Chapdelaine 1994; in the central portion of the landform, well away from the Dumais 2000; Petersen et al. 2000; Storck 2002; Thomas terrace edges overlooking Allen Brook and its tributaries. 1992; Thomas et al. 1996; Wright 1995). These regional The phase 3 data recovery consisted of the block excava- forms may even be present within the same site as lanceo- tion of fi fty-nine 1.0 by 1.0 m excavation units, or roughly late points with morphologies similar to point styles to the 60 percent of the approximately 98 m (1,055 ft) Activity west (Chapdelaine 1994; Petersen et al. 2000, 2002; Storck Area 1. 2002). Intrasite variability in terms of basal morphology A total of 31 fl aked stone tools were recovered from the also appears to pertain at the Mazza site. three phases of excavation at the Arbor Gardens site. This In summary, judging by the spatial distribution of ar- total includes 34 tool fragments, several of which conjoin tifacts and tools, refi t debitage and tool fragments, heat- to form an articulated, single tool. The tool inventory in- altered lithic material, and artifact densities, it seems likely cludes one projectile point fragment, six bifacially fl aked that the Mazza site represents a single- family occupation tools, fi ve bifacially fl aked tool fragments, four unifacially or a locus of a larger settlement. With regard to the latter fl aked tools, and 15 utilized fl akes. A variety of local and possibility, there may be other potentially related artifact exotic lithic materials are represented within this assem- concentrations or loci in the area, as indicated by the uni- blage, including a single projectile point base made from facial tool recovered farther into the center of the landform gray- black chert likely originating from the Onondaga and a continuation of low lithic debitage counts identifi ed Formation in western New York or possibly another locale north of our contiguous block excavation at the northern outside of Vermont. The tool is broken at its basal infl ec- end of the site. Unfortunately, these areas were outside the tion, making the analysis of the fl aking and overall shape of area of potential project impact and thus could not be ex- the original tool diffi cult to assess. Despite the fragmentary 66 Crock and Robinson nature of the artifact, it is morphologically comparable to ity Area 2. A third cluster of utilized fl akes was found in diagnostic lithic materials from the broader Northeast that the central portion of the phase 3 excavation block and date to the Paleoindian and Archaic periods. In southeast- comprises three quartzite tools. Finally, a single utilized ern Quebec, the La Martre and Mitis Late Paleoindian sites fl ake made from Mount Jasper / Jeff erson rhyolite also was contain elongated Ste. Anne / Varney-like points of a similar recovered. dark brown chert, exhibiting expanding bases with similar A total of 3,401 pieces of lithic debitage were recovered basal thinning (Dumais 2000:89). The Late Paleoindian during all three phases of excavation at the Arbor Gardens Rimouski site in Quebec also produced points with bases site. Almost 25 percent of the total lithic debitage is exotic similar to the one found at the Arbor Gardens site (Chap- to Vermont; the remaining 75 percent is likely from local delaine 1994:181). sources, though some of the black chert recovered may be Additionally, the Varney Farm site in western Maine exotic as well. Of the total, 64 percent of the debitage is produced several projectile point specimens with bases Champlain Valley black chert; 17.8 percent is Mount Jas- similar to the fragment recovered from Arbor Gardens (Pe- per / Jeff erson rhyolite from New Hampshire; 10.2 percent is tersen et al. 2000). The tool inventory from the Arbor Gar- local Cheshire quartzite; 7.0 percent is Mount Kineo felsite dens site also includes 12 bifacially fl aked stone tools / tool from the Moosehead Lake region of Maine; and 1.0 percent fragments, some of which articulate to form 10 separate is quartz, probably of local origin. tools. These 10 tools / fragments are made from a variety of The small mean size of the debitage recovered (<1 cm, local and exotic lithic raw materials, including a weathered 80.7 percent) indicates late-stage (1–2 cm, Mount Jasper / Jeff erson rhyolite, unidentifi ed gray Cham- 0.8 percent; >3 cm, 0.5 percent). This extraordinary num- plain Valley chert, and local gray “Cheshire” quartzite. Of ber of small, likely tertiary reduction fl akes suggests that note, one tabular biface manufactured from Mount Jasper / the main activities taking place at the site were late-stage Jeff erson rhyolite was recovered. Although both edges are lithic reduction. worked, only one edge of this tabular tool exhibits use wear, The Gonyeau collection point discussed above was re- perhaps as a sidescraper. Elsewhere we argue that tabular portedly recovered less than a kilometer northwest of the knives such as this are diagnostic of Late Paleoindian and Arbor Gardens site in Milton from fi elds that also have Early Archaic assemblages and may have been used to pro- yielded evidence of multiple Native American occupations cess fi sh or marine mammals (Robinson and Crock 2006). up through the Woodland period both in collections by For example, a similar biface was recovered from the Weirs avocational investigators and through professional CRM Beach site in New Hampshire with an associated radio- projects. carbon date of 9615 ± 25 BP and is “considered to have a Plano technological affi liation” (Bolian 1980:124). Other arnold brook site (vt- ru- 572) analogues for this biface include large tool fragments re- The Arnold Brook site is located immediately adjacent covered from the Late Paleoindian Rimouski site in eastern to Arnold Brook in Brandon, Rutland County, and was Quebec (Chapdelaine 1994:191). identifi ed during archaeological studies conducted by A total of 15 utilized but not intentionally modifi ed UVM CAP for a transmission line project (F. Robinson fl akes were recovered as well, found in distinct material- type et al. 2009). The site lies on a low, level, wooded terrace clusters. Cutting and scraping activities appear to have been at approximately 137 m (450 ft) amsl within a broad val- conducted in discrete areas by individuals each using a dif- ley landform that is slightly elevated above the expansive ferent raw material. One cluster comprises fi ve utilized Brandon Swamp to the west (see fi gure 3.1, site 21). The fl akes all made from a weathered greenish rhyolite, likely land rises signifi cantly to the north to the crest of a large Mount Kineo rhyolite, from a source near Moosehead hill. Another large wetland lies approximately 145 m north- Lake in central Maine. A second cluster of four black chert east of the site. In total, 39.25 m was excavated during the fl akes was recovered from the southern portion block, with cumulative phased excavations within the core portion of one additional black chert fl ake recovered from the Activ- the site (F. Robinson et al. 2009). These excavations re- Maritime Mountaineers 67

itage and several biface fragments. Hunting activities are also represented by the lanceolate point base and another nondiagnostic projectile point tip. Beyond these activities, however, the tool assemblage is remarkably homogenous and is characterized by the large number of unifacial tools, most of which are minimally reduced and quite coarse. Al- though the precise functions of these tools are currently un- known and their working edges vary somewhat in forma- tion, angle, and evidence of use, among other factors, their generally robust and coarse nature suggests that they would have been best suited for processing a hard substance. Like- wise, the large size of some of these tools and their relative 3.12. Ste. Anne / Varney projectile point fragments attributable to the Middle Paleoindian period: left, chert base and midsec- abundance at the site suggest that this processing activity tion from the Arnold Brook site (VT- RU- 572); middle, Kineo was fairly intensive. Because of these factors and the site’s rhyolite base and midsection from Bristol Pond (VT- AD- 11), location within a biotically productive wetland / stream set- Langdon Smith collection; right, quartzite base and midsection ting, it is suggested that wood acquisition and processing recovered from the Winooski Redevelopment site (VT- CH- 990). were the primary activities undertaken there. Interestingly, tentative analogues for this type of site have sulted in the recovery of 1,034 total Native American cul- been identifi ed for the subsequent Early Archaic period in tural artifacts. The vast majority of the recovered artifacts Vermont. Recent palynological studies suggest that, rather are lithic debitage (n = 903) that represents the remains of than the barren tundra or sparsely forested spruce parkland stone tool manufacture. A total of 41 lithic tools were also once proposed for this area, the site was occupied during a recovered from the cumulative excavations conducted at time when forests were characterized by an abundance of the site, including fi ve biface fragments, one , two pine (Pinus), signifi cant percentages of spruce (Picea), and core tools, one probable drill fragment, one hammerstone, evidence of hemlock (Tsuga), fi r (Abies), birch (Betula), and one modifi ed fl ake, two fragmentary projectile points, 22 oak (Quercus) (Anderson 1988; Anderson et al. 2007; Cro- unifacial tools of various kinds, and six utilized fl akes and nin et al. 2008). Of course, the developing wetland settings fl ake fragments. A total of 79 fi re- cracked rock fragments within Brandon Swamp, along the Otter Creek, and within and 11 raw material nodules were also recovered. One of the localized area of Arnold Brook may have been a power- the projectile point fragments, a basal portion, is tempo- ful attraction to Native American groups within the area rally diagnostic (fi gure 3.12, left). Based on its elongated (Nicholas 1987, 1988) and may have been areas that fostered lanceolate morphology, presumed small width- to- length the growth of newly resident deciduous tree species. ratio, diamond- shaped cross section, and basal grinding, Although the Otter Creek 2 site, less than 2.5 km among other factors, the projectile point appears to be ty- (1.55 mi) to the northwest, and the Winooski Redevelop- pologically diagnostic of the Ste. Anne / Varney group of ment site (both discussed below) are arguably more tied to Late Paleoindian period projectile points. Accordingly, this the resources and transportation corridor along the main site is one of only a handful of sites attributable to the Late stems of major rivers, the location and assemblage at the Paleoindian period in Vermont, particularly in the southern Arnold Brook site speaks to the potential abundance and portion of the Champlain Basin, and may represent the exploitation of plant resources along secondary streams fi rst special- purpose, extractive site of this period identifi ed during the Late Paleoindian period. in the state. The lithic artifact assemblage recovered from the Arnold otter creek 2 (vt- ru- 13) Brook site indicates activities related to stone tool manu- The Otter Creek 2 site is located on a low rise / knoll on the facture and maintenance, as evidenced by the lithic deb- east side of Otter Creek in Brandon Swamp at an elevation 68 Crock and Robinson of roughly 116 m (380 ft) (see fi gure 3.1, site 22). Extensive any other characteristics that would suggest it was redepos- private collections have been made here (VAI site fi les), ited by fl uvial or other processes; therefore, the site location and limited systematic work was conducted at the site by is considered accurate. Moreover, despite its position adja- Ritchie (1979). Although the site is better known for its cent to the Winooski River, a cursory examination of the extensive Late Archaic, Laurentian tradition occupation, specifi c site locale suggests that it was not regularly subject Ritchie recovered several projectile points representing to fl ooding until the recent historic past when the river earlier occupations within his designated Zone 3 horizon was narrowed at that point and a dam was constructed. at the site (which also yielded Late Archaic tools). Among Thus, the point’s intermixture with more recent artifacts is these are three “fragmentary points or knives of possible not altogether anomalous. Based on the projectile point’s Plano style” (1979:6). Ritchie cites the “collateral or parallel narrow blade, fl aking, and basal treatment, it is related to ribbon fl aking technique” (1979:6) as diagnostic, diff erenti- Ste. Anne / Varney type tools and is therefore attributable ating these tools from the other projectile points recovered. to the Late Paleoindian period. The location of the site Based on the fl aking illustrated (1979:Plate 2, 7–9) and de- near the modern channel of the Winooski River indicates scribed, these points can likely be assigned to the Ste-Anne / that by Late Paleoindian times habitable landforms existed Varney group. Of interest, the site also may have had an along lower elevations of major river valleys in locations earlier, Early Paleoindian occupation, as suggested by a that would have been inundated by the Champlain Sea in probable fl uted point in the Sandy Fellon collection from previous Paleoindian subperiods. the site (artifact VT-RU- 13:300, illustrated by Loring, in VAI site fi les). The long-term use of this particular swamp bristol pond sites (vt-ad- 11 / vt-ad- 160) island, beginning as early as the Late Paleoindian period As discussed in the Early and Middle Paleoindian sections, and perhaps earlier, testifi es to the long-term productivity the Bristol Pond area contains several multicomponent of the Brandon Swamp portion of the Otter Creek drainage Native American sites frequented by artifact collectors. In as well as the early importance of the limited, well-drained addition to producing fl uted points attributable to earlier landforms available for habitation. Though it is unclear Paleoindian periods, an area on the western side of Bristol where the Otter Creek channel was located in relation to Pond or Lake Winona at or in the vicinity of site VT-AD- 11 the site during its earliest occupation, the site demonstrates also has yielded at least one tool that can be attributed to the presence of people along the main stem of a major river the Late Paleoindian period. A square- based, parallel- sided, between the sea / lake and the western foothills of the Green and parallel- fl aked projectile point fragment made of Mountains. weathered Kineo felsite was collected by Langdon Smith (fi gure 3.12, middle). Though Mount Kineo rhyolite does winooski redevelopment site (vt- ch- 900) appear at the Reagen site in a form attributable to a slightly The Winooski Falls site is a multicomponent site located earlier Paleoindian subperiod (Cormier / Nicholas), the use on the north side of the Winooski River, just above the of this material is more clearly associated with Late Paleo- falls in Winooski, Chittenden County, at an elevation of indian occupations in some portions of the Northeast such approximately 51 m (168 ft) amsl (see fi gure 3.1, site 23). The as at Lake Mégantic (Chapdelaine 2007). This point helps site was identifi ed as part of a regulatory study undertaken round out what appears to have been a repeated occupation in 2002 for the Winooski Redevelopment project by the of the Bristol Pond / Lake Winona area throughout Paleo- Archaeology Consulting Team (Frink 2002). indian times. This body of water off ered a concentration of A parallel- fl aked, basally thinned quartzite projectile natural resources and close proximity to quartzite sources, point base and midsection was recovered from 46–59 cm in addition to proximity to upland valley corridors through below the ground surface within a buried historic plow the Green Mountains, leading to its margins being occu- zone that also contained historic artifacts (fi gure 3.12, pied and reoccupied during Paleoindian times and, later right). The artifact is not waterworn and does not exhibit on, throughout the entire precontact era. Maritime Mountaineers 69

bessette ii site (vt- fr- 140) developed into even more important resource zones during The Bessette II site is located in Highgate, along a second- the Early Archaic period. ary terrace of the Missisquoi River at an approximate eleva- tion of 61 m (200 ft) (see fi gure 3.1, site 24). Bessette II is DISCUSSION the uppermost and earliest occupation within a multicom- ponent, horizontally stratifi ed site complex (Thomas et al. Recent advances in our understanding of Paleoindian set- 1996). The site is included here as an example of a late Late tlement in what is now Vermont can mainly be attributed Paleoindian period occupation, or one transitional with to the cumulative results of regulatory archaeology over the the Early Archaic period, on the basis of projectile point past decade. Though the information gained from accu- forms, an associated tool suite, and a radiocarbon date. mulating spot fi nds remains invaluable to our reconstruc- The two projectile point fragments from the site both ex- tions of early human history in Far Northeast, there is no hibit gracile, side-notched bases with more or less parallel- substitute for sites systematically studied in their primary fl aked, lanceolate midsections. Both appear to be made context. When the range of site settings can be evaluated from nonlocal cherts, macroscopically similar to material alongside associated artifact assemblages, the results are derived from quarries in the Hudson Valley. The parallel- particularly revealing for the reconstruction of both the sided, parallel- fl aked blades and shallow notching on two timing and direction of human entry into what is now Ver- of the bases seem to combine characteristics of Ste. Anne / mont and subsequent trends in settlement and site func- Varney Late Paleoindian forms with notched Early Archaic tion. Issues regarding the directionality of both settlement forms (Bradley et al. 2008). Moreover, barring the projectile and interregional communication can be made on the basis point forms, the other artifacts are much more characteris- of exotic lithic materials represented in fi nished projectile tic of regional Early Archaic occupations, with large tabu- points attributable to Paleoindian periods and the propor- lar knives made of sedimentary stone and a suite of quartz tions of exotic materials recovered from systematically stud- tools (Thomas et al. 1992; see Robinson and Crock 2006). ied Paleoindian sites (fi gure 3.13). These data indicate that, A radiocarbon date of 7730 ± 180 BP (Beta-8503) was from the outset, Paleoindians in Vermont were linked geo- returned from a buried wood fragment above the area of graphically and socially to groups to the east and the west. the projectile points’ recovery (Thomas et al. 1996). When Based on a high incidence of exotic materials originating calibrated, the two sigma range for the date is between 9008 in Maine and New Hampshire, however, Vermont Paleo- and 8187 BP, or right at the generally accepted chronological indians appear to have been closely connected to points east position between the Late Paleoindian and Early Archaic throughout the Paleoindian periods. periods, though how much earlier the site dates is uncertain and the wide two sigma range is not helpful. As reported by Early Paleoindians on the West Coast of New England Bradley and others (2008), Ste. Anne / Varney style points The presence of chert originating from Munsungun Lake have been recovered from sites dated to even more recent in Maine in Early Paleoindian sites in Vermont supports a periods, including the Rimouski site (Chapdelaine 1994) possible east- to- west colonization model. Paleoindians pos- and the Lower Saranac River site (Hartgen Archaeologi- sibly followed the Champlain Sea outlet inland, up what cal Associates 1991), which is situated in a similar setting later became the St. Lawrence Valley and into the inland across the lake. Thus, the end date for Ste. Anne / Varney portion of the sea. A “coastal” model of migration also is occupations is far from clear at this point, and it may have supported by the majority of sites and tools attributable varied locally. Bessette II is therefore important as poten- to the Early Paleoindian period that have been found, not tially representing a transitional component between the only near the margins of the Champlain Sea, but also in two. Certainly sites such as Bessette II and the John’s Bridge the northern portion of the valley, closest to the outlet. site (Thomas 1992; Thomas and Robinson 1980) attest that Having stated this, we do not wish to accentuate initial the Missisquoi River and other major river corridors likely colonization or pioneer models, where the information is 70 Crock and Robinson

close relationship with people and places to the east. In particular, routes to or from Munsungun Lake may have been most effi cient via the Champlain Sea outlet or via an overland route through the Green Mountains and into the Connecticut Valley, then through the White Mountains, past Mount Jasper, and into the upper Androscoggin drain- age. Though other materials at Mahan such as probable Pennsylvania jasper, Hudson Valley chert, and Onondaga chert also indicate a broad sphere of interaction and travel that includes the areas to the west and south of the Cham- plain Sea, there seems to be a stronger connection with the east, at least as emerging from the raw material proportions within the presently available data set. From the outset, there appears to have been a familiarity with local material sources as well. Access to these materi- als would have been relatively easy, with cherts potentially available in exposures near the sea, or in ledges or cobbles exposed elsewhere in the valley, although Hathaway For- mation cherts would not have been available until at least the latter portion of the Late Paleoindian period (Robin- son 2008, 2009). Cheshire quartzite such as that used to 3.13. Map of the Far Northeast showing sources of lithic raw manufacture the fl uted point and preforms at the Mahan materials that appear in Vermont Paleoindian assemblages. Note site would have been easily acquired as well, from glacially estimated landscape features including the Champlain Sea at its maximum, the paleoshoreline along the eastern seaboard, and distributed boulders or in quarries on the western fl anks of glaciated areas to the north. the Green Mountains in the Bristol / Monkton area. Ver- mont quartzite also has been found in Paleoindian contexts necessarily impressionistic and the “fi rst sites” will likely outside of Vermont, notably in the form of fl uted points never be identifi ed, or accurately identifi ed as such. With- at the Whipple site in New Hampshire (Curran 1984) and out question, however, the Mahan site is clearly associated scrapers at Paleoindian sites in Maine (Spiess et al. 1998). with the margins of the Champlain Sea, and the Reyn- It is particularly interesting that some of the fl uted point olds and Bishop spot fi nds nearby also are associated with spot fi nds attributable to the Early Paleoindian period, such sandy, higher- elevation features on the margins of the sea, as those from the Leicester Flats site, are located near the near the then mouth of the Winooski River in the north- headwaters of the Otter Creek drainage, which not only ern part of Vermont (see fi gure 3.1 and location of Bull provides a general corridor between the sea and upland ar- Brook / West Athens Hill–related sites). Of note, the mean eas including postglacial Lake Dunmore but also includes elevation of the six Early Paleoindian sites / fi nds summa- areas noted for quartzite exposures. The fl uted point found rized above is 144 m (472 ft) amsl, well above the rough in the Mad River valley also indicates that the Cham- estimate of the Champlain Sea maximum (ca. 100 m plain Sea-to- uplands route may have continued through [330 ft] amsl). the Green Mountains, perhaps via the upper New Haven The range of materials represented at the Mahan site River through the Appalachian Gap, which connects the and by the Bull Brook / West Athens Hill type fi nds as a Otter Creek drainage with the Mad River valley (modern group, notably Mount Jasper / Jeff erson rhyolite in the form VT Rte. 17). of the Bishop site point and the presence of what appears As noted in our introduction, there is a general lack of to be Munsungun chert at the Mahan site, speaks to a recorded Paleoindian sites on the Vermont side of the upper Maritime Mountaineers 71

Middle Paleoindian Period Maritime Mountaineers and East- West Corridors We have even stronger evidence of people living near the Champlain Sea by the Middle Paleoindian period, with the Reagen and Fairfax Sandblows sites situated at the outlets of two of Vermont’s largest rivers, the Missisquoi and the Lamoille, respectively. The recent research on the Reagen collection by Robinson (2009) also indicates that Reagen may have had the added attraction of being at or near a chert exposure. The clear maritime focus evidenced by the location of these sites, and some tools included in the Rea- gen collection (Robinson et al. 2004), is coupled with evi- dence that people not only traveled overland though moun- tain passes but also spent at least some time in the higher elevations. The Jackson- Gore site in Ludlow in the heart of the Green Mountains is the most upland Paleoindian site in Vermont and, along with the Israel River complex in the White Mountains of New Hampshire (Boisvert 1998, 1999), one of only a few in such settings known regionally. The spot fi nds near Little Otter Creek and Bristol Pond show that, during the fi nal centuries of the Champlain 3.14. “Miniature” chert fl uted point from Newbury (VT- OR- 89). Sea, east- west routes through the Green Mountains, appar- ently pioneered during the Early Paleoindian period, still Connecticut River valley, a major corridor on the east side pertained. It is certainly worth considering what snow and of what is now Vermont. This lack of data is attributed to a ice coverage was like at higher elevations during this time lack of systematic sampling and collector information. One and whether temperatures were cool enough to maintain exception is a “miniature” fl uted point recovered by UVM snow pack year round or if peaks and higher elevation val- CAP during a waterline survey along Rte. 5 in Newbury, leys were seasonally free of snow and ice. In either case, it Vermont (see fi gure 3.1, site 25). The small point from site is probable that the majority of travel through the Green VT- OR- 89, Locus 1, is only 1.6 cm long but exhibits fl uting Mountains to the Connecticut River valley during Early on both sides (fi gure 3.14). and Middle Paleoindian times occurred during the warmer Though this point was recovered from a disturbed fi ll months of the year. Hunting animals like caribou or moose context, the general location of the site, on a high terrace (or less likely mammoth) in the uplands would have been overlooking the valley, fi ts as a likely setting for a Paleo- easier in deep snow, but human travel would have been indian era occupation. Based on miniature fl uted point more diffi cult. analogues from other Paleoindian sites in the Northeast— Interestingly, annual settlement cycles at this time may such as recovered at Fisher (Storck 1991) and Parkhill in have run counter to reconstructions for later prehistory. In- Ontario (Ellis and Deller 2000), Debert in Nova Scotia stead of a settlement pattern where people focused on lake- (MacDonald 1968), Vail in Maine (Gramly 1982), and Bull side and lower valley locales during the spring and summer Brook in Massachusetts (Grimes 1979)—the point is likely and moved into upland hunting grounds in the fall and attributable to the Early or Middle Paleoindian period. No winter, during the Early and Middle Paleoindian periods other discernibly Paleoindian materials were recovered in cooler temperatures brought on by the Younger Dryas may association with the point, and its original provenience is have inverted this pattern. Instead, because of the warmer unknown. temperatures associated with the Champlain Sea environ- 72 Crock and Robinson ment, people may have been drawn to the coastline year the period. Formerly inundated areas hosted new ponds round and ventured into the uplands only during the sum- and wetlands that provided consistent resources. Forests mer months when conditions were more favorable for over- became more varied with the addition of deciduous trees. land travel. Unfortunately, the site sample is very small, not Overall, Native Americans living in Vermont during the to mention a total lack of seasonality data in the form of Late Paleoindian period witnessed some of the most dra- fl oral or faunal remains. Based on the available site sample, matic environmental changes in the human history of the however, nonnavigable stream corridors, arguably more dif- region. The margins of former estuaries of the Champlain fi cult to follow in deep snow, appear to have been equally or Sea were still attractive, as evidenced by sites like Mazza more important than major valleys for travel away from the and Arbor Gardens. These sites are located on similar out- sea shore and into (and through) upland areas. wash terraces above tributary streams which, by the Late The Little Otter Creek and Hinsdale site fi nds, like Paleoindian period, took more meandering routes through those known from the Otter Creek drainage later, indi- newly exposed terrain instead of emptying directly into the cate movement inland from the sea for hunting, as im- sea as they had before. People began to inhabit lowlands, plied by the projectile points recovered. Interestingly, the including formerly inundated areas. The mean elevation of two fl uted points from Little Otter Creek were found near the eight Late Paleoindian sites and fi nds discussed above north- south trending ridges. Not only would these ridge is 95 m (312 ft), or 25 m (82 ft) below the mean elevation of lines have formed natural corridors for game and overland Middle Paleoindian period sites and 49 m (163 ft) below the travel by people, they also were slightly higher than sur- mean elevation of the Early Paleoindian sites. Remnants rounding terrain and therefore were likely drier as well. of the Champlain Sea or pockets of glacial ice in the form Other sites including VT- CH- 190 and VT- CH- 230 also of ponds and kettles likely developed into concentrations of show a use of secondary streams and drainage divide areas plant and animal resources. The Gonyeau projectile point during the Middle Paleoindian period, indicating that these comes from a location not only near the headwaters of a areas likely supported plant and animal communities im- secondary stream that once drained directly into the sea but portant to people and had dried out enough to support at also near a probable postglacial, post- sea kettle pond. The least short- term habitation. Finds from Bristol Pond show area ringing this former pond (now wetland) was returned that this upland water body, like the Leicester River / Lake to for millennia, as evidenced by several multicomponent Dunmore area, was a destination, as it would be for millen- sites along its margins. The Arnold Brook site in Brandon nia afterward. In an analogous setting, the Auclair site near also provides material evidence in the form of specialized Shelburne Pond helps highlight the importance of postgla- tools that indicate that people had adapted to the newly cial lake environments which, early on, attracted natural available plant and tree resources and continued to utilize communities of plants, game, and at least seasonal habi- secondary stream corridors for specialized extraction. tation by Native people. Of note, although the sites and Perhaps the most important new development in the spot fi nds attributable to the Middle Paleoindian period Late Paleoindian period, however, is the settlement along include one of the highest- elevation sites in New England main stems of major rivers (see fi gure 3.1 and location of and the Maritimes, the mean elevation for the eleven sites / Ste. Anne / Varney–related sites). By the Late Paleoindian fi nds discussed above is 120 m (393 ft), or 24 m (79 ft) lower period, rivers ran slower and warmer as a result of climatic than the mean elevation for the smaller sample of Early change. The location of several sites both at lower eleva- Paleoindian sites / fi nds. tions and immediately adjacent to major river channels in Vermont and elsewhere in the Champlain Basin indicates Late Paleoindian Period: Wetland and Riverine Adaptations that, by this time, fi shing began to be productive, not to Over the course of the Late Paleoindian period the Cham- mention that riverine travel likely was more feasible as a plain Sea had receded to a level more or less equivalent result of the rivers’ reduced velocity. The advent of river- to modern lake levels, leaving an increasingly freshwater ine adaptations is suggested by sites such as the Winooski Lake Champlain in its place at or near the conclusion of Redevelopment site, the Bessette II site along the Mis- Maritime Mountaineers 73 sisquoi, and the Lower Saranac Prehistoric site across the late James Petersen for inspiring us to pursue any and all lake (Hartgen Archaeological Associates 1991), as well as aspects of Northeastern archaeology and archaeology in the Otter Creek 2 site on Otter Creek in Brandon. In ad- general. dition to helping reconstruct Late Paleoindian settlement and adaptation, these sites also highlight the potential of lower river valleys for preserving as-yet- unidentifi ed sites REFERENCES from this poorly known period. Agassiz, Louis A. 1850. On the Fossil Remains of an Elephant Clearly, one of the most interesting aspects of Vermont’s Found in Vermont. 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The “Fairfax Sandblows” Site (VT-FR- 64): New (Maine) in Paleoamerican Archaeological Sites in North- Evidence about a Michaud / Niponset Paleoindian Site eastern North America: Recognition of Its Occurrence and in the Champlain Basin. Journal of Vermont Archaeology Distribution. Journal of Archaeological Science 26:269–293. 9:13–28. Rayburn, John A., David A. Franzi, and Peter L. K. Kneupher. Robinson, Francis, John Crock, and James Petersen. 2004. 2007. Evidence from the Lake Champlain Valley for a Notched Oblique Scrapers in Vermont Paleoindian Lithic Later Onset of the Champlain Sea and Implications for Assemblages. Journal of Vermont Archaeology 5:29–41. Late Glacial Meltwater Routing to the North Atlantic. Pa- Robinson, Francis, IV, John Crock, Jennifer Robins, Kate Kenny, laeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 246:62–74. and Geoff rey Mandel. 2009. Archaeological Phase III Data Rayburn, John A., Peter L. K. Kneupher, and David A. Franzi. Recovery Excavations along the VELCO High Voltage 2005. A Series of Large, Late Wisconsinan Metlwater Transmission System Upgrade, Northwest Vermont Reli- Floods through the Champlain and Hudson Valleys, New ability Project 345kV Line, Rutland and Addison Counties, York State, USA. Quaternary Science Reviews 24:2410–2419. Vermont. Report prepared for VELCO. University of Ver- Richard, Pierre J. H., and Serge Occhietti. 2005. C Chronol- mont Consulting Archaeology Program Report 558. ogy for Ice Retreat and Inception of Champlain Sea in Rodrigues, C. G. 1988. Late Quaternary Invertebrate Faunal As- the St. Lawrence Lowlands, Canada. Quaternary Research sociations and Chronology of the Western Champlain Sea 63:353–358. Basin. In The Late Quaternary Development of the Cham- Ridge, John C. 2003. The Last Deglaciation of the Northeastern plain Sea Basin, ed. N. R. Gadd, 155–176. Geological As- United States: A Combined Varve, Paleomagnetic, and sociation of Canada Special Paper 35. Geological Survey of Calibrated C Chronology. In Geoarchaeology of Land- Canada, Ottawa. scapes in the Glaciated Northeast, ed. David L. Cremeens Spiess, Arthur. E., and Deborah B. Wilson. 1987. Michaud: A and John P. Hart, 15–48. New York State Museum Bulletin Paleoindian Site in the New England- Maritimes Region. Oc- 497. Albany, New York. casional Publications in Maine Archaeology 6. Maine His- Ridge, John C., Mark R. Besonen, Marc Brochu, Sarah L. Brown, toric Preservation Commission and Maine Archaeological Jamie W. Callahan, Glenn J. Cook, Robert S. Nicholson, Society, Augusta, Maine. and Nathaniel J. Toll. 1999. Varve, Paleomagnetic, and C Spiess, Arthur E., Deborah B. Wilson, and James Bradley. 1998. Chronologies for Late Pleistocene Events in New Hamp- Paleoindian Occupation in the New England- Maritimes shire and Vermont (U.S.A.). Géographie physique et Qua- Region: Beyond Cultural Ecology. Archaeology of Eastern ternaire 53(1): 79–106. North America 26:201–264. Ritchie, William A. 1953. A Probable Paleo-Indian Site in Ver- Storck, Peter L. 1991. Imperialists Without a State: The Cultural mont. American Antiquity 18(3): 249–258. Dynamics of Early Paleoindian Colonization as Seen from ———. 1957. Traces of Early Man in the Northeast. New York the Great Lakes Region. In Clovis: Origins and Adaptations, State Museum and Science Service Bulletin 358. Albany, ed. R. Bonnichsen and K. L. Turnmire. Oregon State Uni- New York. versity Press, Corvallis. ———. 1969. The Archaeology of New York State. Rev. ed. Natural ———. 2002. Projectile Points from the Sheguiandah Site. In History Press, Garden City, New York. The Sheguiandah Site: Archaeological, Geological, and Paleo- 76 Crock and Robinson

botanical Studies at a Paleoindian site on Manitoulin Island, Final Report of Archaeological Studies Conducted for the Ontario, ed. Patrick J. Julig. Mercury Series 161. Canadian Highgate Falls Archaeological Project. Prepared for the Vil- Museum of Civilization, Gatineau, Quebec. lage of Swanton. University of Vermont Consulting Ar- Thomas, Peter A. 1992. The Early and Middle Archaic Periods as chaeology Program Report 170. Represented in Western Vermont. In Early Holocene Oc- Thomas, Peter, R. Scott Dillon, and Prudence Doherty. 1985. cupation in Northern New England, ed. James B. Petersen, Archaeological Reconnaissance Survey for the Chittenden Brian Robinson, and Ann K. Robinson, 187–203. Occa- County Circumferential Highway. Vol. 2: Site Descrip- sional Publications of the Maine Archaeological Society. tions and Technical Information. Report Submitted to Augusta, Maine. Howard, Needles, Tammen and Bergendoff and the Chit- ———. 2002. Contributions to Understanding Vermont Pre- tenden County Circumferential Highway District. Univer- history: The Chittenden County Circumferential High- sity of Vermont Department of Anthropology Report 52. way Archaeological Studies, 1983–2000. Technical report Thomas, Peter, Prudence Doherty, and Robert Florentin. 1998. submitted to the Vermont Agency of Transportation. Phase 1 Site Identifi cation, Phase 2 Site Evaluation, and University of Vermont Consulting Archaeology Program Phase 3 Data Recovery for the Revised Alignment between Report 204. Route 15-Route 2, Chittenden County Circumferential Thomas, Peter A., and Prudence Doherty. 1985. Archaeological Highway, Essex and Williston, Vermont. Report submit- Reconnaissance Survey for the Chittenden County Cir- ted to the Vermont Agency of Transportation. University cumferential Highway. Vol. 1: Project Description, Back- of Vermont Consulting Archaeology Program Report 200. ground Studies, Sampling Approaches and Management Toney, Joshua, and John Crock. 2006. The Arbor Gardens Site: A Summary. Report Submitted to Howard, Needles, Tam- Probable Early Holocene Site in Northwestern Vermont. men and Bergendoff and the Chittenden County Circum- Journal of Vermont Archaeology 7:1–19. ferential Highway District. University of Vermont Depart- Wormington, H. M. 1957. Ancient Man in North America. Popu- ment of Anthropology Report 52. lar Series 4. Denver Museum of Natural History, Denver. Thomas, Peter A., and Brian S. Robinson. 1980. The John’s Bridge Wray, Charles Foster. 1948. Varieties and Sources of Flint Found in Site: VT-FR- 69 . Department of Anthropology, University New York State. Pennsylvania Archaeologist 18(1 / 2): 25–45. of Vermont, Report 28. Wright, James V. 1995. Plano Culture. In A History of the Na- Thomas, Peter, Nanny Carder, and Robert Florentin. 1996. A tive People of Canada, Vol. 1 (10,000–1,000 B.C.), 96–120. Changing World: 8,000 Years of Native American Settle- Mercury Series: Archaeological Survey of Canada 152. Ca- ment along the Missisquoi River in Highgate, Vermont. nadian Museum of Civilization, Gatineau, Quebec. chapter iv

The Paleoindian Period in New Hampshire

Richard A. Boisvert

ummarizing archaeological data from an arbitrarily fl oral archaeological materials are immensely informative defi ned space is always a risky proposition. Rarely is and serve to remind us that the preserved data are pro- Ssuch a summary viewed as adequate or even valid. foundly biased. Finally, the number of sites that may be The eff ort is even more unreliable if data from within the analyzed are painfully few in number, with sixteen par- selected area are known or believed to be uneven. Present- tially excavated sites and eight reasonably well documented ing a summary of Paleoindian data in New Hampshire is isolated fi nds of Paleoindian artifacts (fi gure 4.1). Among fraught with all of these liabilities. The area of the state this total a third are from sites with Archaic or Woodland is quite arbitrary from an ecological or cultural historical components, and their analyses are somewhat confounded perspective, circumscribing only one major watershed, with mixed assemblages. A summary of Paleoindian sites in the Merrimack (and not even all of that), the east half New Hampshire is therefore constrained by several limiting of the Connecticut, the upper reaches of the Saco, the circumstances. middle reaches of the Androscoggin, and a collection of Whether or not New Hampshire has a large or repre- minor streams that feed into a very small maritime zone. sentative body of Paleoindian sites, it is still important and The White Mountains are perhaps the only environmen- necessary to move forward with interpretations of the avail- tal zone completely within the state. Systematic archaeo- able data. These sites cannot be understood in isolation, logical survey of the state does not exist. Sites have been and the larger questions regarding the Paleoindian period found, but chance discovery accounts for about half of the require a synthesis of all available data. Understanding the sites recorded, and only one site (Thorne) was found as a larger questions of origins, intergroup relationships, change product of a survey carried out specifi cally to fi nd a Paleo- over time, and ultimate closure of the Paleoindian period indian site; the others were found as part of CRM surveys and culture can only be derived from interpretations of the in advance of development. Paleoindian assemblages are patterns and diff erences among these sites. That they are overwhelmingly dominated by lithics, with scant represen- imperfect is relevant only insofar as we are concerned with tation of faunal or fl oral materials. When present faunal or the absolute certainty of our conclusions.

77 78 Richard A. Boisvert

developed her interpretations from the perspective of the Whipple site (Curran 1984, 1987), since it was the only well- published Paleoindian site in the state. Drawing from her own research and supplementing it with unpublished data shared by other researchers, she off ered a broad summary of Paleoindian data in New Hampshire and sketched likely research issues. The Whipple site was identifi ed in the mid-1970s and immediately recognized as a rich and important Paleoindian site. This signifi cance proved to be a two-edged sword, encouraging on the one hand commitment of signifi cant resources from state and federal agencies, educational in- stitutions, and the local community and unfortunately on the other hand looting by relic hunters. Field research doc- umented three subareas or loci, two of which were Paleo- indian encampments. The site is situated on the shoulder of a broad slope overlooking a sharp bend of the Ashuelot River and a former kettle pond that had been breached by the meandering of the river. A large assemblage of distinc- tive Paleoindian points and other tools were documented, both from the formal excavations and from collections made by local residents. Curran hypothesized a close rela- tionship with the other well- known southern New England 4.1. Map of Paleoindian sites and isolated fi nds in New Hamp- Paleoindian sites, stating, “The similarity, technologically shire. Sites: 1, Colebrook site, Colebrook; 2, Mount Jasper lithic and lithologically, of the Bull Brook and Whipple site ma- source, Berlin; 3, Israel River Complex (Jeff erson I, II, III, IV terials [Curran 1984; Grimes et al. 1984] suggests that closely and V), Jeff erson; 4, Potter site, Randolph; 5, Stone’s Throw related groups occupied both ‘ends’ of the habitat scale and site, Tamworth; 6, Thorne site, Effi ngham; 7, Weirs Beach site, Laconia; 8, George’s Mills, Sunapee; 9 Whipple site, Swanzey; adjusted their exploitative strategies accordingly” (1987:304). 10, Tenant Swamp site, Keene; 11, Thornton’s Ferry and Hume At that time there were only four other sites with exca- sites, Merrimack. Isolated fi nds: a, Lowe biface, Randolph; b, vated Paleoindian components in the state, most of which Intervale point, Conway; c, Ossipee Lake point, Freedom; d, received publication a few years later: the Thorne site (Bois- Massabesic Lake point, Auburn; e, Smyth, Neville, and Man- chester points, Manchester; f, New Boston point, New Boston. vert 2005) in Effi ngham, the Thornton’s Ferry site (unpub- lished except for Curran’s 1994 comments), the Hume site (Boisvert and Bennett 2004) in Merrimack, and the HISTORY OF RESEARCH George’s Mills site in Sunapee (Sargent 1982, 1990). Cur- 1995 is an appropriate year to divide the research on the ran also incorporated data from the Weirs Beach site in Paleoindian period in New Hampshire, for it was at this Laconia (Bolian 1977, 1980) since it likely represented the point that the fi rst of the sites in the Israel River Complex transition from the Late Paleoindian to the Early Archaic. (Bouras and Bock 1997) were discovered. This marked the Of these sites only the Thornton’s Ferry site consisted of an beginning of a rapid accumulation of new sites, and by 2003 excavated component with a fl uted point. In addition to the total number of excavated Paleoindian sites had more these sites there were also a handful of individual fi nds of than doubled to a modest total of fi fteen. Mary Lou Curran fl uted points: a surface fi nd on Ossipee Lake (Sargent and had produced a summary of Paleoindian research in New Ledoux 1973), isolated fi nds deep in the Smyth and Neville Hampshire the prior year (Curran 1994) and of necessity sites at Amoskeag Falls in Manchester (Curran 1994:43–45), The Paleoindian Period in New Hampshire 79 and a vaguely reported discovery made in 1888 by an art- lithic assemblage related to fl uted point manufacture (Bois- ist in North Conway at a locale known as “The Intervale” vert 2008). Another Paleoindian site, known as Stone’s (Sargent and Ledoux 1973:67). Throw, was found through a CRM survey in Tamworth Curran and colleagues (Spiess et al. 1985) concluded that adjacent to a lithic quarry (Ives and Leveillee 2005). This we had only very basic data for the state, limited to con- was a small component identifi ed on the basis of a channel fi rmation of the presence of caribou and beaver hunters at fl ake and Mount Jasper rhyolite debitage. small camps and estimated 10,000–11,000 C years ago. She The Potter site in Randolph was discovered in 2003 identifi ed the need to resolve the internal chronology of the and has been under annual investigation and the subject Paleoindian period, sorting out the variation in projectile of three fi eld schools. The site is large, in excess of three point stylistics (which she saw as relevant to chronological acres (1.2 ha), with at least eight areas of artifact concentra- issues) and lithic sourcing. The status of Paleoindian studies tions. Comprehensive use wear analyses have revealed that for New Hampshire by 1995 was at a basic presence / absence woodworking was an important activity in at least two of level with the expectation that much more was available to the concentrations (Boisvert and Shoberg 2007; Rockwell be learned. So meager was the database for Paleoindian sites 2010), and half of the concentrations exhibit evidence of in the state that Whipple was the only site that had produced multiple activities suggestive of household encampments. more than one fl uted point or triangular spurred endscraper. The site contains both Michaud / Neponset and Bull Brook / The discovery of a fl uted point base at the fi rst of the West Athens Hill style points and likely represents a re- Israel River Complex sites in Jeff erson in the fall of 1995 peated occupation over an undetermined, but substantial, prompted a series of investigations by the New Hampshire time span within the Paleoindian period. Division of Historical Resources through the State Conser- The most recently added Paleoindian site is the Jeff erson vation and Rescue Archaeology Program (SCRAP), which VI site, found near the Jeff erson IV and V sites in the sum- brought forward a series of Paleoindian sites and associated mer of 2010. Initial survey recorded a small amount of deb- research. At the onset three sites were identifi ed (Boisvert itage, a channel fl ake, endscraper, and biface fragment, and 1997, 1998a): Jeff erson I, which contributed a pair of fl uted further survey and testing in 2011 has produced fl uted point point bases; Jeff erson II, which developed into a large, mul- fragments and debitage made from exotic raw materials. tilocus campsite that was eventually purchased for preserva- The increasing interest in Paleoindian research has also tion by the Archaeological Conservancy; and Jeff erson III, a brought forward information on several isolated fi nds, large multilocus site that may span nearly the entire breadth some of which were made decades earlier, such as the Lowe of the Paleoindian period (Boisvert 1998b, 1999a). Three biface found in 1947 in the Corrigan gravel pit in Ran- seasons of fi eld schools at the Jeff erson sites contributed to dolph (Boisvert 1999a:163–164); an indeterminate style an elevated public awareness of archaeological resources in fl uted point from Manchester and a Kings Road / Whipple the community, and a chance fi nd by a landowner led to style fl uted point from nearby Auburn (Evans 1996), both the discovery of two additional sites: Jeff erson IV, a small, recovered in the mid- twentieth century; and a Vail / Debert probable short- term hunting camp (Boisvert and Puseman style point from New Boston (Boisvert 1994). Undoubtedly 2002); and the nearby Jeff erson V site, which contained a review of museum and private collections would identify lithic workshops and a lithic extraction locale. Field inves- additional Paleoindian points whose general provenience tigations at the Israel River Complex continued through might be found to be reasonably secure. 2004, and analysis of the sites is ongoing. Signifi cant advances were also made in other regions of LITHIC SOURCING, GEOGRAPHIC the state. A CRM survey for a gas transmission line resulted SETTING, AND TYPES OF in the discovery of a small Paleoindian site in Colebrook PALEOINDIAN SITES (Bunker and Potter 1999; Bunker et al. 1997). This site was revisited in 2006 as a SCRAP fi eld school and signifi cant Concurrent with site identifi cation has been a signifi cantly additional data were obtained, including a greatly expanded enhanced ability to identify the geological sources of lithics 80 Richard A. Boisvert

Table .. Paleoindian Sites and Isolated Finds in New Hampshire

Approximate Early Middle Late Site Site Type Size (m) Setting Soil Paleo Paleo Paleo ? Paleo

Colebrook transient camp 25 riverine alluvial X Mt Jasper quarry / workshop >100,000 upland till XXX Jeff erson I transient camp 2500 upland till X Jeff erson II base camp 50,000 upland till XX Jeff erson III base camp 100,000 upland till XX Jeff erson IV transient camp 750 upland till X X Jeff erson V transient camp / workshop 20,000 upland till X Potter base camp 12,000 kettle pond till XX Stone’s Throw transient camp / workshop 500 upland alluvial X Thorne transient camp 100 wetland margin outwash X The Weirs unknown 100 lakeside alluvial X George’s Mills transient camp 100 lakeside alluvial X Thornton’s Ferry unknown 500 kettle pond outwash X Hume unknown 100 kettle pond outwash X Tenant Swamp transient camp 200 wetland margin alluvial X Whipple base camp 2,000 kettle pond till X Corrigan Pit unknown upland outwash X Intervale unknown upland outwash X Ossipee unknown riverine outwash X Massabesic Lake unknown unknown outwash X Manchester unknown unknown unknown X Smyth unknown riverine outwash X Neville unknown riverine outwash X New Boston unknown upland unknown X found on Paleoindian sites. This research has been lead by indian settlement and movements across the Northeast Stephen Pollock, geologist at the University of Southern (Bradley 1998; Burke 2006; Spiess and Wilson 1987). Maine. The fi rst contribution (Pollock et al. 1996) was to The current database for New Hampshire Paleoindian clearly associate the Mount Jasper spherulitic rhyolite with sites currently stands at sixteen sites, not including Jeff er- Paleoindian assemblages at the Neponset site in Massachu- son VI (table 4.1), plus half that many reasonably specifi c setts and others in Maine. This had the logical consequence reports of isolated fl uted points and one distinctive Paleo- of recognizing Mount Jasper in Berlin, New Hampshire, as indian biface. The geographic and temporal spread of these a Paleoindian site in its own right and facilitating identifi ca- sites is broad, covering a large part of the state, with gaps tion of Paleoindian components on other sites. Pollock also notably in the central portion of the Connecticut River clarifi ed distinctions between two similar yet geographically drainage and the seacoast and adjacent hinterlands. This distinct spherulitic rhyolites, Mount Jasper rhyolite from general lack of sites is viewed as a refl ection of lesser survey Berlin and the Jeff erson rhyolite found naturally occurring eff ort and chance. Paleoindian sites are not recorded in the at some of the Israel River Complex sites 25 km away in White Mountains, but few prehistoric sites of any age are Jeff erson (Boisvert and Pollock 2009; Pollock et al. 2007, reported there, and the lack of sites is also a likely result of 2008). This capability has expanded the range of research the same factors. Systematic reconnaissance is needed to avenues and allows for fi ner-grained contextual analyses. resolve this defi ciency. Additionally, recognition of other raw materials from vari- A few key site types emerge from this body of data: ous known sources has benefi ted interpretation of Paleo- quarry- lithic extraction sites, lithic workshops, small- scale The Paleoindian Period in New Hampshire 81

hunter- forager transient camps, and aggregated base camps. Northeast, but many questions about Paleoindian behavior Kill sites, though logically predicted have not been identi- at the site itself are unanswered. The rhyolite dike that was fi ed, nor have any ritual or burial sites been found. These mined prehistorically is one of at least nine known dikes site types are not necessarily mutually exclusive, and iden- in the vicinity (Billings and Fowler- Billings 1975), so the tifi cation as to site function (or more properly functions at potential remains that other less prominent sources may a site) is dictated by lithic data, which obviously introduces yet be identifi ed and other related sites may be preserved. an interpretive bias. Furthermore, it is essential that we dis- Understanding the lithic assemblage at the initial dis- tinguish between actual large- scale aggregated base camps covery of the Israel River Complex was confounded by the that supported multiple contemporaneous encampments recovery of abundant small pieces of what appeared to be and palimpsests of small- scale hunter- forager camps whose Mount Jasper rhyolite. Because they are small and useless as time span might range over many generations. Fine-grained a toolstone, their presence ran counter to any normative ex- data recovery and detailed analysis are essential in order to planation of lithic acquisition and use. Within short order parse these distinctions. Finally, some sites may never be it became clear that the rhyolite was native to the locality adequately categorized because of problems of site preser- and represented a diff erent, though superfi cially identical, vation or simply because of limited sampling in the fi eld. material. Analysis of a large fi eld stone that exhibited the Mount Jasper is the premier quarry site in the state. The contact of the rhyolite dike with the local bedrock revealed site had been known and recognized as a toolstone source that the rhyolite in Jeff erson was comagmatic to the Mount for Native American populations since the nineteenth cen- Jasper dike. Thus the Jeff erson rhyolite represented a dif- tury (Haynes 1888), and it seems probable that the lustrous ferent source. The topography of the Israel River Complex and colorful nature of the rhyolite prompted the name of is far gentler than that of Mount Jasper, and the rhyolite the topographic feature. Near the Androscoggin River and sources are covered by glacial till. Specifi c dikes have not close to east- west corridors that link the Connecticut and been identifi ed, although considerable survey eff ort has Androscoggin drainages, it is positioned well for access to been expended to locate them. Areas of extensive and inten- much of the Northeast. Investigations on the summit near sive stone tool manufacture, usually in context with other the mine and at the foot of the mountain clearly demon- functionally specifi c activity areas, have been identifi ed on strated the extractive nature of the site and the multiple several areas within the complex, similar to workshop areas associated lithic workshops (Gramly 1984; Gramly and Cox found at Mount Jasper. In addition, all of the sites within 1976) and eventually led to the listing of the site on the the Israel River Complex are Paleoindian, with no evidence National Register of Historic Places (Boisvert 1992). Paleo- for later occupations. Lithic workshops have been identi- indian components have not been documented at the site, fi ed at the Jeff erson II, Jeff erson III, and Jeff erson V sites although a few endscrapers and gravers attributed to the along with substantial blocks of glacial till with adhering site have been on display at the community public library. rhyolite, or large cobbles composed completely of rhyolite. Prehistoric extraction and twelve millennia of occupa- These three sites include lithic extraction among their de- tion and use of the site could have thoroughly disturbed monstrable functions even though specifi c quarry pits or any Paleoindian components. As mentioned above, con- exploited boulders have not been identifi ed. Thus the sites fi rmation of the site as Paleoindian is based on recovery of in Jeff erson represent the inverse of the situation at Mount abundant diagnostic tools made from this material at sites Jasper, where we know precisely where the raw material is across the Far Northeast. It is not possible to address ques- found but we have no in situ Paleoindian artifacts. tions of how intensely the site was used, whether or not Rhyolites were not the only raw material available to it also served as a long-term, multifunction encampment, Paleoindians in New Hampshire. A massive exposure of or if it hosted groups from multiple bands whose annual a black, cryptocrystalline, silica- rich rock is found on the rounds intersected at the site. Consequently, it is a key site north slope of the Ossipee Mountains in Tamworth. This for understanding Paleoindian movement throughout the material is widely distributed in New Hampshire and is 82 Richard A. Boisvert generally known as Ossipee hornfels, although a recent geochemical analysis indicates that it should be more ac- curately identifi ed as an andesite (Gauthier and Burke 2011). Debitage and crude bifaces of this material have been found at the Thorne site, approximately 15 km southeast of the source. A highly weathered biface fragment and a small amount of debitage have also been found at the Pot- ter site, some 60 km north of the source. Therefore there is evidence that the source had been used since Paleoindian times. More important is the small Paleoindian Stone’s Throw site (Ives and Leveillee 2005). The Stone’s Throw site is small and identifi ed as Paleo- indian on the basis of a channel fl ake and biface fragment made of Mount Jasper rhyolite. Incorporated within the as- semblage is an abundance of Ossipee hornfels / andesite sug- gestive of a Paleoindian usage of that source, which is adja- 4.2. Colebrook site and terrain overlooking the Connecticut cent to the site. Radiocarbon dates from the site, however, River, Colebrook. are uncomfortably late—8870 ± 40 and 8840 ± 80 C yr BP (Ives and Leveillee 2005:23–24)—and may refl ect a subse- quent Early Archaic occupation. The Stone’s Throw site of- molds, indicates the presence of a small encampment where fers a tantalizing association of Paleoindian raw material use hunters were fi nishing the manufacture of projectile points, and movement, but it remains diffi cult to integrate into the presumably in anticipation of a hunt in their near future. broader spectrum of known Paleoindian sites in the state. The Jeff erson I site sustained only limited testing, and Small camps created by hunters and foragers should be interpretations are therefore based on scant data, but it recognizably diff erent from lithic workshop sites not only too appears to be a small- scale occupation where a pair of by their reduced physical size and small artifact inventory fl uted point bases (one of which is clearly of the Michaud / but on the basis of a restricted tool inventory, higher ratio Neponset variety) are accompanied by a pair of scrapers, of tools to debitage, and debitage that refl ects later- stage four channel fl akes, eight marginally retouched fl akes, and rather than earlier- stage chipped stone tool manufacture. just over 300 pieces of debitage. The site is relatively com- There are several examples of transient camps among the pact and, without any forest cover, would have had a com- New Hampshire site assemblage. It is tempting to consider manding view over the Israel River valley, well suiting it as all of them to be short- term hunting camps, but the perni- a hunter’s camp and lookout. cious eff ects of diff erential preservation result in preserva- The Jeff erson IV site, located 0.8 km away, has a simi- tion of projectile points and the lithic debris from their lar profi le. Here the inventory consists of a complete Bull repair and replacement whereas direct evidence of foraging Brook / West Athens Hill point, a basal section of a Corm- is typically not preserved. ier / Nicholas point, and three unifaces accompanied by just The Colebrook site (fi gure 4.2) stands as a short- term over 200 fl akes. The site is small in size and located on the domestic site with a knapping station. A narrow range of landscape at an unmistakable vantage point overlooking tool production activity occurred in a small space of ap- the Israel River valley. In addition, cross- over immunoelec- proximately 25 m, as evidenced by a near total lack of tool trophoresis (CIEP) analysis indicated the presence of cer- fragments, a modest amount of debitage (3,200 fl akes), vid protein on a Munsungun chert fl ake (Puseman 2000). the tip of a point broken in the process of fl uting, and The fl ake is interpreted as resulting from rejuvenation of a some 73 channel fl ake fragments (Boisvert 2008). This as- butchering tool, consistent with activity at a hunting camp semblage, in context with small hearths and post or stake (Boisvert and Puseman 2002). The Paleoindian Period in New Hampshire 83

The Thorne site in Effi ngham may also qualify as a hunting camp, having the similar profi le of small size and restricted breadth of tool forms: a nonfl uted point base, a biface, three biface fragments, a hammerstone, and nearly 250 fl akes. The point base conforms well to the Agate Basin–related points found at Cliche- Rancourt (Chapde- laine 2007:88) in Quebec as well as to various isolated fi nds in Maine and Massachusetts (Bradley et al. 2008:154). Last, what appears to be another small transient camp, known as the Tenant Swamp site (Goodby 2009, 2010), was found in late 2009 on a CRM survey in Keene. Small-size hunting camps should be common among northeastern Paleoindian sites, and these seem to meet ex- pectations. Smaller sites are more diffi cult to discover, and sites with less dense artifact distributions even more dif-

fi cult to recognize. Consequently, even this modest inven- 4.3. Whipple site and terrain near the Ashuelot River, Swanzey. tory of four sites among the sixteen would appear to meet our expectations, at least within the context of such a small sample size. high slope overlooking a remnant kettle pond and a sharp Base camps are a well-known, though often poorly de- bend in the Ashuelot River (fi gure 4.3). Curran’s research fi ned, category. For the purpose of this discussion, base identifi ed at least two intensely occupied areas of the site, camps are essentially sites where various family bands and recent CRM investigations by John Milner Associ- would have aggregated and occupied the landscape for a ates identifi ed another associated locus (Duranleau et al., substantial length of time, at least well beyond the sup- n.d.). The Whipple site is viewed as a key site for the New posed few nights of a transient hunting- foraging encamp- Hampshire Paleoindian period. Not only did it present a ment, and where a wide variety of functions were executed. large and varied material culture assemblage, it yielded ra- Among the New Hampshire Paleoindian sites these activi- diocarbon dates and identifi able faunal remains. Even with ties might include not only subsistence activities but also the passage of over three decades, no other site has been as tool manufacture (lithic and nonlithic), hide processing, productive in such a broad manner. Curran (1987) inter- and other processing of animal remains taken on the hunt, preted the site through the lens of optimal foraging theory, such as bone and antler. Less tangible but certainly congru- a long-established perspective that attempts to explain how ent with larger groupings of family bands would be social foraging populations most effi ciently and eff ectively exploit intercourse, exchange (of both goods and information), and their environments. She used this theoretical perspective ceremonial activities. The best examples of a base camp in to estimate the size and location of Paleoindian sites in the the Northeast would be the Bull Brook site (Jordan 1960; Northeast and argued that her model was generally useful Robinson et al. 2009) in northeastern Massachusetts and in explaining the location and nature of her comparative set the Vail site (Gramly 1982) in western Maine. Ostensibly of sites (Vail, Debert, Bull Brook, Templeton, and Wapa- it would seem that identifying base camps would be com- nucket 8). Although optimal foraging theory has had fi rm paratively easy, but there is the challenge of distinguishing critics (Martin 1983; Pierce and Ollason 1987), it is still gen- between sequentially reoccupied sites with concentrated erally accepted within the broader perspective of behavioral and overlapping activity areas and large sites with multiple ecology (Bird and O’Connell 2006) and continues to be an simultaneous occupations. attractive approach for the understanding of Paleoindian The Whipple site in southwestern New Hampshire is hunter- gatherer culture in this region. a good example of a Paleoindian base camp. It rests on a The other strong candidate for a Paleoindian base camp 84 Richard A. Boisvert is the Potter site at the other end of the state from Whipple. sites that contain from one to at least six concentrations of It is located in thick secondary growth forest and has been artifacts each. Strong evidence for base camps is present at defi ned by rigorous placement of nearly 800 shovel test pits the Jeff erson II and Jeff erson III sites. Recent research at the on a 4 m grid over the site area (fi gure 4.4). The site has Jeff erson II site by Yvonne Benney Basque (2010) identi- produced eight defi ned subareas, three of which appear to fi ed artifact distribution patterns within a 42 m excavated be corollaries to the “hotspots” at Bull Brook and Whipple, block. Here she observed a distinct separation of tool types, and others may yet prove to be equivalent. The Potter site with scrapers and edge-modifi ed fl akes present in proxim- has some signifi cant similarities to Whipple. Most readily ity to hearthlike features distinct from a biface production apparent is its position overlooking a remnant of a glacial area with a concentration of biface fragments, basal frag- pond (fi gure 4.5). The broad topography of the site setting ments of fl uted points, and channel fl akes. A smaller 9 m reveals that stagnant glacial ice trapped behind a moraine block was excavated 50 m from this block, and its contents created a large kettle pond that would have covered well include a full range of tool types, replicating the inven- over 10 acres (4 ha). This water body eventually breached the tory of the larger block excavation. Excavations at the Jef- impounding moraine and drained through a comparatively ferson II site were prompted by a concern that it would narrow gorge and entered the Moose River just to the south. be the location of residential construction, but purchase of Contemporary beaver have dammed the fl ow through the the site by the Archaeological Conservancy (Crisell 1998) ancient kettle pond, fl ooding the remnant wetlands. This relieved this concern and fi eld excavations were suspended. constellation of topographic features is extremely similar Consequently, we have a persuasive, though incomplete, to the setting of the Whipple site, and both sites appear to body of data that indicates that the Jeff erson II site was a be focused on the nearby drained kettle ponds / wetlands. base camp. The site also incorporates a prominent lookout The Israel River Complex contains fi ve defi ned sites with a commanding view of the whole Israel River valley, (fi gure 4.6) and one recently discovered site of unknown which likely served as an additional feature for the site. size and function. It is arguable that the complex is either Diagnostic fl uted point base fragments include Vail / De- one large dispersed site or a series of at least six smaller bert and Kings Road / Whipple points in the larger block

4.5. Potter site and terrain, Randolph, with ponds and Moose River 4.4. Potter site shovel test pits, Randolph. fl owing east toward the Androscoggin River. The Paleoindian Period in New Hampshire 85

4.6. Israel River Complex sites and terrain overlooking the Israel 4.7. Thornton’s Ferry and Hume sites and terrain adjacent to a River fl owing toward the Connecticut River, Jeff erson. drained kettle pond, now wetland, Merrimack.

and Michaud / Neponset points in the smaller block at this situated on a well- appointed vantage point approximately site (Boisvert 2001; Bradley et al. 2008). It appears, then, a kilometer away. The wetland association is reinforced at that this site experienced a comparatively lengthy span of Jeff erson III by the recovery of a water lily seed from a small occupation. pit feature (Boisvert 2002). The Jeff erson III site was investigated over four seasons This trend toward association with wetlands is followed from 1996 through 1999, but the large expanse of the site, by each of the other proposed base camp sites, with Pot- in excess of 100,000 m with at least six loci, makes it dif- ter adjacent to a large drained kettle pond and a similar fi cult to categorize. Kings Road / Whipple and Michaud / setting for the Whipple site. In addition, three other sites Neponset point styles are represented at this site, and they in the “unknown” site type category are in close proxim- appear to not be present at the same loci. One of the con- ity to wetlands: the Thornton’s Ferry site with its Bull centrations appears to have been an area where triangular Brook / West Athens Hill style point, and the adjacent Late endscrapers were used intensively (Hill 1999) in close prox- Paleoindian Hume site (fi gure 4.7). Both are adjacent to a imity to the manufacture of Kings Road / Whipple points drained kettle pond, now wetland, in Merrimack. The area (which were initially identifi ed as Gainey style points [Bois- of documented Paleoindian occupation on both sites was vert 1999b]). Confi dence in the designation as a base camp limited to only a few square meters. The situation is similar is less secure for the Jeff erson III site because of the limited at the Thorne site in Effi ngham (fi gure 4.8), where a single extent of excavations (two blocks of 12 m and 16 m), but Agate Basin–related point and a small sample of debitage the comparatively wide range of tools and density of deb- and nondescript bifaces were recovered on a broad glacial itage support a base camp interpretation of the site. outwash plain adjacent to a perennially watered wetland. The Israel River Complex overlooks the former Glacial There is an evident association of Paleoindian sites with Lake Israel (Lougee 1930; Thompson 1999, 2000), which wetlands, especially former kettle ponds, in New Hamp- formed and drained prior to the arrival of the residents of shire. This had been predicted and observed over thirty the Israel River Complex sites (Dorion 2000, 2002). Jeff er- years ago. For Curran (1987:310), one of the key aspects of son II was approximately 200 m from the former lake shore, Whipple in terms of settlement patterning was its proxim- and the earlier Paleoindian component of Jeff erson III was ity to water. She speculated that given the environmental 86 Richard A. Boisvert

association between Paleoindian sites and the margins of wetlands and water bodies is a product of actual subsis- tence and settlement preference or a refl ection of site for- mation variables. As additional data have accumulated with an evident increase in sites located in these settings, the attraction to a causative association has become stronger. But the body of data is still small, and until a suffi ciently reliable sample of sites can be obtained explanatory models for site distribution will remain speculative. However, in the absence of any competing explanations, it does appear that there is a strong relationship between late Pleistocene wetlands (which may have survived until the present day) and Paleoindian sites. A consideration of Paleoindian upland sites does pro- vide an additional perspective on site distribution patterns. Of all the sites, only the Israel River Complex sites, the 4.8. Thorne site and terrain and wetland south of Ossipee Lake, Effi ngham. Potter site, and the Mount Jasper lithic source are situated on till soils. With the exception of the Potter site, these sites are directly associated with lithic resources. Even though conditions, assumed to be a mosaic of small patches, there Mount Jasper overlooks the confl uence of the Dead and would have been an advantage to placing settlements with Androscoggin rivers, it was occupied expressly for its lithic larger populations close to intense and highly varied sources economic potential, and the proximity to these rivers is of nutritional and other resources. Association with stand- coincidental. The Jeff erson sites possess examples of un- ing water and wetlands had been a recognized theme in the modifi ed rhyolite either as large blocks (up to 65 kg), such interpretation of Paleoindian settlement in the Northeast. as at the Jeff erson V site, or as boulders from bedrock that Curran and Dincauze (1977) set the tone on the discussion exhibit rhyolite dike contacts, such as at the Jeff erson II site. for the Northeast. Their emphasis was on using the pres- Information from landowners whose property lies between ence of human occupations to help resolve the chronology these two sites records the presence of similar boulders with of Glacial Lake Hitchcock and in so doing established a rhyolite in stone walls bordering their agricultural fi elds. framework for Paleoindian research in the region. Nicholas This supports the interpretation that the selection of these (1980) reiterated this proposition and advocated systematic locations by Paleoindians was guided, at least in part, by survey of former glacial lakes, with an emphasis on edge access to these lithic resources. The Potter site stands some- features such as strandlines and terraces. In fact, after assess- what in contrast to this pattern, being located on a well- ing the immediate environment of the middle Connecticut drained till soil and not on or near a known lithic source. valley Curran and Dincauze (1977:346) concluded that “the Other factors, potentially the proximity to the former kettle valley’s attractiveness to human groups would have been pond / wetland and placement in a comparatively narrow greatest after the lake had drained.” This point has been segment of an important east-west corridor, may explain recently underscored with the discovery on the bed of Gla- its presence there. cial Lake Ashuelot of a small transient camp in Keene on What emerges from this review of Paleoindian site set- the margin of Tenant Swamp (Goodby 2009). This site is tings in New Hampshire is interplay between sites posi- 8 km north of the Whipple site, and research (ongoing at tioned so as to exploit resources on or very near wetlands the time of this writing) is exploring potential relationships unless they are drawn to a critical resource whose location is between them. completely independent of hydrology, such as lithic sources. It remains to be demonstrated whether the apparent Interestingly, the larger and more intensely occupied the The Paleoindian Period in New Hampshire 87 site (Whipple, Potter), the clearer the association with wet- but not with any precision within that range. In contrast, lands, and in particular with kettle ponds. Additional sites the Colebrook site does have a pair of radiocarbon assays that have not been intensively investigated may also share that do appear to date the site rather precisely. Bunker this distinction, such as the Thornton’s Ferry site. Again, it et al. (1997:21) reported a conventional radiocarbon date of needs to be emphasized that these observations are based 10,290 ± 170 C yr BP (12,080 ± 350 cal BP) from a on a small sample size, barely one site per century during feature. A debitage concentration with channel fl akes less the Paleoindian period, with uneven levels of archaeological than two meters from the hearth, and at the same depth, investigation and with major gaps in geographic distribu- also contained datable charcoal that produced a second tion within the state. Consequently, these are observations radiocarbon date (Kitchel and Boisvert 2011) of 10,220 ± on the distribution of sites on the landscape, which should 40 C yr BP (11,940 ± 110 cal BP). This date in concert in no way be construed as a settlement pattern. with an analysis of diagnostic channel fl akes from the site (Boisvert 2008) identifi es this single component locus as af- fi liated with the (Middle Paleoindian) Michaud / Neponset CHRONOLOGY AND POINT STYLES point style characterized with long fl uted scars exceeding Although the location of Paleoindian sites on the landscape half the length of the points. Equivalent dates of 10,200 ± is diffi cult to resolve, the chronology is far more problem- 620 C yr BP, with an extended counting to reduce the atic. Radiocarbon dates have been reported on six Paleo- standard error from the Michaud site (Spiess and Wilson indian components in New Hampshire. Three of these sites 1987:84); 10,210 ± 60 C yr BP from the Neponset site returned dates that are too young to be consistent with the (11,920 ± 110 cal BP) (Ritchie 1994:105); and site 6LF21 in accepted dating of Paleoindian sites. As referenced above, Templeton, Connecticut, with dates of 10,190 ± 300 C the Stone’s Throw site produced a pair of dates at approxi- yr BP (11,900 ± 490 cal BP) (Moeller 1980:31) and 10,215 ± mately 10,000 cal BP, which would be approximately 1,000 90 C yr BP (11,920 ± 190 cal BP) (McWeeney 1994:157) years too late to be reasonably associated with fl uted points. lend confi dence to this identifi cation. The deepest compo- If the identifi cation of the channel fl ake from that site is nent at the Weirs site produced a small lithic assemblage set aside, the dates would be viewed as acceptable as Late including a large sidescraper and a collaterally fl aked biface Paleoindian. Even younger ages were obtained from the Jef- fragment in association with a date of 9615 ± 225 C yr ferson II and III sites. Dates of 8590 ± 60 C yr BP (9580 cal BP (10,940 ± 300 cal BP) (Bolian 1980:124). The date was BP) and 8090 ± 90 C yr BP (8900 cal BP) were obtained eventually interpreted as Late Paleoindian rather than Early from the A Block at Jeff erson II (Boisvert 2000:6–7) and Archaic, largely because the hornfels- and chert- rich assem- interpreted as the result of mixing of young charcoal into blage was so distinct from the overlying quartz- dominated older cultural deposits by natural disturbance. Similarly, a and biface- poor Early Archaic component (Maymon and date of 7930 C yr BP (8800 cal BP) from a small feature Bolian 1992:118). Thus, just over a third of the excavated at the Jeff erson III site was interpreted as being clearly too sites in New Hampshire have been radiocarbon- dated, and young. of these only two, or at the most three, may be considered The Whipple site (Curran 1994:30, Table 1) has pro- to be confi dently dated. This is a much lamented situation duced a large number of dated samples (fourteen), but the not only for New Hampshire but the Far Northeast as a range in ages is extremely wide, stretching from 7400 to whole. 11,600 C yr BP, which would represent a range in calendar Since the chronology of Paleoindian in New Hampshire years from approximately 8,250 to 13,800 years ago. Even is only tenuously tethered by radiocarbon dates, it relies excluding the oldest and youngest dates, the confi dence heavily on comparative stylistics of diagnostic artifacts, intervals for the dates are ±500–700 years. Consequently, principally projectile points. Bradley et al. (2008) have the average dates reported by Curran of 10,250–10,360 C assembled a synthesis of modal forms of fl uted and lan- yr BP (12,000–12,250 cal BP) must be viewed with reserva- ceolate nonfl uted points with a proposed sequential chro- tion. The radiocarbon dates do support a Paleoindian age, nology with modal forms that could be coeval (table 4.2). 88 Richard A. Boisvert

Table .. Fluted Point Temporal Sequence for the Far These two southern sites should not be construed as in- Northeast ferring a southern New Hampshire emphasis, for another such point has been reported much farther north, from Period Temporal Span Diagnostic Points Mexico, Maine (Bradley et al. 2008:128). Early ~12,900–12,400 cal BP Kings Road / Whipple The Vail / Debert points are also considered to be Early Paleoindian (~11,000–10,400 C yr BP) Vail / Debert Paleoindian by virtue of association with the eponymous Bull Brook / West sites where an abundance of early dates have been reported Athens Hill (Bradley et al. 2008:135). Again, the radiocarbon dates are Middle ~12,200–11,600 cal BP Michaud / Neponset Paleoindian (~10,300–10,100 C yr BP) Crowfi eld-related somewhat equivocal at the Vail site, with wide ranges and Cormier / Nicholas substantial sigmas, and the interpretation of the Debert Late ~11,600–10,800 cal BP Agate Basin–related site dates is complex (see Rosenmeier et al., this volume), Paleoindian (~10,100–9500 C yr BP) Ste. Anne / Varney but the conclusion remains that these sites are best placed within the earlier portion of the Paleoindian period in the After Bradley et al. (2008). Northeast. In New Hampshire these points are documented on the Jeff erson II and III sites (fi gure 4.9B–D) in the Israel Eight varieties of points are represented and, with caution, River Complex as well as an isolated fi nd in the town of these variants may stand as cultural markers or proxies for New Boston (Boisvert 1994). The unusual deeply incur- subperiods or for cultural phases of distinct cultural tra- vate bases and comparatively restricted distribution have jectories (time series) within the Paleoindian chronology led some researchers to conclude that the makers of these of the Northeast. They cannot be assumed to be fully ex- points were a distinct social group (Bradley et al. 2008:135). tended over the whole region or temporally coterminous. Jeff erson III points were found along with a comparatively Geographic sampling is far too limited and the dating of high concentration of triangular endscrapers, replicating a the points too vulnerable to problems of association or con- pattern at the Vail site and suggesting the possibility of a tamination. Still, this chronology is the best available and is broader pattern. applied here to the New Hampshire assemblages. Bull Brook / West Athens Hill points have a compara- The earliest points are assumed to be the Kings Road / tively broad distribution within the Northeast and are found Whipple points. They most closely resemble Gainey style across the length of New Hampshire. Curran (1994:42) il- points from the Upper Great Lakes region and are present lustrates such a point from the Thornton’s Ferry site and at the Whipple site, where the only concentration of early fi nds it comparable to specimens from both the Bull Brook radiocarbon dates has been reported within the state. As and Whipple sites. Sargent and Ledoux (1973) reported a discussed above, confi dence in these dates must be reserved, rare intact specimen from the outlet of Ossipee Lake in east- yet their quantity does speak to a reasonable probability of central New Hampshire. Farther north, another rare ex- an early component there. No other later styles have been ample of a complete point (fi gure 4.9E) was found at the reported from the site, but a reanalysis of the assemblage Jeff erson IV site (Boisvert and Puseman 2002). Excava- in light of new data acquired since Curran’s 1994 summary tions at the Potter site in 2009 have produced two frag- would be welcome. Recent investigations at the Whipple mentary bases (fi gure 4.9F) and what appears to be a late- site in relation to improvements of a power transmission stage preform that was abandoned just prior to removal of line have brought to light another Whipple style point that the channel fl ake. These were found within an area barely appears to be made from Munsungun chert (fi gure 4.9A). larger than a square meter and within a tool concentra- If indeed this appraisal is accurate, it would indicate that tion of more than thirty specimens, including endscrapers, the Munsungun source was accessed extremely early in the sidescrapers, and retouched fl akes. Signifi cantly, the two Paleoindian occupation of the Northeast. The only other point bases and preform were all made from Mount Jas- Kings Road / Whipple point reported is the isolated fi nd per rhyolite, indicating that the lithic source was also used from Massabesic Lake in the southern part of the state. at this early date. In addition, a basal section of a point The Paleoindian Period in New Hampshire 89

4.9. Paleoindian points from New Hampshire sites: A, Kings Road / Whipple point base, Whipple site; B, Vail / Debert point base, Jeff er- son III site; C, Vail / Debert point base, Jeff erson II site; D, Vail / Debert point base, Jeff erson II site; E, Bull Brook / West Athens Hill point, Jeff erson IV site; F, Bull Brook / West Athens Hill point base, Potter site; G, Michaud / Neponset point base, Jeff erson II site; H, Agate Basin–related point base, Thorne site; I, Michaud / Neponset point base, Jeff erson III site; J, Michaud / Neponset point base, Jeff erson I site; K, Michaud / Neponset point, Intervale site.

broken in the fl uting process that retained a prominent terms of lithic manufacturing technology and broader as- projecting was found elsewhere on the pects of morphology. site. This specimen is virtually identical to a pair of point The (Middle) Paleoindian Michaud / Neponset form is bases recovered from the Bull Brook site (Bradley et al. the most commonly represented point form in New Hamp- 2008:139, Figure 12A–B). It should be noted, however, that shire. The best example (fi gure 4.9K) is the remarkable two essentially identical unfi nished specimens have been Intervale point (Boisvert 1998a). Its provenience is poorly documented at Cliche- Rancourt, raising the possibility that known and attributed by the fi nder only to Intervale, a vil- this manufacturing technique likely was utilized on both lage on the periphery of North Conway. It was recovered forms. Still, the Potter site, previously thought to have been in 1888 and donated to the Smithsonian Institution a few used solely by makers of Michaud / Neponset points, shows years later. It exhibits the diagnostic characteristics of an ex- strong evidence of an earlier occupation. There appears to tremely long fl ute length, sequential overlapping fl utes, and be a continuity of habitation over time, refl ected in dis- well-ground recurved sides terminating in a fl ared base with crete occupational loci that have both defi nable diff erences a moderately incurvate base, rendering distinctive “ears.” in form and raw material and similarities to other sites in Point bases of this type (fi gure 4.9G–J) were recovered 90 Richard A. Boisvert from the Jeff erson I, II, and III sites as well as from the Pot- of Clovis points, but so far there is no evidence in terms of ter site. In addition, manufacture of Michaud / Neponset either cultural assemblages or well-dated sites. The defi ni- points has been documented at the Colebrook site based tive criteria for Clovis points and, more important, for the on analysis of diagnostic channel fl ake debitage and fur- broader Clovis material culture (Bradley et al. 2010; Collins ther confi rmed by a pair of radiocarbon dates, as discussed 1999) make it clear that there are no documented Clovis as- above. Interestingly, this point style is not reported south semblages in the Far Northeast. Prismatic blades and, more of the White Mountains in New Hampshire, although it is important, blade cores and debitage from their manufac- well represented at the Neponset site itself, and with abun- ture and maintenance are lacking in New England. Clo- dant point and channel fl ake fragments made from north- vis style performs with intentional outrépassé, or overshot ern New Hampshire spherulitic rhyolites from Jeff erson fl aking, are absent. The nearest Clovis candidates would be and Mount Jasper sources. the Shawnee Minisink and Paleo-Crossing sites in Pennsyl- The (later Middle) Paleoindian Cormier / Nicholas vania and Ohio, respectively (Bradley et al. 2008:124), and points have a light footprint in New Hampshire. Only though not exceptionally far away they are by no means the Jeff erson IV site, with a single point base, can be con- within our region. This is not to say that there have not fi dently attributed to this type. This site also has a Bull been applications of the term here. Unfortunately, Clovis is Brook / West Athens Hills component but fewer than 225 a term that has been casually applied in the Northeast and lithic artifacts. The sparse sample includes only three other often inappropriately (including by me: Boisvert 2004). tools (unifaces) and, as suggested above, appears to be a However, a careful reading of the data fails to identify any lightly used transient camp. Given its broad vista over the sites with Clovis assemblages. valley, it may have functioned only as a hunter’s lookout on This absence cannot be attributed to the presence of a few occasions widely spaced in time. glacial ice blocking the landscape. All of New Hampshire The Late Paleoindian nonfl uted point tradition fi nds was ice free at least as early as 11,500 C yr BP (13,400 cal a limited expression in New Hampshire. The clearest ex- BP) (Ridge 2003), or more than 1,500 years before the Cole- ample is the Thorne site in Effi ngham (Boisvert 2005), brook site was inhabited and the ice began its retreat from where a single Agate Basin–like base (fi gure 4.9H) was re- the southern part of the state 3,000 years before. Clovis covered close to the margin of a substantial wetland. This predates or may only barely overlap the earliest defi ned specimen was found in context with hornfels / andesite bi- variety of points, the Kings Road / Whipple style. Recent faces and debitage. The Ste. Anne / Varney variety of point estimates of the parameters for the age of Clovis have nar- has an ephemeral presence in the state. Debitage analysis at rowed the range to approximately 11,050–10,800 C yr BP, the Hume site (Boisvert and Bennett 2004) identifi ed man- which would calibrate to 13,250–12,800 cal BP (Waters and ufacture of points of this style in context with large chert Staff ord 2007:123). Even accepting a broader range, as ad- sidescrapers also considered to be Paleoindian (Curran vanced by Haynes (2002), there was suffi cient opportunity 1994:43). Bolian recovered a parallel- sided, parallel- fl aked for Clovis people to inhabit the Northeast. biface fragment made of black chert (see Boisvert and Ben- Assuming that this absence of Clovis is not the result nett 2004:Figure 7) from the lowest levels of the Weirs site, of some exceptional sampling error (it is diffi cult to accept which he concluded was a Late Paleoindian site. that the eff orts of dozens of archaeologists and hundreds of artifact collectors would have produced no Clovis points, blades, or blade cores had they been present), the answer DISCUSSION AND must be an absence of that cultural expression. Whether CONCLUDING REMARKS that refl ects cultural change over time before arrival of Reviewing the Paleoindian chronology in New Hampshire, Paleoindians in the Northeast or the evolving epistemology a few issues stand out. First and foremost is the lack of Clo- of the archaeologists that redefi nes that cultural expression vis, not only in the state but in the Far Northeast. Hypo- may be debated. Still, prior to the onset of the Younger thetically, the region could have been inhabited by makers Dryas, which coincides with the earliest documented sites, The Paleoindian Period in New Hampshire 91 the environment was relatively hospitable, at least by con- ductive settings seem well placed. The discovery of the Ten- temporary standards. The question therefore remains, why ant Swamp site made during the preparation of this volume are there no Clovis sites or sites that fall within the Clovis serves as pointed example. time period in the Far Northeast? Another, less ponderous problem is the relationship ACKNOWLEDGMENTS among the suite of Early Paleoindian sites. Based on projec- tile point similarities, Curran (1987:304) suggested contem- I thank Claude Chapdelaine for the inspiration of this poraneity and potential affi liation in the same subsistence chapter and the entire volume and his support throughout system (Grimes et al. 1984) for the Bull Brook and Whipple the process. Comments by the two anonymous reviewers sites. Brian Robinson et al. (2009) in a recent review of the were extremely generous and helpful. I particularly wish Bull Brook site also see the two sites as being closely related. to acknowledge and thank Mark Greenly for his excellent However, Bradley et al. (2008:126–131) see a distinction in cartographic skills and patience through the many revisions the morphological variation between the points at the two of the site maps. Most important, I acknowledge and thank sites. Recently obtained dates from bone at Bull Brook of all of my archaeological colleagues, especially the corps of 10,380 ± 60 and 10,410 ± 60 C yr BP (Robinson et al. SCRAP volunteers who have contributed so much over the 2009:425) would indicate that the site is younger than pre- decades, bringing to light this rich and fascinating archaeo- viously estimated. Typologically, the points from Whipple logical record. The shortcomings and faults of this chapter, appear to be distinct from the Bull Brook specimens, but a however, are entirely my own and unshared. comprehensive presentation of the projectile point assem- blage from Bull Brook is not yet available. Until it is, the correlation of the two sites should be suspended and con- REFERENCES sideration of a more complex interpretation of these two Benney Basque, Yvonne. 2010. Jeff erson II: A Paleoindian Pro- sites must be held open. cessing Site in the White Mountains of New Hampshire. Perhaps the most important factor to emerge from this Master’s thesis, Binghamton University, Binghampton, review of New Hampshire Paleoindian sites is the com- New York. Billings, Marland P., and Katherine Fowler- Billings. 1975. Geol- parative importance of late Pleistocene wetlands and wa- ogy of the Gorham Quadrangle. Bulletin 6. New Hampshire ter bodies. Even granting the small sample size of sixteen Department of Resources and Economic Development, excavated sites and eight isolated fi nds, the association is Concord. strong. Setting aside the Mount Jasper lithic source, nearly Bird, Douglas W., and James F. O’Connell. 2006. Behavioral Ecology and Archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Research all of the sites are found with these associations. Whipple, 14:143–188. Potter, Hume, and Thornton’s Ferry overlook kettle ponds; Boisvert, Richard A. 1992. The Mount Jasper Lithic Source, Ber- Thorne and Tenant Swamp are adjacent to deep, well- lin, New Hampshire: National Register of Historic Places watered, year- round wetlands; Colebrook and the Weirs Nomination and Commentary. Archaeology of Eastern North America 20:151–166. were eff ectively on riverbanks, as were the fi nd spots for ———. 1994. Piscataquog Fluted Point. New Hampshire Archeo- the Ossipee, Smyth, and Neville associated fl uted points. logical Society Newsletter 10(2): 6–7. The Israel River sites have upland settings, yet they clearly ———. 1997. Excavations at the Jeff erson II Site (27-C0–29). face down the valley slope toward what was a large and New Hampshire Archeological Society Newsletter 13(2): 7–8. ———. 1998a. The Israel River Complex: A Paleoindian Mani- attractive wetland. The maximum distance from any one festation in Jeff erson, New Hampshire. Archaeology of East- of these sites to the wetlands was barely over a kilometer. ern North America 26:97–106. Only the Corrigan Pit, where the Lowe biface is reported ———. 1998b. Intervale Fluted Point. New Hampshire Archeologi- to have been found, seems to lack a nearby watercourse; it cal Society Newsletter 14:5–8. ———. 1999a. Paleoindian Occupation of the White Mountains, sits on the drainage divide between the Israel and Moose New Hampshire. Géographie physique et Quaternaire 53(1): rivers. The assertions of Curran, Dincauze, and Nicholas 159–174. from more than thirty years ago that these should be pro- ———. 1999b. Gainey Phase Fluted Point Manufacturing Tech- 92 Richard A. Boisvert

niques at the Jeff erson II and III Sites, Jeff erson NH. Paper England’s Paleo Indians. Robert S. Peabody Museum, An- presented at the 64th Annual Meeting of the Society for dover, Massachusetts. American Archaeology, Chicago. Bradley, James W., Arthur E. Spiess, Richard A. Boisvert, and ———. 2000 Radiocarbon Dates from the Jeff erson II (27-CO- Jeff Boudreau. 2008. What’s the Point? Modal Forms and 29) and Jeff erson III (27- CO- 30) Sites, Jeff erson, NH. New Attributes of Paleoindian Bifaces in the New England- Hampshire Archeological Society Newsletter 16(1): 6–9. Maritimes Region. Archaeology of Eastern North America ———. 2001. Paleoindian of Northern New England in an En- 36:119–172. vironmental Context: The Israel River Complex, Jeff erson, Bunker, Victoria, Edna Feighner, and Jane Potter. 1997. Techni- NH. Paper presented at the 66th Annual Meeting of the cal Report Archeological Resources Phase I- B Preliminary Society for American Archaeology, New Orleans. Archeological Assessment and Phase II Intensive Survey, ———. 2002. Decline of the Ice Age and Arrival of Paleoindians Portland Natural Gas Transmission System Northern in the Northern White Mountains, Part 3: The People of New Hampshire Revision Route M.P. 0.0–68.6, FERC the Land. Windswept (Mount Washington Observatory Docket No. CP 96–249–003. Unpublished report on fi le Bulletin) 43(1):40–49. at the New Hampshire Division of Historical Resources, ———. 2004. Clovis Era Archaeology in Northern New Hamp- Concord. shire: The Israel River Complex. In New Perspectives on Bunker, Victoria, and Jane Potter. 1999. Early Occupation in the First Americans Studies, ed. Bradley T. Lepper and Robson Far Upper Connecticut River Valley. New Hampshire Ar- Bonnichsen, 49–54. Texas A&M Press, College Station. cheologist 39:70–81. ———. 2005. The Thorne Site, 27-CA- 26: A Late Paleoindian Burke, Adrian L. 2006. Paleoindian Ranges in Northeastern Site in East-Central New Hampshire. New Hampshire Ar- North America Based on Lithic Raw Materials Sourcing. cheologist 43 / 44(1): 19–43. In Notions de territoire et de mobilité: exemples de l’Europe et ———. 2008. Dating Debitage—Assessing Type, Michaud / des premières nations en Amérique du Nord avant le contact Neponset Style Channel Flakes at the Colebrook Paleo- européen, ed. Céline Bressy, Ariane Burke, Pierre Chalard, indian Site. New Hampshire Archeologist 47:57–65. and Hélène Martin, 77–89. Études et Recherches Ar- Boisvert, Richard A., and Gail N. Bennett. 2004. Debitage Analy- chéologiques de l’Université de Liège, Belgium. sis of 27-HB- 1, a Late Paleoindian / Archaic Stratifi ed Site Chapdelaine, Claude. 2007. Cliche- Rancourt, un site du Paléoin- in Southern New Hampshire. Archaeology of Eastern North dien. In Entre lacs et montagnes au Méganticois 12 000 ans America 32:89–98. d’histoire amérindienne, ed. Claude Chapdelaine, 47–120. Boisvert, Richard A., and Stephen G. Pollock. 2009. The Archae- Paléo-Québec 32. Recherches amérindiennes au Québec, ology and Geology of the Mount Jasper Lithic Source. New Montreal. Hampshire Archeologist 49:37–48. Collins, Michael B. 1999. Clovis Blade Technology. University of Boisvert, Richard A., and Kathryn Puseman. 2002. The Jeff erson Texas Press, Austin. IV Site (27- CO- 45), Jeff erson, New Hampshire. Current Crisell, Rob. 1998. Clovis Comes to New Hampshire. American Research in the Pleistocene 18:8–10. Archaeology 2(3): 30–31. Boisvert, Richard A., and Marilyn Shoberg. 2007. Use- Wear Curran, Mary Lou. 1984. Whipple Site and Paleoindian Tool As- Analysis of a Suite of Paleoindian Tools from the Potter semblage Variation: A Comparison of Intrasite Structur- Site (27- CO- 60), Randolph, NH. 72nd Annual Meeting ing. Archaeology of Eastern North America 12:5–40. of the Society for American Archaeology, April 27, 2007, ———. 1987. Spatial Organization of Paleoindian Populations in Austin, Texas. the Late Pleistocene of the Northeast. Ph.D. diss., Univer- Bolian, Charles E. 1977. Weirs Beach: A Preliminary Report of the sity of Massachusetts, Amherst. 1976 Excavations. New Hampshire Archeologist 19:47–53. ———. 1994. New Hampshire Paleo- Indian Research and the ———. 1980. The Early and Middle Archaic of the Lakes Region, Whipple Site. New Hampshire Archeologist 33 / 34:29–52. New Hampshire. In Early and Middle Archaic Cultures in Curran, Mary Lou, and Dena F. Dincauze. 1977. Paleoindians and the Northeast, ed. David R. Starbuck and Charles E. Bo- Paleo- Lakes: New Data from the Connecticut Drainage. In lian, 115–134. Occasional Publications in Northeastern Amerinds and their Paleoenvironments in Northeastern North Anthropology 7. Franklin Pierce College, Rindge, New America, ed. W. Newman and B. Salwen, 333–348. New Hampshire. York Academy of Sciences 288. New York. Bouras, Edward F., and Paul M. Bock. 1997. A Recent Paleoindian Dorion, Christopher C. 2000. Decline of the Ice Age and Arrival Discovery: The First People in the White Mountain Region of Paleoindians in the Northern White Mountains, Part 2: of New Hampshire. New Hampshire Archeologist 37:48–58. The Tundra- Steppe Landscape. Windswept (Mount Wash- Bradley, Bruce A., Michael B. Collins, and Andrew Hemmings. ington Observatory Bulletin) 41(2): 43–48. 2010. Clovis Technology. International Monographs in Pre- ———. 2002. New Results from Lake Sediment Cores. Wind- history Archaeological Series 17. Ann Arbor, Michigan. swept (Mount Washington Observatory Bulletin) 43(1): Bradley, James W. 1998. Origins and Ancestors: Investigating New 53–57. The Paleoindian Period in New Hampshire 93

Duranleau, Deena, Martin Dudek, Dawn Lassman, and Michael “Fluted Point” Manifestations in Eastern North America. Roberts. n.d. Recent Investigations in the Ashuelot Drain- Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, Cambridge. age: New Data from the Whipple Site. Manuscript, John Kitchel, Nathaniel R., and Richard A. Boisvert. 2011. A New Ra- Milner Associates, Croton- on- Hudson, New York. diocarbon Date from the Colebrook Paleoindian Site. New Evans, A. Garrett. 1996. Fluted Points from the Central Mer- Hampshire Archeological Society Newsletter 27(1): 3. rimack River Valley. Paper presented at the 36th North- Lougee, Richard J. 1930. The Origin and Occurrence of Glacial eastern Anthropological Association Meetings, Plymouth, Washed Deposits in the White Mountains Region. Un- New Hampshire. published manuscript based on fi eldwork for the New Gauthier, Gilles, and Adrian L. Burke. 2011. The Eff ects of Surface Hampshire Highway Department. 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Phase II Determination of Eligibility Study, Site toric Preservation Commission, Augusta. 27CH187, Proposed Keene Middle School Site, Maple Av- McWeeney, Lucinda J. 1994. Archaeological Settlement Patterns enue, Keene, New Hampshire. Monadnock Archaeologi- and Vegetation Dynamics in Southern New England in the cal Consulting, LLC. Unpublished technical report on fi le Late Quaternary. Ph.D. diss., Yale University, New Haven. at the New Hampshire Division of Historical Resources, Moeller, Roger W. 1980. 6LF21: A Paleo- Indian Site in Western Concord. Connecticut. American Indian Archaeological Institute, Gramly, Richard Michael. 1982. The Vail Site: A Palaeo- Indian Washington, Connecticut. Encampment in Maine. Bulletin of the Buff alo Society of Nicholas, George Peter, II. 1980. Late Pleistocene- Early Holocene Natural Sciences 30. Buff alo, New York. Occupations of New Hampshire Glacial Lakes: Paleo- ———. 1984. Mount Jasper: A Direct- Access Lithic Source Area indian Settlement, Subsistence, and Environment. New in the White Mountains of New Hampshire. In Prehistoric Hampshire Archeologist 21:55–65. Quarries and Lithic Production, ed. J. E. Ericson and B. A. Pierce, G. J., and J. G. Ollason. 1987. Eight Reasons Why Opti- Purdy, 11–27. Cambridge University, Cambridge. mal Foraging Theory Is a Complete Waste of Time. Oikos Gramly, Richard Michael, and Steven L. Cox. 1976. A Prehistoric 49(1): 111–117. Quarry- Workshop at Mt. Jasper, Berlin, New Hampshire. Pollock, Stephen G., Nathan D. Hamilton, and Richard A. Bois- Man in the Northeast 11:71–74. vert. 1996. The Mount Jasper Lithic Source, Berlin, New Grimes, John R, William Eldridge, Beth G. Grimes, Antonio Vac- Hampshire. In Guidebook to Field Trips in Northern caro, Frank Vaccaro, Joseph Vaccaro, Nicolas Vaccaro, and New Hampshire and Adjacent Regions of Maine and Ver- Antonio Orsini. 1984. Bull Brook II. Archaeology of Eastern mont, 245–253. New England Intercollegiate Geological North America 12:159–183. Conference, 88th Annual Meeting. Harvard University, Haynes, Gary. 2002. The Early Settlement of North America: The Cambridge. Clovis Era. Cambridge University Press, New York. ———. 2007. Archaeological Geology of Two Flow- Banded Haynes, H. W. 1888. Localities of Quarries Worked by Indians for Spherulitic Rhyolites In New England, USA: Their His- Their Stone Implements. Proceedings of the Boston Society of tory, Exploitation and Criteria for Recognition. Journal of Natural History 23:333–336. Archaeological Science 35:688–703. Hill, Daniel E. 1999. A Comparison of Gainey Phase Paleoindian ———. 2008. Prehistoric Utilization of Spherulitic and Flow Site Endscrapers from the New England Maritimes and Banded Rhyolites from Northern New Hampshire. Ar- South- Central Ontario. Senior thesis, University of New chaeology of Eastern North America 36:91–118. Hampshire, Durham. On fi le at the New Hampshire Divi- Puseman, Kathryn. 2000. Protein Residue of Artifacts from Site sion of Historical Resources, Concord. 27C045, New Hampshire. Paleo Research Labs Technical Ives, Timothy H., and Alan Leveillee. 2005. Busy in the Shadow Report 00–97. Unpublished technical report prepared for of the Ossipee Mountains: Archaic Hornfels Workshops the New Hampshire Division of Historical Resources. and a Paleoindian Site in Tamworth, NH. New Hampshire Ridge, John C. 2003. The Last Deglaciation of the Northeastern Archeologist 45(1): 1–29. United States: A Combined Varve, Paleomagnetic, and Jordan, Douglas F. 1960. The Bull Brook Site in Relation to Calibrated C Chronology. In Geoarchaeology of Land- 94 Richard A. Boisvert

scapes in the Glaciated Northeast, ed. David L. Cremeens Spiess, Arthur E., Mary Lou Curran, and John R. Grimes. 1985. and John P. Hart, 15–48. New York State Museum Bulletin Caribou (Rangifer tarandus L.) Bones from New England 497. Albany, New York. Paleoindian Sites. North American Archaeologist 6:145–159. Ritchie, Duncan. 1994. New Neponset Valley Relief Sewer Sys- Spiess, Arthur E., and Deborah Wilson. 1987. Michaud: A Paleo- tem Data Recovery Program for Locus D of the Neponset / indian Site in the New England- Maritimes Region. Oc- Wamsutta Site (19-NF- 70), Canton, Massachusetts. PAL casional Publications in Maine Archaeology 6. Maine Inc. Report 498. Pawtucket, Rhode Island. Archaeological Society and Maine Historic Preservation Robinson, Brian S., Jennifer C. Ort, William A. Eldridge, Commission, Augusta. Adrian L. Burke, and Bertrand G. Pelletier. 2009. Paleo- Thompson, Woodrow. B. 1999. History of Research on Glacia- indian Aggregation and Social Context at Bull Brook. tion in the White Mountains, New Hampshire (U.S.A.). American Antiquity 74(3): 423–447. Géographie physique et Quaternaire 53(1): 7–24. Rockwell, Heather R. 2010. Use-Wear Analysis from the Potter ———. 2000. Decline of the Ice Age and Arrival of Paleoindians Site: A Paleoindian Site in New Hampshire. Master’s the- in the Northern White Mountains, Part 1: Vanishing Gla- sis, Tulsa University, Tulsa, Oklahoma. cial Lakes. Windswept (Mount Washington Observatory Sargent, Howard R. 1982. A New Look at an Old Lake. Monad- Bulletin) 41(1): 32–39. nock Perspectives 3(3): 2–4 (reprinted in New Hampshire Waters, M. R., and T. W. Staff ord. 2007. Redefi ning the Age of Archeologist 43 / 44 [2004]: 8–18). Clovis: Implications for the Peopling of the Americas. Sci- ———. 1990. NH29–1, Georges Mills. New Hampshire Archeo- ence 315:1122–1126. logical Society Newsletter 6(1): 5. Sargent, Howard R., and Francoise G. Ledoux. 1973. Two Fluted Points from New England. Man in the Northeast 5:67–68. chapter v

Geographic Clusters of Fluted Point Sites in the Far Northeast

Arthur Spiess, Ellen Cowie, and Robert Bartone

here have been many advances in Paleoindian re- cultural and environmental change in the Far Northeast at search in the past ten years. The geographic bound- the Younger Dryas / Holocene transition. Tary of fl uted point sites in the New England– Recent Paleoindian site discoveries have been made in Maritimes region (Spiess and Wilson 1987:129) has been New Hampshire (Boisvert 1998, 1999), Vermont (Robin- expanded into Quebec (Chapdelaine 2007). Bull Brook has son and Crock 2006, 2007), Massachusetts (Binzen 2005), revealed much greater spatial complexity in a large Paleo- Connecticut (Jones 1997), Nova Scotia (Davis 1991, 2005), indian site (Robinson et al. 2009), and the Late Paleoindian and now Quebec. Archaeological survey in Maine, mostly Reagan site has been fi t into the chronological and envi- mandated CRM or government- funded archaeological ronmental picture of the Far Northeast (Robinson 2009). survey, has resulted in the addition of many Paleoindian Much work has been done in geological and chemical de- sites to the Maine archaeological survey records (Spiess scriptions of the lithic material used by Paleoindians, no- and Newby 2002; Spiess and Trautman 2003) in the past tably by Adrian Burke (2008) and Stephen Pollock (Pol- thirty years. Between 1980 and 1998, fi fty-one sites with lock et al. 1999; Pollock et al. 2007, 2008). A sequence of fl uted point or general Paleoindian age components were fl uted point and later Paleoindian point styles (Spiess et al. found, along with twenty- two sites with Late Paleoindian 1998:235–236) has been refi ned with attribute seriation components. Between 1999 and 2009, another twenty sites and loosely attached to a radiocarbon chronology (Brad- with Paleoindian components and six sites with Late Paleo- ley et al. 2008). Calibrated date equivalents based on the indian components have been discovered. Some of these radiocarbon chronology have allowed correlation of the sites are published (Spiess and Newby 2002; Spiess et al. Paleoindian cultural sequence with regional environmental 1998:203–206, map and table; Bradley et al. 2008 for refer- changes based on pollen cores (Newby et al. 2005). This ences), but many are known only in fi le reports or Maine correlation highlights cultural continuity with slow envi- Historic Preservation Commission survey records. ronmental change over nearly 1,000 calendar years during Discovery of many Paleoindian sites in the past decades the cold Younger Dryas climate episode, followed by rapid has allowed us to recognize geographic clusters or groups

95 96 Spiess, Cowie, and Bartone

5.1. Geographic clusters of Paleoindian sites in the Far Northeast

of sites (fi gure 5.1) based solely on geographic proximity FAR NORTHEAST (Bradley et al. 2008:119). Paleoindian sites in the region are PALEOINDIAN SEQUENCE generally “single component” and are probably therefore of short- term occupation (Spiess 1984). What then are the Looking closely at the variability in fl uted point and other geographic clusters of Paleoindian sites? Do all of the sites Paleoindian point forms in the Far Northeast, one can in a geographic cluster represent the same short- term reuse construct a seriation and a time sequence. The most re- of an area, with only one point style? The range of style cent iteration of the sequence is by Bradley et al. (2008). variation among sites in geographic clusters is the subject The seriation of point forms runs from larger points, mea- of this chapter. sured primarily by basal width and maximum thickness, If we examine these geographic clusters of sites for the to smaller points. We are encouraged that the seriation forms of fl uted points on them, we can, in an inexact way, is a true sequence of change by the fact that the modest see the range of time that each geographic area was useful to radiocarbon record progresses from oldest to youngest (in the Paleoindians. Looking at the lithic raw materials allows contrast to proclamations of radiocarbon date confusion us to examine the range and variation in Paleoindian move- [e.g., Levine 1990]). In addition, we note a rapid change ment to and from each place. We list some of the probable in point form that coincides with the end of the Younger geographic clusters of sites below and examine two of them Dryas event and rapid environmental change (Newby et al. (Vail cluster and Michaud cluster) in detail. First, however, 2005). The change in point form includes a “degeneration” we review the sequence of Paleoindian point forms and of fl uted point technique and replacement by various non- paleo environmental context. fl uted Late Paleoindian styles. Thus, the sequence of forms Geographic Clusters of Fluted Point Sites 97 and chronology seem to be logical, but they could be falsi- Bull Brook / West Athens Hill style points are less robust fi ed by contrary evidence such as a securely dated site with than earlier points, the sides may be slightly divergent, and a “wrong” fl uted point style. they may have small basal “ears” and moderate depth basal Moreover, we are not certain that the point forms that concavities (Bradley et al. 2008:137–141). Bull Brook has re- have been named within the sequence of fl uted points are cently been radiocarbon- dated to approximately 10,400 BP “styles” with perceptible boundaries to variation, or whether (12,600 or later cal BP) (Robinson 2009:425); thus Bull the archaeological record has by chance shown us well- Brook is not the fi rst site in the region by many hundred spaced variability on an indivisible continuum. Only the ac- years, despite some contrary published opinions (Dincauze cumulation of more sites and points will test this hypothesis. 1993). The Michaud / Neponset form (fi gure 5.2) follows There are no Clovis points in the region (Bradley et al. Bull Brook / West Athens Hill (Bradley et al. 2008:141–146; 2008). Clovis points are generally the earliest fl uted point ca. 12,200–11,900 cal BP). Michaud / Neponset points are type across most of North America (Haynes et al. 2007; medium to long points with slightly divergent sides, long Watters and Staff ord 2007; 13,125–12,925 cal BP). Their ab- channel fl akes, and prominent basal ears. The Crowfi eld sence probably means that the region was not populated form follows (Bradley et al. 2008:146–148) with unknown at the time. The nearest recognizable Clovis points to our chronological overlap. Crowfi eld points are rare in New region may be at the Shawnee Minisink site in Pennsylvania England but easily recognizable. They are large, thin, and (Gingerich 2007; 12,950–12,800 cal BP). have strongly divergent sides. Cormier / Nicholas points are The fl uted point sequence in the Far Northeast be- last in the fl uted point sequence, broadly equivalent to Hol- gins with the Kings Road / Whipple form (Bradley et al. combe points in the Great Lakes (Bradley et al. 2008:148– 2008:126–130, estimated 12,900–12,500 cal BP). These are 152). One radiocarbon date of 10,090 BP (ca. 11,600 cal BP) large, robust points with a moderately deep basal concavity may be applicable. Cormier / Nicholas points are narrow on and single fl utes of moderate length on each face. The Vail / the base, often thin, and with “weak” fl uting. Many of these Debert form follows (Bradley et al. 2008:130–136), also points are characterized by a planoconvex cross section, generally large points but with a deep basal concavity. They with the ventral side preserving a minimally retouched fl ake may overlap Kings Road / Whipple points chronologically. surface from a larger fl ake preform.

5.2. Four points from the Michaud site 98 Spiess, Cowie, and Bartone

There are at least two Late Paleoindian point styles in New England may have supported smaller, locally migra- the Far Northeast, a poorly understood Agate Basin–like tory caribou herds as well as providing winter habitat for group (Bradley et al. 2008:152–156) with points with sides long-distance migratory herds. Faunal remains, mostly cal- divergent from a narrow base, and Ste. Anne / Varney points cined bone fragments, clearly support some sort of caribou- (Bradley et al. 2008:156–161) that are often parallel- fl aked, hunting adaptation by Paleoindians using fl uted points in long, and thin. Ste. Anne / Varney points may date as late the region (Robinson et al. 2009; Spiess et al. 1998:204– as 10,600–10,000 cal BP, and they may represent a separate 211). The caribou- hunting focus must have been seasonal migration into the region (Dumais 2000). in nature, again by analogy with recent environments and There are a set of metric and nonmetric attributes for ethnographic accounts (Spiess 1979), although seasonality each of these point forms, with ranges of variation based on and intensity of focus on caribou may have been variable known samples (Bradley et al. 2008). We refer to these at- across the region. tributes for guidance in matching some points from specifi c The Atlantic shoreline during Paleoindian occupation sites and cite appropriate data later. is now off shore, under up to 65 m of water in the central Gulf of Maine. Maximum regression (land exposure) ap- pears to have coincided with Paleoindian immigration, so PALEOENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT the shoreline during Paleoindian occupation was rapidly The occupation of the Far Northeast by fl uted- point- using transgressive (rising). Robinson (et al. 2009; Pelletier and Paleoindians is closely contemporary with the Younger Robinson 2005) proposed now-underwater exposed land Dryas chronozone. Here we summarize a recent (Newby masses such as Jeff rey’s Ledge as summer caribou refuges. et al. 2005) examination of regional pollen data sets at 1,000 However, localized ecological conditions of the shoreline, calibrated year intervals to characterize regional vegetation and possible Paleoindian adaptation to them such as littoral cover from 14,000 to 10,000 cal BP. Within this time frame, foraging or maritime hunting, are unknown so far. the Younger Dryas lasted from approximately 12,900 to To the west, the region was bounded by a series of pro- 11,600 cal BP. Pollen maps for earlier than 11,600 cal BP glacial lakes in the Champlain and Memphremagog basins show large areas of open sedge “tundra” in northern Maine, (Richard and Occhietti 2005) and the Hudson River cor- New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and the eastern townships ridor and Connecticut River, associated with the retreat of of Quebec, grading to open spruce woodland in southern glacial ice. Recent examination of varve records and accel- Maine and perhaps denser spruce- pine mixed forest in erator radiocarbon dating indicate glacial ice retreat north southern New England. The Younger Dryas is evident as of the Vermont- Quebec border by 13,700–13,400 cal BP a slight shift of spruce pollen southward and expansion of (11,700–11,400 C yr BP [Ridge 2003, 2004]) and forma- open sedge “tundra” in the Maritime provinces compared tion of large glacial Lake Vermont. The fi nal drainage of with the 14,000 cal BP conditions. In other words, the the large proglacial lakes as the ice retreated north of the Younger Dryas represents a “pause” or slight reversal of con- St. Lawrence and fl ooding of the depressed upper St. Law- siderable length in the postglacial vegetation trend. Rapid rence and Champlain basins to become a marine Cham- forest growth after 11,600 cal BP covered Maine with dense plain Sea occurred at roughly 11,100 ± 100 BP C yr BP (ca. mixed forest by 11,000 cal BP, with a surviving remnant 13,200–12,900 cal BP [Richard and Occhietti 2005]). Thus, open spruce- sedge woodland in northern New Brunswick the fi nal drainage of proglacial lakes to the west, inception and Nova Scotia. of the Younger Dryas, and initial Paleoindian settlement of The Younger Dryas vegetation conditions in the Far the New England–Maritimes-Quebec region are roughly Northeast are similar to recent broad patterns of vegeta- concurrent in time. tion cover on the Labrador- Quebec peninsula suitable for Because postglacial rebound occurred during the time the development of one or more long- distance migratory of the Champlain Sea, Champlain Sea shorelines are now herds of caribou (Newby et al. 2005:150–151). The fringe of above water. Loring (1980) postulated Paleoindian occupa- open spruce woodland and denser woodland in southern tion of the Champlain Sea shore as a maritime or littoral Geographic Clusters of Fluted Point Sites 99 adaptation, based on fl uted points associated with fossil sites within a diameter of a few kilometers. Some concen- shorelines. The Reagan site in Vermont (Robinson 2009) trations of Paleoindian sites in the region focus around is clearly associated with a Champlain Sea estuary (Robin- available, high-quality lithic material. Several Paleoindian son 2008). Robinson (2008) has demonstrated sequential sites (e.g., Bonnichsen 1982) in the Munsungun Lake re- Paleoindian use of land exposed by retreat of the Cham- gion of northern Maine are a clear example, associated with plain Sea with postglacial rebound. The extent of Paleo- a variety of Ordovician chert outcrops (Pollock et al. 1999). indian adaptation to marine shorelines is still an open ques- The sites in the Israel River Complex (Boisvert 1998, 1999) tion, but the evidence from Vermont tends to support such in Jeff erson, New Hampshire, are also probably there be- an adaptation. cause of stone quarrying. Part of the attractiveness of the Archaeologists (Fitting 1965; Fitting et al. 1966; Funk Jeff erson area to Paleoindian people in the region is bedrock 1972:30; MacDonald 1968:116–117; Spiess et al. 1998:227) outcrops of a local rhyolite and boulder till fi eld of a closely have for decades recognized the geographic placement of related rhyolite (Pollock et al. 2008). But some geographic regional fl uted point Paleoindian sites as logical in terms clusters of Paleoindian sites are not located near quarries, of caribou hunting camps. As discussed above, the fau- so stone quarrying was not the reason for reuse of an area nal data and paleovegetation reconstructions support this in all cases. interpretation. Given a maritime coastal adaptation by Possible geographic clusters of fl uted point Paleoindian Paleoindians using fl uted points in the region, including habitation sites have been found in the northern, central, the Quebec City area (see Pintal, this volume), the repeti- and southern parts of the region. We return to the Vail and tive settlement patterns of Paleoindian sites as limited- term Michaud clusters of sites, in northwestern Maine and cen- occupations on generally well drained soils (e.g., Maine; tral Maine, respectively, in greater detail after a brief review Spiess et al. 1998) must be an interior (or noncoastal) adap- of other possible or known site clusters in the region. tation. We now focus on an examination of the phenom- The well- known Debert site near Truro, Nova Scotia enon that many of these sites appear in geographic clusters. (MacDonald 1968), has at least fi ve other sites located within a few kilometers, known as Belmont, Belmont II, Hunter Road, and others (Davis 1991, 2005). These sites are DEFINITION AND LIST OF known to contain fl uted points or are strongly suspected GEOGRAPHIC CLUSTERS to be Paleoindian sites on the basis of lithic materials and A remarkable number of Paleoindian sites in the Far North- fl ake tools such as endscrapers. The Belmont I site (sixteen east, and the abutting Great Lakes region to the west, pre- concentrations) is larger than Debert (approximately eleven serve intrasite patterning in the form of “concentrations” of concentrations), and the Belmont II and Hunter Road sites stone tool debris separated by seeming sterile space, which are smaller than Debert. Ongoing archaeological work and we presume means contemporaneity of occupation or re- stewardship of these sites are being lead by the Confederacy occupation at a short enough interval to avoid the garbage of Mainland Mi’kmaq (see Rosenmeier et al., this volume). produced by previous inhabitants (Spiess 1984). View- There are multiple habitation and habitation / workshop ing Paleoindian site maps at the same scale (Spiess et al. sites in the Israel River valley near Jeff erson, New Hamp- 1998:Figure 13; the Bull Brook map notably now revised by shire (Boisvert 1998, 1999; Boisvert and Puseman 2002), as Robinson et al. 2009) raises interesting questions about the mentioned. At least six sites are known, including sites with scale of concentrations visible in plowed fi eld sites such as Vail / Debert point forms (Jeff erson II and III), Michaud / Fisher and Parkhill versus sites that are less disturbed. In Neponset point forms (Jeff erson I and III) (Bradley et al. any case, each multilocus “site” covers a distance between 2008), and probable Bull Brook point forms (Richard Bois- 100 m and 400 m. vert, personal communication, October 2009). Leaving aside the meaning of that scale of variation, in Two sites in Kennebunk and , southwestern Maine, this chapter we explore geographic clusters of Paleoindian are separated by about 7 km and may represent an incom- sites at a slightly larger scale, the presence of several to many pletely known site cluster: the Hedden site (Spiess et al. 100 Spiess, Cowie, and Bartone

1995) and the Spiller Farm site (Spiess and Newby 2002; sites of a geographic cluster are of the same form, then the Spiess et al. 1998:217). The Hedden site is radiocarbon- cluster was created by Paleoindian activity over a period of dated at 10,550 BP, without diagnostic points. The Spiller some time depth (perhaps centuries). Therefore, whatever Farm site contains points with moderately deep basal con- attracted people to the area was a factor that lasted for some cavities that could be either Vail / Debert or Bull Brook / time during the Younger Dryas. Kings Road points forms, as well as a point that is clearly a Michaud / Neponset form point. THE VAIL GEOGRAPHIC CLUSTER The Bull Brook site (Byers 1954) and a nearby, smaller companion, Bull Brook II (Grimes et al. 1984), are located The Vail site geographic cluster is located in a mountain in northeastern Massachusetts. The ring- shaped pattern of valley in northwestern Maine near the Quebec–New thirty- six discrete loci at Bull Brook, with its own inter- Hampshire border (fi gure 5.3). The cluster comprises three nal organization (Robinson et al. 2009), contains as many habitation sites, two nearby “kill” sites, and three smaller or more loci or concentrations as any of the geographic sites that may have been special- purpose or limited- activity clusters of sites that we currently know. Bull Brook, there- areas. The largest of these sites, the habitation sites, are the fore, represents an alternative spatial organization to be Vail site (Gramly 1982), Adkins site (Gramly 1988), and understood on its own terms and in relationship to the Morss site (Gramly 2001). The eight sites are spread over a geographic cluster phenomenon we explore herein. distance of just less than 4 km along the former Magallo- Finally, there may be a cluster of three or more fl uted way River valley, exposed by erosion under the fl uctuating point Paleoindian sites in the Connecticut River valley in Aziscohos Lake impoundment. In addition, there are two western Massachusetts, near Amherst. These include the other Paleoindian habitation sites, the Upper and Lower DEDIC / Sugarloaf site (Gramly 1998), and the Turner’s Wheeler Dam sites (Gramly 2005a, 2005b), located 8 km Falls site (Binzen 2005), and at least one other lesser known farther north up the valley from the Vail / Adkins / Morss site (J. Bradley, personal communication, October 2009). group. We include the two Wheeler Dam sites in the Vail Thus, the phenomenon of geographic clusters of fl uted geographic cluster, making ten sites total. point Paleoindian sites is not limited to one portion of the Survey coverage of the devegetated Aziscohos Lake region. The remainder of this chapter includes an examina- bottom has been extensive during low- water conditions tion of the sites that make up the Vail and Michaud geo- (Gramly 1981, 1982, 1988, 2001, 2005a, 2005b). The many graphic clusters, because these two geographic site clusters square kilometers of soil exposure allow confi dence that all are well known to us. The majority of the sites in the Vail large and medium- size Paleoindian sites in the valley have cluster have been published (Gramly, 1982, 1988), and many been located. Archaeological survey has been completed of the artifacts are on display in the Maine State Museum’s around several other large lake basins within a 20 km ra- “12,000 Years in Maine” exhibit. Thus, information on the dius of Aziscohos Lake without locating more fl uted point Vail cluster is more accessible than that for any other large Paleoindian sites. Thus, we are reasonably certain that the site cluster in the region. The sites in the Michaud clus- Vail geographic cluster is unique within that radius and ter have been investigated primarily by us, and much of substantially completely identifi ed. Gramly (1988:10–11) the information provided herein is being published for the refers to these sites as the “Magalloway Valley Paleoindian fi rst time. Complex,” in the sense of a limited time and geographic One hypothesis would be that all sites in a geographic area cultural unit—specifi cally, “a brief period of New Eng- cluster were used (deposited) in a limited time, perhaps one land culture prehistory, likely a single phase as evidenced or a few seasons of use of the area. To test this hypoth- by the similarity of projectile points from all components.” esis, we use the fi ner fl uted point modal form sequence of In fact, we disagree with the interpretation of the range Bradley et al. (2008). We wish to investigate if all sites in a of variability in the points from these sites, as we describe geographic cluster are from the same time period as indi- below. cated by fl uted point form. If not all the fl uted points in the As mentioned above, there are limited- purpose sites Geographic Clusters of Fluted Point Sites 101

interpreted as kill sites in the Vail geographic cluster (Gramly 1984). Vail Kill Site 1 (site 81.1b) is located about 280 m west-northwest of the Vail site. It is obviously asso- ciated with the Vail habitation site, demonstrated by refi ts of at least a half- dozen fl uted point tips from the kill site with bases recovered from the habitation site. This pair of uniquely related sites provides a geographic scale baseline of Paleoindian camp location from kill site (0.3 km). Kill Site 2 (site 81.13), represented by two fl uted points and no debitage, is 650 m northwest of the Vail site. As mentioned, there are three smaller sites that are nei- ther kill sites (containing fl uted points exclusively) nor larger habitation sites—the Wight, Cox, and Big Brook sites (Gramly 2005b)—but none of the three produced a “diagnostic” fl uted point fragment. The Wight site yielded fi ve large biface and fl ake tools, including a backed sides- craper, ovate biface tip, and pièce esquillée (wedge). The Wight site is only 100 m from Kill Site 2 and about 700 m from the Vail site. Gramly (2005b:75) thinks that the bro- ken large biface tip might match a biface base from the Vail site, and that the Wight site is a processing or butchery locality. The Cox site (Gramly 2005b:68) is a site of two small activity loci yielding a total of 40 artifacts, including an awl, channel fl akes, a biface fragment, and biface reduc- tion fl akes. It is located between the Vail and Adkins sites. The Big Brook site is located on the opposite side of the valley from the Morss site. Six tools from the site—two bi- face preforms, a large sidescraper / cutter combination tool, an ovate biface knife, and two retouched fl ake tools—are made from a range of Munsungun cherts similar to those found at the Morss site (Gramly 2005b:68). The diversity of site types in the geographic cluster may also include a cache (from an unknown location, no site number assigned) similar to western North American Clo- vis caches in the sense of having large fl aked bifaces and little else (fi gure 5.4). A summer resident found two of these large biface knives on the Aziscohos Lake shoreline, many decades ago, presumably together without other artifacts. One of the specimens is extant, the other lost. Fluted points have been recovered from all but the three 5.3. Vail geographic cluster in the fl ooded Magalloway River val- ley (Aziscohos Lake). KS1, KS2 = Kill Site 1, Kill Site 2 smaller sites (Wight, Cox, and Big Brook). The points from the Vail site are deeply indented on the base and very large. The channel fl akes do not extend more than halfway down the point, and basal ears are absent. This distinctive 102 Spiess, Cowie, and Bartone

5.4. Aziscohos large biface made of red Munsungun chert

fl uted point form is also seen at the Debert site (Bradley et al. 2008) and can be diff erentiated from presumably later styles, as discussed above. Points from the Upper and Lower Wheeler Dam sites, 8 km farther up the lake, are both deeply indented, Vail / Debert points (fi gure 5.5). The Adkins site is only about a kilometer from Vail. There are two fl uted point bases from this site. One has a medium- depth basal indentation, and one has slight basal ears. If these points are contemporary with the Vail points, then they are at the edge of variation of the Vail / Debert modal point form. The Adkins point attributes (medium basal depth, slight ears) best match the attributes of the Bull Brook / West Athens Hill form. The Morss site, 2.3 km northeast of the Vail site, has a couple of broken points and one reworked point. The re- worked point base exhibits two moderate ears (fi gure 5.6). This point seems to fall within the Michaud / Neponset 5.5. Lower Wheeler Dam site point. This is a deeply indented, point form. One preform from the Morss site has a fl uting Vail / Debert form fl uted point. scar that travels the length of the point, another attribute characteristic of the Michaud / Neponset form and not the Vail / Debert form. Kill Site 2 has yielded two fl uted points (Gramly 1984) (fi gure 5.7). One has a slight basal ear and channel fl ake Geographic Clusters of Fluted Point Sites 103

5.6. Morss site points 5.7. Vail area Kill Site 2 point

scars that travel the length of the point, attributes of the THE MICHAUD AUBURN AIRPORT Michaud / Neponset point form. The other is a distal half, GEOGRAPHIC CLUSTER but it too exhibits channel fl ake scars that travel nearly the length of the point (Gramly 1984:119). Again, this point is Turning our attention to the Auburn Airport located in probably a Michaud / Neponset point form. Even though central Maine, the Michaud site was discovered there about Kill Site 2 is only 650 m from the Vail site, the point forms twenty- fi ve years ago. A great deal of professional archaeo- match those from the Morss site, 2.1 km away. logical survey in the area, all in advance of development, In summary, both Vail / Debert and Michaud / Neponset located six habitation sites and one isolated artifact fi nd points are defi nitely present on sites in the Vail geographic spot. One other site was found by a collector and surface- cluster. Bull Brook points may be present at one site. The collected in advance of sand and gravel quarry operations three closest habitation sites, Vail, Adkins, and Morss, (fi gure 5.8). This is the fi rst published report of some of exhibit diff erent point forms. The other sites with Vail / these sites. Omitting the single artifact fi nd spot, each of Debert points are the Wheeler Dam sites, 8 km farther up the seven sites is a habitation, camp, or work site with two the valley. Kill Site 2 has Michaud / Neponset type points, or more concentrations of stone tools. The extent of profes- as does the Morss site. If Kill Site 2 and the Morss sites are sional survey in the Auburn Airport vicinity has produced a related, then the distance between them (2.1 km southwest sense of archaeological site distribution similar to the expo- from Morss to Kill Site 2) provides another distance be- sure of sites on the eroded fl oor of Aziscohos Lake, around tween kill and habitation site for temporally related sites. If the Vail site. We know where sites are and where they are Bradley et al. (2008) are correct about the radiocarbon dates not in large areas around the airport. assigned to these point styles, the Magalloway River valley In contrast to the Vail geographic cluster, no kill sites remained an attractive place for Paleoindian groups for cen- (localized, fl uted point concentrations) have been located turies, from perhaps 10,500–10,200 C yr, or as much as in the airport vicinity. However, one of the Michaud geo- 12,600–11,900 cal years, more or less coincident with much graphic cluster sites is a hilltop site with obvious advantages of the Younger Dryas climate event. for observing the surrounding countryside in a minimally 104 Spiess, Cowie, and Bartone

5.8. Michaud, or Auburn Airport, geographic cluster. Light areas have been surveyed by professional archaeologists. The Keogh, Michaud, Taxiway, and Cormier sites have been completed excavated and are now destroyed. LaMon- tagne and Lamoreau site locations are approximate.

wooded environment. Most of the lithic raw materi- Jasper rhyolite. There seems to be much less use of Cham- als found on these sites are easily identifi able to bedrock plain / Hudson valley cherts at the Lamoreau site than at the source, unlike the lithics in the Vail cluster. Therefore, we Michaud site. have the additional opportunity to look at variability of Cowie and Bartone and colleagues (Bartone et al. 2007; broad lithic procurement patterns with the Michaud sites. Brigham et al. 2009; Gammon and Bartone 2007) are re- The Michaud site was completely excavated in advance sponsible for discovering three other sites at the airport and of road construction (Spiess and Wilson 1987). The fl uted in an associated industrial park and recording one found points recovered there are one basis for the Michaud / by a collector in a sand blowout. The LaMontagne site is Neponset point form, with fl aring ears and sometimes long on a geographic landform similar to that at the Lamoreau channel fl akes that extend the length of the point. The raw site near the south bank of Moose Brook. One fl uted point materials include Munsungun chert, Mount Jasper or Israel base has been recovered (fi gure 5.10). The point lacks a basal River rhyolite, and one or more Champlain or Hudson val- ear on the one preserved lateral edge and has straight sides, ley cherts. a moderately deep base, and a moderate to long channel Located across Moose Brook from the Michaud site is fl ake scar. In addition, there are relatively long channel the Lamoreau site (Spiess and Wilson 1987:125–128; two fl ake fragments from the site. The point from the LaMon- subsequent seasons of work unpublished). So far there are tagne site falls within the attribute range of the Bull Brook / no fi nished or broken / discarded fl uted points from this West Athens Hill form. The raw materials from this site are site. There is one broken preform and one miniature point mostly Munsungun cherts, but there is Pennsylvania jasper (fi gure 5.9). Despite the absence of fi nished fl uted point as well. bases, there are many channel fl ake fragments, some of The Taxiway site was found next to the northern airport which refi t into long channel fl akes (made of Israel River runway during testing for construction of a new aircraft rhyolite). There is also a ground tip from a fl uted point taxiway (fi gure 5.11). This site has six or more concentra- preform. Ground tips and long channel fl akes are mark- tions of stone tools, depending on how we count them. The ers for the Michaud / Neponset point form. The lithics are one recognizable fl uted point is a Michaud / Neponset point dominated by Munsungun chert and Israel River / Mount with a large basal ear on the right side and long channel Geographic Clusters of Fluted Point Sites 105

5.9. Lamoreau site artifacts: broken fl uted point preform (upper right) and long channel fl akes (bottom center).

5.11. Taxiway site under excavation, Auburn airport.

fl akes (fi gure 5.12, center). The dominant raw material at the Taxiway site is Mount Jasper / Israel River rhyolite, with Munsungun chert being a close second in frequency. Crys- tal quartz is also common. And there are some odd cherts, including a brick- red material that we have rarely seen in other Paleoindian sites in Maine. 5.10. LaMontagne site artifacts, including fl uted point base Overlooking the airport is a bedrock hill with the fl ash- with one broken ear (upper left). ing airport beacon on top. Here there is a Paleoindian site with two stone tool concentrations (Beacon Hill site). This was probably an overlook and workshop site, with visibility for miles around. A discarded, reworked fl uted point from the Beacon Hill site is clearly a Michaud / Neponset point 106 Spiess, Cowie, and Bartone

(fi gure 5.13). Mount Jasper / Israel River rhyolite is by far the most common raw material, with Munsungun chert being a distant second in frequency. A site was found in a sand blowout about a kilometer west of the airport by a Mr. Keogh, who had the presence of mind to collect all the lithic material on the surface (Keogh site) and report the site during the Taxiway site excavation. The collection includes one broken or reworked Michaud / Neponset point base made of beautiful Munsungun chert (fi gure 5.14), a range of other cherts, and Mount Jasper / Israel River rhyolite. The Cormier site, located on the sandy slope of a hill about a kilometer northwest of the airport, was excavated by Richard Will and colleagues (Moore and Will 1998). The points from the site (fi gure 5.15) are one holotype of the 5.12. Taxiway site point (center), biface fragments (left), and Cormier / Nicholas point form, which is stylistically equiva- channel fl akes (right). lent to the points from the Holcombe site in the Great Lakes. The artifacts at the Cormier site are dominated by Mount Jasper / Israel river rhyolite. Munsungun chert

5.13. Beacon Hill site artifacts. Fluted point just above scale. Geographic Clusters of Fluted Point Sites 107 is the second most common raw material, but less than Auburn Airport, geographic cluster is dominated by Mun- 20 percent in frequency. There are other cherts, including sungun chert and Mount Jasper / Israel River rhyolite. One a couple of pieces of Champlain or Hudson valley chert. or the other of these two materials is more common and There are three larger reworked chert points in the Cormier obviously the most recent lithic resupply, but it varies from assemblage that are larger and thicker than the rest of the site to site. Additionally, there are lesser amounts of Hud- points from the site, with remnant long channel fl akes. All son Valley or Champlain Valley chert and minor other ma- the points are made of Mount Jasper / Israel river rhyolite, terials including crystal quartz, indicating that these people with the exception of these three larger points. We suspect were not just going north to Munsungun and southwest to that they were scavenged from the Michaud and related Jeff erson, New Hampshire. Thus, we see that use of one lo- sites around the airport and used by the later Cormier site cal geographic area was not part of a regular round of visits inhabitants. to these quarry locations. The sequence of visiting the quar- In summary, the lithic material from the Michaud, or ries varied from site to site, a conclusion we reached when examining lithic variation among artifact concentrations within the Michaud site (Spiess and Wilson 1989). Most of the sites around the Auburn Airport have Mi- chaud / Neponset points, except the Cormier site about a kilometer farther up the Moose Brook drainage. It is prob- able that the LaMontagne site point is a Bull Brook / West Athens Hill form. Like the Vail site area, the Auburn Air- port geographic area was attractive for a span of time that overlapped the manufacture of two or three Paleoindian point forms, a chronological span of a couple of centuries to as much as 500 calendar years.

DISCUSSION

We have learned that the Vail and Michaud geographic clus- 5.14. Some of the larger Keogh site artifacts. Obverse and reverse ters of Paleoindian sites were formed by reuse of each area of broken fl uted point at right. over hundreds of years. It is also probable that use of these

5.15. Two Cormier site fl uted points, obverse and reverse. 108 Spiess, Cowie, and Bartone two clusters overlapped in time, during the manufacture ———. 2008. Dating Debitage—Assessing Type: Michaud / of Bull Brook / West Athens Hill and Michaud / Neponset Neponset Style Channel Flakes at the Colebrook Paleo- indian Site. New Hampshire Archeologist 45:57–65. point forms. The use of the Vail cluster apparently began Boisvert, Richard A., and Gail N. Bennett. 2004. Debitage Analy- and ended earlier than at the Michaud geographic clus- sis of 27-HB- 1, a Late Paleoindian / Archaic Stratifi ed Site ter. Use of the Michaud cluster extended into the time of in Southern New Hampshire. Archaeology of Eastern North manufacture of Cormier / Nicholas points at the end of the America 32:89–98. Boisvert, Richard A., and K. Puseman. 2002. The Jeff erson IV Site Younger Dryas. We have also learned that the lithic materi- (27- CO- 45), Jeff erson, New Hampshire. Current Research als brought to the sites in the Michaud cluster are variable in the Pleistocene 18:8–10. from site to site, although two materials dominate (Mun- Bonnichsen, Robson. 1982. Archaeological Research at Munsun- sungun chert from the north and Israel River / Mount Jasper gun Lake: 1981 Preliminary Technical Report of Activities. Report on fi le, Maine Historic Preservation Commission. rhyolite from the southwest). Thus, the multiple sites in the Bradley, James W., Arthur E. Spiess, Richard A. Boisvert, and Vail and Michaud geographic groups do not refl ect simple Jeff Boudreau. 2008. What’s the Point? Modal Forms and repetition of the same behavior over a short period of time. Attributes of Paleoindian Bifaces in the New England- We will have to look more closely at the site location and Maritimes Region. Archaeology of Eastern North America 36:119–172. environmental reconstructions to fi gure out why. Brigham, Michael, Robert N. Bartone, and Ellen R. Cowie. 2009. We suspect that each area remained a useful seasonal Archaeological Phase I Survey and Phase II Testing at the geographic focus for caribou hunting over centuries dur- Newly Identifi ed LaMontagne Site (23.38 Me) within the ing the Younger Dryas. We also suspect that very localized Auburn Industrial Park Project (MHPC 0787–05), Au- burn, Androscoggin County, Maine. Report on fi le, Maine changes in vegetation cover over a time scale of decades Historic Preservation Commission. caused people to shift their camping or working locations Burke, Adrian, Brian S. Robinson, and Gilles Gauthier. 2008. on the scale of hundreds of meters with each geographic Identifying the Sources of the Cherts Used at the Bull area reuse. Whereas the multiple concentrations or activ- Brook Site. Paper presented at the Eastern States Archaeo- logical Federation 75th Annual Meeting, November 8, ity loci in what we call one Paleoindian archaeological site 2008, Lockport, New York. represent very limited or contemporaneous occupation, the Byers, Douglas S. 1954. Bull Brook—A Fluted Point Site in Ips- multiple sites in geographic clusters represent measurably wich, Massachusetts. American Antiquity 19:343–351. longer time scales. Chapdelaine, Claude, ed. 2007. Entre lacs et montagnes au Mégan- ticois: 12 000 ans d’histoire amérindienne. Paléo-Québec 32. Recherches amérindiennes au Québec, Montreal. REFERENCES Davis, Stephen. 1991. Two concentrations of Palaeo- Indian Occu- pation in the Far Northeast. Revista de Arqueología Ameri- Bartone, Robert N., Ellen Cowie, and Jake Grindall. 2007. Certi- cana 3:31–56. fi ed Local Government Project Survey: Auburn- Lewiston ———. 2005. The Belmont Sites: Discovery. Oral presentation Airport. 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