E. Brian Titley. The Indian Commissioners: Agents of the State and Indian Policy in Canada's Prairie West, 1873-1932. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2009. xi + 266 pp. $39.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-88864-489-3.
Reviewed by Liam Haggarty
Published on H-Canada (May, 2010)
Commissioned by Stephanie Bangarth (King's University College, UWO)
Like the sequel to a best-seller, Brian Titley’s colonial land treaties and reserves, legislation reg‐ The Indian Commissioners replicates much of ulating relations between Natives and settlers, the what made its predecessor popular but does not frst legal defnitions of “Indian,” and early at‐ live up to the original. Released twenty-three tempts at assimilation. Each of the subsequent years after A Narrow Vision: Duncan Campbell seven chapters is dedicated to one of the six Indi‐ Scott and the Administration of Indian Afairs in an commissioners with the exception of David Canada (1986), Titley’s latest work is character‐ Laird, who gets two chapters, one for each term in ized by a similarly strong narrative, rich detail, ofce. This approach, which seeks to capture “the thorough research, and, of course, biography. Its confuence of the personal and the political--that conclusions--namely, that bureaucratic incompe‐ elusive space in which individuals and structures tence impeded Indian Afairs’ goal of total assimi‐ intersect and the course of events is shaped,” lation--are also familiar, but the shine of these evokes Donald Creighton’s adage that history ex‐ once innovative insights has faded as new, more ists where character meets circumstance. “The ex‐ sophisticated frameworks have been introduced tent of their [the commissioners’] infuence,” Tit‐ to the feld in intervening decades. The contribu‐ ley argues, “was determined in large measure by tion of Titley’s book is therefore limited largely to political connections, force of personality, and its content. ability to articulate positions and concerns that The Indian Commissioners begins with a resonated with the temper of the times” (p. x). short introduction that surveys important events After a career in journalism and a brief ten‐ in Canadian history prior to and shortly after the ure as commissioner of Indian afairs in Manito‐ creation of the federal Indian Branch (1868). Of ba, J. A. N. Provencher became in 1873 thefrst In‐ particular interest here is the Royal Proclamation dian commissioner. Chapter 2 focuses on his ac‐ of 1763 and its recognition of Aboriginal land title, tions on the Board of Indian Commissioners, his H-Net Reviews antagonistic relationship with the lieutenant gov‐ to implement oppressive policies and laws that ernor of Manitoba and treaty negotiator Alexan‐ limited Natives’ freedom and expanded the resi‐ der Morris, and his minor role in negotiating dential school system. In 1888, Dewdney was pro‐ Treaty 3. Described as lazy and indulgent, his moted to minister of the interior before becoming treatment of Indians was unjust and his adminis‐ the lieutenant governor of British Columbia in tration of government policy and treaties haphaz‐ 1892. His successor, Hayter Reed, shared Dewd‐ ard. In 1876 he became the acting superintendent ney’s stern approach to Indian afairs. Having general of Indian afairs in Manitoba before being served as an Indian agent and assistant Indian formally investigated on charges of incompe‐ commissioner to, and confdante of, Dewdney tence, neglect, fraud, and corruption, which even‐ since the early 1880s, he had already earned the tually led to his dismissal in 1878. Having failed in nickname “Iron Heart” by the time he took ofce politics, he then returned to journalism before in 1888. Although he took a somewhat more mod‐ succumbing to liver failure at age 44. In contrast, erate stance on industrial schools, Reed’s agricul‐ Provencher’s successor, David Laird, was known tural reforms and peasant policy, rooted in a par‐ for his industriousness, work ethic, and loyalty to ticularly pessimistic view of Indian culture, were the crown despite being a “reluctant Westerner.” remarkably strict and destructive. They also are Having served as minister of the interior and su‐ the most enduring legacies he left after being ap‐ perintendent general of Indian afairs before be‐ pointed deputy superintendent in 1893. coming commissioner, Laird was also appointed Upon his departure, Reed’s assistant, A. E. For‐ lieutenant governor for the territories during his get, who also served as secretary to David Laird, frst term in ofce, 1876 to 1879. During this rela‐ ascended to the commissioner’s ofce. In contrast tively short tenure, Laird took an active role in to his predecessor, Forget was French-Canadian the negotiation of treaties 4, 5, 6, and 7 and the and an ardent Catholic who sympathized with implementation of the Indian Act (1876) and Louis Riel and advocated bilingual education. served as liaison between the government and However, he did little to address allegations of American Indian refugees following the Battle of physical and sexual abuse at industrial schools Little Bighorn. Throughout his term in ofce, against church ofcials and actively sought to Laird continually struggled with the “underfund‐ erase all remnants of Native rituals and cere‐ ed, understafed, and unimaginative policy ema‐ monies. Later in his commissionership, he also nating from Ottawa” (p. 60) before temporarily re‐ contributed to the “radical restructuring of the de‐ turning to journalism in 1881. partment’s Western operations” (p. 137) prior to Edgar Dewdney also combined the position of being appointed lieutenant governor of the North‐ Indian commissioner, which he held from 1879 to west Territories in 1898 and then of 1888, with the lieutenant governorship, beginning Saskatchewan in 1905. His departure marked the in 1881. As Dewdney was a central fgure in some return in 1898 of David Laird after an almost of the most dramatic events in the department’s twenty-year absence. Unlike his previous and history, chapter 4 focuses specifcally on his rela‐ comparatively short time in ofce, Laird’s second tions with Indians and his strategic use of rations tenure, lasting almost a decade, was relatively leading up to the Rebellion of 1885. Like those of long and, like the frst, included the negotiation of his peers, Dewdney’s actions, according to Titley, numbered treaties (8 and 10). During this time, were heavy-handed and often cruel, but in him Laird advocated the surrender of reserve lands his superiors found little fault. In fact, Dewdney and relocation of Indians in favor of land specula‐ maintained a close relationship with John A. Mac‐ tors and setters. He also continued Forget’s assault donald and, after the end of hostilities, continued on Native traditions, especially religious cere‐
2 H-Net Reviews monies and marital practices, and downplayed which often trumped agency objectives, were par‐ claims of poor health and abuse at residential ticularly damaging. In retrospect, Titley con‐ schools. In 1909, the position of Indian commis‐ cludes, “A fawed organization implementing a sioner was abolished and Laird returned east to fawed policy could not have expected success” work as an advisor to the federal government. (p. 211). But in the chaos there was also continu‐ When the commissionership was reinstated ity. The extension of Canadian rule over the eleven years later, the position went to William prairie West, Titley observes, was an important Morris Graham, a lifelong department employee part of both national policy and imperial destiny. who had previously worked as and clerk, Indian Indian Afairs, and assimilation in particular, agent, inspector of Indian agencies in southern greatly contributed to the larger project of British Saskatchewan, and solicitor general. During the global dominance as well as the growth of Cana‐ First World War, he had also led the Commission da. The Indian commissioners were agents not for Greater Production, a program he continued only of Canadian nation-building but British im‐ to support after the war by leasing or selling re‐ perialism and global colonialism. serve lands to the government, settlers, and re‐ These conclusions are important to the histo‐ turning soldiers. He is best known, however, for ry of Native-Newcomer relations in Canada and of the creation of the File Hills Colony, a model com‐ the Department of Indian Afairs. The usefulness munity established in southern Saskatchewan to of the approach that frames them, however, is mold Natives into good Christian farmers. Like his more limited. Although Titley believes biography, predecessors, Graham, a close friend of Duncan which allows for an engaging and accessible nar‐ Campbell Scott, continued the assault traditional rative, is making a comeback, other methods con‐ Native practices and rituals but was more critical tinue to make important historiographical contri‐ of the residential school system. Following a scan‐ butions. For example, institution and policy histo‐ dal in the fnal years of his term, he was denied ries, such as Sarah Carter’s Lost Harvests (1990), J. the position of superintendent general upon leav‐ R. Miller’s Shingwauk’s Vision (1996), and Hugh ing Indian Afairs in 1932. That the position of In‐ Shewell’s “Enough to Keep them Alive” (2004), all dian commissioner was then abolished suggests of which adopt a broader view of state policies Aboriginal resistance was successful, at least in and actions without overlooking individual agen‐ part. By the twentieth century Natives, according cy, contain many of the insights ofered by bio‐ to Titley, had caused the department to lose faith graphical analyses and are largely immune to the in its goal of assimilation and its aims became gaps they sometimes create (in this case, 1909-20 “more limited: keeping costs down, minimizing and after 1932). Similarly, alternative frame‐ trouble, and retaining control. They took on a cus‐ works, such as Carter’s study of identity and rep‐ todial rather than a developmental role and pur‐ resentation in Capturing Women (1997), Julie sued policies that lacked more than ever coher‐ Cruickshank’s analysis of knowledge construction ence and consistency” (p. 211). in Do Glaciers Listen? (2005), and Keith Smith’s In tracing these biographies, Titley adds analysis of power relations in Liberalism, Surveil‐ depth to our understanding of Indian Afairs and lance, and Resistance (2009) ofer more fruitful the Canadian state in general. Rather than an avenues of inquiry into the sociocultural contexts anonymous monolith, the department is depicted within which Natives and Newcomers live and in‐ by Titley as a rather precarious, even chaotic, or‐ teract. These frameworks, which also do not pre‐ ganization of men, each pursuing his own person‐ clude the use of biography, focus more explicitly al agenda. Patronage and personal relationships, on the larger structures that contextualize human action and give it meaning. The Indian Commis‐
3 H-Net Reviews sioners and other largely descriptive histories are, therefore, most likely to be used primarily as ref‐ erence books or, if used in undergraduate or grad‐ uate instruction, I would recommend revisiting A Narrow Vision. In this case, the original is still the best.
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Citation: Liam Haggarty. Review of Titley, E. Brian. The Indian Commissioners: Agents of the State and Indian Policy in Canada's Prairie West, 1873-1932. H-Canada, H-Net Reviews. May, 2010.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=30137
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.
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